Realm to poison a private man and yet of late is waxen so rich and plentiful a Kingdom of murtherers as procurers as Maâ—uel Aridrada Xpofero de Moco Rodorigo Marquess Stephano Ibacco and the Count Fuentes as many executioners as Dr Lopas Ferrara Truoca Williams and York and more perswaders as Stanley Holt Frogmorton Ower Gefford Northington Paget Tipping Garret and Naddel all of one mind but of sundry Nations of one desire but of divers conditions of one conspiracy but of contrary vocations to poison a stranger a woman a Virgin a Princess one person having in one body four sundry qualities worthy of justice of pity favour and honour for who doth not justice to a stranger as God's word commandeth pitieth not a woman as man's Law willeth favoureth not a virgin as humanity requireth honoureth not a Princess as God's word man's law and humanity prescribe This only action of barbarous inhumanity requireth a whole and large volumn but I must strive to be short and if you call to mind what hath been said already you shall find matter enough to enlarge and aggravate this inhumanity and therefore briefly to the rest of the objections An oath promissory not being grounded upon a just and good cause bindeth not a man to any performance but can there be a better consideration then the gift of a Kingdom Or a greater forfeiture then the loss of a Crown and Royal Diadem The gift is contained in these words We make you our King and the forfeiture is expressed in these words You shall not be our King unless you keep our Laws The condition is usual and ordinary for the Emperour as soon as he is chosen taketh the like oath when he sweareth to conserve and maintain the liberties jurisdictions rights honours dignities and priviledges of the Electors of the sacred Empire as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal and it seemeth that as the seven Electors in recompence of their good will and curtesie shewed to the Emperour of the world received this bounty of him so the Nobility of Aragon in regard of the favour which they shewed unto their King in making choice of him for their King received the like benefit at his hands and therefore have good occasion to be no less grieved if he chance to break this oath then the Nobility of England should have cause to be sorry if after a number of good and gracious Princes who have alwaies duly kept and observed the ancient Laws and Liberties of our Realm and especially in the trial and arraignment of Noblemen the Almighty should plague them with such a Prince as would not suffer them to be tryed and arraigned according to the old and laudable custome of this noble Kingdom by an honourable Jury of twelve Peers but by a beggarly crew of so many base companions The promise then is good and better for the oath but the oath may be broken and a dispensation will salve the sore of the breach He that offendeth in hope of a pardon is not thought worthy to be pardoned and although it be a greater commendation in a Prince to be prone to shew mercy ready to forgive and willing to pardon offences committed against himself or his Laws yet it is scant tolerable to forgive notorious sins and trespasses against God I find that Princes may dispence with Bastardy restore infamous persons to their good name and fame make their own children legitimate not as their Fathers but as their Princes not as their children but as their subjects free and emancipate bondmen briefly pardon and forgive all crimes committed against their Temporal Laws But the Cannons of which the Spanish King will seem to have more regard then any other Prince of that Religion permit not his Catholique Majesty to dispense with an oath that is a priviledge and prerogative which the Pope hath reserved to the fulness and plenitude of his own part and would not take it in good part that his white son should challenge or assume unto himself any such authority and he as a dutiful and loving childe will be loth to offend so good and loving a father But the father in regard of his long and loyal obedience will absolve him of his oath If his Fatherly love should make him forget himself so much as to dispense at one time not with one but many crimes the son and the father should without all doubt highly offend their heavenly father and voluntarily break the sacred constitutions of their reverend predecessors For the Pope cannot dispence with wilful murther such as was the violent death of Escovedo nor with any thing done against the Laws of Nature such as the breach of this contract should be nor with an oath such as this oath is without calling and citing all the parties that should be interssed and damnified by the violation and breach of this oath But grant that the Pope will dispense with this Oath what would or could all avail when the contract should still remain in full strength and vertue and the Aragonian Nobility might notwithstanding this dispensation urge their King to the performance thereof Truly this absolution should benefit him no more then it should avail a creditor to sue his debtor for one hundred pounds unto whom he owed so much upon account for such a creditor when he hath with long suit and great charge recovered his debt is presently to restore the same back again upon his accompt So the Spanish King when he hath with great difficulty and perhaps with some expences made himself beholding to the Pope for his dispensation must notwithstanding the benefit thereof perform the conditions that was of sufficient strength without the oath and was confirm'd with an oath for no other purpose but that it should be the great burthen unto his Conscience if he