attemps as I conceive moved the Governess to consult how the Decrees of the Councell of Trent against Hereticks lately brought into the Low-countreys some of which were not yet clearly expounded might be there observed For the King having many times wrote letters to her wherein he shewed himself displeased with the Hereticks boldnesse and the connivence of the Bishops and having commanded his fathers Edict to be revived which had long lyen dormant the judgement being translated to Ecclesiasticall persons The Governess replyed that although it would be very seasonable in regard that many of the new judges and inquisitours had not been more ambitious of their places then timerous in them yet she said the Edict could not possibly be executed if the Councell of Trent were received by authority whereof the cognizance of these causes was transferred to the Ecclesiasticall Tribunall Besides that when Pope Pius had spent the most part of this year one thousand five hundred sixty four in proposing and bringing in the decrees of the Councel earnestly commending their use and patronage to Christian Princes it pleased the King of Spain to be the first that gave his assent not onely out of his Majesties native piety but likewise because that Councell was called at the request of his father Charles the fifth when he was at Rome and therefore he conceived the maintenance thereof descended upon him by inheritance But whilst his Majestie first took order to establish the Councel in Spain and then wrote to his sister to do the like in the Low-countreys something happened at Rome which it was thought would alienate the Kings mind from the Pope and consequently that no farther regard would be had of the Councel either in Spain or the Low-countreys For there was an accidentall Dispute in the Councel of Trent whether the French or Spanish Embassadour should take place this would not indure the other should precede him nor would he suffer this to his equall The controversie was for that present time composed the Spanish Embassadour being honourably seated apart from all the rest But when the Councel was ended upon the desire of Lodwick Requesenes King Philips Resident at Rome that the precedencie might be determined Pope Pius it being in re odiosa first began to put it off and then advised Requesenes to give over the contest finally he perswaded them severally and in private to referre the cause wholly to the sacred Colledge of Cardinals in the mean time they were to forbear the ceremonie of coming to the Popes Chappell his Holinesse supposing the contrary factions of the Cardinals would be a means to make the suit depend for a long time and free him of the necessitie and so of the envie of giving sentence For as he said very handsomely a Prince should imitate Iupiter who according to the old tradition of the Thuscan Soothsayers hath two kinds of thunder-bolts the prosperous he himself useth to shoot but for the unfortunate he calls a Councel of the Gods Notwithstanding when mens minds are inflamed they are like horses at full speed hard to be stopped and both the Embassadours took it ill that the Pope so delayed them especially Henry Ossellie King Charles his Resident who thought himself by this means in a manner equalized especially fearing least the contention might be ended now as formerly it had been in Ferdinand the Emperours Court where it was resolved the French and Spanish Embassadours should take place of each other by turns which caused the French Embassadour to leave the Emperours Court and this perhaps might be a president for the Court of Rome But the Pope that the ceremonies in his Chappel might not any more be intermitted at last upon the sacred day of Pentecost commanded that next the Imperiall the French Embassadour should take place Whereat Requesenes in a fury after he had in the Popes presence taken publick notice of the injury in his masters name by his Majesties command left Rome This businesse held many in suspence what king Philip would do particularly concerning the Councel of Trent which the Pope was so earnest with him to settle in his Dominions and it exceedingly troubled the Dutchess of Parma because she governed the Low-countreys which among all his Maâ—esties Dominions lay most open to the invasion of Hereticks and therefore the Pope most of all desired that the Councel should be first established there The Governesse therefore doubtfully exspected the Kings pleasure in his next letters and withall was somewhat more slack in punishing Hereticks and some were absolutely of opinion the Councel of Trent should be no more heard of in the Low-countreys This rejoyced the Hereticks who jeered the wisdome of the Pope that found so seasonable a time to provoke the Spaniard by whom if the Councel were refused what Kingdome would obey the Canons made at Trent Though some upon the same premises concluded otherwise and said the Popes justice was not shaken either by hope or fear nor did they doubt of the Kings piety and constancie or that a private offence could move him to put the Councell out of his Protection which if he should do the French would not fail to undertake it if it were but onely because the Spaniard had rejected it And behold Letters came from King Philip which acquainted the Governess that the Dispute was ended but farre otherwise then he conceived the equity of his cause or his observance to the Pope deserved That he had therefore called away his Embassadour from Rome where he might not appear with honour that being the last private businesse he was likely to have with his Holinesse but for the publick or his service and obedience to the Pope and the holy Apostolick See from which he would never depart he had commended those to Cardinall Paceco Patron of the Spanish at Rome with whom she should hereafter transact all businesse appertaining to the designation of Bishops and establishment of Religion for defence whereof as likewise for propounding and imposing the Councel of Trent upon the Low-countreys it was fit her care and endeavours should not be slacked upon any cause whatsoever And indeed the King having thus declared himself she would easily have brought it in if she had not stumbled at the threshold For desiring the advice of those that had the care of souls and of the greatest Casâ—ists in the Universities and likewise putting it to the suffrage of the Senate they voted against the Councel and advised her not to propound the Decrees containing certain heads repugnant to Monarchy and the Priviledges of the Subject unlesse the said heads were excepted And this they urged more freely and peremptorily because they imagined such confidence could not but be acceptable to the King which under the pretence of liberty served the Princes ends and yet excâ—sed the Prince from any fault But the King whom the Governess in every thing
about the Beginnings of the Low-countrey tumâ—lts Ostentation of wit Faction Ignorance of the difference between Beginnings and Causes Which difference is principally to be observed and explained by an Historian So did the ancient and best writers Fab. Pict in his Annalls Tit. Liv. l. 21. Polyb. l. 3. To follow whose examples it is easie for a man acquainted with Princes secrets The Low-Countreymens Priviledges very great Lud. Guicciardin in Descrip. Belg. From whence this evil had its Originall because the King trencht upon them three wayes The retaining of the Spanish souldiers 〈◊〉 first Cause of their 〈…〉 The Low-Countreymen are aggrieved Instigated by the Prince of Orange And exasperated by the Spaniards the 〈◊〉 Hence grew their 〈…〉 the King 〈◊〉 Cause is 〈…〉 wholly to 〈…〉 to the Low-Countrey-men Not to the King Whether the Belgick tumults are to be derived from this fountain Multiplying the number of Bishops the second cause of Insurrection The complaints made thereupon By the old Bishops The Lords temporall The Abbots And almost all that stood for the Low-countrey priviledges In 2. Addit ad â—aetum introitum Principis Hispaniae Artic. 24. What those priviledges were Artic. â—6 And how violated by increase of Bishops For which many men rail at And threaten the King Artic. 5. Some argued for his Majestie From Precedents in other countreys Which makes against the complaints of the old Bishops Baronius ann 639. 741. Extrav Solvator de Praebend Dignit As likewise against the temporall Lords And against the Abbots Aubertus Miraeus in Notitia Episc. The literal sense of their priviledges Whence some infer that they were not broken June 4. 1561. apud Arnold Havens de novis Episc. l. 2. Jun. 4. 1561. Arnol. Haves de nov Episc. l. 2. and adde the decision of the Lovain Doctors and necessity the greatest of Priviledges And that the King was not obliged to summon the Estates Generall Nor out of his own purse to allow maintenance for the Bishops Especially when he gave them Pensions Whether the beginning of the tumults may be deduced from hence The Inquisition the third cause of Insurrections The first occasion of introducing it into the Government of the Church The different forms thereof Established in Rome Constit. 34. Licet Not without Penalties J Manich and l. Quicunque C. De haereticis C. ut inquisitionis de haereticis in 6. In Spain especially from the year 1383. Martin Luthers Heresie makes it every where strictly observed Emp. Max. 1. Gratian. Theod Arcad. Honor Martian c. Charles the fifth his Edict against Luther and hereticks Leoâ— Seven times the Emperour renued it The Brabanters refuse the Inquisition King Philip confirms his Fathers Edicts Commands the execution thereof to the Governess The Governess to the Magistrates The Magistrates let it cool The Brabanters still refuse The people differ in opinions The common discourse against the Inquisition and the Emperours Edicts In the Lateran Councel under Innocent iii. Tumults caused by fear of the Inquisition and punishment of Delinquents Some men censure the King Others excuse him C. Sane 2. de Off. Potest Jud. lib. 1. §. Quiâ—manda tam. 〈◊〉 de Off. ejus Of the Prince of Orange His Ancestours came out of Germany Into the Low-countreys Ann. 1292. The Prince of Orange in his Apol. 1581. Their power in the Netherlands Anno 1544. The birth of the Prince of Orange Henr. Ranzou in exemplis Astvol Michael Airzinger in Leone Belg. His Nativity calculated His civill And military education Called the ordinary Bands Emmanuel Fishberti Duke of Savoy His favour at Court Some suspect him The Emperour answers all Objections And commends him to the King The King makes great account of him The Causes of his Discontent His Designe His Wit and Manners Which relished not of Courtship or Levity The splendour of his Family His doubtfull Religion He declares himself a Calvinist Apology 1518. His Apology Anno 1518. Whether from his heart or no is uncertain Ann. 1581. He was Hostage for K. Philip to Henry K. of France Ann. 1581. He discovers both the Kings designes against the hereticks And from thence takes his hint for Commotion Ann. 1559. Beginning at the Convention of the Knights of the Golden Fleece out of the same Apology Hoventius Momorancy Lord Montany Anthony Lalin Count Hochstrat Starting matter for sedition out of the Spanish souldiers 1559. In the some Apology Out of the new Bishops In his said Apol and so Granvel writes Ann. 1582. Out of the Inquisition Out of Granvels power Out of the troubles arising in the Duke of Alva's government The mutinous Citizens and the Hereticks desire to have the Prince of Orange for their Generall Anne daughter to Maurice Duke of Saxonie He offers himself To the destruction of the Publick The Causes and Occasions of the Belgickâ—nmults â—nmults summed up 1559. The Spanish souldiers have Orders to depart 4. Octob. Their Departure countermanded by the King Whereat the Low-countreymen rage And grow desperate Tacitus in his Annals l. 13. Called the Consult 1560. The Consulters are of opinion the souldiers should not be stayed 1560. Of the same mind were all the Councell of State 1560. But onely Granvell Who at last consents The Governesses Express to the King Her private letter 12. Decemb. The King assents in these words The Spanish souldiers sail for Spain 1561. A new Modell of the Foot Touching forrein and domestick souldiers 1562. The Marriage between the Prince of Orange and Princesse Anne daughter to the Duke of Saxony Landgrave of Hessen Anno 1550 The Landgraves Plot to break the match Discovered to the Duke of Saxony 1561. The Nuptials with Princesse Anne celebrated Afterwards he sued out a Divorce Anno 1572 At Brill is Holland Granvel made a Cardinall A Cardinalls hat brought to him He delays his acceptance 25. Feb. 12. Iuly 1562. 