speakes of a sorcerer he cals him Vadois And that which is more he takes vpon him to proue that they are so To which temeritie it shall be necessarie to answer in his due place where they shall be cleared from all those impostures which their enemies haue layed vpon them out of those bookes from which we haue gathered that which followeth First they impose vpon them This imposture is found in the booke of Albertus de Capitaneis of the originall of the Vado◠pa. 2. In the booke of Ramertus de forma hoereticandi hoereticos fol. 36. Item in the accusation of the Priests of Bohemia which they make to the king Ladislaus against the Vadois Rai ibid. fol. 37. that ancient calumnie wherewith the painims defamed the Christians of the Primatiue Church that is that they assembled themselues in the night time in corners and lurking holes and that the Pastour cōmanded the lights should be put out saying Qui potest capere capiat that is catch who catch can whereupon euery man endeuoreth to fasten vpon whom he can without any respect of bloud or parentage and that the lights being put out they committed abhominable incests many times the child with his mother the brother with his sister and the father with his owne daughter adding moreouer that they were to vnderstand that the children begotten by such copulations were most fit to be Pastours Secondly they haue charged them that they maintaine that a man may put away his wife when he will and the wife her husband to follow that sect The third calumnie that they charge them withall is Claud. Rubis in his historie of Lion pa. 269. that they haue communitie of all things amongst them euen of their wiues and all The fourth is S. Bernard in his Homily 66. vpon the Canticles Albert ibid. that they reiect the baptisme of little infants The fifth that they adore their Pastors prostrating themselues before them The sixth Albert ibid. that they maintaine that it is not lawfull to sweare for any cause whatsoeuer The seuenth Rain fol. 36. that they maintaine that the Pope doth sinne mortally when he makes warre against the Turke and that they likewise sinne mortally that do obey him when by them he makes warre against heretickes The eight calumnie is Rain ibid. fol. 22. article 32. that they vse no reuerence towards holy places and that he sins not more grieuously that burneth a Church then he that breakes into any other priuate house The ninth Albert ibid. that they maintaine that the Magistrate ought not to condemne any to death and that they that do it sinne mortally and that they maintaine this error to the end they may escape the hands of the Iudge and go vnpunished The tenth Idem ibid. that the lay-man being in the state of grace hath more authoritie then the Prince that liues in his sinne The eleuenth Rain in Summa fol. 12. that with the Manicheens they ordaine two Princes that is one good God the creator of good and one bad that is the diuell the creator of euill The twelfth Idem lib. de forma haeret fol. 21. that whatsoeuer is done with a good intention is good and that euery one shall be saued in that which he doth in that said good intention The thirteenth Albert. de origine Vaud fol. 4. that it is a meritorious worke to persecute the Priests of the Church of Rome the Prelates and their subiects And that a man may without sinne hurt them in their persons or goods and withhold their tenthes from them without scruple of conscience The last is taken out of the booke of Rubis Claud. Rubis in his historie of Lion booke 3. pa. 169. where he saith that Valdo and his Pastors retired themselues into Dauphiney in the vale Pute and the valley Angrongne where they found certaine people rather like sauage beasts then men suffering themselues to be mocked and abused and where they became saith he one like another and such as rid post vpon a besom Adding therewithall to bring within the compasse of his calumnies the Townes Cities States where the Gospell is receiued in our times And to say the truth saith he these are two things that commonly follow the one the other heresie and forcerie as it is verified in our times in those Cities and Prouinces which haue giuen entertainment vnto heresie CHAP. IIII. How the Waldenses are iustified and cleared from the calumnies contained in the former Chapter by those writings which they haue left THe Waldenses of Bohemia whether they were the remainder of that people that followed Valdo as some are of opinion that he ended his dayes in Bohemia after he had retired himselfe out of Germany and escaped the hands of the Bishops of Mayence and Strasburge or whether they were such persons as afterwards professed the same faith which the Waldenses did it is without all doubt that they were gricuously persecuted by king Ladislaus king of Hungary and Bohemia and we haue in our owne hands an Apologie of the said Waldenses which they sent vnto the king whom they called Lancelau to iustifie themselues against sundry complaints which were made against them by their aduersaries as also we haue a booke with this inscription Aico es la causa del nostre despartiment de la Gleisa Romana That is to say Behold the cause of our separation from the Church of Rome And forasmuch as the answer to the first calumnie that is that they assembled themselues in darke corners where the candles being put out their aduersaries do affirme they committed villanous incests we haue copied out the answer of the said Apologie in their owne tearmes and language for the more certaintie and better edification This Apologie the author Iean Paul Perrin set downe in two columnes the one French the other in the language of the Waldenses which for breuity sake we set downe onely in English referring those vnto the French booke that desire to see the originall AMong other things say they they publish In the letter to king Ladislaus pa. 2. like angrie barking curres that it is a law and common amongst vs to say Yeeld thy selfe to whomsoeuer shal request thee and that we take our pleasures in darke caues and corners with whomsoeuer shall present themselues vnto vs whether they be our mothers or daughters or wiues or sisters How true this is it may appeare in that God hauing kept and preserued vs for aboue these forty yeares past it hath bene neuer knowne that there hath bene any whoredome amongst vs that hath escaped vnpunished or any such villanie committed In such sort that our liues and carriages condemne those that accuse vs. And for as much as the Waldenses speake this of themselues and to their owne praise and therefore this their iustification may seeme but weake looke a little into that which they haue written elsewhere against whordome which may
them odious to the people as if they had preferred the peace with the Turke before that with the Church the kingdome of Christ affirming that they maintained that the Pope did mortally sinne when he sends an expedition of souldiers with the badge of the crosse vpon their Cassockes or Coatarmour against the Sarazens For their iustification herein we must obserue In the booke of the causes of their separation frō the Church of Rome p. 235 that they complaine not of the enterprise of warre against the Turkes but of those spoiles that the Popes make of the goods of the Church and other diuine graces vnder the pretence thereof abusing the ignorant people with their Buls and Benedictions who too willingly receiue their lies and inuentions buying them at a deare rate As also they thinke hardly of it that the Pope should send out his Croisades his crossed souldiers being strangers to pursue them as heretickes before they be heard or conuinced to be such But they are not the onely men that condemne this auarice which the reuenging spirits of the Popes haue shewed by their Croisades Paulus Langius a Germane Historiographer layes an imputation vpon Leo the tenth Paul Lan. in his Chronicle of France 1513. See the examination of the Councell of Trent lib. 1. c. 5. that he leuied great summes of money vnder a pretence of warre against the Turkes which he bestowed shortly after vpon thirtie Cardinals which he had newly created Guicciardine noteth in his Historie that the selfe same Pope imposed great exactions vpon the people the bene fit whereof fell into the lap of his sister Magdalen and that all that leuie of money was but to satisfie the auarice of a woman and that the Bishop of Aremboldo was thought by him a commissarie worthy such an action to put it in execution with all manner of extortion Alexander the fourth conuerted the vow of Hierusalem to the vow of Pouille that is to say A part of Naples whose inhabitants are held very dangerous the vow of reuenge For he gaue power to his Legats to absolue the King of England Henry the third by name dispensing with his vow of the crosse for Hierusalem vpon condition that he should go to Pouille to make warre against Manfred Frederic Emperour not long before It is the Historiographer Math. Paris Math. Paris in his Historie of England See the first booke of the examination of the Councell of Trent cap. 5. In the booke of the causes of their separation frō the Church of Rome p. 125 that setteth downe the complaint that then was made that is to say that the tenths imployed for the succour of the holy Land were taken away and conuerted to the reliefe of Pouille against the Christians The eight calumnie was that they vsed no reuerence towards holy and consecrated places holding that that man sinned not more grieuously that burneth a Church then he that breakes into any other house They say that neither the place nor the chaire make a man the more holy and they haue maintained that they deceiue themselues much that comfort themselues or presume the more because of the dignitie of the place for what place more high then Paradise what place more secure then heauen and yet neuerthelesse man was banished out of Paradise for sinning there and the Angels were throwne from heauen to the end they might be examples to those that came after and to teach them that it is