should violate his contract But how may the Aragonian Noblemen enforce him to perform and keep his contract By forfeiting his Kingdom by taking away his rents and by putting the Laws whereunto he was sworn into execution But he is too mighty and they too weak to compel him thereunto by main force What remedy shall you then find against him The course is ordinary For every Bishop hath power to compel any man that is sworn to keep and observe his oath which hath alwaies paratum executionem and is so true that the trial of a contract confirmed with an oath depending before a Temporal Magistrate a Bishop or Ecclesiastical Judge may be reason of that oath avocate the same cause unto his hearing and determination And this is the reason why many Doctors are of opinion and especially Baldus that an oath hath the vertue and operation to draw a matter from one Court to another But what Prelate in Spain dareth be so bold as to call his King into his Ecclesiastical Court If the Prelate will not presume to stand in defence of the Laws there is another ordinary way A subject of the Emperour may without
short time Both ours and the French Histories agree in this Point That either in or immediately after the happy and prosperous Reign of Henry the fifth we flourished and possessed most in France and lost all or most part of all in the time of his Son Henry the sixth The ways how this came to pass were many I have reduced them unto four and twenty the least of every of which was and hath been enough to lose whole Estates and Kingdom not gotten by Conquests which are easily recovered but descending by Inheritance which are hardly lost The first Cause of our loss of whatsoever King Henry the fifth had gotten in France was the death of King Charls the sixth for when he was dead many of the French Nobility which before either for fear of the English puissance or for the love which they bore unto King Charls favoured and furthered our part revolted from us unto the Dolphin his dis-inherited Son and it is usual in Factions the head of one side being dead or suppressed the residue be so weakned or feared that either all or the most part either fly unto their Adversaries or else make their peace with them with as reasonable conditions as they can possibly as was seen by the death of Pompey whose Adherents fled unto Caesar or sought his favour after their principal Ring-leader and Guide was slain The second Cause was the sparkles of sedition and strife which began betwixt us and the Duke of Burgundy our principal Aider and Abettor who was highly discontented with us because that Humphry Duke of Glocester either blinded with ambition or doting with the love of the Lady Iaquet sole Heir unto the County of Holland had married her notwithstanding that her Husband Iohn Duke of Brabant and Brother to the Duke of Burgundy was then living The third Cause was the liberty of Iames King of Scotland who being Ransomed with courtesie and having sworn Loyalty unto the young King Henry the sixth was no sooner in his own Country then he forgot his Oath and allyed himself with the French King The fourth was the Revolt and departure of the Duke of Britany and his Brother from us unto the French King The fifth Cause was the dissention betwixt the Bâ—shop of Winchester and the Duke of Glocester who governed the young King for appeasing whereof the Duke of Bedford Regent of France was called home The sixth the liberty of the Duke of Alancon who being Ransomed in the Regents absence did greatly strengthen the Dolphins power The seventh the death of the Earl of Salisbury and of the worthiest and most fortunate Captain that ever England bred at Orleans After whose decease the English good and prosperous fortune presently began to decline The eighth was the refusal of the Duke of Bedford to suffer Orleans to yeild to the Duke of Burgundy Of which refusal there proceeded two great inconveniencies The one That they of Orleans offering to yeild themselves unto the said Duke because they held it less dishonourable to yeild unto a Frenchman then unto an English Prince although it were to the behalf and use of the King of England and seeing their offer refused grew as many both before and since have done upon the like occasion so wilful obstinate and desperate that we could never get their Town but suffered great losses in laying and continuing our Siege thereat a very long time and indured such shame by departing thence without taking the same that even until this day as I saw of late years my self they yearly celebrate this day as Festival to our great dishonour whereon they compelled us to withdraw thence our overwearied and bootless Forces The other That the Duke of Burgundy thinking by this refusal that we envyed his Honour too much who had rather lose a Town of such strength and importance as Orleans was then to suffer it to yeild unto him although it were as I have said to our own use and advantage began by little and little to remove his affection and unfeigned friendship and furtherance from us The ninth The often conveying of Forces out of England into Holland and in succour of the Duke of Glocester against the Duke of Brabant who as mortal enemies warred one upon the other for the cause above mentioned and also into Bohemia by the Bishop of Winchester for the Pope Martin who intended to make a Conquest of Bohemia The tenth The Dolphins policy who refused divers times to put tryal of his cause to the hazard of a Battel The eleventh The mistrust and jealousie which the Regent had of the Parisians for fear of whose wavering and unconstant minds a fault whereto they have always been greatly