27. March The Governess likes not his delay He at last owns the scarlet And hat sent him by speciall favour from his Holiness For which he gives the Governess his reasons as she wrote to the King 29. Novem. 1564. 1562. The Crown of France being endangered succours are sent from the Low-countreys Of the French Tumults The Lutheran Religion brought into France Upon what occasion The City of Paris Its Favourers Margaret of Valois sister to K. Francis T is almost extinguished â—y the King Calvinisme succeeds First among the Commons Afterwards among the Lords Out of their â—mulation and envie 1562. To the Guises Duke Francis and his brother the Cardinall Anthony of Bourbon King of Navarre The Prince of Condè brother to the King of Navarre Gaspar Colligny and his brother Andelot All these were infected with Heresie But the greatest Professour of them was Joan Alibret Queen of Navarre Julius II. The Lord joyn with the hereticall rabble 1559. Against whom assistance is requested of the King of Spain And promised Alibret exasperates her husband against the Catholicks Tit. Liv. l. 1. The conspiracy at
apart But though I read the other almost in all writers yet what the words of the Charter should be whereby the King obliged himself so as that he could not augment the number of Bishops I find in no Historian For what some write that the King swears at his Coronation not to encrease the State Ecclesiasticall is not an ingenuous allegation because the Prince onely swears to that kind of encrease whereby he promises not to suffer the Clergy to receive the goods of Laymen which they call Mortmains but upon certain conditions This is far from the point in controversie therefore I held it fit to march further into their records where I found one Clause that seems to make against the increasing the number of Bishops Which condition of their priviledges unless I had resolved to be a faithful Historian I might safely have concealed because they themselvs do not mention it that have I am sure written many things in mere malice to the Spaniard For King Philip being created Duke of Brabant by his father Charles the fifth among divers Priviledges which in the Act of the Ioyfull Entry he bestowed upon that Province inserts this clause That hereafter he will not suffer any to entrench upon the Offices Lands or Goods of Abbots Bishops or other religious persons within the Dukedome of Brabant under the name of a Commendum But whilst by the Kings procurement Bishops were entituled to the reversions of Monasteries after the Abbots deceases the Brabanters seemed to have their Priviledges broken and the people had occasions offered that the proceedings which every one hated for his private benefit they might all in publick fairly declaim against by the name of Breach of Priviledge Some therefore wondered what was in the Kings mind or counsel to bring in new Bishops make a thing displeasing of it self far more distastfull and odious by taking their estates from the Monasteries And therefore they further said That if the King proceeded to violate the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject the Brahanters had cause to defend themselves and that the Prince ought to remember that when he made their Charter he articled They should pay him no subjection or obedience if he entirely performed not to them his Oath and Protestations Yet some there were of a contrary opinion and by how much they saw the King endeavour it with lesse benefit and greater danger to himself so much the more they commended his sincere religion who in this business looked upon nothing but the good of his people And indeed What was there apparent that men could justly blame the encrease of the number of the Bishops or of their maintenance As if the Bishop of Rome might not do that in the Low-countreys which he had done in Germany and in France between which two Nations in the middle lieth the Netherlands Did not Boniface Bishop of Mentz Legate for the See Apostolick in Germany when the multitude of Christians abounded in some places by the authority of the Popes Cregory the third and Zachary adde three new Bishops to the former The very like cause there was among other reasons for doing the same in the Low-countreys But what motive was in France the sacred jurisdiction of the Bishop of Tholouse was so large that one Pastor could not possible see the faces of all his Diocese and therefore it was divided into five Episcopall Sees by Iohn the 22 not onely no care taken of the Bishops of Narbon Bourges or Cahors out of whose estates both the Church of Tholouse and some of these new ones were endowed but the Bishop of Tholouse must of necessity loose much of his revenues by the division of his then rich Diocese That the neighbour Bishops ought not to have been called to Rome and heard in a business of this nature their reasons for it being onely their own profit and power is sufficiently apparent Nor were the grievances of the Lords built upon a much better ground that is they were discontented that they should be limited in their bold disputes about Religion and Monarchy by the unwelcome presence of the Prelates whom they ought to honour as Fathers and Princes of the Church and to fear them as Revengers of Sacriledge For when they alledged that they doubted the Bishops would be evil Counsellours and bandy against the King it was a pretence to cozen children with they doubted themselves that if they should appear against the King they should have these men for witnesses and adversaries that had received and hoped for more from his Majesty then ever the Abbors did Then the complaints of the Abbots and Monks were somewhat more then became them It was not without precedent that a Bishop should succeed in the place of an Abbot Let them look upon France they shall find that Iohn the xxii indowed the Bishops of Condom Vabrince and Lâ—mbere to name no more with Monastery lands And if there should want an example yet when it was granted to a Prince by the Pope that may command the Monks they might have been so modest as to teach others obedience to his Holiness They might have remembred most of their Mannors and Lordships were the bounty of the Belgick Princes which made it seem more just so as the King not making his own use or advantage of the profits thereof but onely employing them for the good and benefit of those Provinces the Abbots themselves ought to have been as willing as the Prince and contributed to the necessity of the people by so much more freely by how much that Care is more proper to a religious life and not with unseasonable exclamations have corrupted a good designe stirred up the people and alienated the Popes and the Kings mind from their patronage For the great grievance that the King had broke their Priviledges First they did not sufficiently understand the difference between a Commendum and the Annexion of Church-livings A Commendum being in the nature of a thing deposited the other given as to an absolute Lord. And therefore Commendums if the possessour die revert to the depositor as the Lord Paramount unless they be passed over to another by a new Commendum but such as are annexed do not revert but remain for ever to the Successour in that Office to which they are appendent For which reasons there is no more taken from Monasteries by annexing then was by giving them in Commendum because that which is annexed doth no more revert to Monasteries then that which was commended forasmuch as what was once commended is conferred again from one to another by the Pope to whom it reverts Nay whereas Church-livings may be commended to non-residents that cannot which is annexed to a Bishoprick For herein Religion requires the Bishops presence farre more then a Commendum so as what might have come by a Commendum to a forreiner by Annexion was retained in the
Low-Countreys The King therefore while he took care that Abbies should not be given in Commendum to Bishops which was the provisâ— of their Charter but annexed to their Bishopricks did not in truth violate their priviledges which he had sworn to maintain But what need more words when the case being put to the University of Lovain and studied by Doctors both of Divinity and of Civill Law it was definitively resolved that annexion of Livings and likewise the institution of new Bishopricks was neither repugnant to the Kings oath nor to the laws Again they ought to consider the difference that was then from other times and manners that while Religion was safe the King altered nothing but when it was endangered there can be no priviledges to tie the hands of Kings from supporting their dominions falling into ruine The number of pastours was the fittest remedy to defend the flock of Christ from wolves breaking in upon them and sure there is none so great an enemy to the King but must acknowledge and believe it Nor could their endowments be proportioned with less inconvenience then they were by prudent men to whom it was referred with the Kings approbation and the Popes command Nor was the Prince which some required bound to do it by the advice of his great Councel for he held himself obliged to it by no law and likewise his reason told him the States in a thing distastfull to many especially such as listened to hereticks their neighbours would easily dissent using the liberty which they took upon them in publick assemblies Whereby he should not onely expose his Prerogative and Majesty to the dispute but even to the contempt of his people and that he should vex their minds so much the more by following his design when they once declared their publick dislike and passed their votes against it But the King might have provided for the new Bishops or it upon a fuller survey he had found all other wayes more difficult yet he himself should have maintained them out of his own and not out of other mens estates without the trouble of his people without any mans prejudice As if it were not just that the Bishops which were to serve the Low-Countreys should be provided for out of the Low-Countreys Nor did the King spare his Exchequer allowing every Bishop yearly one thousand five hundred crowns in pension till sufficient maintenance should be raised elsewhere Albeit the King in giving them the Abbots goods did not directly bestow upon them other mens estates especially since he did it by authority of the Bishop of Rome who is the true Administratour of their goods To conclude this makes it plain that although the King had given perpetuall pensions to the Bishops it would not have satisfied these men that were not so much discontented with the translations or annexions of Church-livings as with the very number of the Bishops which there being no reason to condemn but indeed to welcome as a safe and ready help it plainly appears in case the Brabanters or other Low-Countreymen had took arms upon this ground to which side the beginning of those troubles was to be imputed Neither could this be the cause of rebellion The substituting of Bishops in place of Abbots when they should decease and annexing of their livings to the Bishopricks was but executed in very few Cities because of their continuall petitions which I shall in due place remember presented to the Pope and the King I