not the place nor the greatnesse nor dignitie thereof that makes a man holy but the innocencie of his life Against the ninth calumnie that is to say that they defend that the Magistrate ought not to condemne any to death they say That it is writtē In the booke of the Waldenses entituled The light of the treasure of faith fol. 214. that we are not to suffer the malefactor to liue and that without correction and discipline doctrine serues to no purpose neither should iudgements be acknowledged nor sinnes punished And therefore iust anger is the mother of discipline and patience without reason the seed of vices and permitteth the wicked to digresse from truth and honestie True it is that they haue found fault that the Magistrates should deliuer them to death It appeareth by the complaint they made to the King Ladislaus King of Hungary and Bohemia without any other knowledge of the cause then the simple report of Priests and Monkes who were parties and iudges insomuch that hauing discouered the abuse which they brought into the Church they condemned them for heretickes and deliuered them to the secular power so they call their Magistrates Now this seemed vnto them a cruell simplicitie in the said Magistrates to giue faith to persons passionate and not indifferent such as the aforesaid Priests were and to put to death so many poore innocent people neuer hearing them or examining the cause The tenth calumnie was to make them odious to Kings and Princes that is to say that a lay man in the state of grace had greater authoritie then a Prince liuing in his sinnes Against this imposture they affirme In the booke of the causes of their separation frō the Church of Rome p. 41. that euery one must be subiect to those that are in authoritie obey them loue them be at peace with them honour them with double honour in subiection and obedience and readinesse paying vnto them that which is their due The eleuenth calumnie was grounded vpon that assertion of the Waldenses that the Pope had no authoritie ouer the Kings and Princes of the earth who depend immediatly vpon God alone For from thence they take occasion to call them Manichees as appointing two Princes Against this imputation they say In the booke of the treasure of faith art 2. We beleeue that the holy Trinitie hath created all things visible and inuisible and that he is Lord of things celestiall terrestiall and infernall as it is said in S. Iohn All things are made by him and without him nothing is made The beginning of this calumnie was taken out of the Extrauagantes of Pope Boniface 8. who subiecting the authoritie of Emperours vnto his saith of his owne Quicunque huic potestati resistit Dei ordinationi resistit nisi duo sicut Manichaeus fingat esse principia De Maiorit obedientia Can. Vnam sanctam l. 1. tom 8. The twelfth calumnie imports thus much that they held that whatsoeuer is done with a good intention is good and that euery one shall be saued in whatsoeuer is done with the said good intention To this imposture we need no other answer then that which the Monke Raynerius who was alwaies their back-friend saith elsewhere Rain lib. de forma haeretic art 38. that is that they maintaine that euery man is saued by his faith which he cals a Sect. It is very necessary that a lyer should haue a better memorie then to affirme things contradictorie And to shew that
vna chascuna persona Dio o Seignor enaimi per Catholica Religion nos sen defendu dire esser tres Dios ni tres Seignors Lo Filli es sol del Paire non faict ni crea ma engenra lo Sanct Esperit es del Paire del Filli non fait ni crea ni engenra ma procedent Donc lo es vn Paire non tres Paires vn Filli non tres filli vn Sanct Esperit non tres Sanct Esperits En aquesta Trinita alcunna cosa non es premiera ni derniera alcuna cosa maior o menor ma totas tres personas entre lor son ensem Eternals eygals Enaimi que per totas cosas coma esdict de sobre la sia dhonorar la Trinita en Vnita l'Vnita en Trinita Donc aquel que vol esser fait salf senta enaima de la Trinita Ma a la salut eternal es necessari creyre fidelment l'encarnation del nostre Seignor Iesus Christ Donc la fe dreita es que nos crean confessan que lo nostre Seignor Iesus Christ filli de Dio es Dio home Et es Dio engendra auant li segle de la substantia del Paire es home na al segle de la substantia de la Maire essent perfect Dio perfect home d'anima rational d'humana carn aigal del Paire second la Diuinita menor second l'humanita Loqual iaciaço quel sia Dio home emperço lo es vn Christ non dui ma vn non per conuersion de la Diuinita en carn ma propiament de la Humanita en Dio vn totalment non per confusion de la Diuinita en carn ma propiament de la humanita en Dio vn totalment non per confusion de substantia ma per vnita de personas Car enaima larma rational la carn es vn home enaima Dio home es vn Christ loqual est passionna per la nostra salut descende en li enfern lo ters iorn resuscite de li mort monté en li cel see a la dextra de Dio lo Paire Omnipotent Daqui es a venir iugear li vio li mort A laduenament delqual tuit an a resuscitar cum li lor corps son a rendre raçon de li lor propi faict Et aquilli que auran faict ben anaren en vita eterna aquilli que aurant faict mal anaran al fuoc eternal The beliefe of the Waldenses is sufficiently knowne by that which is contained in the pure holy doctrines of their confessions aboue mentioned and yet neuerthelesse it is for the same that they haue bene persecuted for the space of foure hundred and fiftie yeares still should be if they liued neare those places where humane inuentions are preferred before the word of God For though Satan be confounded and his kingdome dissipated by the brightnesse of the Gospell yet he ceasseth not to hold those vnder the yoke of Idolatrie whose vnderstandings he hath blinded and to keepe them by violence vnder the tyrannie of his lawes hiding that ignorance and errour that men do naturally loue in those darknesses wherein they take pleasure But as it hath not pleased the eternall God that the faith of his seruants and Martyrs should be buried so it likewise pleaseth him that their constancie should be made manifest for our edification and example And this is the reason why hauing shewed in the first booke that the Waldenses beleeued to saluation what was necessary I haue thought good to publish in the second booke that which is come to my knowledge of their sufferings for righteousnesse The end of the first Booke PART OF THE CATALOGVE OF the Waldenses bookes being accidentally omitted in page 44. after the 30. line are here inserted as followeth A Commentarie or paraphrase vpon the Symbole of the Apostles A Treatise of the Sacraments A Commentarie or Paraphrase vpon the Commandements A Commentarie vpon the Lords prayer A Treatise of Fasting A Treatise of Tribulation A little Catechisme intituled Interogations menors A Treatise against dancing and tauernes A Treatise of foure things to come that is to say death vnto all eternall life to the good hell to the wicked and the last iudgement A Treatise entituled Del Purgatori soima that is to say Of the dreame or inuention of Purgatory A Treatise against the inuocation of Saints We haue also a booke very ancient whereof the title is Aeyço es la causa del nostre dispartimēt de la Gleisa Romana That is to say This is the cause of our separation from the Church of Rome In this volume there is an Epistle or Apologie of the Waldenses entituled La Epistola al Serenissimo Rey Lancelau a li Ducs Barons a li plus veil del regne lo petit tropel de li Christians appella per fals nom falsamente P. O.V. that is to say Poore or Waldenses There is also a booke wherein there are many Sermons of their Barbes and an Epistle called The Epistle to our friends containing many excellent doctrines to teach all sorts of people how to leade their liues in all ages In the same volume there is a booke entituled Sacerdotium wherein is shewed what is the charge of a good Pastor and what the punishment of a wicked There is also come to our hands a booke of poetry in the Waldensian tongue wherein are these Treasties following A prayer entituled New comfort A rithme of the foure sorts of seeds mentioned in the Gospell Another entituled Barque And one called The noble lesson In his first Table p. 153. of which book Le Sieur de Saint Aldegonde makes mention We haue also an excellent Treatise entituled Vergier de consolation containing many good instructions confirmed by the Scriptures and diuers authorities of the Ancients Also an old Treatise in parchment entituled Of the Church and another called The Treasurie and light of faith Also a booke entituled The spirituall Almanacke Also a booke in parchment Of the meanes to separate things precious from the base contemptible that is to say vertues from vices Also the booke of George Morel wherein are contained all the questions which George Morel and Peter Masçon moued to Oecolampadius and Bucer touching religion and the answers of the said parties THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE HISTORY OF THE WALDENSES Containing that which is come to our knowledge of the grieuous persecutions which they haue endured for their Faith for the space of more then foure hundred and fifty yeeres CHAP. I. By whom the Waldenses haue been persecuted for what by what meanes and in what times THE Waldenses haue had no greater enemies then the Popes Rainerius of the Waldenses because saith the Monk Rainerius that amongst all those that haue raised themselues against the Church of Rome the Waldenses haue been alwaies the most dangerous and pernicious insomuch that they haue resisted him for a long time as
