and other Opponents whatsoever which after were approved and published by the Kings Authority They were in number 41. and were published by this following Title that is to say Articuli dâ— quibus in Synoâ— London Anno 1552. 〈…〉 Religion is firmandum inter Episcopos alios Eruditis 〈◊〉 Convenerat Regia authoritate in lucem Editi And it is worth our observation that though the Parliament was held at the very time and that the Parliament passed several Acts which concerned Church-matters as viz. An Act for Vniformity of Divine Service and for the confirmation of the book of Ordination 5 and 6 Edw. 6. c. 1. All Act declaring which dayes onely shall be kept for Holy dayes and which for Fasting dayes C. 3. against striking or drawing weapon either in the Church or Church-yard C. 4. And finally another Act for the legitimating of the Marriages of Priests and Ministers C. 12. Yet neither in this Parliament nor in that which followed is there so much as the least syllable which reflecteth this way or medleth any thing at all with the book of Articles Where by the way if you behold the lawfulnesse of Priests Marriages as a matter Doctrinal or think we owe that point of Doctrine the indulgence granted to the Clergy in it to the care and goodness of the Parl. you may please to know that the point had been before determined in the Convocation stands determined by and for the Clergy in the 31 of those Articles and that the Parliament looked on it as a point of Doctrine but as it was a matter practical conducing to the benefit and improvement of the Common-wealth Or if it did yet was the statute built on no other ground-work than the Resolution of the Clergy the Marriage of Priests being before determined to be most lawfull I use the very words of the Act it self and according to the Word of God by the learned Clergy of this Realm in their Convocations as well by the common assent as by subscriptions of their hands 5 6. Edw. 6. chap. 12. And for the time of Queen Elizabeth it is most manifest that they had no other body of Doctrine in the first part of her Reign then onely the said Articles of K. Edwards book and that which was delivered in the book of Homilies of the said Kings time in which the Parliament had as little to do as you have seen they had in the book of Articles But in the Convocation of the year 1562. being the fifth of the Qu. Reign the Bishops and Clergy taking into consideration the said book of Articles and altering what they thought most fitting to make it more conducible to the use of the Church and the edification of the people presented it unto the Queen who caused it to be published with this Name and Title viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of both Provinces and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London Anno 1562 for the avoiding of diversity of Opinions and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion put forth by the Queens authority Of any thing done or pretended to be done by the power of the Parliament either in the way of approbation or of confirmation â—ot one word occurs either in any of the printed books or the publique Registers At last indeed in the 13th of the said Queens Reign which was 8 years full after the passing of those Articles comes out a statute for the redressing of disorders in the Ministers of holy Church In which it was enacted That all such as were ordained Priests or Ministers of Gods Word and Sacraments after any other form then that appointed to be used in the Church of England all such as were to be ordained or permitted to preach or to be instituted into any Benefiâ—e with â—ure of soules should publikely subscribe to the said Articles and testifie their assent unto them Which shews if you observe it well that though the Parliament did well allow of and approve the said book of Articles yet the said book owes neither confirmation nor authority to the Act of Parliament So that the wonder is the greater that that most insolent scoff which is put upon us by the Church of Rome in calling our Religion by the name Parliamentaria Religiâ— should pass so long without controle unlesse perhaps it was in reference to our Formes of Worship of which I am to speak in the next place But first we must make answer unto some Objections which are made against us both from Law and Practice For Practice first it is alleadged by some out of Bishop Iewel in his Answer to the cavil of Dr Harding to be no strange matter to see Ecclesiastical Causes debated in Parliament and that it is apparent by the Lawes of King Inas King Alfred King Edward c. That our godly fore-fathers the Princes and Peers of this Realm never vouchsafed to treat of matters touching the common State before all controversies of Religion and Causes Ecclesiastical had been concluded Def. of the Apol. part 6 chap. 2. sect. 1. But the answer unto this is eaâ—â—e For first if our Religion may be called Parliamentarian because it hath received confirmation and debate in Parliament then the Religion of our Fore-fathers even Papistry it self concerning which so many Acts of Parliament were made in K. Hen. 8. and Q. Maries time must be called Parliamentarian also And secondly it is most certain that in the Parliaments or Common-Councels call them which you will both of King Inas time and the rest of the Saxon Kings which B. Iewel speaks of not