am sure in Brabant which stood out the stiffest the King at last consenting there was nothing altered Yet I deny not but those agitations of diversly minded men lessened obedience and duty to the Prince which are the pillars of government and foreshewed in case they should be further moved the ruine of the whole For nothing is so pernicious to Monarchy as when the people are taught publickly to contest with their Prince and to dissent from him not onely with impunity but with advantage One thing most of all troubled and exasperated the Low-Countreymen at first a suspicion then an indeavour of setting up an inquisition against heresie to be confirmed by the Edict of the Emperour Charles the fifth Which in regard it is commonly thought to have opened a door of war in the Low-Countreys it will be worth my pains be what it may be to give you account of it Religion as it was ever highly reverenced by all as that which preserves the Worship of God and Concord of Men so the Christian Church hath been alwayes severe against the disturbers thereof This charge was first administred onely by the Bishops to whom it appeâ—tains by Law Afterwards perhaps because that sacred Office is ingaged in many cares or because they are sometimes inforced to be absent from their Diocese or lastly some of them may be negligent in the exercise of their authority and some happely ignorant it seemed the best course to delegate from the Apostolicall See Iudges extraordinary of approved learning and piety which should have commission to hear and determine against hereticks whereupon they were called the Apostolicall Inquisitours This I find begun by Pope Innocent the third who sent against the Albigenses the Founder of the preaching Fryars Saint Dominick that first executed the office of Inquisitour with much applause The custome was afterwards received almost in all that and the next Age in many Christian countreys there being created in every Province Censors of Faith that should legally take notice of the violation of religion Yet in all places were not the same Judicatories Some had temporary Inquisitours sent about heresie newly sprung up and when that was extinguished their commission ended In other parts a Tribunall was erected to which questions of faith were perpetually to be referred In other places the whole form of this judicature being rejected none but Bishops themselves were permitted to inquire of hereticks Nay at Rome the form was varied for sometimes all was done by the ordinary and Civill Magistrates no Inquisitour extraordinary sometimes many but then one or more of the Cardinals were of the Quorum Till Paul the fourth instituted a Colledge of Cardinals by whose suffrages these controversies were to be determined establishing this course for ever after in Rome by a more venerable and sacred Court of Justice And that it might more firmly continue fear the Beadle of the law terrified them from the beginning penalties and fines being imposed upon and exacted of the refractory more easie ones by the Cannon law and heavier by Imperiall Edicts For when the Emperours observed besides the worship of God that it concerns the publick Peace whose Guardian the Prince is that subjects should be limited by Religion and that they saw when Religion was endangered peace could not live upon the foul and rough waves of heresie they decreed that the punishment of traitours should be inflicted upon hereticks as enemies
to Religion and by consequence to Peace Provided notwithstanding that the law should not be executed till their triall and verdict were passed in the Ecclesiasticall Court to which the proper cognizance of heresie belongs Which though it was ever exercised in all orthodox Countreys and in some places according to sudden motions of new perverse opinions with greater diligence yet no where with more exactness and strictness then in Spain either out of the especiall inclination of those Catholick Princes or by reason of contagious forreiners that mingled themselves among those their subjects But this care of Religion was afterwards encreased almost through all Christendome by reason of the troubles raised by one man in many parts I mean Martin Luther the calamity of those and the following times This mischief that he had long studied to bring upon true believers he had oft begun to attempt and then changing his mind as if not resolved or rather waiting for an opportunity at last Maximilian the Emperour deceasing and Charles his Nephew succeeding in the Empire his wickedness broke forth well knowing that the beginning of a Princes reign is the best time for Innovation and likewise believing the Emperours young years to be ignorant of government and therefore despicable Howsoever he made sure account his Imperiall Majestie would rather bend his endeavours to settle the affairs of his Empire then to maintain the rites of the Church so courting the Provinces first to revolt from the Church and then which is the next step from their Princes and from the Emperour himself he thus broke in peices at once the Romane Empire and Religion Which gave occasion to the Bishop of Rome to be much more observant and intent to questions of faith and to Christian Princes as every one tendered his Religion and Dominions to be more vigilant therein Indeed Châ—â—les the fifth whom Religion in her afflictions looked upon as her onely refuge by the example of the Emperours his Predecessours thought it expedient to establish laws through all the Provinces of the Empire and Low-Countreys against the corrupters of the Catholick faith Therefore whilest he was conducted from Spain through the Netherlands and Germany to the Imperiall throne with extraordinary joy and gratulations of men and with all that noise of his then smiling fortune in the town of Worms at the Diet or Parliament of the Empire Martin Luther condemned by the Bishop of Rome was by vote of the Electors and the rest of the Princes and Estates of the Empire condemned and proscribed and the edict of his proscription the same year one thousand five hundred twenty one was published through all the dominions of his Empire and Patrimony Nevertheless Luther still persisted in his evil nay as wickedness prospers by sudden attempts within a few moneths that contagion infected at least breathed upon the most flourishing Cities of Germany The Emperour in some places punishing delinquents and renuing and enlarging his edict which he applyed seven times to that violent and volatile disease Moreover when he had desired and received Censors of faith from the Pope in reference to their authority and security he passed many Decrees which are inrolled in the Imperiall laws of the year one thousand five hundred and fifty But this new fate of Justice brought with it into the Low-Countreys more terrour then observance for though it were in some places received yet the Brabanters because they said their liberty was infringed taking the opportunity freed themselves of the burthen laid upon them about the end of the year fifty at which time partly the great meeting of Ausburg and the Councel of Trem partly war upon war rising in Africa Hungary Italy Germany and France drew Cesars cares another way And although King Philip when he took possession of the Low-Countreys instantly confirmed his Fathers laws and edicts by his own proclamation it little advanced the business he being forthwith engaged in a sharp warre with France which began the year he set forth that Proclamation and held three years after till in the year fifty nine as soon as ever he got a breathing from the war he re-applied himself to settle Religion And leaving the Netherlands he commanded his sister the Governess and Bishop Granvell to take speciall care that his Fathers laws and the cautions which he himself had confirmed in behalf of the Popes Inquisitors should be punctually observed This was the state of affairs these were the Edicts of Charles the fifth these the beginnings and proceedings of the Inquisitions against heresies When the Dutchess of Parma as she was enjoyned bending all her care that way treated about it with Governours of the Pronvinces but found by experience it was of much more difficulty to do things commanded then to command things fitting to be done The Magistrates seemed unwilling to take the business upon themselves some of the Nobility offered their services doubtfully others absolutely told her it was no good time to move that stone again at which they had so often stumbled The Brabanters that had slipt the bridle under Charles the fifth and would not suffer King Philip when he was there to put it on again should they now halter themselves called by a womans voice The people know no mean or moderate course at first they are in amazement then all confidence Sometimes they fear sometimes they terrifie according as they are inflamed with the breath of great persons and the bellows of hereticks Nay the common discourse concerning the King hinted to the people and uttered as their own was this Why he made so many new Bishops if they were not to protect Religion But indeed it was resolved by Councels that such Pastors as went slowly to work in purging the ill fruits of heresie should be put out of their Episcopall office Bishops should therefore look to their own business or else lay down their ill placed miters which it were better they had never put on nor vainly frighted the Low-countrey with their number That Religion had flourished many ages in the Netherlands onely by the care of the Civil Magistrate without that pomp of the Popes tyranny without any of the Emperours Edicts Why that new addition of Inquisitors That for the most part it sprung from the ambition of Bishop Granvell who that he might have suppliants sought to make delinquents That Religion ought to be perswaded not commanded That Charles the fifth had a most pions intention in making those Laws but experience demonstrated the cause of Religion and the common good and state of the Provinces was thereby nothing advanced but daily grew to be in a worse condition That commerce was already obstructed Merchants had a stop of trading to the great losse of the Low-countreymen especially those of Antwerp whose wealth consisted in merchandize Lastly that neither the Emperour Charles nor King Philip nor any other Prince that