and little returned home to their old habitations which they built and repaired at such times as they could by the benefit of the aforesaid Edicts and were afterwards the seed of many goodly Churches which at this day are gathered together flourishing in all piety and zeale as other Churches in the Kingdome of France CHAP. IX Of the Waldenses that did flie into Bohemia and those persecutions which they suffred that haue come to our knowledge DIuers haue written Albertus de Capitaneis lib. de origine Waldensium Thuanus in historia sui temporis pa. 457. Petrus Valdus eorum Antesignanus patria relictain Belgium venit atque in Picardiam quam hodie vocant multos sectatores nâ—etus cum inde in Germaniam transisset per Vandalicas ciuitates diu diuersatus est ac postremo in Bohemia consedit See what is said of these two Barbes before in the first booke Chap. 9. that Waldo at his departure from Lion came into Dauphine and from thence hauing erected and ordered some Churches and laid the foundations of them which haue been miraculously preserued vnto this present time he went into Languedoc and there he left excellent Pastors who ordered and instructed those Churches that afterwards cost the Pope and his Clergy so much to destroy and from thence he went into Picardy from whence being chased he tooke his iourney into Germany and from Germany he retired himselfe into Bohemia where according to the opinion of some he ended his dayes The Waldenses inhabiting in Dauphine Piedmont and Prouence haue had communion and incelligence with their Brethren retired into Bohemia for proofe whereof we haue the message of Daniel de Valence and Iohn de Molin Pastors in Bohemia who did much hurt to the Churches of that Country by reuealing vnto the aduersaries those flockes or companies which before were hidden and vnknowne because of the great and grieuous persecutions that then were We haue also a certaine Apology of the Waldenses of Bohemia in the Waldensian tongue Vineaux in his memor fol. 15 in the forme of a Letter which they wirt to King Ladislaus wherof the Inscription is Al Serenissimo Princi Rey Lancelao A li Duc Barons a li plus veil del Regne Lo petit tropel de li Christians appella per falce nom falsament Pauuers o Valdes Gratia siaen Die lo Paire en Iesus lo Filli de luy This Letter makes proofe of the Communion which the Waldenses of Dauphine haue had with those of Bohemia in that they haue had in their language this Letter which containes a iust Apology against those impostures and other faults which in former times haue been imputed to the one and to the other and haue been common with the Christians of the primitiue Church We haue also in the same volume a treatise the inscription whereof is this Aico es la causa del nostre despartiment de la Gleisa Romana That is to say This is the cause of our separation from the Church of Rome Causes which haue been common with all those that haue withdrawen themselues from that Church for feare of participating of her plagues The Author of the Catalogue of witnesses of the truth Flac. Ill. in catal test verit p. 116. makes mention of a certaine forme of Inquisition which was practised against the Waldenses of Bohemia vnder King Iohn which was about the yeere 1330. As also in another Inquisition this is noted that the Waldenses of Bohemia sent into Lombardy to the Waldensian Doctors those whom they would haue trained vp in the profession of Diuinity In the treatise of the beginning of the Churches of Bohemia Lib. de origine EcclesiaruÌ„ Bohemiae pa. 273. Sed cum oppressae tyrannide Pontisicia conuentus publicos nullos haberent neque scripta horum extarent vllâ— ignotae nostris prorsus fuere Esrom Rudiger in narratiâ—ncula de Ecclesijs fratrum in Bohemia Valdenses ad minimum CCXL annis originem nostram antecedunt at what time the doctrine of Iohn Hus was there receiued the Pastors Ancients and faithfull of Bohemia say that the Waldensian Churches of Bohemia had been oppressed by the tyranny of the Pope in such manner that they had no more assemblies and that there were no more of their writings to be found in Bohemia Esrom Rudiger in his treatise of the Churches of Bohemia saith that the Waldenses haue had their Churches at the least two hundred and forty yeeres before those of the Hussites and though he confesse that their beliefe was one and the same yet he affirmeth that there was not in their times any memory of their Churches but onely of those that were in France at Merindoll and the places neere adioyning And that when they sent to Bohemia to ioyne themselues vnto them in the confession of their faith they enquired of them whether they made any publike profession of the truth and when they had vnderstood that there were some amongst them that sometimes frequented Papisticall Churches and were present at those idolatries that were there committed they did bitterly reprehend them for it And therefore they that haue answered vnder the name of the Waldenses See the Confession of the Waldenses in the Catalogue rerum expetendarum Lib de orig confess Eccl. Pohem Scimus quod multi boni viri veritatis Euangelicae instaurata cultares sectate res pij seducti indicationibus falsis criminationib aduer sariorum pro Valdensib nos habeant Ibid. Hoc quidem constat multum in ipsis lucis fuisse de plerisque eos rectè sensisse docuisse propter veritatem grauigima perpesso in Gallia in primis Aeneas Siluius in his history of the Taborites and haue brought vnto light their confession which at this day is to be found in the Catalogue of things to be desired are not any of the Waldenses but one of those that by way of reproach were afterwards so called and they haue not been ashamed of that name assuring themselues of the purity of their doctrine And this notwithstanding they reuiue againe this common opinion when they affirme that they know well that there are many good men that follow and loue the truth of the Gospell who being deceiued by false markes and notes whereby they haue described vs say they haue held vs for Waldenses And euen there to they giue this testimony of the Waldenses that there is in them much light and knowledge and that they haue well vnderstood and purely taught many things yea and that they haue suffered much for the truth especially in France And so they desired to be distinguished from them to the end that if it were obserued that the Waldenses had done much for the establishment of the truth in their times that it might likewise be knowne that the Hussites haue not done little in their time Aeneas Syluius reporteth of one Iames de Misne and Peter de Dreze disciples of the Waldenses
that they went into Bohemia in the time of Iohn Hus and that hauing conferred with him he made profession of their doctrine and they themselues deny it not for thy say that Wicklif was assisted to shake off the yoke of the Pope by example of the Waldenses and that Wicklif was the instrument which God had vsed for the instruction of Iohn Hus who taught in Bohemia and that therefore they haue thought themselues much bound to the Churches of the Waldenses because whatsoeuer good there hath been in the said Churches they say was transported vnto theirs and so haue they been in some sort the beginning of theirs CHAP. X. Of the Waldenses inhabiting in Austria and the persecutions which they suffered THe number of the Waldenses that inhabited in Austria was very great who were there grieuously persecuted as may appeare if we had no other proofe then the Chronicle Hirsauge See the Chronicle of Hirsauge where it is obserued that about the yeere one thousand foure hundred there were burnt a great number in the Citty of Creme which is in the said Dukedome of Austria But mere then that that which troubled the heads of the persecuters a great deale more was the speech of one of them who being executed at Vienna the principall Citty in Austria said at his execution that there were in that Country of the same beliefe that he professed aboue fourescore thousand About the yeere of our Lord one thousand foure hundred sixty seuen the Hussites reforming their Churches and separating them from the Church of Rome they vnderstood that there were in Austria Churches of the ancient Waldenses vpon the frontiers of Bohemia in the which there were great and learned men appointed for Pastors that the doctrine of the Gospell flourished amongst them That they might know the truth thereof they deputed two of their Brethren amongst their Pastors and two Ancients with charge to enquire and know what those flockes or cōgregations were for what cause they had forsaken the Church of Rome their principles and progression that they should make knowne vnto them the beginnings of their carriage or demeanor in Bohemia and giue a reason why they were seperated from the Romish Church These men being come thither Ioachimus Cam. in hist de Ecclesiis Fratrum in Boheraia Morauta p. 104. and hauing carefully inquired into the state of those Churches of the Waldenses and hauing found them they told them that they did nothing but what was ordeined by our Lord Iesus Christ and taught by his Apostles holding themselues wholly to the institution of the Sonne of God in the matter of Sacraments It contented the Waldenses very much to vnderstand that there were in Bohemia a number of people that had giuen vnto God the glory and remoued from them the abuse and idolatries of the Church of Rome exhorting them in the name of God to continue in that which they had so wel begun for the knowledge and maintenance of the truth and for the establishment of a good discipline and in witnesse of the great ioy they receiued and that holy Society and Communion that they desired to haue with them they blessed them in praying for them and laying their hands vpon them Afterwards the said Waldenses related vnto them how God had miraculously preserued them for these many hundred yeers notwithstanding the diuers great and continuall persecutions which they had endured And so they louingly and gently tooke their leaue of their said brethren and at their returne related whatsoeuer they had seen or done in that their voyage from whence they receiued vnspeakable contentment and from that time forward there continued a holy affection and desire to communicate together as oft as they could for their common edification In prosecution whereof the brethren of Bohemia