onely Bishops Abbots and the higher part of the Clergy but the whole Body of the Clergy generally had their votes and suffrages either in person or by proxie Concerning which take this for the leading Case That in the Parliament or Common-councel in K. Ethelberts time who first of all the Saxon Kings received the Gospel the Clergy were convened in as full a manner as the Lay-Subjects of that Prince Convoâ—ati communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Populi saith Sr H. Spelman in his Collection of the Councels Ann. 605. p. 118. And for the Parliament of King Ina which leades the way in Bishop Iewel it was saith the same Sr H. Spelman p. 630. Communi Concilium Episcoporum Procerum Comitum nec non omnium Sapientum Seniorum populorumque totius Regni Where doubtless Sapientes and Seniores and you know what Seniores signifieth in the Ecclesiastical notion must be some body else then those which after are expressed by the name of Populi which shews the falshood and absurdity of the collection made by Mr Pryn in the Epistle to his book against Dr Cousins viz. That the Parliament as it is now constituted hath an ancient genuine just and lawful Prerogative to establish true Religion in our Church and to abolish and suppress all false new and counterfeit Doctrines
still â—steemed a cause sufficient â—or a General Councel And then besides it would be known by whom this General Councel was to be assemblâ—d if by the Pope as generally the Papists say he and his Court were looked on as the greatest grievance of the Christian Church and 't was not probable that he would call a Councell against himself unlesse he might have leave to pack it to govern it by his own Legats fill it with Titular Bishops of his own creating and send the Holy Ghost to them in a Clokâ—bag as he did to Trent If joyntly by all Christian Princes which is the common Tenet of the Protestant Schools what hopes could any man conceive as the times then were that they should lay aside their particulâ—r interesses to center all together upon one design or if they had agreed about it what power had they to call the Prelates of the East to attâ—nd the business or to protect them for so doing at their going home So that I look upon the hopes of a General Councel I mean a General Councel rightly called and constitâ—ted as an empty 〈◊〉 The mâ—st that was to be expected was but a meeting of some Bishops of the West of Europe and those but of 〈◊〉 party only such as were excommunicated and thâ—â— might be as many as the Pope should please being to be excluded by the Cardinals Rule Which how it may be callâ—â—â—n Oecumenial or General Councell unlesse it be a Topical Oecumenical a Particular-general as great an absurdity in Grammar as a Roman Catholick I can hardly see Which being so and so no question but it was either the Church must continue withouâ—â—eformatiâ—n or elâ—e it must be lawfull for National paâ—ticular Churches to reform themselves In such a case the Church â—ay be reformed per partes Part after part Province after Province as is said by Gerson But I do not meâ—◠〈◊〉 trouble you with this Disâ—â—â—◠〈…〉 may reform themselves by National or Provincial Counâ—â—ls 〈…〉 Church generall will not do it or that it cannot be effected by a General Councel hath been so fully proved by my Lord of Canterbury in his learned and elaborate discourse against Fisher the Iesuite thaâ— nothing can be added unto so great diligence But if it be objected as you say it is that National Councels have a power of Promulgation only not of 〈◊〉 also I answer first that this runs crosse to all the current of Antiquity in which not only National but Provincial Councels did usually determine in the poinâ—â— of Faith and these too of the greatest moment as did that of Antiâ—ch which if it were somewhat more then a National was notwithstanding never reckoned for a General Councel I answer secondly as before that for one Heresie suppressâ—d in a General Councel there have been ten at least suppressed in National and Provincial Synods wich could not be in case they had no power of Determination And thirdly That the Articles or Confession of the Church of England are only Declaratory of such Catholick Doctrines as were received of old in the Church of CHRIST not Introductory of new ones of their own devising as might be evidenced in particular were this place fit for it But what needs any proof at all when we have Confession For the Archbishop of Spalato a man as well studied in the Fathers as the best amongst them ingenuously acknowledged at the High Commission that the Articles of this Church were profitable none of them Heretical and that he would defend the honour of the Church of England against all the world And this he said at the very time of his departure when his soul was gone before to Rome and nothing but his carkasse left behinde in England The like avowed by Davenport or Franciscus a Sancta Clara call him which you will who makes the Articles of this Church rightly understood according to the literal meaning and not perverted to the ends of particular Factions to be capable of a Catholick and Orthodox sense which is as much as could be looked for from the mouth of an Adversary So much as cost one of them his life though perhaps it will be said that he died in prison and the burning of his body after his death though he