subject the said Regent left divers times very good and advantagious occasions to fight with the Dolphin and return to Paris The twelfth The variance and strife betwixt the Duke of Bedford then Regent and the Cardinal of Winchester proceeding of this cause especially for that the Cardinal presumed to command the Regent to leave off that name during the Kings being in France affirming the chief Ruler being present the Authority of the substitute to cease and to be derogate The thirteenth The death of the Dutchess of Bedford Sister unto the Duke of Burgundy with whom dyed the true friendship between the two Dukes The fourteenth The foolish pride of the Duke of Bedford who coming from Paris of purpose to St Omers a Town belonging to the Duke of Burgundy and appointed and chosen a convenient place for them to meet and end all contentions betwixt them both thought that the Duke of Burgundy should have come to his Lodging to have visited him first as Son Brother and Uncle unto Kings And the Duke of Burgundy being Lord of that place would not vouchsafe him that Honour but offered to meet him half way which the Duke of Bedford refusing they departed the Town discontented and without seeing one another and never after saw and conâ—erred together The fifteenth The Duke of Burgundy displeased with this occasioâ— and won partly by the outcries of his own people overwearied with wars and partly by the general councel held at Arras for the according and agreeing of the two Kings joineth with the French King The sixteenth The death of the Duke of Bedfore who being a man throughly acquainted with the humors and wars of France by reason of his long continuance in the one and conversation with the other died the fourteenth year of Henry the 6. his Reigne and presently after many French Noblemen and worthy Souldiers who followed the said Duke with-drew themselves from the English Faction The seventeenth The Duke of York his Successors so long stay in England occasioned by the malice of the Duke of Somerset that before his coming into France Paris and many other good Towns of France had yeilded unto the Dolphin The eighteenth The sending over but of hundreds yea of scores where before thousands were sent to keep
sixth book of his Chronicles of Flanders reporteth that Philip King of Flanders in the year 1181 having Wars against the French King had 200000 Men in his Army and Adrianus Barbadus in the Chronicles of the Dukes of Brabant recordeth that the Bishop of Utritch is able upon any urgent occasion to arm 40000 Men. The first of these reports sheweth what the force of Flanders hath been and the second giveth me occasion to conjectuâ—e and think that the strength of the United Provinces cannot but be great since a Bishop of one Town could readily and conveniently Arm so many Men. It is written that the chiefest cause of displeasure and contention betwixt Philip sirnamed The Fair king of France and Pope Boniface the eighth was because the said Philip would not at the request and intreaty of the Pope restore Guido Earl of Flanders unto his Liberty that he might accompany and assist the Christians in their Wars in the Holy Land where the said Guido's Predecessors had done better service then any other Prince of Christendom and the Pope held an opinion that Guido's presence would avail the Christians much more then the society of all the other Princes What a loss then hath the king of Spain by the Low Countries poverty as well of money as of men since the same Countries were of late years more populous far richer and better inhabited then they were in times past It is a worlds wonder to see the Riches the beauty the Pride and the jolity of those Citiâ—s before the late Câ—vil Wars And it will make any mans heart bleed as we say within his body to behold the poverty desolation ruine and calamity of them at this present Neither is the weakness of Flanders so prejudicial or hurtfull unto the Spaniards as the obstinate continuance of the United Provincâ—s in their disobedience against him For considering the extremity of his malice against England it must needs be very grievous unto him that there is so fast a League of friendship betwixt us and them And he cannot but be sorry in heart as often as he remembreth what aid they yeelded us against his invincible Navy whâ—reby the same was more easily subdued and overthrown But if he should look considerately upon their Strength by Sea and the multitude of their Mariners and Sea-faâ—ing mâ—n whereof he hath more need then of any other people whatsoever 〈◊〉 cannot but utterly despair to attain unto his desires or to satisfie his revengefull minde so long as those Pâ—ovinces shall continue in Amity with us It will seem incâ—edible that I have heard reported of the multitude of the natural Inhabitants in such a Country where most part of their Martial men are imployed in forreign Garrisons and the people remaining at home are scant fit to make soulders For that every man that hath an affâ—ction and liking to be trained up in Armes desireth to be sent into some such place where he may have the use of Armes It is an ancient custom amongst Princes if one hath an occasion to passe with an Army through anothers Country to take Pledges and Hostages that he shall passe without any kinde of Annoyance And if caution be thought necessary when a multitude goeth but through a Forreign Dominion how can a Prince be too watchfull provident and circumspect over an infinite number of Forreigners residing within the limits of his Kingdom where although they be not armed yet they may arm themselves at any time although they be dispersed yet they may