visited by Letters the Waldenses of Austria giuing them to vnderstand that they had receiued great comfort by their last communication they had with them but yet as they desired not to be flattered in any defect or fault whatsoeuer so they could not dissemble without some defect of charity what they had found in them worthy reprehension And that was that they yeelded to much to their infirmities since that hauing once knowne the truth they neuerthelesse frequented Papisticall Churches being present at those idolatries which they condemned basely prophaning and polluting themselues that wee are not onely certainly to beleeue with the heart but wee must likewise make confession with our mouth to saluation Moreouer they told them of another fault which they had taken notice of and that was that they were too carefull in heaping vp gold and filuer for though the end were good that is to helpe and comfort them in time of persecution yet forasmuch as euery day brought with it affliction enough and that such cares are not befitting those that are to looke only before them and to lay vp a treasure in heauen they condemned that which was superabundant in them and which in the end they would principally rely vpon The Waldenses of Austria did heartly thanke them Joachim ' Cam. in Hist de Ecclesijs fratrum in Bobemia Morauia p. 105 intreating them to continue this holy affection towards them and for their part to doe their best endeauour to further their communion and to appoint a day and place of meeting and conference for they hauing a long time knowne those their defects which they had taken notice of as yet they had not power to prouide conuenient remedies for the same but their hope was that being altogether they should be able better to resolue with themselues as also touching many other points of greatest moment Now when it was euen vpon the point to send to the place where they had agreed to meete and to assemble themselues they began to doubt that the businesse might be discouered and it might be dangerous to all of them And besides that they considered with themselues that they had been supported notwithstanding their assemblies and beliefe were sufficiently knowne and therefore they should put themselues into extreame danger if they should ioyne themselues with other people These considerations made their former designes and purposes of their mutuall communications to vanish away as also in the yeere following that is in the yeere one thousand foure hundred siixty eight the persecution increased against the said Waldenses of Austria for there were burnt a great number at Vienna Among others the History makes mention of one Steuen an ancient man who being there burnt confirmed many with his constancy They that would escape this persecution retired themselues into the coast of Brandebourg where they stayed not long being also there exposed to fire and sword Amongst those there was one named Tertor Ioach Cam. in hist de Ecclesijs fratrum in Bohemia Morauia p. 117. that retired himselfe into Bohemia where hee ioined himselfe to the Churches of the Hussites and finding that a man might
aboue fiftie yeeres Vnder this name wee comprehend all the subiects of the Earles Remonds of Toulouze father and sonne and the subiects of the Earles of Foix and Comminge and all those that haue taken part with them that haue fought for their Religion and suffered the selfesame persecutions They receiued the beleefe of the Waldenses a little after the departure of Waldo from Lion The instruments that were imployed in this worke were Peter Bruis one Henry one Ioseph one Esperon and Arnold Hott of whom they were afterward called Pierrebruisiens or Petrobrusiens Henriciens Iosephists Esperonists and Arnoldists but aboue all the rest Henry and Arnold trauelled in the Countrey of Albi and that with so good successe that in a short time there were found but a few and in some places not any that would goe any more to Masse affirming that the sacrifice of the Masse was onely inuented to enrich the Priests and to make them to be more esteemed in the world as making the Body of Christ by their words and sacrificing him to God the Father for the sinnes of the liuing and of the dead which was an impierie destroying the sacrifice of the Sonne of God and annihilating the merit of his death and passion There were many that gaue eare to their reasons in the diocese of Rhodes Cahors Agen Toulouze and Narbonne Iaques de Riberia in his collections 〈◊〉 the Citie of Toulouze because the Doctors that taught amongst the Waldenses were learned men conuersant in the reading of the holy Scriptures whereas on the other side the Priests who studied nothing more than the sacrifices of the Masse and how to receiue their oblations for the dead were altogether ignorant and therefore contemned of the people Pope Alexander the third Claud. de Rubis in his History of the Citie o◠Lion Lib. 3. pa◠269. being much mooued with anger because he saw many great Prouinces to shake off the yoke of the Romish Church and to dispence with their obedience condemned them for Heretikes in the Councell of Latran Neuerthelesse they were in such a manner multiplied that in the yeere 1200. they possessed the Cities of Toulouze Apamies Montauban Villemur Saint Antonin Hologaray in his History of Foix. Puech Laurence Castres Lambes Carcassonne Beziers Narbonne Beaucaire Auignon Tarascon the Count Venecin and in Dauphine Crest Arnaud and Monteil-Amar And which is more they had many great Lords who tooke part with them that is to say the Earle Remond of Toulouze Remond Earle of Foix the Vicount of Beziers Gaston Lord of Bearne the Earle of Carmain the Earle of Bigorre the Lady of Lauaur and diuers others of whom we shall make mention in their deu place And besides all these the Kings of Aragon and of England haue many times defended their case by reason of that alliance that they had with the Earle Remond of Toulouze The doctrines that they maintained against the Church of Rome were these 1 That the Romish Church is not the holy Church and Spouse of Christ but a Church watered with the Doctrine of Deuils That Babylon which Saint Iohn hath described in the Apocalypse the mother of fornications and abominations couered with the bloud of Saints 2 That the Masse was not instituted by Christ nor by his Apostles but that it is the inuention of men 3 That the prayers of the liuing profit not the dead 4 That Purgatorie maintained in the Church of Rome was a humane inuention to glut and satisfie the couetousnesse of the Priests 5 That Saints are not to be praied vnto 6 That Transubstantiation is the inuention of men and an erroneous doctrine And that the adoration of the Bread is a manifest Idolatry And that therefore they were to forsake the Church of Rome wherein the contrary was affirmed and taught because a man may not bee present at the Masses where Idolatry is practised nor attaine saluation by any other meanes than by Iesus Christ nor transferre vnto the creatures the honor that is due to the Creator nor say of the Bread that it is God and adore it as being God without the incurring of eternall damnation for Idolaters shall not inherit the Kingdome of Heauen For all these things affirmed by them they haue beene hated and persecuted to the death CHAP. II. Pope Innocent the third of that name made shew of a desire to winne the Albingenses to the Church of Rome by preaching and conference A famous disputation at Montreal To what end the Pope permitted disputation in matter of Religion POpe Innocent the third of that name seemed to be carried with a desire to reduce the Albingenses vnto the Church of Rome by preachings and reasons or to oppresse them and vtterly root them out by violence of armes and by crueltie of punishments But before he would come to extremities he thought in necessary for the better iustification of his proceedings to begin with words and after wards to come to blowes Hee sent therefore amongst them certaine Preachers who endeuoured to draw them by gentle perswasions See here how the Compiler of the treasure of Histories speakes of those times The Comp. of the Treasure of Histories in the yeere 1206. When there came newes saith he to Pope Innocent the third that in his Prouince of Narbonne the traiterous Heresie was spread abroad not onely amongst the poore but Earles Barons and Knights he sent the Abbot of Cisteaux and two Monkes with him to preach against those disloyall buggerers When they had trauelled some little way preaching throughout the Countrey they came to Mompelier where they met with a worthy man that was Bishop of Cestre This honest man asked the Abbot of Cisteaux what hee did there He answered that the Pope had sent him thither against those Sodomites but that he could not conuert them This good man was nothing astonied at it but he still maintained the worke of the Lord valiantly and went on foot to giue good example to others and they stayed and went on foot with him Afterwards the Abbot returned to the Chapter or generall assembly but the Bishop and the two Monkes passing a long time through the Countrey and preaching they conuerted many of the meaner sort of people but of the great ones and richer sort there were few or none that returned to the true faith The Abbot came backe into the Countrey and brought with him another Abbot and diuers Monkes and came all on foot whereupon the Bishop of Cestre began to thinke with himselfe how to returne into his Countrey but dyed by the way The Monkes who preached throughout the Countrey found the Princes so obdurate in their malice that they resolued to stay no longer there but returned into their Countries except one good man who was called Frier Peter of Chasteauneuf who continued preaching with one of his companions When the Albingenses knew the intention of the Pope which was to prerend that he was not the cause why they whom
