Selected quad for the lemma: cause_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
cause_n	bishop_n	king_n	rome_n	2,484	5	6.7941	4	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A52748	The case of the Common-wealth of England stated, or, The equity, utility, and necessity of a submission to the present government cleared out of monuments both sacred and civill, against all the scruples and pretences of the opposite parties, viz. royallists, Scots, Presbyterians, Levellers : wherein is discovered severally the vanity of their designes, together with the improbability of their successe and inconveniences which must follow (should either of them take effect) to the extreme prejudice of the nation : two parts : with a discourse of the excellencie of a free-state above a kingly-government / by Marchamont Nedham, Gent.	Nedham, Marchamont, 1620-1678.	1650 (1650)	Wing N377; ESTC R36610	87,941	112

such an Alarm to the Bishops that they to crosse the Designe fell foule upon all of the Opinion here in England and not onely so but pressed the King to establish an Episcopall Vniformity in both Kingdoms even in Scotland as well as England The forcing of this upon the Scots was a Cause of the Commotions in that Kingdom whereupon a war ensued betwixt the King and Them through the instigation of the Bishops which was soon ended to the Advantage of the Scots in Money and Credit and to the dishonor of the King and the Episcopall Party This happy Successe wrought a very reverend opinion of them in the hearts of the well-affected Party in England who stood for the purity of Religion and a liberty of Conscience against Episcopall power and Innovations as also for the Lawes and Liberties of the Nation invaded by the Prerogative And for redresse of these things the King was necessitated to call a Parliament who not obtaining such Reliefe of Grievances as they expected by reason of a Corrupt Councell of Bishops and others about the King which alienated him from his great Councell the Parliament and afterward caused Him to breake out into a warre against Them were constrained likewise to take Armes in defence of our Liberties Hereupon recourse was had to the Scots for their assistance who having the same Enemies at Court and being equally involved in the same common Danger it was supposed they were concerned in Reason to joyn with the Parliament without any Dispute or Scruple But They considering now was the Time to make their Markets if ever and their owne interest as much English as might be came not off so roundly as was hoped but fell to bartering like Hucksters and no Bargaine would be forsooth without a Covenant They would not joyn except They might be in a manner all one with us and this Vnion must be sealed with that solemn League and Covenant What their meaning was therein we shall know by and by by taking a view of their Actions ever since which are the most sure Interpreters Yet even at that time some men had their eyes in their heads and many Objections were made at divers Expressions in the Covenant and many Desires for explanation of some Articles more fully But the Scots standing stiffe upon their owne Terms and no Conjunction like to be obtained without the Covenant and the necessity of the Parliaments Affairs admitting no delay we were glad to take it as it was offered without further question or Demurrer It was no sooner taken here at London but immediately every one began to make his Advantage through the multitude and ambiguity of Expressions and by it to promote his severall Interest as if it had been made to engage unto a particular Party not to unite two Nations in a common Interest But above all the Scots having had the honor of this Invention conceived themselves much injured by any that denyed them the Prerogative of making an Interpretation and in matter of Religion urged their owne Discipline as the only Patern to Reform the Church by and their Plea had been fair enough out of the Covenant could they have proved it to be according to the word of God which Clause was most luckily inserted Notwithstanding all the Reasons to the Contrary the Scotish Module was still pressed The Scot was willing to ride and having as he thought the English-man fast bridled with a Covenant he began to switch and spur The Throne of the Kirke was the Stalking-horse to catch geese and if that could have been setled then there had been no denying Them whatsoever they would ask They would have seated themselves surely in this fat Soile There would have been no removing them out of our Councels whereof the necessity of our Affaires had made them Members and Partakers For had the Kirk-Interest been once confirmed among us then by vertue of that Authority which they use to controll the Civill power the Parliament must have been subservient to all their ends And since it would have concerned the English Clergy to make their Party strong and maintein Correspondencies for their owne preservation to have gratified their Scotish Founders in all their Desires the Scots might easily have translated the Covenant-union to as good as an absolute Nationall union by gaining a Joynt-Interest with us in our Affairs for ever and consequently in all the Profits great Offices Councels and Concernments of this Nation Now whether this were their Designe or not in the Covenant ab origine I shall not determine but let it be judged by their insolent behaviour here among us after they were admitted to our Counsells and therefore in the next place I shall examine their Proceedings which most evidently represent them in their Intentions It sufficed them not after they were come in that they had an equall Power with us in publique Affairs in the Committee of both Kingdoms at Derby-house which was willingly allowed them for a time so far as concerned the Common cause of both Nations in prosecuting the war but driving a Powerfull Party in both Houses They tooke upon them to meddle with matters relating to the future Peace and Settlement of this Nation distinct from their owne and to provide for an equall Interest with us therein The first most notable Evidence of this though there had been many before was discovered at the Vxbridge-Treaty where Propositions of both Houses for Peace being presented to the King it was found the Scots had so far Provided for Themselves by their Party in the Houses That in time to come the ordering of the English Militia the Power of making War and Peace and all other Prerogatives of Government were to be administred by a proportionable number of Scots as well as English A thing so ridiculous and an Encroachment so palpable that the King Himself in one of His Answers took notice of it and said He was not so much an Enemy to the English Nation as to signe those Propositions or somewhat I am sure to this Purpose A second evidence or discovery of their Encroachments was made upon their delivering in divers Papers to the Parliament at severall times wherein they disputed their Claim and ventured their Logick upon the Letter of the Covenant to prove an Interest in disposall of matters meerly relating to our welfare which they re-inforced afterwards with new Recruits of Argument when the King came into their Army But not knowing well how to maintaine their Arguments They were contented for that time to quit Them and their King too upon such Terms as are notorious to all the world who being at length reduced under the Power of the Parliament and Army Propositions of Peace were sent to him at Hampton-Court wherein no such Provision being made for the Scotish Interest as was in those at Vxbridge their Commissioners here protested against them accused the Parliament of Breach of Covenant and complained highly in one of their