congregate and unite themselves together at their pleasure although they want Guides and Governours to direct them in any malicious enterprise yet if any Army of their own Nation should attempt any manner of Hostility against the Prince within whose dominion they live they may watch and wait for some good opportunity to joyne with their Countrymen and so endanger his Estate that harboureth them And sometimes Strangers of a few grow to so great a multitude in other Princes dominions that they become both terrible and dangerous unto the Countrey which they inhabit There was a time when certain wicked Rebels cruelly murthered Charles Earl of Flanders of which some were according to their desert severely punished and others were both they and their Posteâ—ity banished out of all parts of the Earldome and also out of all the dominions of the king of France insomuch that all men and nations hating them for their wickedness they wandered up and down the wide world and could not finde any place that would receive and harbour them until that Edward King of England vouchsafed them a simple dwelling place in a little Island of Ireland called Gherma where in a few years they so multiplied and encreased that in the year 1287. they presumed to wage war against the said King Edward but being happily subdued by him the greatest part of them were slain and the residue which escaped became Sea-Rovers and spared not to pill and poll any Nation whatsoever thâ—t chanced to fall into their hands This example may warn all Princes to take heed of strangers and especially of such as have been Traytors unto their own Princes and whosoever considereth well every circumstance thereof and of many others like unto it may boldly presume to say that the Prince whose Country is replenished with strangers and especially with such as have bâ—en Traytors unto their own Princes hath great occasion to live in great doubt of his own security and of his subjects safety But I speake not this against such strangers as are fled into England or any other Country for their conscience sake to avoid the tyranny of the Spaniards I know that God ordained Cities of refuge whereunto it was lawful for â—nnocents and men wrongfully oppressed to fly for safety and yet even over such strangers it cannot be amiss to have a watchful Eye as well to Cherish tâ—em if living well and under Law they be wronged by the natural subjects of his Country where they live against the course of Law as to foresee that neither all nor part of them be induced by the natural or professed Enemies of the State in which they are harboured to attempt any open Hostility or secret Treason against him that vouchsafeth to harbor them You have heard what may be said against the present strength of the Spanish King Now it remaineth that you hear what can be objected against his wisdom and justice in Civâ—l Government For as necessary are Justice and Prudence for a peaceable regiment as Force and Policy in time of Wars To censure his wisdom will argue small wisdom in me who do both know and acknowledge it to be my duty to think well as I have said of all Princes and not to examine their actions nor look into the mysteries of their secret enterprises And yet because his favorites and friends spare not to report whatsoever their wicked hearts can imagine against our Sovereign I may boldy presume to commit
servile State wherein the Nobility is either too timerous or so besotted with the love unto a bad King that they will not be moved upon the just complaints of the poor and distressed Commonalty to enforce him to call a Parliament and in this kind of violence I require discretion and judgement in the Confederates lest they mar a good Cause with evil handling thereof as did Iulius Caesar who when he had deserved a triumph took so violent a course in demanding the same that his sure was rejected to his endless dishonour and his Countries great detriment Let the Subjects be therefore humble Petitioners unto the Princes to reform such abuses as are notoriously known to be abuses Let them yeeld such measure unto their kings as they would desire for themselves let them when neither their humble suits may prevail nor their gentle connivence or toleration mitigate the wrath or moderate the affections of their Soveraigns humbly beseech the Peers of the Realm to be their Patrons and Protectors of their Innocency Then will he that ruleth Princes and hath their hearts in his hand that can prevent their imaginations and cross their intentions raise up some better disposed then others better minded then the common sort of men are better able then the Commonalty is to judge of wrongs to redress injuries and to repress evil-disposed Princes All Authority is divided into Ecclesiastical and Temporal of the one the Pope of the other the Emperor challengeth superiority and yet both these Heads notwithstanding their preheminence their power and prerogatives have been reduced to Reason when they have swerved from all Reason by those who by Reason were led to challenge Power and Authority over them For both the Colledge of Cardinals and the States of the Empire have claimed and according to their claims have used a certain Right both over the Pope and over the Emperor when the one or the other of them hath been found negligent in their duties and therefore have presumed that the power of the one and the other hath been devolved unto them Even when an inferiour Prelate is negligent the Bishop may assume into his hands all his Jurisdiction and Authority or when the Bishop is careless in performance of his duty either the Dean and Chapter or the Arch-bishop