he iudged to be wanderers did not returne to the bosome of the Church of Rome by gentle meanes and force of reason they began to thinke that it stood them vpon to maintaine their beleefe by such conference otherwise they should giue occasion to the aduersaries to thinke that there was in their Religion some weaknesse if there were not any Pastor that would take vpon him the defence thereof It was therefore concluded amongst the Albingenses to giue the Bishops to vnderstand that their Pastors or any one of them for the rest were ready to maintaine their beleefe by the word of God prouided that the conference were well ordered and moderated that is to say that there may be moderators that are men of authoritie both on the one side and the other that may haue wherewithall to hinder all tumult and sedition Prouided also that it be in a place vnto which there may be free accesse and the place secured for all persons that may assist or be present at the said conference Moreouer that there bee some matter or subiect chosen by common consent not to bee giuen ouer before it be determined and that he that cannot defend it by the word of God is to bee reputed and held to be vanquished The Bishops and Monkes did all allow of the said conditions The place was Montreal neere Carcasonne This disputation was the most famous that hath bin betweene the Albingenses the Bishops and Priests the time in the yeere one thousand two hundred and six The Arbitrators agreed vpon by the one part and the other B. de Villeneufue and B. Auxerre for the Bishops and for the Albingenses R. de Bot and Antony Riuiere Arnold Hott was the Pastor for the Albingenses Chassagnon maketh mention in his first booke of the History of the Albingenses pag. 72. accompanied with those that were accounted fit for such an action He was the first that arriued at the place and day assigned Afterwards came the Bishop Eusus and the Monke Dominique a Spaniard with two of the Popes Legats that is to say Also Iaques de Riberia in his collect of the Citie of Toulouze Peter Chastel and Racul de Iust Abbot of Candets P. Bertrand Prior d' Auteriue as also the Prior de Palats and diuers other Priests and Monkes The Theses or tenerall questions proposed by Arnold This disputation was sent me from the Albingēses by Mr. Rafin Pastor of the Church of Realmont in old Manuscripts were these That the Masse with the Transubstantiation was the inuention of men not the ordinance of Christ nor his Apostles That the Romish Church is not the Spouse of Christ but the Church of tumult and molestation made drunken with the bloud of Martyrs That the policie of the Church of Rome is neither good nor holy nor established by Iesus Christ Arnold sent these Propositions to the Bishop who demanded a respit of fifteene dayes to answer which was granted him At the day appointed the Bishop failed not to appeare with a long and large writing Arnold Hott desired to bee heard by word of mouth saying That he would answer to all that was contained in the said writing intreating his auditorie that it might not be troublesome vnto them if he were long in answering to so long a discourse It was granted that he should bee heard with attention and patience and without interruption He discoursed at diuers houres for foure dayes together and with such admiration of those that were present and readinesse for his part that all the Bishops Abbots Monkes and Priests had reason to desire they had beene elsewhere For he framed his answer according to the points set downe in the said writing with such order and plainnesse that hee gaue all that were present to vnderstand that the Bishop hauing written much had neuerthelesse concluded nothing that might truly turne to the aduantage of the Church of Rome against his Propositions Afterwards Arnold made a request that forasmuch as the Bishops and himselfe in the beginning of their conference were bound to proue whatsoeuer they affirmed by the onely word of God it might bee imposed vpon the Bishops and Priests to make good their Masse such as they sing it part by part to haue beene instituted by the Sonne of God and sung in the like manner by his Apostles beginning at the entrance vnto the Ile Missa est as they terme it but the Bishops were not able to proue that the Masse or any part thereof was ordained in such an action either by Iesus Christ or his Apostles With this the Bishops were much discontented and ashamed For Arnold had brought them to the onely Canon which they pretended to be the best part of their Masse touching which point he proued That the holy Supper of our Lord was n ot the Masse For if the Masse were the holy Supper instituted by our Sauiour there would remaine after the Consecration all that which was in the Supper of the Lord that is to say Bread but in the Masse there is no bread for by Transubstantiation the bread is vanished away therefore the Masse saith he without bread is not the holy Supper of the Lord for there is bread Iesus Christ brake bread The Priest breakes the body not the bread St. Paul brake the bread The Priest breakes the body not the bread Therefore the Priest doth not that which Christ Iesus hath done and St. Paul Vpon these Antitheses which Arnold made touching the Supper of the Lord and the Masse to proue that it came not from Christ nor his Apostles the Monkes Bishops Legats and Priests retired themselues not being willing to heare any more and fearing lest they should worke such an impression in those that were present as might shake their beleefe touching the Masse The Monke of the Valley Seruay The Monke of the Valley Seruay in his Hist of the Albing chap. 5. endeuoureth to bring this action into suspition affirming that at what time the Hereticall Iudges exceeded in number seeing the badnesse of their cause and the wretchednesse of their disputation they would not saith hee giue any iudgement thereof nor deliuer their writings to their aduersaries for feare lest they should come to light and render to the Heretikes their owne But how should two Legats of the Pope the Bishops Abbots Monkes and Priests put themselues into any such place where they could bee thus ouercharged with number This Monke saith in the same place that the principall Arch-heretikes came to the Catholikes at the Castle of Montreal to dispute with them So that they held then the Castle and therefore there was no occasion of doubt or any such violence And furthermore how could it be that the Bishops should request the moderators to giue iudgement in a point of disputation when they hold that there needs no other sentence than the Popes who cannot erre Againe how did the Monke know that the Albingenses were ouercome if there
fire to the Citie and burnt it to dust The Citie being taken the Priests Monkes and Clerkes came forth of the great Church of Beziers called St. Nazari with the Banner the Crosses their holy-water bare headed attired with the ornaments of the Church and singing Te Deum laudamus as a signe of ioy that the Towne was taken and purged of the Albingenses The Souldiers who had receiued command from the Legat to kill all ranne in vpon them brake the order of their procession made the heads and armes of the Priests to flie about striuing who should doe best in such a manner that they were all cut in pieces To excuse this crueltie disallowed by some of those that were spectators they haue inserted into the Historie these reports that is to say That the Pelerins were incensed against the inhabitants of Beziers because they had cast ouer the walls of the Citie the booke of the Gospels crying vnto them See there the Law of your God whereupon the Souldiers grew to this resolution to kill all those they should find within the circuit of Beziers that so they might be sure not to spare those that had thus blasphemed But how could the Albingenses doe any such thing so impious against the Gospell of our blessed Sauiour considering that one of the principall causes for which they had forsaken the Church of Rome was because the Gospel of Christ Iesus was as it were buried amongst them the people forbid to reade it And besides one of the great crimes which they laid to the charge of the Earle Remond was because hee carried alwayes about him the New Testament To this they added a miracle and that was that Beziers was taken vpon the day of Marie Magdalen because say they heretikes speake ill of Magdalin in their law The Treasure of hist in the taking of Beziers In the hist of the Monke Pet. of the Valleis Seruey of the Albing ch 18. Thus speakes the compiler of the Treasure Now this imposture is so deuillish that I hardly durst commit it to paper and yet notwithstanding the Monke of the Valleis Seruay sets it downe at large without doubts or scruples though the very thought thereof would make the haire of any man that hath but the least sparke of pietie to stand on end Now the citie being burnt razed and ransacked the Pilgrims who thought they merited Paradise by this sacceige and effusion of bloud were speedily conducted to Carcassonne before the forty daies of fight which they had vowed to the Church of Rome were expired because then they were permitted euery man to depart to his owne home CHAP. V. The Siege of Carcassonne the taking of the towne or Borough of Carcassonne An assault and generall Escalado giuen to the citie A great number of the soldiers of the Crosse slaine The Intercession of the King of Aragon for the Earle of Beziers to no purpose A stratagem for the taking of the Earle of Beziers The flight of the people of Carcassonne by what meanes The taking of Carcassonne THe Earle of Beziers when he saw that he could obtaine nothing of the Legat in fauour of the city of Beziers hauing left this charge to the Bishop to make triall whether he by any meanes could obtaine pardon for those poore inhabitants and in the meane time because he knew very well that hauing taken Beziers he would not suffer the city of Carcassonne to continue in peace because being strong by nature the Legat knew there was no store-house for the warre nor better place of repose for the Soldiers than that was he was counselled to retire