worse But from Rome the Popes letters for the endowment of the Bishops without which nothing could be done were not dispatched away by Francisco Varga the Spanish Embassadour not so much out of the humour of demurring which is naturall to the Spaniards as out of the Popes indignation incensed by the practice of some near about his person who had taken offence at Varga's carriage in the Court of Rome and therefore the Embassadour was put off The truth is he had insinuated himself into the secret 〈◊〉 of the Cardinalls which many of them stomack'd very much and by his endeavours Cardinal Pacecho by divers votes of the Conclave had like to have been chosen Pope a dignity proportionable to his merits his Chair being once lifted up by the Cardinals his friends as the custome is at the Election of a Pope This was perhaps remembred by some of the Popes Court that were not yet reconciled to the Embassadour by whose means their master had almost lost the Papacy But from what cause soever these delayes proceeded the Abbots thereby had time given them whom it concerned to avoid their Reversioners the Bishops to meet at divers consultations about it and to desire assistance from the Estates of Brabant and some Lords which their own private interests engaged and to try all remedies that either counsel or fear could find out or opportunity present And the Estates because they could not prevail with the Governess resolved to send two Agents out of the Low-countreys the one privately to Pius the fourth about the end of the old year the other publickly in the beginning of the new year to the King himself To Rome they sent Moulin a Civil Lawyer of good account to supplicate his Holiness that the goods of the Monasteries might not be given away to Bishops contrary to the Doners minds and that the Monks might not be deprived of their ancient priviledges to choose Abbots lastly that he would not permit the King to ordain any Bishop that should not be maintained out of his Majesties Exchecquer With these instructions private letters to the same effect were written to the Pope and other eminent persons by the Prince of Orange and the Marquess of Bergen whose Tutour Moulin was and by his favour which he still enjoyed continually employed in weighty affairs Besides they furnished him with great summes of money that his way at Rome might be the smoother and they allowed that he might with some bounty purchase patronage to the cause To conclude besides his expenses they gave him to his own use 1200 Florents and as much to the other joyned with him for the honour of the Embaâ—age and if they got their business dispatched they were promised great matters at their return But the Governess from whom nothing of all this was concealed to prevent the Brabanters writ to the Spanish Embassadour Varga to pre-ingage the Pope to have an eye upon Moulin and to use his best judgement to frustrate that mans endeavours that opposed the good of Religion and the pious intentions of the King She likewise wrote to his Majesty letting him know that within few dayes some men would come to petition him in the name of the Brabanters and in January came Tserclasse and Nyssus twice the King gave them Audience and in March following returned them to the Low-countreys with a doubtfull answer Nor had Moulin any better fortune at Rome The Agents for Antwerp Godfrey Streck Pretour of the Town Vrselt and Wessembeck set forth in May to petition the King that Antwerp might not be compelled to receive a Bishop but they prevailed not in their suit Yet still they in the Low-countreys practised against the Bishops For the Abbots wearied the Dutchess with complaints and some of the Lords especially Granvels enemies encouraged the discontented party The States of Brabant stood as for their Lives and Religion against the breaking of their Priviledges The common people would have no Inquisition no Bishops And Philip Momorancy Count Horn who some moneths since was returned from Spain and by the King commanded to write back certified his Majestie That the complaints of Brabant were grown more violent then ever upon a rumour spread among the people as it was supposed by the French and Germanâ— that without the consent of those two Nations out of whose Provinces some Low-countrey Diaceses had been enlarged new Bishops could not be created in the Netherlands and therefore the Low-countrey men would do all they could to hinder their institution for fear the French and Germans should come upon them at once and make sudden invasions by severall wayes To this purpose he wrote likewise to Erasso one the King trusted with his secrets a civil Gentleman and powerfull at Court But in the close of his letter he laid all the fault upon Granvel who ambitiously and weakly designed that which could never come to good effect Indeed Granvel was an eye-sore to many and a â—emora to their projects and if I may freely speak my opinion I believe there had been little or no stirring or trouble about matters of Religion if the Nobility had not drawn another way But some of the Lords as I have told you took it ill that the Bishops were increased that is they conceived it prejudiciall to their own authority and freedome especially when they met in the great Councel The Hereticks had engaged the rest many upon private discontents were alienated from the King But the most were incensed against Granvell concluding him to be the authour of increasing the Bishops because they saw him declare himself for their coming in Out of the hatred hereupon conceived the Lords either absented themselves from Councel or came thither to oppose the Cardinall These quarrels the Governess discovered at her first coming to the Government particularly in Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange each of them having hoped to be Governour of the Low-countreys and therefore so much the more sensible of their late repulse But the Prince of Orange carried it more closely Count Egmont a blunt souldier open-breasted in his love and hatred was so farre from dissembling that in his own house he suffered his friends to speak things derogatory to the Majestie of the King of which the Governess was informed and gave the King intelligence by her letters wherein she named Simon Regnard as an encourager of these unlawfull assemblies a Counsellour of great subtilty and volubility of tongue nor of lesse authority with many of the Lords especially with Egmont There had been an old emulation from their very childhoods between this Regnard and Granvell in the Schools where they studied because the one had the more excellent wit the other the more plausible And as the quarrels of wit use to be irreconciliable among children these being now grown men and the subject of their business changed the
Philip whilst all the Nobility were in exspectation of the imployment the Dutchess made choice of Philip Croy Duke of Arescot not because he was bred up in Germany with Charles the fifth as she declared her self at the Consult and therefore was likely to be well received by his brother Ferdinand But because he was an enemie to the Prince of Orange his faction she honoured him with that Embassage that others might follow his example on like hopes of honour Yet the Prince of Orange resolved to be present at the Dyet as a private man pretending business with the Elector of Saxonie about his wifes portion and with the Emperour concerning his Estate And though the Governess would not without the Kings consent approve of his journey yet he departed in such hast as he would not tarry till his wife was brought a bed Who three dayes after was delivered of a daughter that was christened by her appointment with the ceremonies of the Church to the great satisfaction of the Governess Montiny having twice had audience of his Majestie prepared for his return and when he took leave the King whilst he commended to his care the state of the Low-countreys as it were upon occasion of discourse began to fift him and charged him by his faith and sinceritie virtues he had found in him to deal plainly what he thought was the cause of those Grievances and Heart-burnings of so many in the Low-countreys Montiny though he said he knew nothing whereof his Majesty had not been long since informed yet as farre as he could conjecture the reasons partly proceeded from the new Bishops put upon the Provinces without the consent or privity of their Governours therefore the people believed they intended to bring in the Spanish Inquisition partly out of the hatred conceived against Cardinall Granvel from the highest to the lowest so implacably that it was to be feared that at one time or other it would ingage the people in an insurrection The King replyed that all this was indeed known to him but that he admired the Low-countreymen could be moved with such vain rumours For seriously no other cause brought him to augment the number of the Bishops but onely the necessity of his people and the Councell of his father Charles the fifth And that was not concluded so secretly or suddenly as the Marquess of Bergen could tell him who had given his advice therein and commended his design when he waited on the King into England at his Marriage with Queen Mary And that for his own part it never entered into his mind by that adjunction of Bishops to impose the Spanish Inquisition upon the Low-countreys Nor had Cardinall Granvel ever perswaded him to do it or was so much as acquainted with that purpose of his Majesty till he sent Francis Sonnius his Embassadour to Rome He likewise assured him they were much deceived that hated the Cardinall as conceiving him by private information to asperse the Lords for he did never attempt it neither had his Majestie himself at any time discovered in Granvel any malicious inclinations which if he should hereafter find in him or any other of his ministers of State he never should indure them But howsoever he hoped shortly to be in the Low-countreys and then to satisfie both his own person and the Provinces desires Montiny thus dismissed by the King returned to Bruxels in December and reading to the Councel his letters which contained the Kings pleasure for settling the intricacies of the Exchecquer for assistance in future to be sent to Charles King of France and specially for defence of Religion he added of himself many arguments of the Kings affection towards the Low-countreys but to little purpose For in Montinies absence they had conceived still greater jealousies The Prince of Orange and some others reasoned against the promises made by the Embassadour for they rather trusted their own reall or to justifie their discontents pretended intelligence from their private friends in the Court of Spain then the professions made either by King Philip or his sister Their indignation was augmented because Montiny told them the French accounted them Patrons of the Hugonots About which scandall they passionately expostulated with the Governess affirming it was onely forged in the Cardinals work-house The Dutchess declared her self of a contrary opinion and shewed them it was rather invented by the French hereticks and rebells who to advance the authority of their faction would have the ignorant believe the Low-countrey Nobility were of the same sect To conclude they being more and more exasperated because the Governess would not displace their Competitour that feared not their plots or envie but proposing to himself onely the Kings favour respected this Iove alone despising the other petty Gods as if a man could be onely struck with a thunderbolt and could not be killed by the hand of a common souldier or that Ioves lightning were not fed by the baser elements the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont particularly agreed to write letters to the King against Granvel in the name of all though all were not consenting perhaps because the Governess had formerly scattered among them seeds of dissention perhaps some of the Lords therefore differed in opinion because they were not chief of the Conspiracy Indeed the Duke of Areschot pressed by Count Egmont as they were hunting to joyn with the rest denied to set his hand against the Cardinall or to prescribe the King how he ought to use his servants and it proceeded so farre that at last the Duke concluded he would receive the Law neither from Count Egmont nor the Prince of Orange to neither of which he thought himself or his family inferiour The Counts of Aremberg and Barlamont then present were much troubled at the accident and lest it might come to more then words turned the discourse to another subject Nor was there lesse heat between Count Aremberg and the Prince of Orange upon the same occasion Of both which passages the Governess certified the King But though by these Lords example and for private reasons many withdrew from the conspiracy Yet were letters directed to the King signed by Count Egmont the Prince of Orange and Count Horn a Copy whereof which the King afterwards sent to the Dutchess I give you verbatim out of the French Originall Sir We are infinitely sorry that we are at this present inforced to presse upon your Majesties great affairs but as well the account of our service which we ought to give as the mischief undoubtedly impending will not suffer us longer to be silent especially because we hope this our intimation as free from any passion will be received by your Majesty so graciously and with such remembrance of us as we your affectionate servants have indeavoured to deserve We likewise beseech your Majesties pardon if we write later then the exigence