may lawfully rebuke his negligence and reform whatsoever he vouchsafed not to amend so although the Pope challengeth to be by many degrees higher then all the Princes of Christendom yet divers Cardinals in the time of Pope Iulius the second considering that the Church had need of Reformation as well in the Head as others Member thereof implored the aid of the Emperor and of the King of France and with assurance of their help and assistance caused certain peremptory citations to be set up in Modena Bolognia and other Cities of Italy by which they cited the said Pope to appear at a general Councel to be heâ—d at Pisa and to answer to such Articles as should be layed in against him touching his Simony negligence and other abuses not specified in the said Citations In regard of which faults and of his Negligence they affirmed that the Pope was not sufficient and fit to govern the Universal Church of Christendom and that the Power and Authority to call and summon a general Councel was lawfully devolved unto them So although our Kings as I have said are the greatest and most absolute Kings of the world next unto the Kings of France yet the Barons after the battel of Lewis in the time of Henry the third ordained that two Earls and a Bishop elected by the Commonalty should chose to them nine other persons whereof three should alwayes remain about the King and by the whole twelve both the Court and the Realm should be governed So in the fourth year of the Reign of Edward the second the Prelates Earls and Barons made Ordinances for the State and Government of the Realm which because the King would neither confirm not allow were confirmed by sentence of Excommunication against all them that should go to break the same So the Scotchmen in the time of Iohn their King being moved thereunto by his negligence chose twelve Peers and four Bishops four Earls and four Barons by whose advice and counsel the King should Govern the Realm So to be short although as Bodin reporteth when a certain Advocate pleading a cause in France said that the Kings of France had received their Power and Authority from the Common-people the Kings Atturney stepped up and requested the Court that those things might be razed out of his Plea shewing that the Kings thereof never received any Power or Authority from the common people and required that both that Advocate and all others might be commanded as he and they were never to use the like words in their pleas yet before and since that time divers Kings of France have been censured by the three Estates of their Realm as it may appear by the examples of those Kings which were as I have said deposed in France Thus it appeareth that if Princes offend they may be chastened according to the nature and quality of their offences and it cannot justly or truly be said that that is against a Law or without Law which is done by an high Court of Parliament from whence all or most Laws have their beginning their foundation their strength Neither can this manner of correction embolden Subjects to conspire against the life of their Soveraign For either the Majesty of their Prince or the remembrance of their duâ—y towards him or the fear of punishment or the danger that followeth Rebellions or the hope of Reformation by imploying the aid of the Peers and Nobility will alwayes restrain their insolency and keep them within the bounds and limits of true obedience But when Subjects are disposed to be rid of their Kings they may say the Favourers of the Scotish Queen implore the aid of Forreign Princes to suppress them Whereunto I answer that if their cause be just and good I grant it to be lawfull so to do But if it shall proceed of Malice and not of Justice of their desire and not of their Princes desert of a rash and foolish dislike and not of manifest Tyranny or evil Government there will be no Prince so ill advised as to hear them much less to succour them for he that should hearâ—en to such light complaints and in regard of them molest another King would undoubtedly by Gods good and just punishment in time be troubled with the like Subjects himself Now whereas it is said that a Prince coming upon what occasion soever into another Princes Country cannot be put to death without the breach of Humanity and Hospitality Hereunto I answer briefly that if such a Prince shall so much forget himself as although he be detained for never so unjust a cause to attempt and conspire by himself or others his death that detaineth him truly neither
France who are now grown the most absolute Kings of the world were wont to do nothing that was of any weight or consequence without the consent of their best and wisest subjects The Kings of Poland Denmark and Sweden cannot make war against their enemies which is one of the principal marks of Soveraignty without the consent and leave of the States of their Country Crommus in the year 1559. withstood the coronation of their King Frederick until that he had sworn solemnly that he would not condemn any Nobleman to death or confiscate his lands or goods but suffer him to have his tryal by the Senate That all Gentlemen should have power of life and death over their subjects without appeal or without giving the King any part or portion of the penalties or forfeitures that shall be raised and levied of Gentlemens subjects And lastly That the King should not give any office whatsoever without the counsel and consent of the Senate These are hard conditions and presumptive arguments that the King of Denmark may hardly be called a Soveraign and yet Frederick yeilded to these conditions and his Successors have ever since observed