himselfe thither and speedily to cause it to be furnished with whatsoeuer was fit to maintaine a long siege He put himselfe therfore into Carcassonne being accompanied with his most faithfull attendants He was followed as it were foot by foot by the Legats armie vnto which there came new Croises or soldiers of the Crosse that is to say the Bishop of Agenois the Bishop of Limoges of Bazades of Cohors and the Archbishop of Burdeaux euery one with the Pilgrims of their owne Diocesse There likewise arriued the Earle of Turaine Bertrand de Cardaillac and the Lord of Bastlenau of Montratier who conducted the troopes of Querci and of all these troopes the chiefe Leader was the Earle of Dunoy There came also a great number of Prouenceaux Chassagnon in his hist of the Albing lib. 1. pag. 112. Lombardes and Germaines and that in so great a number that the army of the Legat Milon rose to the number of three hundred thousand fighting men when he came before Carcassonne The situation of Carcassonne is in this manner There is a city and a Bourrough or towne The city is seated vpon a little hill enuironed with a double wall the towne is in the plaine distant from the citie about two miles At that time the city was accounted a place of great strength and in this city there dwelt a great number of Albingenses The Pilgrims thought to haue taken it at the first sight for they ran with great violence vpon the first Rampier and filled the ditch with fagots but they were beaten backe with such courage and resolution that the ground was couered with the dead bodies of Pilgrims round about the citie The young Earle of Beziers Lord of Carcassonne wonne great honour in this first daies encounter encouraging his subiects and telling them that they must remember the vsage of those of Beziers that they were to deale with the same enemies who had changed the siege not the humour nor the will to extirminate them if they could That it was farre better for them to die fighting than to fall into the hands of so cruell and mercilesse enemies That for his owne part he made profession of the Romish Religion but yet he saw very well that this warre was not for Religion but a certaine robbery agreed vpon to inuade the goods and lands of the Earle Remond and all his That they had greater cause to defend themselues than he who could loose no more but his goods and his life without change of his religion but they might loose that and besides the exercise of their religion too That he would neuer abandon them in so honourable an action which was to defend themselues against the inuasions of their common enemies masked with an outward appearance of pietie and in effect true theeues The Albingenses being much animated by the speech of this young Lord swore vnto him that they would spend their goods and their liues for the preseruation of the citie of Carcassonne and whatsoeuer did concerne the said Lord. The next morrow the Legat commanded an assault and generall escalado to bee made vpon the Borough of Carcassonne The people that were within very valiantly defended themselues but the ladders were so charged with men and so neere the one to the other that they touched one another insomuch that they forced those within from
And which was more seeing that the King persisted in this opinion that such promises were to bee made to reobtaine their goods to the end they might neuer engage themselues for that they could not performe knowing that the King of Aragon the Earle of Toulouze and Comminge were assembled at Toulouze to prouide for their affaires he came thither and thus he spake vnto them Sir Holagaray in his hist of Foix and you my Masters Friends Forasmuch as ambition can teach men both valour and temperancy and auarice can plant in the heart of a Shop-boy brought vp in the shade and in idlenesse an assurance to depart from his houshold harth and to commit himselfe to the billowes of the Sea and the mercy of angry Neptune in a small and fraile vessell it shall be great weaknesse and litherly negligence in vs who by the renowned Acts of our Trophees are knowne euen to the Confines of Arabia if we shall now come by a seruile and treacherous acknowledgement to ouerthrow the Tables and Registers of our valours so highly eleuated No no mine arme shall neuer consent thereunto we are not now in bondage I and my sonne chuse rather to make triall of the inconstant hazzard of warre than to bring vpon vs and ours so great and so notable an infamy And therefore for the honour of God quit vs of that shame that men take no notice of our lamentable estate mourning sighing after our losses like Distaffe-bearers If we must needs bow let it be when we haue first done the parts of good and braue Captaines It is an aduenturous and high enterprise you will say but it was resolued vpon by your selues Que ie voy maintenant les ressors qui lui donnent le branle de sa cheute Fare ye well Sir We yeeld not our consent in any thing Come what come may The King of Aragon was much moued with this discourse of the Earle of Foix wherein hee layeth an imputation vpon him that hee was the cause of their ruine because he had animated them against the Legat and the Earle Simon and that now hee left them as a prey by procuring a peace worse than a bloudy warre You haue Sir saith hee opened a doore to our enemies to tyrannize ouer vs if they had accepted of it and to a glorie more great than they could hope to attaine by Armes for we had beene all their Subiects without any other charge than your owne instant request As for my selfe saith he I had rather haue giuen my selfe the stab than to haue drunke of that cup. And after many examples produced by him of those that haue changed a miserable life for a present death killing themselues before they would serue for Trophees to their enemies he continued his discourse as followeth For mine owne part I had rather follow these great Spirits than hauing so often giuen testimony of my valour for another preferre life before honour by being lazie and negligent in a businesse that concernes my selfe And though Fortune deny me all meanes to make opposition against that wrong that another shall offer mee yet my courage will neuer giue way that I should make my selfe the speech of the people or a triumph for men more vnworthy than my selfe This their deniall of what you demanded doth comfort me and it vpholds our honor for we must either haue broken our faith or played the Cowards like needy beggers and liued a life more cruell more intollerable than any torment of Phalaris like miserable men yeelding our neckes to the yoake of the enemie and confessing our selues beaten sell our owne libertie and our childrens after vs and that for euer Good God what a blow were this Sir For asmuch therefore as the tempest is growen so great and wee are driuen to so extreme a necessitie imbrace vs in your armes be our head seruing vs for an example a watch-tower a conduct So shall we engage our wills and our liues to shew our selues your most humble seruants in time of need and valorous Souldiers when occasion shall be offered And though I be now worne with yeares yet neuer had I greater courage or better resolution The Earle Remond on the other side intreated the King of Aragon not to abandon their cause offering vnto him both his goods and his life to fight vnder his authoritie The King of Aragon being ouercome with these intreaties and moued with compassion towards the afflicted in the end tooke armes and sent this ticket of defiance to the Earle Simon by two Trumpetters Indeuour without delay to execute the will of the Pope or to fight with your Lord and if you fall into my hands you shall pay for it It is your dutie and I will haue it so and I rather desire it than to put my selfe to the charge of a great Army for your ruine The Earle Simon made good vse of this Letter of defiance for hee sent it into diuers parts of Europe shewing by the Bishops and Monkes that preached the Croisade that the care was not now for the Earle of Toulouze Foix Comminge or the Prince of Bearne but for a puissant King who had made himselfe the Generall of the Albingenses and that if he were not assisted extraordinarily the cause of the Church was at an end and therefore he entreated all good Christians especially the King of France to giue his best assistance in these holy warres and extreme necessitie On the other side the King of Aragon writ to the King of France that the Earle Simon of Montfort had a spirit puffed vp with high conceits farre exceeding both the capacitie of his vnderstanding and his forces That al his intentions were no other than plaisterings vnder the pretence of Religion and in the meane time he intended nothing so much as to bee a King in deed and Simon by name He beseecheth the King by Letters and by his Agents that hee would not interpose himselfe in this warre neither on the one part nor the other Which he obtained of the King insomuch that it troubled him to see his Subiects continually drawne to the shambles of this warre of the Albingenses vnder a pretence of the Popes pardon and to see so many of his great Lords his Kinsmen so vexed by the Earle Simon When the Earle Simon vnderstood that the King of France was made a Neuter he was much afflicted therewith hauing now no other recourse but to the threats of the Legat to excommunicate him if he should proceed any farther The Legat sent him an Ambassage and Letters The King of Aragon returned this answer Goe speedily and tell your Master that I will come and see him and giue him an answer with ten thousand fighting men and will him to defend himselfe for I will teach him to play with his Peere Euery one makes preparation The Monke of the Valleis Sernay Chap. 89. The Earle Simon sent into France to the Archdeacon of Paris and Master
