of the highest concernment Whatever you intend to raise and build upon it cannot be but weak and ruinous and till the Pope be pleased to do us justice in that point we do well to stop our ears to all others XI But should we set aside all these considerations and grant that the Pope could both call and preside in this Council we maintain he ought not to do it How came he to be judg of those whose adversary he was to sentence his own accusers and to rule in a Council demanded with so many tears and obtained after five and twenty years delay only to reform him The heats of Leo the 10 th against Luther are very well known That Pope who had for so many years trampled upon the neck of Europe was almost distracted to see a despicable Frier rebel against him and attack indulgences of which his predecessors had alwaies bin most tender So considerable an adversary gave more credit to Luther than either his own merit or the justice of his cause could have done Nor was he to be accounted an ordinary man that had answered Pope Leo so briskly and stoutly received all the Vatican thunders He made his appeal to a future Council and was the more easily induced to defer till then his condemnation or justification because â—e never imagin'd Pope Leo his public â—nd profess'd Enemy would become his â—udg The German Princes went further and â—fter their accusation brought against â—he Pope for Heresie and Simony they 〈◊〉 appeal'd to a lawful Council T was at least the Popes duty to purge himself of so many accusations and to â—cknowledge according to the rule of the 〈◊〉 Canonists his most famous oracles that â—n such occasions he was depriv'd of all power The Arch-Bishop of Colen having been excommunicated by Paul the Third refused the Pope for his Judg as having bin attainted of Heresie and Idolatry long before and protested that as soon as a free Council should be opened he would appear there to accuse him according to the ancient Canons King Henry the Eighth declared in his Manifesto that the Roman Bishops orders did not concern him at all that the Pope had conceived a deadly hatred against him and that he sought after all occasions to be revenged of him for having shaken off his tyranny and withstood the intolerable contributions exacted of his Kingdoms by that See These different appeals had been made in all requisite terms and were not intended as a pretence to annul the Council but were offer'd before it was commenc'd without ever being recall'd What ever slighâ— pretences the Pope had against Luther and the Princes of Germany he had none at all against Henry the Eight and the Arch-Bishop of Colen The one was a Prelate who demanded to be ruled by the Canons the other a great King never suspected of any Heresie one that was honoured with the glorious name of Defender of the Faith and tho we don't pretend to canonize all the actions of that incomparable Monarch it is well known his greatest guilt was the following the examples of his Predecessors in converting to the good of the State those immense riches which the Roman Luxury and idleness was maintained with and taking away those Monasteries whose People were become abominable and scandalous to the Church XII For these very reasons in former ages â—he Catholic Bishops defenders of Athaâ—asius his person and faith rejected the Council of Tyre because said they Theognis and Eusebius were his judges â—nd that Gods Law Inimicum neque teâ—em neque judicem esse vult St. Crysostome â—efus'd to appear before Theophilus only â—ecause he stil seem'd guilty of the crimes â—id to his charge and was his enemy â—uod contra omnes Canones leges est And â—his is so equitable that Pope Nicholas â—he First and Celestine the Third acâ—nowledged that ipsa ratio dictat â—uia suspecti inimici judices esse non deâ—cant Cardinal Bellarmine is so embarass'd by the laws which those two Popes conâ—ess to be of natural equity that he admits of them except when it concerns â—he supream judge I pity that great defender of the Popes for giving so miseâ—able an answer For if it be true how â—ame it to pass that Pope Vigilius's constitution which he certainly pronounceâ— ex Cathedra was condemn'd in the Fiftâ— general Council Why does the Sixth aâ—â—so excommunicate Pope Honorius for bâ—â—ing an Heretique Exclamaverunt oâ—â—nes Honorio haeretico anathema And thâ— Seventh Detestamur Sergium Honoriumâ— c. What means the Eight in forbidâ—ing Popes ever to be judged but wheâ— they are Heretiques Why did theâ— Basilean and Constantian make it an aâ—â—ticle of Faith that the Popes are subjeâ—â— to a superior Judg when they becomâ— Hereticks Schismaticks or scandalous Why were Pope Anastasius John thâ— Thirteenth and a 100 others depos'd â—oâ— must needs either condemn this shininâ— cloud of witnesses and with them all thâ— ages of the Church or confess that Popâ— Paul the third had no reasons to presidâ— at Trent XIII T is no new thing to appeal from the Popes judgment Saint Austin writing 〈◊〉 the Donatists and speaking of the sentence given against them at Rome uses these words Let us suppose saies he that the Bishops who judged their cause at Rome had not judged aright there yet remained a Council of the Universal Church wherein your cause with your judges might have been judged again and their sentence annul'd had it