would return and boldly claim a share in the success On the other part the Cardinalists more slowly followed the Kings business either offended at the Governess or to endear the Cardinall by his absence and to make him the more longed for But the Governess persisted in her desires to bar all hope of his return and wrote to his Majesty many letters wherein she did not a little tax the life of Granvell I suppose to shew she had reason for consenting to his remove Which was the cause why an Officer extraordinary was sent into Burgundy in the Kings name to take the accounts of the Exchecquer and so by the by to examine Granvells actions At this Inquisitours return the Governess made it her suit forasmuch as the Lords suspected Granvells stay in Burgundy had too near an influence upon the Low-countreys and that they likewise said Though his person was absent his Counsels and Directions still ordered the affairs of State his ghost as it were haunting the Low-countryes that his Majestie would please to free the Provinces of that kind of fear and send the man to Rome the place he had long since chosen whither afterward Granvell went of his own accord not by the Kings command For in December the year following Pius the fourth deceasing Cardinall Granvel came to Rome to the Conclave it will not do amiss I suppose to let you know the further progress and end this great man where he was re-imployed by King Philip the show not substance of whose favour he had lost in soliciting all businesses at Rome that nearliest concerned his Kingdome with higher expressions then ever of his affection to the Cardinal By which is evident what difference there is between such as get into favour with a Prince by accident such as are advanced by merit for those if they once fal never rise these their absence ingratiates with their Prince and necessitie restores them to their places And it fell out very opportunely for Granvel who being as ambitious of employment as prepared for present business the League betwen the Princes of Christendome so often begun to be treated so often broken off coming now again in agitation received from the King a large Commission that together with Francis Cardinall Paceco and his Majesties Embassadour Iohn Zuniga he should upon what conditions he thought good make a league between Rome Spain and Venice which he clearing the matters of controversie that daily were revived faithfully and actively endeavoured on the Kings behalf After this he was created by King Philip Vice-roy of Naples and delivered from the Pope to Don Iohn of Austria the Standard and commanding Staff that declared him Generall of the Christian Fleet. After the Popes death coming to Rome he so applyed himself that besides his advancing the Spanish party whereof he was chief he was the principall cause that Gregory the thirteenth to the great benefit of Christendome was created Pope And yet he exceedingly displeased that very Bishop at his return to Naples where he carried himself somewhat more harshly towards he Church then could be exspected from a Prelate of his Robe but not otherwise then we see many sacred and mitred persons do that shew themselves more earnest then the Lay-ministers of Princes to advance their politick Dominion Whether it be their care to decline the suspicion of being for the other party or that their knowledge and emulation discovers the abstrusest points that are to be opposed Nor are they lesse violent for being in holy Orders familiarity and injoyment taking off their respect to that of which they are possessed The Vice-roy Granvell had signed a warrant to his Officers to take out of Marius Caraffa the Archbishops prison a notorious offendour whose cause Granvell said belonged to his Jurisdiction For which fact Marius Caraffa excommunicated the Kings Officers whereat Granvell being implacably displeased laid the Archbishops servants by the heels and sequestred the rents and profits of the Archbishoprick the Popes Nuncio Anthonius Saulio in vain labouring against it and threatning the Popes indignation if he persisted Gregory the thirteenth was exceedingly vexed thereat especially because when this was done at Naples the like was attempted in Castile by the President of the Councel Didaco Covarruvia Bishop of Segovia His Holiness therefore commanded Saulio to go to the Cardinal Vice-roy and directly tell him That unless within so many dayes he would revoke and make null all he had done against the Archbishop and his servants he by the authority given him by his Holiness would turn Granvell out of the Colledge of Cardinalls Which message though some fearing the Vice-royes dipleasure perswaded Saulio to put in milder terms boldly delivered according to his instructions so terrified Granvell that he discharged the prisoners and restored the Bishop to his own Nay he gave the Archbishop a prisoner in exchange for the condemned man taken from him that occasioned the dispute and had been forthwith executed Afterwards he submitted to the Canons with much more care and reverence So you see Threats and Menaces proportioned to the greatest spirits will at last humble them Granvell having now four years governed that Kingdome with great Prudence indeed but not so great regard to Chastity as beseemed his age and scarlet being in some measure reconciled to the Pope returned to Rome From whence three years after he was sent for by the King into Spain being then 62 years old and the Italian affairs of State wholly intrusted to his disposall which was distastfull to some of the Grandees whose weaker and lesser iudgements were eclipsed by his old and solid experience and looked on by him with a kind of scorn I find likewise the King himself was offended with him whilest by too passionately extolling the Actions of Charles the fifth and instancing what he had done upon the like occasions he seemed to urge them as presidents for his sons imitation with a freedome odious to Princes which had ruined many of Alexanders greatest Commanders that spake too liberally in his fathers commendations But Granvell knew he had to do with a Prince enamoured of his merits whose favour towards him he had found rather suspended then extinguished whereof he had this further proof that King Philip going to take possession of the Kingdome of Portugall left Granvell to govern Spain and returning out of Portugall when he made his entrance into Madrid waited on by infinite multitudes and received with the acclamations of all sorts of people he rode through the Town with this aged Cardinal onely on his left hand Lastly three years after Granvell returning from the Citie of Auspurge vvhere he had married the Infanta Katharine King Philips daughter to Eâ—â—manuel Duke of Savoy being now seventy years of age departed this life at Madrid the very day 28 years after the death of the
dishonour to a Prince to keep Laws in force which his Subjects will not obey then to apply them unto their natures and so keep his people in obedience But for the Inquisition it was apparent that none of any condition whatsoever would receive it insomuch that the meanest tradesman of Antwerp can shew either a Musket or a Pike which he threatens to use upon them that shall endeavour to bring in the Inquisition Nay it was no little iniury to the Bishops to have the cause of Religion which by Law appertains to their Iurisdiction transferred to this late Iudicature of Inquisitours But it is to no purpose any more to dispute this point when the Covenanters are at the gates before whose Requests be denied it must be considered in case the Hereticks joyning with them should offer to storm the Town whether we have sufficient forces to resist the people and their Confederates Lastly the opinion number and faction of these men carried it For though there wanted not some that easily refuted all that was pretended in behalf of the Bishops yet hardly any one of the Senate thought this kind of Judicature seasonable for the time therefore after many heats the business was thus composed Forasmuch as the Emperours and the Kings designe reached no farther in these Edicts and Questions of Faith but onely to preserve Religion in her ancient purity those remedies were onely so far to be made use of as might conduce to its preservation Besides there was a twofold Inquisition the one annexed to the function of Bishops the other granted by Commission from his Holiness to certain Judges Delegates Now the odium onely fell upon the Popes Inquisitours which though brought into the Low-countreys by Charles the fifth yet he was inforced thereto by reason of the small number and great negligence of the Bishops This being no longer a reason and men so much abhorring the name of this forrein Inquisition so violent and impolitick a Remedie ought not to obtruded upon refractory people Therefore without preiudice to Religion some part of the Covenanters petition might be granted But lest they should seem to be over-awed by the Hereticks or to passe any thing in favour of them this answer was to be returned That they had no cause to trouble themselves about the Inquisition which was out of date the Inquisitours themselves forbearing to exercise their authority having not renewed their Commission from the new Pope which they use to do for the better confirmation of their power Touching the penalties which by the Imperiall Edicts were to be inflicted upon Hereticks they should not be repealed but whereas most of them were capitall they should be hereafter qualified for the Bishops the greatest Divines and Lawyers and the Inquisitours themselves had so advised which Charles the fifth would have consented to if he were now living who himself upon the like difficulties in the year 1550 at the request of his Sister Mary Queen of Hungary thought it not unnecessary nor unbeseeming his Imperiall Maiesty to rectifie and moderate the Laws he had formerly decreed Thus for the present the Conspiratours being graciously received in a little while their meetings would be dissolved a work of great consequence and in the interim time might be gained to agitate the publick business without Tumults and therefore with more Authority The Governess though she wished better yet approved the Counsel given because she knew that in this juncture of time she must either grant something to the Conspiratours or else forcibly resist them But this she durst not attempt being unprovided of a Generall for she trusted not the Prince of Orange and putting the question to Count Egmont he denied to draw his sword against any man for the Inquisition or the Edicts For the rest of the Nobility they either had not much more loyaltie or had far less abilities Her Excellence therefore told them she would follow their advice and so answer Brederod and his Companions that she might at once both satisfie them and withall reserve the Judgement entire to the King without knowledge of whose pleasure nothing could be done in a matter of so great importance Every one of these particulars she wrote to his Maiestie by speedy messengers beseeching him presently to resolve her what she was to pitch upon The same day about evening the Covenanters came into Bruxels They were full two hundred horse apparrelled like forreiners every one a case of pistols at his saddle-bow Brederod their Generall rode in the head of them next him Lewis of Nassau for the Counts of Cuilemburg and Bergen arrived not till three dayes after Francis Verdugo a Gentleman that followed Count Mansfeld told the Governess that Brederod bragged at his entrance into the City in these words Some thought I durst not come to Bruxels behold I am come to see the Town and will shortly make another visit but upon a new occasion Then Brederod and Grave Lewis went to his Brother the Prince of Oranges house where the Counts of Mansfeld and Horn were come to wait upon them That night no body being present but Count Mansfeld Count Horn used many arguments to perswade the Prince of Orange to send back his Order of the Fleece into Spain and thereupon Verdugo was commanded to bring the Statute-book of the Order that they might see in what words they had obliged their faith to the King as supreme Master of their Society But Count Mansfeld interposing nothing was determined The same was moved another time as Anderlech informed the Governess The next day Brederod staying for the Counts of Cuilemburg and Bergen in Cuilemburg-House at Bruxells assembled his Confederates to encourage them in the enterprize they had undertaken First he shewed them a Letter writ in Spanish lately sent him as he said out of Spain unless the man who wanted no subtiltie had peradventure counterâ—eited it as he suspects that wrote all these passages in cypher to the Governess In which letter it was certified that one Moro a man known in the Low-countreys was with a soft fire burned alive in Spain which infinitely exasperated and enflamed the minds of his Associates against the cruelty of such sentences Then taking his hint to come to the matter as if he were to make a generall muster of his Army he produced the Roll signed by all the Conspiratours Which he and Lewis of Nassau reading unto the people they answered to their severall names professing constancy to their resolutions For those that were absent being to the number of two hundred they that were present being almost as many engaged themselves Then he required them in confirmation of the Covenant every one to joyn his heart and set to his hand again Which was accordingly done and they all now the second time took the Covenant their Oath being this in substance That if any of the