armes he had recourse to his ordinary wiles and subtilties hoping to worke his ruine vnder a pretence of amitie He caused therefore the Legat Bonauenture to write vnto him that he had compassion on him for that he was so obstinate in so great a warre to his great charge and the losse of the bloud of his Subiects which if he would he might end in a short time by taking his iourny to Rome declaring his innocency to the Pope that he would giue him his best assistance as far forth as possibly he could to procure the restitution of all his Lands But yet it was very necessarie that the Church should haue some gages of his fidelitie that is that he should deliuer into his hands the Castle of Foix the one onely meanes to take away all shadow and shew of false play and that incontinently after his returne turne it should be restored vnto him with the rest of his houses He suffered himselfe to be cheated and gulled by these promises deliuered vnto him the Castle of Foix and tooke his iourney to Rome but if he went a foole thither a foole he returned For the Legat had written to Rome to the Conclaue and to the Pope that the Earle of Foix was one of the most dangerous Heretiques that was amongst the Albingenses a man of great courage and valiant and most to be feared that if he were subdued the Earle of Toulouze would be much weakned that he had gotten from him the meanes to doe any hurt by obtaining by faire words those places which the Church would neuer haue gotten by armes namely the Castle of Foix and that they were to take heed that they made no restitution of his lands which if they did it would bee impossible that the Church should euer bring the Albingenses to their vtter ruine The Pope was willing enough to ioyne in his ouerthrow but because hee came vnto him with submissions he feared least it might bee a meanes to hinder others from euer putting any confidence in the Pope He was prodigall of his Crosses his Bulls and his Words but in effect he commanded his Legat that he should not restore vnto him those places vntill hee had giuen good proofes of his obedience and iustification Presently vpon his returne hee addressed himselfe to the Legat to enioy the effect of his faire promises The Legat gaue him to vnderstand that his hands were bound by the Pope because there were some clauses in his Bulls that did binde him to a new proceeding and to know in good earnest what his innocency was but yet he should assure himselfe of his affection and that he should not attribute to him if he receiued not his full content and that he would doe his best endeuour to make loue and friendship betwixt the Earle Simon and himselfe The Earle of Foix by little and little with-drew himselfe fearing to be arrested walking about the fields and houses of his Subiects as for his owne they were all in the hands of the Earle Simon There he cursed his owne facilitie to suffer himselfe to be gulled by a Priest bites his singers for anger to see himselfe so blockishly abused after so many trickes and stratagems plaid against him The Earle of Toulouze and the King of Aragon resolue to make a leuy of their Subiects and presently to build a Fort at Montgranier a place very strong by nature In a few daies they made it a place of defence by the means labours of their poore subiects who bewailing their own miseries their Lords trauelled day night very willingly to bring the work to an end This place being built he put therin a garison left there his son Roger. The Earle Simon besieged it in the end took it by famine The cōposition was that Roger should not beare armes for one whole yeare against the Church An Article that troubled much this valiant Lord. For he withdrew himselfe for the same yeare into a house where he counted the moneths and the daies till the time was expired wherein he might either die valiantly in fight or vanquish his enemies And to this purpose he many times conferred with the sonne of the King of Aragon lately slaine how he might carrie himselfe to finde a meanes to be reuenged of his Fathers death The Legat Bonauenture in the meane time vseth the same subtletie with the Earle Remond of Toulouze He perswadeth him to goe to Rome to determine his affaires with the Pope more peaceably than with the Earle Simon The Monke of the Valley Sernay Chap. 133. especially because he was charged with the death of his owne Brother the Earle Baudoin taken in the Castle d'Olme in the Country of Cahors because he had there borne Armes against him an action that had made him odious both to God and men and which his enemies did exaggerate to the end they might stirre vp the Pilgrims to take vengeance on him saying That at the very point of death they had denied him a Confessor and that the said Bodoin prayed vnto God that he would raise vp some good Christians to reuenge the wrong done vnto him by his brother as by another Caine. The son of the Earle of Toulouze named also Remond vnderstanding that his Father was to take his iourney to Rome he went with letters from his Vncle the King of England to the Pope intreating him to doe iustice to his brother in Law The young Lord had beene brought vp vntill then in England where he could no longer spend time seeing his Father oppressed with warres and continuall trauels he therefore resolued to vse his best endeuours for his deliuerance either by composition or by armes The cause of the Earle Remond was debated before the Pope There was a Cardinall that maintained Idem Chap. 152. that great wrong had beene offered those Lords who had many times giuen of their best lands to the Church to witnesse their obedience The Abbot of St. Vberi also tooke their part with great courage and resolution The Earle Remond likewise defended his owne cause charging the Bishop of Toulouze with many outrages and that if hee had beene constrained to defend himselfe he must accuse those that had driuen him to that necessitie for had he not made resistance he had long agoe beene vtterly ouerthrowne That the Bishop of Toulouze had many times caught vnto him the fairest of his reuenewes and being neuer satisfied did still continue to vex him parting his goods with the Earle Simon of Montfort and that their onely auarice had beene the cause of the death of ten thousand men of Toulouze and of the pillage of that faire and great Citie a losse which could neuer be repaired The Charterie of Lion did also shew vnto the Pope that the Bishop of Toulouze had alwaies kindled the fire and warmed himselfe at the flame Arnaud de Villemur did also present himselfe before the Pope demanding Iustice for that the
Legat and the Earle Simon had inuaded his lands he knew not wherefore since he had neuer bin but obedient to the Church of Rome relating at large the euils murders saccages robberies burnings which the said Legat and Earle vnder the cloake of the seruice of the Pope and the Church had done and therefore it was necessarie that that maske should be taken away which would otherwise turne to the dishonour of the Pope and the Church and some speedy course should be taken for the establishing of peace and procuring the good of the Church Remond of Roquefeuil of the Country of Querci Chassâ—ib 4. Ibid. related also many villanies committed by the said Earle of Montfort beginning with that which had beene done against the Earle of Beziers whom he caused miserably to die in prison inuaded his Lands and ruinated his Subiects and so proceeded to all that had passed against the other Lords who were constrained to defend themselues against his violences The Pope was much moued with these outrages and would willingly haue done some iustice but that it was told him that if hee should cause the Earle of Montfort to make restitution of that which was taken for the seruice of the Church that he should not from hence-forward finde any that would fight either for the Pope or the Church As also that if hee should determine the restitution yet the Earle Simon had reason not to giue ouer his hold vntill hee were fully satisfied for his trauels and expences The Pope returned these affaires to the Legat commanding him in generall termes to restore the Lands to all those that shewed themselues faithfull to the Church and as touching the sonne of the Earle Remond The Monke of the Valle is Sernay Chap. 152. his pleasure was that that Land that the Earle Remond had in Prouence that is to say The Earldome of Venisse should be reserued either in part or all for the maintenance of his sonne prouided that he gaue good and assured testimonies of his loyaltie and good conuersation shewing himselfe worthy of diuine mercy They being returned demanded of the Legat the execution of their Bulls requiring the restitution of their Lands The Legat answered that he had certaine restraints for the determining whereof there needed some time that therefore they should in the meane time shew fruits worthy their amendment and that then they should receiue what the Pope had decreed otherwise not When the Earles saw how they were deluded they resolued to come to blowes CHAP. II. Remond the sonne of the Earle Remond tooke Beaucaire The Bishop of Tholouze betrayeth the Citizens of Thoulouze The Earle Simon vseth the Inhabitants of Tholouze very ill They defend themselues to his confusion A new expedition Remond taketh Thoulouze Simon of Montfort comes thither and after many combats he is in the end slaine with a stone cast by a woman His armie is put to flight THe first exploit of warre of Remond the the sonne of the Earle Remond was the taking of Beaucaire where hee made himselfe Master of the Citie afterwards hauing almost famished those in the Castle the Earle Simon being no way able to succour them made a composition for those that were within it that is that they should depart onely carrying with them their baggage and necessary furniture The Earle Simon lost at that place a hundred Gentlemen which he laid in ambush neere the Citie which they within perceiuing made a salley forth and cut them in peeces The young Earle Remond wonne great renowne at this siege and gaue the Earle Simon to vnderstand that his sonne Aimeri should haue in this young Lord a thorne in his foot that should make him smart as much as in his time he had