been unjust But without looking back to the Primitive times the histories of our age afford us a thousand examples of this kind Nothing is more frequent in the English French and German records Nay the Monks themselves claim'd right to such appeals Luther was not the first who attempted to make use of them and we read in Paul Langius his Chronicles that Cesano a Frier appeal'd from the sentence of Pope Martin the fifth as being Heretical tho in a matter of very little concernment it being only to know to whom belong'd the propriety of the Franciscans's bread XIV But laying aside all these reasons how could the Pope be president in a Council call'd only for his reformation There is none but know that the disorders of the Church had no other Origin then the Court of Rome Nor did Protestants only think so but those also of the Church of Rome And tho both were extreamly opposite in their opinions concerning the remedies for so great a disease yet they all agreed in their apprehensions of its cause Pope Adrian the sixth and the Councellors of Paul the third acknowledg'd it with much sincerity This was the sentiment of Princes as well as Doctors Their publique Ministers did alwaies touch upon that string Pope Marcellus the second did not apprehend how his Predecessors could abhor the very name of reformation And it is like that had God bin pleas'd to
it appears that nothing was done therein but by his Orders Theodosius junior sent Count Candidian to preside in his stead And some contestation happening to be amongst the Bishops he writes to them in these terms Our Majesty cannot approve of own as lawful what has bin done hitherto And these very Bishops that had a great veneration for their Emperor tell him in their Synodical Epistle They have done nothing but â—y his motions and that they have made use â—f his Letter as a Light to conduct them The fourth General Council hath no â—ess evident Testimonies for it The resistance which was made to Pope Leo's Legats requiring Dioscorus to be put of the Assembly the affair of Juvenalis and Thalassius that of the ten Egyptian Bishops that of Bassianus and Stephen which were all determined by the Emperors Judges leave us no ground to doubt of this truth Justinian was President at the Fifth as is clear from all the Acts of that Council And that great Prince whom Baronius abus'd so unworthily declares in his Letter written to the Synod That he considered the Bishops reunion as the foundation and beginning of all the happiness of hiâ— Reign The Sixth is so clear and its Session were so many characters of such a presidency that an adorer of the Popes new Power endeavored to discredit the Actâ— of it because saies he The Emperor with his Judges plena autoritate praesidet presides with full autority Anastasius did whatever he could to deprive us of the Seventh but Pope Adrian did repair abundantly that defect We offer these things saies he in his Letter to Constantine to the end they may be carefully examined for we have not exactly gather'd these testimonies we present to your Imperiâ—â— Majesty We received these Letters from Adrianus B P of Rome saies the Emperor directed to us by his Legats who also sit with us in the Synod We commanded them to be publicly read There is no Italian whom these word would not stagger The Eighth expresly saies Praesidentibus Imperatoribus and because the Popes Legats pretended that the Bishops who were defenders of Photius having bin â—ondemned by the Pope ought not to be â—eard any more as sentenc'd by their last â—udge the Emperors Envoies to the Council answer'd That the Prince comâ—ands them to be heard the second time Imâ—erator vult jubet Who after so many Presidents clearer â—han the light will not wonder to hear Leo the Tenth in his Lateran Council â—ay imperiously and in such a manner as gives a truer Character of him than all â—is Historians The Pope of Rome only as â—eing above all Councils is fully impowered to â—all to transport and to dissolve them And who after a particular account of 100 Provincial Councils for 1000 Years where the Pope was never spoken of but â—or the condemning of his pretences who I say will not confess with Cardinal 〈◊〉 Zabarella That the Pope has so generally â—nvaded the Rights of particular Churches â—hat other Bishops signifie almost nothing and 〈◊〉 God be not merciful to his Church Vehementer periclitatur IX Nor does their pretended Power oâ— confirming Councils stand upon betteâ— grounds than the other two For if by thâ— word Confirmatioâ— they understand an external engagement whereby all faithful People are to obey the holy Constitution of these Divine Assemblies such an Authority belongs so properly to Princes and makes so considerable a part of theâ— Dignity that no man can appropriate 〈◊〉 to himself without a manifest Usurpation and violation of the Sacred Majesty oâ— Kings 'T is in that sense Eusebius said of Constantine Quae ab Episcopis erant saâ—citae regulae suû confirmâ—bat consignabâ—â— autoritate And to the same purpose Jâ—stinian speaking of the Canons of the first Ages saies Sancimus vicem legum obtineâ—â— sanctas regulas But if by Confirmation they understand the internal obligatioâ— laid upon all Christians of hearing those whom God has made their guides anâ— especially when they speak in Councilâ— where