support their Architecture a while which if compleated and able to stand alone then they easily suffer their fictions to grow out of date to be pulled down and cast away like props and scaffolds when the building is brought unto perfection And the Governess knowing it was now no time for delayes sent for as many of the Order as could conveniently attend her for it was Passion week and the major part had retired themselves to make their Confessions in the Monasteries of their own Towns according to the custome of the Nobility and shewed them the Declaration upon sight whereof Count Egmont and Count Mansfeld who were the first that came protested that no part of it was either done or said by their Companions of the Order It was therefore resolved that expedition should be used whilst the multitude had onely a tast of the Errour but had not as yet swallowed down the Falsehood and that they should not expect till the wooll dipt in Ink were made uncapable of another die That the Governours of the Provinces and the Magistrate of every City and Town should be immediately informed of the truth and a copy sent them of the Petition presented by the Covenanters with the Governesses marginall Answer They were likewise to take notice that if any thing else were published by any whatsoever it was to be reputed as the Invention of some seditious persons endeavouring to beget domestick Tumults and accordingly by the Kings Laws and Authority to be punished These Letters though presently sent into the Provinces yet failed to undeceive the people which in many places had already heard and believed the untruth to the great prejudice as I shall presently shew you of the ancient Religion and the Publick peace Which forced the Governess to hasten the Embassie into Spain that was lately voted by the Senate Iohn Glimè Marquess of Bergen and Governour of Haynolt was named for the imployment But he whether his guilty conscience could not brook the Kings presence or whether the trouble of the voyage frighted him at first refused to undertake it then was willing so that another might be put in Commission with him Florence Momorancie Lord of Montiny was therefore joyned with the Marquesse Both of them because they doubted their business would not please the King were suiters to the Governess to dispatch away a Messenger into Spain that should prepare his Majestie with the knowledge of their coming in the interim they resolved so to order and spin out their journey that the Messenger should meet them upon the way with the Kings Letters wherein they might perceive if his Majestie approved of their imployment Notwithstanding all this caution which their ill-presaging minds rather used for their security then for their Honour they escaped not but this Embassage cost them both their lives They had yet other unlucky Omens for two dayes before they set forth the Marquess of Bergen as he walked in the open Court of the Governesse's Palace was hit upon the thigh with a Ball of wood by some playing at Pall Mall and being very grievously hurt kept his bed and was constrained to deferre his journey You would think this good office was done him by his Genius who not contented by other warnings to have pulled him by the ear now laid him by the heels and kept him lockt in fetters to â—inder his unfortunate voyage But what Fate hath ordained for every man is not so easily prevented as foreseen In the mean while the Governesse it concerning her to loose no time got the other Embassadour though against his will to go before the Marquesse of Bergen who should follow as soon as he recovered and to acquaint his Majestie with the state of affairs in the Low-countreys after the Gentlemens petition was delivered To this purpose besides letters instructions and other appendents to an Embassage her Excellence gave him a Book containing in eighteen chapters the principle actions of that year which she left to his Majesties consideration and concluded that onely his presence would with the least hazard settle the Low-countreys Yet before his departure the Governesse as she had promised her two Embassadours sent away Fabius Lembus a Neopolitan an old Courtier and faithfull with private commands and notes wherein she interpreted most of that which she had given in charge to Montiny She sent likewise a copy of Charles the fifth's Edicts somewhat qualifyed in the penalties against Hereticks by advice of the Senatours and Divines likewise signifying that she had shewed that qualification severally to the Estates of the Low-countreys and that by most of them it was approved of yet that she would not publish it nor propound it to the People without his Majesties consent but she earnestly beseeched him to command it and to deferre his intention of establishing the Popes Inquisitours So on the seventeenth of May she dispatched Fabius Lembus thus instructed In ten dayes after Montiny followed and the seventeenth of June was by the King gratiously received at Madrid and divers times had Audience Yet before he could get a determinate Answer he was commanded to exspect his fellow Commissioner the Marquesse of Bergen nor found he the King inclinable to or well pleased with his Embassage Indeed to divert his Majestie from consenting to the Low-countreymens desires though he was of himself sufficiently constant both to Religion and his opinions Pius the fifth interposed his authoritie by whose Nuncio Pedro Camaiono Bishop of Asculum who had an eye upon that Embassie from the Low-countreys his Majestie was continually solicited not to suffer the Catholick Religion to fall in the Low-countreys but that he would personally by force of arms punish the disloyaltie of that turbulent people And for this cause his Holinesse commanded Iulio Pavesio Archbishop of Surrentum whom he sent Legate to the Emperour Maximilian to take the Low-countreys in his way and in his name to set a high commendations upon the Dutchesse of Parma for her zeal to Religion manifested in her Government of the Low-countreys wherein he should incourage her by promising supplies of money from the Pope with his utmost assistance For now a Cause was controverted for which he would not fear to stake his triple Crown Moreover he was to advise with the Governesse about delivering the Popes letters to the Prince of Orange and Count Cuilemburg exhorting the Count to forsake the Hereticks unto whom it was said he adhered and to reconcile himself to the old Religion and admonishing the Prince not to suffer with impunity so many foul things as were committed by Hereticks in his Principality of Orange to the great dammage of all the neighbouring Cities especially Avignion But the Governesse whose counsell the Legate was commanded to follow did not approve of the delivery of the Popes letters to Cuilemburg least as he was a youth of a weak and fantasticall brain he
might not value or receive them with due reverence She said he might safelier treat with the Prince of Orange in regard the like admonition formerly sent from Paul the fourth had struck him with a fear of loosing his Principality neverthelesse she would prepare him for the Legate But for his liberall offer of assistance from his Holinesse she acknowledged her obligations to the great Bishop and desired Pavesio to represent her for that favour kneeling at his feet and humbly kissing them though she had not power to admit of his promised supplies unlesse the King would please to give her leave But she assured his Holinesse that the Cause of Religion should be alwayes to her as it had ever been dearer then her life Lastly touching the nature and industry of the Low-countrey Bishops for Pavesio intreated her to instruct him in that particular she very graphically discoursed their lives and manners and gave him their severall characters telling which deserved Rebuke which Praise or Pitie The Legate finding all she said to be true and the Prince of Orange the easier to be wrought upon belike her Excellence had prepared him as she promised admiring her industrie and pietie professed that he would publish in the Court of Rome how Religion standing now in the Low-countreys on a dangerous precipice was supported onely by her Highnesses vigilance and prudence But the Factions and Tumults ceased not for all this The Covenanters being returned as I have told you into their respective Provinces and giving it out that they had the publick Faith of the Knights of the Golden Fleece for their indemnitie all those that had been banished for heresie came back from the adjacent Countreys and such as had lyen concealed at home appeared again magnifying the name of the Gheuses calling them the Assertours and Champions of their libertie and putting themselves under their protection Thus the number of the Covenanters was much increased especially in Antwerp even the Merchants themselves began to wear the Habit aud Cognizante of the Gheuses Nay there sprung up a new-brotherhood of the Common People wearing in their hats besides the wallet stampt in silver a wreathed pilgrims staff the ends bowing acrosse signifying as I suppose that they were to go a pilgrimage out of their Countrey and seek libertie in another Climate This conspiracie was spawned out of the other it being the off-spring as the Governesse wrote to his Majestie of that two years before raised by the Lords against Cardinall Granvel where they first wore hoods and then Darts But that which at the beginning was onely private difference at Court and the ambition of a few afterwards turned into the publick mutiny of the Provinces Great men it seems never can offend alone and vices whilst they passe from hand to hand are soyled with being touched and grow still fouler Neither did the Governesses letters to the Magistrates concerning the counterfeit Declaration in the Lords names do any good nor the Kings letter to the Governesse and the Provinces about that time received wherein his Majestie promised That having now secured himself from the Turks and Moors he would presently make a voyage into the Low-countreys and in person moderate the severitie if any such were of his fathers Edicts In the mean time he rested confident that the troubles would be quieted by the Lords endeavours whereupon formerly relying both