endevoured to save both by a Retractation So that in thiâ— case 〈◊〉 we have omniâ— bene 〈◊〉 amisse in the proceedings of this Church with reference to the Pope or a General Councel But you will say that though we could not stay the calling of a General Councel which would have justified â—ur proceedings in the eyes of our Adversaries it had been requisite even in the way of civil Prudence to have taken the advice of the Sister-Churches especially of those which were â—ngaged at the same time in the same designs which would have addâ—d râ—putation to us in the eyes of our Friends As for the taking counsel of the Sister-Churches it hath been tâ—uchâ—d upon â—lready and thereâ—ore we shall say no more as tâ— that particular unlesse the Sister-Churches of these later timâ—â— had bâ—en like the Believers in the infancy of the Châ—istian Faith when they were all of one heart and one soul as the Scripture hath it Act. 4. their counsâ—ls had been 〈◊〉 if not destructive 'T is true indeâ—d united Councelâ— are the stronger and of greater weight and not to be neglected whâ—re they may be had but where they are not to be had we â—ust act without them And if we look into the time of our Reformation we shall finde those that were engaged in the same design divided into obstinate parties and holding the names of Luther and Zuinglius in an higher estimate then either the truth of the Opinion in which they differed or the common happinesse of the Church so disturbed between them The breath not lessened but made wider by the rise of Calvin succeeding not long after in the fame of Zuinglius besides that living under the command of several Princes and those Princeâ— driving on to their several ends it had been very difficult if not impossible to draw them unto such an Harmony of affections and consent in judgement as so gâ—eat a businesse did require So that the Church of England was necessitated in that conjuncture of affairs to proceed as it did and to act that single by it self which could not be effected by the common Councels and joynt concurrence of the others 'T is true Melanchthon was once coming over in King Henries daies but stâ—id his journey on the death of Qâ—een Anne Bullen and that he was after sent fâ—r by King Edward the sixth Regis Literiâ— in Angliam vocor as he affirms in an Epistle unto Camerarius anno 1553. But he was staid at that time also on some other occasion though had he come at that time he had come too late to have had any hand in the Reformation the Articles of the Church being passed the Liturgie reviewed and setled in
the year beforâ— And 't is as true that Calvin offered his assistance to Archbishop Cranmer for the reforming of this Church Si quis mei usus esset as his own words are iâ— his assistance were thought nâ—edfull to advance the work But Cranmer knew the man and refused the offer and he did very wisely in it For seeing it impossible to unite all parties it had been an imprudent thing to have closed with any I grant indeed thâ—t Martin Bucer and Pâ—ter Martyr men of great learning and esteem but of different judgements were brought over hither about the beginning of the reign of K Edward 6. the one of them being placed in Oxford the other in Cambridge but they were rather entertained as private Doctors to mâ—derate in the Chairs of those Universities then any waies made use of in the Reformation For as the â—iâ—st Liturgie which was the main key unto the work was framed and setled before either of them were come over so Bucer died before the compiling of the Book of Articles which was the accâ—mplishment thereof nor do I finde that Peter Martyr was made use of otherwise in this weighty businesse then to make thâ—t good by disputation which by the Clergy in their Synods or Convocations was agreed upon By means whereof the Church proceeding without reference to the different interesses of the neighbouring Churches kept a conformity in all such points of Government and publâ—qâ—e order with the Church of Rome in which that Church had not forsaken the clear Tract of the primitive Times retaining not only the Episcopall Government with all the concomitants and adjuncts of it which had been utterly abolished in the Zuinglian Churches and much impaired in power and jurisdiction by the Luthâ—rans also and keeping up a Liturgie or set form of worship according to the rites and usages of the primitive times which those of the 〈◊〉 congregâ—â—ioâ—s would not hearken to God certainly hâ—d so disposed it in his heavenly wisdome that so this Church without respect unto the names and Dictateâ— of particular Doctors might found its Reformation on the Prophets and Apostles only according to the Explications and Traditions of the ancient Fathers and being so founded in it self without respect to any of the differing parties might in succeeding Ages sit as Judge between thâ—m as being more inclinable by her constitution to mediate a peace amongst them then to espouse the quarrel of eiâ—her side to the Popes authority on the one side or on the other side And though Spalâ—to in the Book of his Retractations which he cals Consilium reâ—eundi objects against uâ— That besides the publick Articles and confession authorised by the Churches we had embraced some Lutheran and Calvinian Fancies multa Lutheri 〈◊〉 dogâ—ata so his own words run yet this was but the 〈◊〉 of particular