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A91248 Jus regum. Or, a vindication of the regall povver: against all spirituall authority exercised under any form of ecclesiasticall government. In a brief discourse occasioned by the observation of some passages in the Archbishop of Canterburies last speech. Published by authority. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652.; Hunton, Philip, 1604?-1682, 1645 (1645) Wing P404; Thomason E284_24; ESTC R200064 30,326 40

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of calling of all Parliaments is either a purpose and desire of releiving the Kings wants and to supply his necessities or to redresse the grievances of the subjects or both for such hath been the prudence of our ancestors in setling the frame of this government not only to deny to their Kings all power of imposing any taxes upon the Subjects with out their own free consents by their representative body assembled in Parliament but did as it were binde the hands of their Kings by their own consents signified by divers Acts of Parliament from so doing for ever For which their Kings were recompensed with a speciall and absolute Prerogative of calling and dissolving of Parliaments at their will and pleasure onely The people being thereby assured that if a desire to right the peoples grievances and for providing of beneficiall Laws were not sufficient motives and inducements to the King for calling of Parliaments yet the confideration of and respect to his own necessities and wants would move him and divers Parliaments having been called during the prosecution of this designe which have been dissolved again by the same Prerogative that called them without any application of redresse either to the grievances of the Subjects or to the Kings wan●s doth manifest that whatsoever the pretence was the chief end and purpose of calling those Parliaments was never neither for redresse of the Subjects grievauces nor for relief of the Kings wants but chiefly to make triall what strength they could make in the Parliament to finish their designe by Authority of Parliament For having advanced their designe so farre at Court by their prevalencie with His Majestie that they had obtained the possession of the greatest places and places of greatest trust both about His Majestie and in the Kingdom they were thereby of that credit and reputation that none were preferred to places of trust nor to dignities nor honors without their approbation if not recommendation Which did so secure them that they needed not fear the disappointment of their designe by any opposition at Court and so farre as the Kings power and Prerogative could further it But the Kings Prerogative being not absolute the Laws of this Kingdom and the Constitution of this Government having neither conferred an absolute power nor Prerogative upon the Kings thereof they could never finish their designe whatsoever it was by the Kings Prerogative alone without an additionall confirmation by the Subjects consents assembled in Parliament whereof they were likewise assured if by the reputation and strength of their Faction they could procure such a certain number to be returned Members of the lower House as they might be confident of would suffer their Votes to be directed by them by which means they might hope to carry any thing in that House which should be proposed by His Majestie or in His Majesties name of whose deliberations and determinations they were the chief disposers As for the House of Peers there was no doubt at that time of a prevalent party to concurre with them by reason of the Bishops Votes and Court Lords and others who were obliged to them by many favours they being the chief disposers of all favours which did either depend upon or proceed from His Majesties gift For all which causes and considerations there was no danger to call a Parliament whensoever they pleased For if the Parliament did not answer their expectation it was in the same mens power to perswade the King to dissolve it who had the credit to perswade His Ma. to call it His Majesty suspecting no ends in them but what was pretended for His Majesties service But the succes of those Parliaments declared that the credit of the Faction was not so great in the countrey as at Court for which my L. of Cant. doth here tax them with misgovernment professing his dislike against them onely which must be conceived was because they were not yet moulded nor brought to that frame to condescend to every thing that he and others should project as was the late Synod And the great number of Patentees and Monopolists chosen this Parliament and others who have deserted the Parliament and have sitten since in an Anti-parliament at Oxford doth sufficiently demonstrate upon whom they depended and for whose Interests their Votes have been devoted from the beginning whether for the generall benefit of King and Kingdom or onely to serve the particular ends of such who either in all probability did recommend them or otherwayes from whom they did expect preferment or some other reward But from hence may be collected that the designe for altering Religion and the frame of the Government being two different things that they were not alike intended by the Designers but that the designe for altering of Religion was principally intended by them and that the other designe of introducing an Arbitrary government to the King was but the bait to deceive the King thereby to insinuate the better with him and to ingage His Majestie to them and was chiefly made use of as subservient and conducing to the other designe of Religion that was the onely designe with them which is made manifest by the progresse of both designes For as all motions which by their slownesse or distance seem insensible to the beholder so as at first view it cannot be discerned whither they tend yet are easily perceived by their progresse so the dark and disguised ends of this designe which could not endure the light of open profession is clearly discernable by the progresse which it hath made For albeit that an Arbitrary power in the King hath been made use of in many things to the great prejudice of the Subject tending to the manifest destruction of the Subjects Liberties and Priviledges of Parliament yet when a true account shall be taken what great benefit hath returned to the Regall Authority by all that hath been done the totall sum will be found at the end of the Church-mens bill but none at all at the Kings where on the contrary manifest detriment and losse will appear and that the Kings Prerogative hath been stretched upon the tenters beyond its true by as to set up and settle an absolute or Independent Prerogative in the Church to Church-men which is inconsistent with the Prerogative of the Crown for whensoever the Prerogative of Church-men is advanced to such a height as that it groweth either absolute or Independent the Prerogative of the Crown is either subjected or undermined and the King parts with a reall Authority depending upon his own reason and judgement chiefly to be directed by the will and judgement of another unlesse the smart of his Sword doth terrifie more nor the apprehension of theirs which is all the remedie that will be left him whensoever the chief Governor or Governors of the Church and he do differ And the remedy which the late Cannons applyed for the securing of all men against any suspicion of revolt to Popery hath manifested