his father the Emperour and he himself never feared what their enemies could do and now he doubted not but their old loyalty would easily compose a sedition raised by a few private men Onely the pardons which the Governesse in her letters to the King desired for certain persons were by his Majestie more resolutely then seasonably put off till another time In the interim the evil increasing and the opportunitie of applying a fit remedie being past his Majestie lost the Grace and favour he intended And truly mischiefs sprung not up severally or by intervals but compleated and in a knot breaking forth all at once For in the bordering Countreys the Master-hereticks watching how discord prospered in the Low-countreys that they might take occasion to vent their outlandish wares and sell them the new Gospel flocking in crouds the Calvinists out of France and the Lutherans and Anabaptists out of Germany invaded and as it were attached their nearest neighbour-towns First they held their Conventicles in the fields by night then successe smiling upon them fearing likewise that if differences chanced to be composed they should fail of dispatching what they came for they thought it best by way of prevention to shew themselves in the light and before the people that ran to meet them out of towns and villages boldly to preach against the Spanish tirannie against Religion corrupted by the Bishops and for the pure and sincere light of the Gospel Emulation made them more impudent lest the Calvinists that had indeed fewer great persons of their faction but more Proselytes and applause should be lesse powerfull then the Lutherans And the Anabaptists being farre more in number then the Lutherans scorned to be worsted by the Calvinists or that the Lutherans should have more great Protectours then both the other Sects Therefore they made haste in zeal of spirit to feiz upon Cities and Towns as if they were to make new plantations every one being for himself and all against One. Miserable and calamitous at that time was the condition of the Low-countreys many of the noblest Provinces being suddenly hurried into factions and running upon the rocks of errour Whilst impure men Apostates both from divine and humane faith whilst the scumme of their own nations the Refuse of Germany and France promised themselves a kind of sovereignty in the Low-countreys and ran up and down as if hell had been broke loose filling all places with turbulent sermons infamous libells hopes fears and jealousies Whilst such a multitude first out of the next villages but at last out of great towns came with incredible desire to hear these trumpeters of the new Gospel that once in the fields of Tournay above eight thousand men were seen at a sermon Near Lisle they appeared in greater shoals At Antwerp in one day were gathered together thirteen thousand next day fourteen thousand a while after sixteen thousand men Lastly taking more freedome in many places especially at Valenciens and upon the borders of Flanders they married people in the fields and baptized infants after the Calvinisticall manner And that all this might be done with safety they meet at these Conventicles and Sermons armed with pikes and muskets I know the Reader will not a little wonder to hear what they say the Low-treymen themselves were amazed when they saw how the Peopleâ— zeal of hearing sermons came to such a height that neither the Magistrates by authoritie nor their Officers by force nor
moved for a generall Convention of the Estates as the best expedient for restoring peace to their Countrey Otherwise though against their wills they must be necessitated to have recourse to forrein help These letters being read in Senate after every man had delivered his opinion the Governesse answered Lewis and his companions that were called by jeering people his twelve Apostles that upon the twenty sixth of August the Knighrs of the Golden-fleece were to meet at Bruxels and she would advise with them about it In the interim the Prince of Orange returning to Antwerp when no good could be done there certified the Governesse that the Citizens had been earnest with him to receive the Government of Antwerp and for his securitie to put a Garrison into the Town The Governesse consenting to it he not onely raised men but was so bold as to ask leave to have a Guard about his person which she likewise granted And so to his great contentment he was made Governour meaning shortly to make himself an absolute Prince by the too much indulgence of the Governesse who with these favours endeavoured to ingage the Prince of Orange or at least would have him believed to be of the Kings partie But the despair of succours long looked for out of Spain together with her fear increased her indulgence Now at length upon Montinyes sollicâ—tation the Kings letters came wherein those three particulars the Dutchesse had so often requested of his Majestie were all granted but upon certaâ—n conditions For his Majestie gave way to the remove of the Ecclesiasticall Inquisitours provided the Bishops were first placed in their stead for he was resolved and fixed not to leave Religion naked without a guard of those that should take cognizance of her cause and revenge her injuries It was his pleasure likewise that the Imperiall Edicts should be somewhat moderated by his Councell in the Low-countreys but it must be certified to and approved of by his Councel in Spain before it should be published in the Provinces In the last place his Majestie was contented that 〈◊〉 Covenanters and others should be pardoned but the other two heads were first to be dispatched But these remedies came from Spain too late when the face of things was altered in the Low-countreys When the fury of the Hereticks plundering the Churches and openly defacing all venerable and sacred monuments of Religion was to be incountered in another way And indeed that destruction which I think was one of the greatest that ever happened if we consider the sudden mischief to Religion the rage of the People their small number and mean qualitie from what parts or by whose Counsell it was brought upon the Low-countreys is no more certainly known then the causes and originall of a sudden plague I should think by many letters I have read that in all probability it came thither from the Geneva Calvinists their next French neighbours perhaps by accident perhaps upon design for so Peter Ernest Count Mansfeld informed the Governesse and she the King The very same intelligence she received from Pedro Ceballio an old Spanish Commander who assured her that the Prince of Condegrave and the three brothers of the Colygn the heads of the Hugonots to advance their own partie in France while Heresie reigned in the Low-countreys by their Emissaries dayly solicited the Hereticks in these Provinces to make some attempt wherein they promised sufficiently to furnish them with men and Arms. The like hope they had of the Queen of England This agrees with what was resolved upon at Centron by the confederated Gheuses in which number the Admirall of France and others of that nation being comprehended it was easie for them upon this occasion to trouble the Low-countreys Besides these mysteries of State other things were plain to be discerned For the people partly corrupted with Heresie partly dreading the Inquisition exceedingly favoured the Hereticks that sought to overthrow that judicature The confederated Gheuses willingly took upon them the protection of the Commons because many of the Covenanters were birds of the same feather and all of them ambitious to be Masters and Tribunes of the people The Knights of the Order and the Lords were divided among themselves Those that continued faithfull to their Religion and their Prince were the weaker party the stronger either declared themselves for the Conspiratours or at least were of their chamber-counsell And now the Governesse wrote to the King that she had certain knowledge of the Prince of Orange's design by those tumults to invade the Government of the Low-countreys and share it with his fellow-rebells Therefore upon Assumption-eve they began to rifle the Low-countrey Churches first rising in the lower Flanders which lies between the river Lys and the West Sea In these parts a few of the raskall sort of Hereticks met and joyned themselves with some companies of thieves upon the day appointed for proclaiming warre against heaven lead on by no Commander but Impietie their Arms were staves hatchets hammers and ropes fitter to pull down houses then to fight withall some few of them had swords and muskets Thus accoutered as if they had been furies vomited from Hell they broke into the towns and villages about St. Omer and if they found the doors of Churches or Monasteries shut forced them open frighting away their religious inhabitants and overturning the Altars they defaced the Monuments of Saints and broke to peices their sacred images Whatsoever they saw dedicated to God and to the Blessed they pulled it down and trod it under their feet to dirt whilst their Ringleaders clapt them on the backs and incouraged them with all their force to destroy the Idols The Hereticks glad of this successe to the first that ever they sent out upon a party left the place with speed and with unanimous consent shouted and cryed aloud Let us to IPRES that being a citie much frequented by the Calvinists And they were drawn thither as well out of hope of protection as out of hatred they bare to the Bishop of that City Martin Rithovius an eminently virtuous and learned man and therefore meriting the spleen of Hereticks Whereupon they ran violently thither gathering upon the way such vagabonds and beggars as joyned with them out of hope of plunder And as a snow ball rolling from the top of a hill grows still greater by the accesse of new snow through which it passes and wherein it is involved so these thievish vagabonds multiplying by the way the farther they go the more they rage and the more considerable their thievish strength appears And when they had pillaged a few small villages about Ipres upon the very day of the Assumption of the blessed Virgin the citizens of Ipres opening their gates unto them they entered the town and went directly to the Cathedrall Church where every one fell to work Some