the Holy Ghost has promised to bâ— with them to reduce it to the Pope 〈◊〉 the greatest Chimera in the World Thâ—â— is to make these Venerable Assemblies aâ— object of scorn and derision to give occasion of disbeleiving the certainty of the truth they set forth or the justice of the laws they impose and turn all Christendome into a club of Independents given up to the guidance of their own reason Is it probable that the Holy Ghost should be absent from a meeting of 300. Bishops among whom we find Athanasius Osius Maximus c. and be present to Liberius a Subscriber of the Arian Heresie That he should not be in the Ephesin Chalcedonian and Constantinopolitan Councils where you have Cyril Leo Proclus Flavian c. and yet in Vigilius a defender of the three Chapters That he should not vouchsafe his presence to three hundred Bishops met at the sixth general Counci and yet inspire Honorius a patron of the Monothelites Is not this to include the Universal Church in the Pope which is a dangerous heresie To acknowledg him to be above Councils which the Basilian Council the Popes's Carthage as well as the famous Sorbon stile an other heresie and in fine to open the door to a thousand inconveniences the renown'd distinction excathedra cannot help X. These weighty reasons induc'd the German Princes to protest against that Council Many Kings of France had done the same before and Francis the First whose name alone in a World of of great Men was so fully perswaded of its being no Council much less a General one that the subscription of the Letters he directed to them was only this Conventui Tridentino But above all Henry the Eighth King of England a cleer-sighted Prince and extreamly well learned in the true concernments of Princes oppos'd it with a greater constancy T was not out of any motion of Heresie or Schism he dealt thus for he lived yet in the Roman communion Nor out of any ambition since all the historians nay those themselves who endeavoured most to defame him acknowledg he had been all his life-time the general Arbiter of Europe Nor yet out of any fear of or aversion to Councils since at the same time that he protested against the Council of Trent he declared he was ready to submit to any other lawfully call'd and to send thither the Bishops of his Realms But the true and only cause was that he perceived of how great importance an attempt of that matter would be for all succeeding ages and what slavery all Christian Princes would be reduced to if he should let it pass So that if the Council of Trent were as orthodox as the Nicene and we had no other reasons of rejecting it this we have alledged is sufficient to satisfy all unprejudic'd persons T is an essential defect and a fundamental one at the beginning of an affair
prolong his life he would have done great things The reformation of Popes was a wound never searched without making them fall into dreadful fits All Christians desired the primitive times in matters both of Doctrine and discipline should be brought again But they were afraid at that word and the only representation of such a Council as those four which Pope Gregory the Great reverenced as the four Gospels was a phantôme which all the exorcisms in the World could not drive away We need but read Onuphrius their historian to be acquainted with their fears Cardinal Pallavicini could not conceal them Cardinal Bellai represents in his memoires how much Pope Paul the Fourth was frighted And all the World was so far perswaded that this only thing hindred them from proceeding that Monsieur de Ferrieres Embassadour of his most Christian Majesty to the Council told them not only in his Masters name but also of all the Gallican Church that more than an hundred and fifty years since a reformation of the head and members had bin expected in the Church that it had bin required in the Constantian Basilean and Ferrarian Councils but could never be obtained that t was no hard matter to guess at the reason of so many delaies XV. The truth on 't was the Popes wounds were grown altogether incurable There had bin a kind of prescription against all their abuses Many holy men had inveigh'd against them on all occasions but in vain and thus usurpation had lasted so long that they did account it a lawful authority T was so pleasing to them to thunder at all the World upon the smallest occasion that they could not renounce it without thinking themselves undone In a word they were not taken so much with the humble and penitent lives of the Popes Adrian and Marcellus as with the audacious and voluptuous ones of Boniface Leo and Hildebrand Nevertheless this sick and languishing person is allow'd to govern his own Physitians The general complaint of the World is that the Popes swelling ambition has made him break through all laws that the Court of Rome is become a sink of wickedness that the vices of the head infected the members that without the reforming of this head there is no hope left for laying of any solid foundation And yet he presides in his Council He calls directs and transports it by his â—ull and sole authority tho the 400 Preâ—ates met at Basil had made it a point of the Catholic Faith that 't was not in his power his Spirit fits the mouth of his Legats and the fear of him strikes the hearts of the Bishops XVI Paul the third