abused by the Popes and Bishops of Rome as Vsurpers onely over the rest of the Clergy or too great a power and consequently dangerous in the hands of any one man is not onely lawfull but necessary as being Inherent in the function and essentiall for the preservation of union and unity to be preserved in some other forme which they agree upon and like better then the incontrollable Supremacie of one man then this doth necessarily follow that albeit they free themselves from all the errours and abuses which were introduced by the Supreamicie of one man yet so long as they acknowledge that the same power and Authority is resident in others they can never free themselves of all errours and abuses which are introducible by Authority but that the property and condition of things in themselves indifferent will be changed from being indifferent and converted into the nature and necessity of absolute duties which ever begets bondage and subjection and sense of bondage doth ever beget desire of liberty which can never be obtained so long as the opinion of a necessity of Authority in some forme or other is retained and experience hath now taught us what could not be foreseene by reason alone without some additionall helpe from divine illumination that in the Church of England which did not onely shake off the Supreamicie of the Pope but had purged her selfe of all those errours which had either crept in or were introduced by the power of that Supreamicie by retaining of Bishops and giving them a part onely of that spirituall Authority which formerly was acknowledged to Popes and though quallifying that part by restraining it from all legislative power or a power to inact any thing but allowing it a Power of Iudicature the effectuall operation and proper working of that part of spirituall Authority hath now fully manifested it selfe to tend to propogate superstition and errour rather then the sincerity and truth of Religion and as the naturall motions of different bodies differing in quality and substance tend to different centers the naturall motion of Episcopacy hath now discovered it selfe to indeavour continually to unite it selfe to such a head to which it is capable to aspire rather then to be in subjection under such a head to which it hath no capacity to aspyre and that received principle of State that Episcopacy is a support to Monarchy is now likewise discovered to be fraudulent and deceitefull for it is true that it is a support to a spirituall Monarchy or Monarchy in the Church as being the basis and foundation thereof but doth undermine and destroy Monarchy in the State especially in that State which doth trust unto it as to a supporter and the reason is cleere for all supporters which have no solid foundation doe ruinate those buildings which are erected upon them being of greater weight and substance then the foundation can beare and the foundation of Episcopacy being layed in the engrossing of spirituall Authority or Ecclesiasticall censures Spirituall Authority it selfe hath no other existence nor being but what it hath in the Imagination and beleefe which is too slippery a ground to support a solid substance such as temporall Monarchy is but may be sufficient to support an aery and imaginary bulk such as spirituall Monarchy is which Episcopacy not only supports but continually tends towards as to its proper center and my Lord of Cant. when he obtained the Kings good will to confirme by his Letters Patents the late Canons did put a direct cheate upon his Majesty for thereby the Kings Supreamicy in causes Ecclesiasticall was cut off and from thence forth his Supreamicy over Ecclesiasticall persons should have been rather titular then reall If the consent of Parliament could as easily have been obtained as his Majesties own But to conclud this part of my Lord of Cant. Speech he might safely protest upon his conscience that his Majesty was a sound Protestant according to the Religion by law established yet did it not thereupon follow that he himself was guiltles from the sentence of the law because his actions being all warranted by his Majesties consent they could not be divided from the Kings which is the cheife thing implied by this particular His second particular is concerning th●… great and populous City to which he is very kind and prayeth God to blesse it but all his prayers for those who he conceiveth had done him injury have a sting in them and this prayer ends reproaching those he prayes for as if some had subordned witnesses against his life by gathering of hands which he affirmeth to be a way that might endanger many an innocent man and may plucks innocent blood upon their own heads and perhaps upon this City also which before he prayed God to blesse and now again to forbid this Judgement but his prayers are mixed with threates and all tending to justify himself to his Auditours whereof he is never unmindefull upon all occasions and having here occasion to mention the Parliament he bestowes glorious and honourable Titles and epithrates upon it as if that were sufficient to testify his respects thereof but he doth contradict his owne testimony by his Inferences and Applications for by Inference he applyeth the gathering of hands which he affirmeth to have been practised against himself to the stirring up of the people against Saint Stephen and to Herods lying in waite for Saint Peters death by observing how the people tooke the death of Saint James By which Instance he must meane that great honourable and wise Court of the Kingdome the Parliament those be the titles he bestowes upon them for it was they that gave sentence against him as Herod did against Saint James and would have done agaynst Saint Peter which no Christian thinkes was either honourably or wisely done of him and therefore what opininion he had of that great honourable and wise Court for sentencing of him may be collected and that his esteeme of them was not so honourable as his expressions but whatsoever his esteeme of them was they were his Judges so will he never be theirs which he here apprehended when he did put the City in mind of the Justice of God and how fearfull a thing it was to fall into the Hands of the living God because God remembers and forgets not the complaynts of the poore a lesson which he never remembred when he himselfe did sit upon the Tribunall but is of speciall comfort unto him upon the Scaffold for his blood was innocent blood and not onely innocent blood in his owne esteeme but he had a speciall Commission from God to tell them so as Jeremiah had in the 26. Chap. of Jeremiah ver. 15. the words were not expressed by him but directions given to the place the words be these But know ye for certaine that if ye put me to death you shall surely bring innocent blood upon your selves and upon this City and upon the Inhabitants thereof for of a