of his Embassadour at Vienna intreating his Imperiall Majestie for the nearness of their love and bloud to assist with his authority those levies But the Emperour because he had heard that the Governess and the confederate Gentlemen were now agreed commending the wisdome of that policy diswaded the King from those Arms and Levies Perhaps because the Turk then threatning him he could not spare so many men perhaps because he thought it an honour to be the Arbiter and Composer of other Princes quarrels Therefore in his Letters to the Governess the Emperour promised her his endeavours if any thing was yet uncomposed And wrote likewise to the Covenanters to this effect That he was much troubled to hear of their difference with the Governess and of the stirres that daily followed thereupon which because they were in the confine of the Empire in the Dominion of the King his Uncle in Provinces so much by him esteemed it concerned the Majesty of the Empire that he should by his assistance and authority assert the obedience of the Subiectâ— to their Prince That he hoped these his endeavours would be acceptable to the Catholick King and he was sure they would be safe for the Confederates Therefore he advised them in the interim to attempt no Innovation but as Allegiance bound them to compell the tumultuous people to be quiet This Letter and divers more of the same subject written to the Lords the Emperour sent the Governess to read and as it should be needfull to deliver But the Governess sending copies of them to the King a good while exspected his Answer till the stirres daily encreasing her Excellence receiving new commands from his Majestie to levy forrein forces gave thanks to the Emperour Maximiilian letting him know that the present condition of affairs was such as no capitulation could be made with an armed Faction without arms Wherefore dispatching the Kings letters to the Electours of the Empire and others especially to those that were to raise the men she beseeched the Emperour that the Assistance which he had graciously offered in the Low-countreys he would please to perform among the Germane Princes and the Commanders there which would be now more opportune and a farre greater favour to the King And truly the Emperour did not onely this but likewise by Edict prohibited and made it death for any Germane to bear arms against the King of Spain Which among divers others how deeply it was resented by the Prince of Orange though otherwise subtil and close he expressed at table wine laying open the secrets of his heart For being invited by Gresser Agent for the Queen of England after he had drunk soundly the Prince began in great fury to inveigh against the Emperours Edict That the Emperour and the King and whosoever was of their opinion deceived themselves that not onely the Germans would take arms but a great sort of other Nations bordering upon the Empire That the Danes the Swedes and many others would not be wanting which both would and could help the confederate Low-countreymen Thus threatning in his rage after supper he was mollified with a song But the Letters which I have mentioned sent from the King and the Governess to the Princes of Germany were by them diversly answered The Electours of Trier and Mentz did much approve of the Kings designe against the Rebels and disturbers of the Catholick Religion promising their assistance as befitted good friends and neighbours both Princes of the Empire and allies unto his Majesty they would therefore give free passage through all their Towns and Jurisdictions to such forces as upon this occasion should with the Emperours consent be raised The like promises were made by the rest of the Catholick Bishops in Germanie The Duke of Bavaria added that all men were bound by force of Arms to oppose such tumults that as plagues laid cities desolate and he desired his Majestie would be very vigilant in it Farre different expressions were returned from the hereticall Princes for the Landtgrave of Hessen and the Duke of Wirtemberg excusing themselves in point of Religion which would not suffer them to prejudice those of their own Profession advised the Governess to seek redress without arms onely by allowing the Confession of Auspurg and Liberty of conscience But the Count Palatine Frederick the third who declared himself Defendour of the new Faith in Germany wrote the most confident and longest letter of them all For he not onely pleaded to the Governess the cause of the Low-countrey men and maintained their innocence but defying the Bishop of Rome the veneration of holy Images and the tyrannie of the Inquisitours concluded that Religion bound him not to oppose his brethren professing the Faith of Ausburg and the pure word of God The Landtgrave of Hessen and the Palsgrave not thus contented perswaded the Duke of Brunswick not to engage in a warre undertaken merely for Religion and not to accept the Command of horse offered to him Notwithstanding he took it nor did any other Commander invited by the King refuse his Commission but onely Iohn of Nassau brother to the Prince of Orange Nor did Charles the ninth of France requested by the Governess fail to declare himself enemy to these insurrections commanding by Proclamation that none of his subjects should presume to assist the Rebels of the Low-countreys with relation as I conceive to the mutuall promise of Assistance made at Baion and particularly fearing if the Hereticks should be masters of the Netherlands France would be overflowed with the same filthy sink I am certain King Philip sent him letters full of thanks and likewise signified to the Governess his Intention presently to begin his voyage for which all things being now in readiness he onely wanted health for his quartane Ague had not yet left him though he meant not to exspect a perfect Recovery but to go forthwith to Madrid that having setled his affairs he might from thence contemning any danger to his life pass over into the Low-countreys This which was likewise by Bergen and Montiny writ from Spain in cypher began to be believed The minds of many were exceedingly troubled at the news insomuch as the Prince of Orange his brother Lewis the Counts Egmont Hochstrat and Horn met at Dendermund betwixt Antwerp and Gant to communicate the intelligence which every one of them had received concerning the Kings coming and thereupon to advise what generall course was to be held Though this meeting was appointed and came together with all secresie yet the industrious Governess knew all their proceedings And as multitudes of spies alwayes attend a Jealous Prince there wanted not that kind of men Eves-droppers and Hocus-Pocuses the summe of whose life is to know and not to be known which pryed into all their secret consultations and resolutions And as farre as she could understand the
second Mutinie and their flight from Leyden with taking near the Isell and in the borders of Gelderland under command of Hierg Governour of that Province the towns of Bura Montford Oudewater and Schounhoven and a little before that in Holland under the command of Vitelli between the Rivers of Ukall and the Leck Lerodam and the neighbour Towns Asper Huchel and Worcom over against Gorcom with other Towns and Forts round about to the great benefit of the Royall partie increased at the same time by the coming of Hanniball Count Altempse with a Regiment of four thousand foot raised in Germany by order from Requesenes who attributed much to the known virtues and warlike abilities of Altempse He was sisters sonne to Pope Pius the fourth bred up in the warres from nine years old by his uncle the Marquesse of Melena in the prime of his youth he served the house of Austria and was afterwards in many expeditions under the Emperours Charles and Ferdinand and Philip the second of Spain in Germany Italy the Low-countreys and Africa But he was the more welcome to Requesenes because Fame had reported him slain by the way and his Regiment dispersed and there was something in it For whilst he rode before his men onely with two or three in his Companie just as he entered the Low-countreys he was set upon by almost 600 souldiers which had run away from the battell of Mooch and being wounded in two places valiantly charged through got clear off Requesenes therefore opportunely leaving these forces to guard Brabant when the Treatie of Peace was come to nothing that had been agitated by the Royallists and Nassavians at Breda on the Emperours part by Gunter Count of Suartzemburg the Prince of Orange his sisters son bent his whole care immediately to make his fleet ready for a voyage long since designed Chiapino Vitelli Marquess of Cetona Campe-master generall The Marquesse Vitelli's funerall was within a few dayes followed by the death of Ludovico Requesenes a man in whom concurred the honours of the House of Zunica by his father and of Requesenes by his Mother For from his father Iuan Zunica great Commendador of the Knights of Saint Iago in the Province of Castile descended upon him that honourable Office And from his mother Stephania Requesenes he had his name and Barony she being the onely daughter of the house of Requesenes that had inheritance in Catalonia For Bernardo Requesenes took his other daughter by the same wife along with him when he went Vice-Roy into Sicily and she still continues in the ancient and illustrious family of Anthonio Requesenes Prince of Pantellana But Ludovico from his mothers side derived not onely his sirname but his skill in Sea-fights proper to the name of the Requesenes For his Great-grandfather Galcerano Requesenes Governour of Catalonia King Ferdinand's Admirall ended the War of Aenare having in a sea-fight utterly defeated the Torellio's Lords of the Island Another Galcerano sonne to the former Count De Trivento and Avilino and his brother Berlinguerio he in Naples this in Sicily succeeded in their Fathers fame and Office of High Admirall to the Catholick King And Berlinguerio's sonne inheriting both his Fathers Place and Virtue overthrew Arias Soliman's Fleet at Pantellana and sent back to Pope Leo the tenth the streamers which Arias had taken out of the Galley of Pope Iulius the second Ludovico Requesenes furnished with these great domestick examples when Don Iohn of Austria had his Patent for High Admirall was by the King chosen under the name of his Vice-Admirall to be the young mans Superintendent Soon after by the same King in the War of Granado he was appointed to defend the Sea-coast of Spain with souldiers brought out of Italy against the Incursions of the Moors assisted by the Turkish Emperour Selimus And in the battell of Lepanto he was by the King made Vice-Amirall to Don-Iohn of Austria but with such authority as Don Iohn was commanded to hear especially and follow his advice But though Requesenes was active and a fortunate Souldier yet I know he was vulgarly accounted a better Gownman and more skilfull in the arts of Peace Which opinion he gained as well by his gentle and modest nature as by his great Offices of State Embassages and the Government of Millian wherewith he was intrusted by the King Though some differences betwixt him and St. Charles Boromeo Bishop of the Citie much blemished his name and some thought that the cause both of his unfortunate administration of the Low-countreys and of his untimely death They say Requesenes in his sickness sent to the Bishop earnestly beseeching him whom he called the holy man to vouchsafe him the expiration of the sacred Crosse a passage which because I do not certainly know I mean not to affirm This I am assured of when Requesenes went from Millain into the Low-countreys without any publick reconcilement with the Bishop for to the Church he was reconciled by the Breve of Gregory the thirteenth upon the way touched with Religion he sent one of the principall Gentlemen of his Train piously and humbly to crave pardon of the Bishop then Cardinall for what was past The good man willingly embraced his desire and promised he would earnestly pray God to grant it But among Requesenes his disasters I cannot justly reckon his Government wherein he was often Conquerour and which was beyond any former victorie after a memorable foarding of the Sea took Zericzee thereby separating Holland and Zeland so facilitating the recovery of both those Countreys to the Royallists and finally left the enemies forces fewer and weaker then he found them I cannot excuse him of one fault that to aw the mutinous souldiers he gave way to the Low-countreymen for taking up Arms which afterwards they were unwilling to lay down But nothing more obstructed Requesenes his successe then his own souldiers who demanding their pay not so unjustly as importunely in two years mutinied three or four times corrupting their own victories and occasioning Requesenes his fate For when Requesenes heard how the horse in Brabant mutinied whilest he lay before Zericzee fearing left some of the foot should make the like attempt which might be the beginning of some great Commotion riding thither post the next day after he came to Bruxells he was past all hope of life Instantly therefore lest the Provinces might suffer by the intervall of Government he named Philip Count Barlamont Governour of the Low-countreys and Peter Ernest Count Mansfeldt Generall of the Army commanding his Secretary to draw up and bring him their Commissions which though presented to him yet because he died before they were read and signed were held of no validitie And the Government of the Low-countreys according to their ancient custome remained in the power of those Lords