giuen cause of trouble and vexation to his father The Earle Montfort went from hence to rauage and make spoile at Thoulouze The Bishop was gone thither before and told the Consuls and Principall of the Citie that they were to make their appearance before the Earle Simon They went vnto him but to their great losse for they were no sooner come before the Earle but hee commanded them all to bee bound with cords whereof some taking notice that had meanes to escape to the Citie an alarme was giuen within the Citie so hot that before his arriuall all the people were in armes but being entred by the Castle Narbonne they recouered certaine Towers which were yet remaining and put themselues into certaine places and hauing already begun to pillage neere the Castle Narbonne the people fortified themselues and gaue the chase with such violence to those Boothaylers and Fire-houses who had already set fire on some houses that they draue them to the Castle of Narbonne The Earle Guy came vpon the very instant of this combat to the succour of his brother the Earle Simon but after he had fought a while hee was faine in the end to flye to his brother A great part of the people of the Earle Simon were enforced to retire themselues to St. Steuens and the Tower of Mascaro and the Bishops house where a great number were slaine The Bishop who knew that he had beene the cause of this misfortune hauing counselled the Citizens to make their appearance before the Earle Simon and the Earle Simon to cease vpon them still continuing his treasons went forth of the Castle Narbonnes ranne into the streets crying out vnto the people to pacifie themselues for the Earle determined to end these difserences with mildnesse and gentlenesse and that they should not refuse the wayes of peace He alleadged so many matters vnto them that in the end they gaue eare vnto him and were willing to hearken to a reconciliation seeing themselues dismantled and brought vnder the subiection of a Castle strong garrison and knowing too well that at the first succours of the Pilgrims their Citie would be exposed to pillage When they were to know the conditions of their peace the first Article was That the Earle Simon would yeeld to nothing before all the Inhabitants had carryed their armes to the Towne-house This point was hardly obtained but at the last they yeelded vnto it which being done the Earle Simon caused his people to make their approch and so being seazed on the Towne-house against a people disarmed and hauing conuayed their Armour to the Castle Narbonnes hee imprisoned the principall men of the Citie and caused them to bee sent out of Thoulouze whither hee thought good being so vnciuilly vsed and with such inhumane cruelties that a great number died by the way Thus was Toulouze dispeopled of it principall Inhabitants and the rest put to their ransome whereby the Earle Simon did greatly inrich himselfe And shortly after returning from the Countrie Bigorre where hee could not take the Castle of Lourde he discharged his choller vpon this poore Citie permitting it to be pillaged by his Pilgrims and then caused the rest of the Towers that were yet about the Citie
to know that if he would haue any feeling of the outrages done vnto his Father depriued of his lands vniustly betraied imprisoned and poysoned that they would giue him the best assistance they could Wherevpon he tooke the field said That he would reuenge the death of his Father and win that by the sword that had beene taken from him by in-iustice Hee was assisted by a number of valiant Captaines that is to say Sieur Oliuier de Fumes Bertrand Hugon de Serrelongue Bernard de Villeneufue Iordain de Satiat all braue Leaders who had a number of men at their command and before the enemy tooke any notice of his designe he seased vpon the Castles of Montreall Saixac Montolieu Limous and others Peter Melin the Popes Legat and Bishop of Toulouze being much astonished to see those that tooke part with the Albingenses whom he thought to bee vtterly buried to spring vp againe hee had presently recourse to the ordinary meanes of the Pope and his Agents that is presently to cause the pardon of sins to be preached to whomsoeuer would fight vnder the banner of the Crosse a kinde of pay of lesse value but more common in those times The Archbishop of Narbonnes animated also the people of his Diocesse to goe to make an end of that poore remainder of the Albingenses that were left These Priests with their troopes presented themselues before the gates of Carcassonne The Citie receiued them but when they came to the Towne the gates were shut against them Amelin made a speech vnto those that shewed themselues vpon the rampiers telling them that he was come thither for their preseruation They thanked him but they told him withall that if he did not instantly retire himselfe they would giue him the chase Vpon this conference came Trancauel who set so hotly and valiantly vpon the troope of Pilgrims that accompanied the Legat that he chased them beating and killing them till he came to the gates of the Citie of Carcassonne and the Legat had enough to doe to saue himselfe but that which offended him most was that the gates of the Towne were opened to Trancauel who lodged therein and made it his principall retrait from whence he euery day hurt and hindred the Pilgrims of the Citie in such sort that they hardly durst come forth of the gates And whensoeuer he heard of any troopes of Pilgrims to come he went to meet them laying ambushes for them and many times ouerthrew them before they could ioyne themselues to the Legat. This man kept the field vntill the yeare 1242. because when any Pilgrims were required to goe against a Bastard of the diseased Earle of Beziers euery one did beleeue the forces that were leuied within the Principalitie might suffice for the destruction of so weake an enemie but Amelin writ to the Pope that if in good earnest he caused not the expedition of the Crosse to be preached in many places of Europe that the Church was like to receiue a great losse by this last enemy who had reuiued the part of the Albingenses and was more cruell and more subtill than any other that had maintained them vnto this time Innocent the fourth caused the expedition of the Crosse to be published in diuers parts of Europe Trancauel being aduertised that a very great Army of Pilgrims was prepared to come against him sinding himselfe not strong enough in the Towne of Carcassonne retired himselfe to Realmont whither the Pilgrims followed him and besieged him He couragiously resisted them and hauing many times discomfited the Pilgrims in the end Amelin seeing there was nothing to bee gotten of a man whom when they thought him fast shut vp would be many daies iourney from them gathering new forces he entreated the Earle of Foix to vse his best endeuours to bring him to some peaceable designe and to treatie with him which he performed with such successe that he promised neuer to beare Armes either against the Legat or the Church of Rome Here you see the last attempt which wee finde the Albingenses haue made and the last expedition of Pilgrims leuied against them All the pursuit against them afterward was made by the Monkes the Inquisitors who kindled their fires more than euer And so taking this poore people disarmed and singling them out by retaile it was impossible for them any longer to subsist And if at any time they hapned to set vpon the Inquisitors it was but to giue them a more sensible apprehension of their extreme violencies whereof we haue a notable example in the Chapter following CHAP. X. Many Monkes Inquisitors and Officers of the Inquisition slaine and for what cause Pope Innocent the fourth vseth the Earle Remond disgracefully The Earle Remond goes to Rome and why He takes his iourney to Rhodes dies at Milan IN the yeare one thousand two hundred fortie three the Earle Remond hauing satisfied his pecuniary penalties and being returned to his Subiects certaine of the Country complained of the vniust proceeding of the Monkes Inquisitors who without any difference intangled in such sort all sorts of people that there were not almost any that they condemned not either for Heretiques or Fatiourers or Kinssolke or allies of Heretiques not being content to proceede against those that made publike profession of the beleefe of the Albingenses in such sort that vnder the cloke of the Inquisition office they committed strange theeueries This accusation against the Inquisitors was before the Earle Remond in the presence of fiue Inquisitors and foure Officers of the Inquisition that is to say The History of Languedâ—â— Chap. 4 sol 40. before William Arnaldi Monke Inquisitor and two other Iacobin Monkes Also one Remond de l'Escriuain Archdeacon of the Church of Toulonze and the Prior of Auignonnet de Cluze and Peter Arnaldi Notarie of the Inquisition and three other of Auignonnet in the Diocesse of Toulouze The Monkes Inquisitors would reply and make some vse of that which had beene informed to frame their inditements against those that had thus accused them to the impeachment of their honour terrifying them with threats which made those that had thus moued their patience to enter into consideration with themselues that since they must fall into the snare of the said Inquisitors and so be vtterly vndone it was better for them to deliuer themselues this once and that they should teach others to carry themselues more aduisedly So growing still more eager and violent in their discourse they came to blowes But the Monkes Inquisitors and their Officers were ouermatched for there were slaine as the Historiographer of Languedoc reports nine that is to say The fiue Monks aboue specified and the foure Officers True it is that this Writer doth aggrauate the Fact and hee would haue men beleeue that it was a premeditated treason wherein he shewes himselfe to be partiall and passionate The Earle Remond did very well make it appeare that he was no way consenting to this riot for hee made