being afraid of nothing so much as of a free Council where Protestants should be heard provided so well against these two inconveniences that the Conventicles of Tyre of Antioch or of Ephesuâ— in comparison of that would have bin thought freedom it self Peace being the source of all freedom in an Ecclesiastical assembly where all the members of it are stil'd by Scripture Evangelists of peace that Pope was extreamly diligent in fomenting War thro all Europe This we are assur'd of by the speech of Cardinal de Monte that of Cardinal de Lorraine the letters of the Lantgrave de Hesse of the Duke of Saxony and of that Pope himself to the Switzers wherein he acquaints them he has made a league with the Emperor to underminâ— Protestants and intends for that purpose to raise all the forces of the Ecclesiastical state What name shall we give a Council which has such a Pope for its president Do's he deal out of charity or ambition Do's he design to convert Souls by force of Arms What can they think of the Church who are suppos'd to be separated from her How long is it since Councils were taught to War with any other weapon then Scriptures then tears and Praiers Is that Pope to be trusted who at the same time he offers to receive his Children into his bosome can lift up his hand to strike them Julius the Third was of a greater sincerity and scorn'd to deal deceitfully When he call'd the Fathers to Trent he openly agreed with the Emperor to make War against France about the Dukedom of Parma and to speak as Onuphrius who is more his Panegyrist than his Historian set Italy and the rest of Europe in a flame What peace then or freedome could a Council enjoy when all Europe was emâ—roil'd and groan'd under a bloody War and what designs of reunion and charity could a Pope entertain who sought nothing but confusion and trouble Pius the Fourth seem'd to be asham'd of it He was so little convinc'd of the validity of what ever had bin done at Trent that when he recall'd again his Synod the third time he was at a loss how to term it whether it should be considered as a new one or but a continuation of the first French-men claim'd the one Spaniards pretended the other The Pope saies his Panegyrist met with an expedient to make them agree and he did so contrive his Bull that all were equally satisfied that is to say he daub'd up the business he flatter'd each one with a fancy they had bin victorious but he gave occasion at the same time to all clear-sighted men to wonder at a conduct so far distant from the candor and ingenuity of the first Ages and so full of carnal wisdom which the Apostle stiles Death and to beleive that he never intended to heal the wounds of the Church but only to cover them and create her new ones XVII What is the reason the Pope is so earnest for the Council to be held in Italy and stops his ears to the cries of Germany the complaints of Protestants and the entreaties of so many Princes and Bishops Did France where the eldest Son of the Church commands give him any cause to fear Did Germany where Charles 5 th commanded Did Spain where people were grown adorers of his Grandeur Was this Council for being had in any of these Kingdoms under the subjection of most Christian and Catholic Princes in danger of becoming either less free or less Orthodox Had the Pope bin inflam'd with the zeal of that faithful Shepherd of whom it is written do's he not leave the ninety nine go into the Mountains seeks that which is gone astray how great joy should have possessed his Soul for having the place shown him where to find his wandring Sheep where all European Bishops might have met together and England Sweden Denmark Poland and Germany sent their Prelates Should he not have bin ravish'd at the occasion given him of rendring the Protestants inexcusable of reproaching them as Christ did Jerusalem how often would I have gathered thy Children together even as a hen gathereth her chicken and ye would not Matth. 23. 37. of accusing them of Schism and applying to them all Saint Austin's arguments against the Donatists
Had not Pope Paul the Third and his Successors aim'd at some other end then the love of Catholic truth why did he oppose the only thing that could render it victorious Is there any president of such a conduct in former Ages Is it not cleer that there is in it some mystery And if so was it to be wondred that Protestants should apply themselves to search into it and prevent its consequences XVIII The choice of a free place where truth should command had bin alwaies a terrour to the Popes As long as the Apostolic See is not rul'd by Adrians and Marcellus's it will never without horrour call to mind the Councils of Constance and Basil Every Country wherein Bishops may say It seems good to the Holy Ghost and to us Act. 15. 