Hereditary course of Government was so odious to the Hungarians that when Ferdinand the first King of the Romans laid claim to that Crown as Heir in his Wives Right They chose rather to make a League with the Turk than subject their State to the Inconveniences of an Hereditary Succession Regibus est aliis potiundi jure paterno Certa fides sceptrumque patris novus accipit hares Nos quibus est melior libertas jure vetusto Orba suo quoties vacat inclyta principe Sedes Quodlibet arbitrium statuendi Regis habemus The German Poet Gunther who reduced much of Policy into Poetry in these Verses commends the fashion of his own Country that since they had accepted the Regall or Imperiall Form of Government they were accustomed to trust their own Judgments in making choice of their Emperour rather than receive him blindly from the hand of Chance or Fortune Nor doe I find any that think a Monarchy tolerable otherwise than upon Terms of Election except it be Lipsius and such partiall Pen-men as Himself who were held in pension or relation by Hereditary Tyrants For besides that common Reason disswades men from taking Governers at Adventure without respect of wisdome or vertue so if we take a view of the miserable events of it in all Histories it must needs deterre men from the love of such a Succession And therefore the Argument usually brought in defence of it that it is the only way to prevent the Inconveniences of an Interregnum where the Heire is uncertaine is of no validity since it hath caused ten thousand times more bloody Disputes between Pretenders in point of Title than ever happened in those Inter-regnall Controversies whith have risen betwixt Competitors by way of Election witness the tedious fatall Bickerings which happened in France and other Nations among Princes of the Blood and here in England between the two Houses of Yorke and Lancaster It is observed also out of the antient Roman History that all those Emperors which ruled by right of Inheritance proved most of them no better than savage Beasts and all of Them wicked except Titus but such as were advanced by Election approved Themselves noble and vertuous as you may see in those five that succeeded Nerva to Marcus And no sooner did the Empire return again into a Course of Inheritance but it ran to a losse and at length to the ruine of its glory and greatnesse But to wave this digression touching Hereditary and elective Monarchies I affirm that neither of Them are to be compared with a Free-state nor to be admitted unlesse it be the latter by way of Election and then only in case of extreme necessity as the Roman Common-wealth was wont now and then to create their temporary Dictators into whose single Hands they transmitted the whole Power of ordering Affairs in time of urgent and imminent danger to avoid the Inconvenience of delay which might be occasioned through the variety of Opinions and multiplicity of Counsels Howsoever elective Kings are found fault with because They usually practise such Sleights that in a short time the Government which They received for their own Lives becomes entailed upon their Families It is to be considered also That the Kingly are not much lesse destructive than the Levelling popular Tyrannies to gallant and worthy men Sors ista Tyrannis Convenit invideant claris fortesque trucident Nor is it the worse sort of Kings or Tyrants only that hate brave and deserving Persons but even the most moderate and those that seem to be the best conditioned become jealous and distastfull supposing the Fame and gallantry of their Subjects detracts from their own estimation And therefore They usually consult which way to dishonor or destroy Them by which means men are terrified from the Love of glory and vertue * Demosthenes tells us Philip the Macedonian was so full of vain-glory that he would arrogate the worthy Deeds of his Friends and other men to himself and make them seeme to be his owne And he ever hated those Commanders and Governors which were victorious and successfull more than such as were either carelesse or unfortunate His Son Alexander was of the same humour too For when † Antipater had gained a victory which he intended himself to have had the honor of he could not forbear to utter his Indignation reckoning himself injured by the merits of his Subject and Servant And at another time he caused Parmenio to be put to death for no other cause but because he hated him being suspitious of his extraordinary merits Thus the Emperour Vespasian likewise behaved himself toward the Generall Antonius by whose means Rome was secured from him against Vitellius and the Imperiall Diadem placed on his head which was no sooner done but Vespasian in stead of a Reward casheered him of his Command and all other Imployment whatsoever so that sinking under the Burthen of his owne despaire and the others Ingratitude he lived not long after In like manner Alphonsus Albuquerquius after he had brought most part of the East Indies under the obedience of his Master the King of Portugall was sent for home and outed of his Command died for meer grief and sorrow Nor did Consaluus the great or Ferdinando Cortese fare any better for all their Services * Consaluus after he had driven the French out of the Kingdom of Naples and subdued it to Ferdinand of Arragon was by him at his coming to Naples put out of his Command and carried into Spaine in little better condition than a Prisoner where his heart broke for griefe immediately How miserable then is the condition of the most generous Spirits under Tyrannous Royalty wherein Princes count themselves dis-obliged by the bravest Actions of their Subjects And Tacitus tells of one of the Caesars upon the like occasion That he conceived it prejudiciall to his own honor and Fortune and supposed himselfe insufficient to recompence extraordinary merits For good Turns seem then only acceptable to Princes when they may be easily requited otherwise they return Hatred in stead of Thanks Cominaeus also reports it from Lewis of France his own mouth That he much more loved those whom himselfe had obliged by bounty and courtesie than such as had obliged him by their deserts Yea so dangerous a Thing is Vertue in Prince's Courts that it is as much as a man's life is worth to be commended for it And to this purpose we have a story in Polybius lib. 6. how that one Apelles being Enemy to Aratus a Favorite of King Philip the Macedonian took occasion to extoll him most highly to the King as a Person admired by all for his many rare and incomparable Vertues knowing this was the way to bring him out of the King's Favor which was saith one a new way of revenge and it took effect to the destruction of Aratus For after a while he became so much