men not to be charged upon the Church as maintaining either The Church is constant to her safe and her first conclusions though many private men take liberty to imbrace new Doctrines 4. That the Châ—rch did not innovate in translating the Scriptureâ— and the publick Liturgie into vulgar tongues and of the consequents thereof in the Church of England The next thing faulted as you say in the Reformation iâ— the committing so much heavenly treasure to such rotten vessels the trusting so much excellent Wine to such musty bottles I mean the versions of the Scriptures and the publick Liturgies into the usual Languages of the common people and the promiscuous liberty indulged them in it And this they charge not as an Innovation simply but as an Innovation of a dangerous consequence the sad effects whereof we now see so clearly A charge wich doth alike concern all the Prâ—testant and Reformed Churches so that I should have passed it over at the present time but that it is made ourâ— more specially in the application the sad effects which the enemy doth so much insult in being said to be more visible in the Church of England then in other placeâ— This makes it ourâ— and therefore here to be considered as the former were First then they charge it on the Church as an Innovation it being affirmed by Bellarmine in his 2. Book De verbo Dei cap. 15. whether with lesse truth or modesty it is hard to say Vniversam Ecclesiam semper his tantum linguis c. that in the Universal Church in all times foregoing the Scriptures were not commonly and publickly read in any other language but in the Hebrew Greek and Latine this is you seâ— a two-edged sword and strikes not only against all Translaâ—iâ—ns of the Scriptures into vulgar languages for commâ—n use but against reading those Translationâ— publickly 〈…〉 part oâ— the Liturgie in which are many things as the Cardinal telâ— uâ—quae secreta esse debent which are not fit to be made known to the common people This is the substance of the charge and herein we joyn issuâ— in the usual Form with Absque hoc sans ceo no such matter really the constant current of Antiquity doth affiâ—m the contrary by which it will appear most plainly that the Church did neither innovate in this act of hers nor dâ—viaâ—e therein fâ—om the Word of God or from the usage of the best and happiest times of the Church of CHRIST Not from the Word of God there 's no doubt of that which was committed unto writing that it â—ight be read and read by all that were to be directed and guided by it The Scriptures of the Old Testament fiâ—st writ in Hebrew the Vulgar language of that people and read unto them publickly on the Sabbath daiâ—s as appears clearly Act. 13. 15. 15. 21. translated afterwards by the cost and care of Ptolemy Philadelphus King of Egypt into the Greek tongue the most known and studied language of the Eâ—stern world The Nâ—w Testament first wâ—it in Grâ—ek for the self-same reason but that St. Matthew'â— Gospel iâ—â—ffirmed by some learned men to have been written in thâ—Hebrew and written to thiâ— end and purpose that men might believe tâ—â—t IESVS is the CHRIST tâ—e Son of GOD and that believing tâ—ey might have use in his Name Joh. 20. vers. ult. But being that all the Faithfull did not understand these Languages and that the light of hâ—ly Scripture might not be likened to a Candlâ— hidden under â—â—ushel it waâ— thought good by many â—odly men in the Pâ—iâ—itive timâ—s to translate the same into the â—anâ—uagâ—s of the Countreys in which thâ—â— lived or of the which thâ—â— had been Naâ—ives In which respect S Chrysostome then banished inâ—o Armenia translated the New Testament and the Pâ—alms of David into the Language of that people S. Hierom a Pannonian born translated the whole Bible into the Dalmatick tongue as Vulphilas Bishop of the Goâ—hes did into the Gâ—thick all which we finde together without fuâ—ther search in the Bibliotheque of Sixtus Senensis a learned and ingenuâ—us man but a Pontifician and
so lesse partial in this cause The like done hâ—re in England by the care of Athelstan causing a Translation of the Saxon Tongue the like done by Methodâ—us the Apostle Genâ—râ—l of the Sclaves translating it into the Sclavonian for the use of those Nations not to say any thing of the Syriack Aethiopick Arabick the Peâ—sian and Chaldaean Versions of which the times and Authors are not so well known And what I pray you is the vulgar or old Latine Edition of late times made Authentick by the Popes of Rome but a Translation of the Scriptures out of Greek and Hebrew for the insâ—ruction of the Roman and Italian Nations to whom the Latine at that time was the Vulgar Tongue And when that Tongue by reason of the breaking in of the barbarous Nations was worn out of knowledge I mean as to the common people did not God stir up Iames Archbishop of Genoa when the times were darkest that is to say annoâ—290 or theâ—eabouts to give some light to them by translating the whole Bible into the Italian the modern Lanâ—uâ—ge of that Countrey As he did Wiâ—lef not long after to translate the same into the English of those times the Saxon Tongue not being then commonly understâ—od a copy of whose Version in a fair Velom Manuscript I have now here by me by the gift of my noble Friend Charles Dymoke Hereditary Champion to the Kings of England So then it is no innovation to translate