them he because he could not otherwise do and they because they thought it not convenient to deny that which he had granted knowing that if they had refused his conditions they should not be received and admitted unto his succession and yet sithence the Nobility encroached herein upon their King I take it to be lawful for his Successors to free themselves as soon as they shall be able from that bondage and scant princely servitude if they be not sworn as the Spaniard is at his Coronation to see these conditions inviolably kept and observed for if they be sworn I hold it not lawful for him to break his oath for men may not voluntarily commit perjury for any temporal commodity and it is far better to endure temporal inconveniences and discommodities then to offend a mans conscience and endanger his soul. All Histories new and old are full of the like indignities offered unto Princes by their subjects as often as the rebellious people have had any good fortune against their Soveraigns and all law and reason permitteth such Princes to redeem their liberty by any means possible so it be not done contrary to their oath or done within a convenient time For though it be true that nullum tempus occurrit Regi yet that is most commonly understood in matters of lands but jurisdiction may be prescribed and there is nothing more common and ordinary then for inferiour officers to prescribe their superiours when they be negligent and careless of their jurisdiction and when an inferiour hath fully prescribed he hath as good right and interest in his prescribed jurisdiction as any prince hath in the authority which his Predecessors have had time out of mind or from the institution of their Kingdoms Be it therefore for that the Nobility of Aragon have had the before-named priviledge from the first beginning of that Royal Monarchy or that they have used the same so long a time as serveth to induce a prescription or that a general custome hath put them in full and lawful possession thereof it is not now lawful for the Kings of Spain unto whom the Kingdom of Aragon descended with all charges and burthens thereunto belonging to revoke and disanul the same priviledges and since that he is bound to observe them because his Predecessors did so and custome bindeth him so to do it is not greatly material whether his oath were well and lawfully taken yea or no and because he hath sworn to keep them he cannot dispense with his Oath or of himself remit the conditions whereunto he yeilded at his Coronation For they that swear to do any thing which they are bound to do although they were not sworn thereunto binde themselves in double bonds to do the same the first of honesty th' other of necessity As if a merchant should swear not to falsifie any merchandizes that he uttereth he is bound to observe his promise in honesty and of necessity in honesty because no conscionable man will falsifie his word and of necessity because his oath made that necessary which was before but voluntary and so forfeited and strengthned the former bond But to come more fitly and properly to our matter what was the point for which Iohn de la Nuca suffered Antonio Peres suffered part of Aragon revolted and many as well good as bad subjects of the Spanish King were slain in Caragoca Was it not the just grief and lawful discontentment conceived for the new course and extraordinary tryal that Inquisitors would and should have used against Antonio Peres Did not this Inquisition breed a tumult in Naples and in Flanders where it brought more to their untimely deaths then there are living creatures in all Aragon Did you not know that this Inquisition was first invented for heretiques and now it is used or rather abused against all sort of offenders all kinds of offences being unjustly and maliciously drawn to the notice and cognisance of the unmerciful and rigorous Inquisitors that serve the Pope for his executioners and the Spaniards for their tormentors Did not Don Iohn de la Nuca and many others know that Ecclesiastical Judges are not to deal in temporal causes be they meerly civil or criminal against private men or for the Prince Did not all the people know or at least might they not have heard that Clergy men cannot be present at a sentence of death much less give such a sentence And briefly Do not all the world know that it belongeth to him to judge who examineth a cause and heareth the merits proofs and circumstances thereof Why then should Inquisitors judge and others examine especially when the Law prescribeth both the Examiners and the Judges and where the party accused desireth the benefit of Law and the supreme Judge is bound by solemn oath to vouchsafe and yeild him the benefit and fruition of his desire But it was the King's pleasure that Antonio Peres should die and when Temporal Magistrates would not Ecclesiastical Judges should condemn him If Antonio Peres his death might have contented and satisfied him why sought he not some friend to make an end of him in the same manner that he dispatched Escovedo for him Had it not been less known to the world less danger to the State less prejudice to his Laws He might have been secreâ—ly murthered with far less trouble then openly condemned and his injustice in poysoning him should have been known but to the murtherers whereas his iniquity in condemning him could not be but apparent unto the fight and view of all the world but his ingratitude unto Antonio Peres for the pleasure done him by taking away Escovedo his life made others unwilling and fearful to pleasure and gratifie him with the like vilany Alas poor King that could not finde one in the whole