28. shall be accounted by the Bishop of Rome a Land of bondage The Pisan Council shall be term'd a Latrociny by the Lateran and most holy decrees shall be lookt upon as so many bold and rash attempts Paul the Third chuses therefore Trent to assemble his Council at This Town indeed was out of the Ecclesiastical state and the Cardinal of Trent commanded therein but as an Author of the Roman communion pleasantly observes the Town was subject to the Cardinal and the Cardinal to the Pope Paul the Third had bin informed by his predecessors example that nothing made so much to the mastering of a Council as the choice of the place He succeeded in it admirably well Trent was not so far from Rome but the Holy Ghost might come thither in a few daies and many legions of Italian Bishops resort thither as it was done at the question of Residence and divine right of Episcopacy when 40 Apulian Bishops set aside for the most pressing occasions came in as fresh supply But he had forgot how Nicholas the First Innocent the Third Clement the Fifth Innocent the Fourth do teach that no man is bound to appear in a place where he has just reasons to fear the multitude XIX The event has shown us that the fears of those Princes were not groundless Their intention was only to obtain a free Council where none should be condemned unheard truth examin'd without prejudice and matters weighed with the greatest care For we must not imagine so many great Kingdoms holy Bishops and learned men sought their own ruine They desired no more then the examination of their doctrine to persevere in it if it should be judged orthodox or to renounce it if it were not so for this reason the favour should be granted them which was never denied to any to wit of being heard An Heathen does so much justice to Pope Liberius as to confess that he chose rather to banish then to condemn Athanasius without hearing his defence But if they were afraid to place us in Athanasius's rank it is certain that Arius Macedonius Paul of Samasate Nestorius Pelagius and the most abominable Heresiarchs have bin heard And the Church alwaies judg'd she could not deny them a thing of natural right XX. Nevertheless the Pope rids himself of all these Inconveniences of the Primitive Church and for fear other Bishops that are present at the Council should speak for them he deprives them of all freedom of proposing any thing Tho they are his venerable Brothers and born Judges of Councils as well as he they have never the more liberty for it All things are done proponentibus legatis and these Legats do propose but what they please When any one touched with a sense of his duty intends to speak he is silenced If he be a French-man or a Spaniard they tell him t is unbecoming the Majesty of a Council to contest But if he be an Italian that is a shadow and a Sceleton of a Bishop he has his ingratitude reproach'd and his Soul terrified by violent threats Ibi est herus tergo metuas There is at Trent but the image of a Council The true one is at Rome Quid à patribus judicandum proponitur aut ab â—is judicatum publicatur quod non prius Romam missum Pio Quarto placuerit The main design is to cheat the People not to establish any real good for the Church The holy Ghost does not shine on the Fathers at Trent but by reflexion and tho he has not promis'd to be in the conclave but in the Council yet he does not come to the one but as sent by the other What can the result be of dealings so contrary to the Spirit of God but to incline men to renounce an assembly where as speaks Mr. Ferriers's Pope Pius the Fourth left no place for the laws no footsteps of the antient Councils no vestige of freedom Vbi nullum legibus locum nullum antiquorum conciliorum nullum liberatatis vestigium Pius Quartus relinquat Nor are the Authors of these last words either Protestants or Heretics Neither is it that famour Venetian whom they call Atheist because he brought out of darkness those artifices the Popes made use of to betray the cause of God but the Legats of the most Christian King Men of admirable integrity and erudition wonderfully addicted to the Church of Rome and public Enemies to those that had separated themselves from it XXI But to be fully perswaded of the violence offer'd the truth and that its vindication was not the scope of their endeavours we need but consider the secret power given to the Popes Legat to transport or to dissolve the Council according to the occurrences Is it not a manifest and evincing argument that the Fathers gather'd at Trent were treated like Children made use of but only for a shew and pretence when an occult and an overuling spirit agitated the whole mass Had the Pope dealt sincerely and without mistrust what need such an anticipated power But if he could not suppress his fears in a place he had bin so much cautious of to be made secure are not the very same fears much more reasonable in such as could there hope for no security The dissolving of Councils is the last shift the Popes betake themselves to Eugenius the Fourth attempted to secure his tottering power at Basil and indeed that Council had vanish'd into smoak but that the Emperour Princes and Bishops forced him to repair thither by threatning to condemn him for a stubborn and obstinate man if he should refuse it Proud Leâ— the Tenth succeeded more happily and tho Alexander the Fifth testified at his death all things had bin done at the Pisan Council with all imaginable sincerity and integrity yet he declar'd it a meer conventicle XXII Had they intended to render truth manifest and palpable to all Christians why did they take a course for discussing it oâ— suspicious and unheard of till then What means that so extraordinary distinction of Congregations and Sessions the first to deliberate the other to decide and decreeâ— Had they learnt this from