the Scriptures and lesse to suffer these Translations to be promiscuously read by all sorts of people the Scripture being as well MILK for Babes as strong Meat for the man of more able judgement Why else doth the Apostle note it as a commendâ—ble thing in Timothy that he knew the Scriptures from his childhood and why else doth S. Hierom speak it to the honour of the Lady Paula that she made her maids learn somewhat daily of the holy Scriptures Why else does Chrysostome call so earnestly on all sorts of men to provide themselves of the holy Bibles {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the only Physick for the Soul as he cals it there inviting to the reading thereof not only men of learning and publick businesse but even the poor Artificer also as is acknowledged by Senensis whom before we mentioned And why else doth S. Augustine inform his Auditors that it sufficeth not to hear the Scriptures read in the Congregation unlesse they read also in their private Hoâ—ses Assuredly if Boyes and Girles if Servants and Artificers are called upon so earnestly to consult the Scriptures tâ— have them in a Tongue intelligible to them in their private Faâ—ilies and are commended for so doing as we see they are I know no rank of men that can be excluded Let us next see whether it be an Innovation in the Church of CHRIST to have the Liâ—urgies or Commâ—n-prayers of the Chuâ—ch in the Tongue generally understood by the commâ—n People which make the greatest number of all Church Assemblies And first we finde by the Apostle not only that the publick Prayeâ—s of the Church of Câ—rinth were celebrated in a language which they understood but that it ought to be so also in all other Churches Except saith he ye utter by the voice words easie to be understood how shall it be known what is spoken How shall he that occupieth the room of the unlearned say Ameâ—to thy giving of thanks and consequently to thy Prayers also if he understand not what thou sayest 1 Cor. 14. 9. 16. What say the Papists unto this Do not both Lyra and Aquinas expresly grant in their Commentaries on this place of Scripture that the common Service of the Church in the Primitive times was in the common vulgar language Is not the like affirmed by Harding in his Answer to Bishop Iewels challenge Art 3. Sect. 28. Adding withall that it was necessary in the Primitive times that it should be so and granting that it were still better that the people had their Service in their own vulgar Tongue for their better understanding of it Sect. 33. Having thus Confitentes reos we need seek no further and yet a further search will not be unprofitable And on that search it will be found that the converted Iewes did celebrate their divinâ— Offices â—ractatus oblationes as the Father hath it most commonly in the Syriack and sometimes in the Hebrew tongue the natural â—anguages of that people as is affirmed by S. Ambrâ—se in 1. ad Cor. cap. 14. and out of him by Durand in his Râ—tiâ—nâ—le Divinorum Eckius a great stickler of the Popes affirmeth in his Common places that the Indians have their Service in the Indian tongue and that S. Hierome having translated the whole Bible into the Dâ—lmatick procured that the Service shâ—uld be celebrated in that Language also The like S. Hâ—erome himself in his Epistle to Heliodorus hath told us 〈◊〉 the Bessi a Sarmation people the like S. Basil in his Epistle to the Neâ— caesareans assures us for the Aegyptians Libyans Palestinians Phenicians Arabians Syrians and such as dwell about the Bâ—nks of the River Euphrates The Aethiopians had their Mâ—ssal the Chaldeans theirs each in the language of their Countryes which they still retain So had the Mâ—scovites of old and all the scattered Churches of the Eastern parts which they continue to this day But nothing is more memorable in this kinde then that which Aenaeas Silvius tels of the Sclavonians who being converted to the Faith made suite unto the Pope to have the publick Service in their natural Tongue but some delay being made therein by the Pope and Cardinals a voice was heard seeming to have come from Heaven praying Omnis Spiritus laudet Dominum omnis lingua conâ—iteatur ei whereupon their desires were granted without more dispute Touching which Grant there is extant an Epistle from Pope Iohn the 8. to Sfentopulcher King of the Moravian Selaves anno 888. at what time both the Latine Service and the Popes authority were generally received in those parts of Europe Which Letter of Pope Iâ—hn the 8. together with the Story above mentioned might probably be a chief inducement to Innocent the 3. to set out a Decree in the Lateran Councel importing that in all such Cities in which there was a concourse of divers Nations and consequently of different Languages as in most Towns of Trade there doth use to be the Serviâ—e should be said and Sacraments administred Secundum diversitates nationum linguarum according to the difference of their Tongues and Nations And though Pope Gregory the 7. a turbulent and violent man about 200 years afâ—er the Concession made by Iohn the S. in his Letter to Vratislaus King of Bohemia laboured the cancelling of thâ—t priviledge and possibly might prevail therein as the â—imes then were yet the Liburnians and Dalmatians two Sclavonian Nations and bordering on Italy the Popes proper seat do still enjoy the benefit of that