Selected quad for the lemma: cause_n

Word A Word B Word C Word D Occurrence Frequency Band MI MI Band Prominent
cause_n bishop_n church_n rome_n 6,168 5 7.0527 4 true
View all documents for the selected quad

Text snippets containing the quad

ID Title Author Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication) STC Words Pages
A15400 An harmonie vpon the first booke of Samuel wherein according to the methode obserued in Hexapla vpon Genesis, and Exodus, but more compendiously abridged, these speciall things are obserued vpon euery chapter: the diuers readings compared, doubtfull questions explaned, places of Scripture reconciled, controuersies briefly touched, and morall collections applied. Wherein aboue foure hundred theologicall questions are handled, with great breuitie and much varietie, by the former author of Hexapla on Genesis. Willet, Andrew, 1562-1621. 1607 (1607) STC 25678; ESTC S120031 271,285 362

There are 3 snippets containing the selected quad. | View lemmatised text

court of iustice where he is impleaded So S. Paul by appeale was sent to Rome there to make answer for himselfe before Cesar. The Canons of the Church were herein at the first very strict first it was not permitted that any of the Cleargie ne propter causam suam quamlibet intraret in curiam for any cause whatsoeuer should goe into any court Concil sub Silvest 1. c. 16. Afterward more libertie was graunted that they might goe vnto the Courts and places of iudgement vt aut viduis pauperibus succurrant aut de verbo dei iudices admoneant to succour the widowes and poore or to admonish Iudges of their dutie out of the word of God Cabilonens sub Carol. c. 11. And this libertie was further enlarged that one might depart from his cure maiorum authoritate inductus beeing drawne and fetched by authoritie Pelag. 2. Epist. 2. It was also decreed Concil Sardicen that Priests and Deacons in Thessalonicorū civitate non diutius morentur quam constituta tempora per Episcopos should stay no longer in the citie of Thessalonica then the time appointed by the Bishops They were permitted then to stay so long about their busines as was thought fit and was limited vnto them But as these fowre necessarie occasions premised doe excuse the absence of Pastors for a season so yet they are limited and confined with these fowre restrictions 1. The Pastor must see that he pretend not a necessitie without necessitie but it must be indeede a more vrgent cause that draweth him from his vrgent busines at home for the attending vpon his flocke is a necessarie thing and it must not be intermitted but vpon a great necessitie as Cyprian sheweth Quoniam sic rebus vrgentibus detinemur vt longe isthinc excurrere diu à plebe cui de divina indulgentia praesumus abesse non datur facultas because we are so deteined with vrgent busines that we can not goe farre away or be absent from the people ouer the which God hath set vs. lib. 4. epist. 6. 2. The Pastor must prouide that when necessitie calleth him from home his absence may by others for that time be supplied that the Church be not left destitute This was Augustines rule They which in time of common daunger reserue themselues for better times doe well cum alij non desunt per quos ministerium suppleatur ne ab omnibus deseratur when as others are not wanting by whome the ministerie may be supplied that the Church be not forsaken and left destitute of all Epist. 180. 3. Augustine in the same Epistle seemeth to giue an other caueat propounding the example of Dauid Ne se committeret praeliorum periculis lucerna in Israel extingueretur à suis hoc petentibus sumpsit non praesumpsit Dauid that he should not offer himselfe to the daunger of battell and so the light of Israel should be put out he presumed not of himselfe but assumed it as desired of the people In such necessarie absence and discontinuance of the Pastor the consent of the people were fit to be had though it be not alwaies necessarie that as the Apostle would haue the man and wife to be sequestred for a time the one from the other but yet with consent 1. Cor. 7.5 so a mutuall consent in the absence of the Pastor from his Church to the which he is as it were married and espoused were requisite and so lesse offence would be taken at it 4. This time of absence vpon the former iust occasions would not be long as before the Apostle would not haue the married couple one to defraud an other but for a time Ambrose saith Paucorum dierū occupationibus detentus coetui vestro videor defuisse beeing deteined from you by the employment of a few daies I may seeme to haue beene wanting vnto your assembly Serm. 28. Sardicen con c. 14. it was decreed Episcopus per tres dominicos non amplius absit ab Ecclesia that a Bishop should not be absent aboue three Lords daies from his Church meaning whereas he was not by any vrgent necessitie deteined And where there was cause of absence the cause ceasing they were eftsoone to returne to their charges Now as these causes before alleadged may excuse the necessarie absence of Pastors not continually but for a time so these that follow which by some may be pretended are no sufficient allegations for the Pastors absence Causes pretended by some not sufficient to warrant or excuse the Pastors absence 1. When there is publike persecution raised against the Church in generall by hostile inuasion the life of the Pastors beeing not personally sought when as well the people are persecuted as the Pastor in this case he is not to flie and leaue his flocke as Dauid when the Lyon and beare inuaded his flocke did not turne his backe and leaue them to be a pray but manfully withstood them and deliuered his flocke But where as our Sauiour biddeth his Apostles when they were persecuted in one citie to flie vnto an other Augustine wisely answeareth making a difference betweene personall and publike persecution Fugiunt Christi servi quod praecepit seu permisit cum eorum quivis specialiter à persecutoribus quaeritur c. let the seruants of Christ flee as Christ did command or permit when any of them is specially sought for by the persecutors In communi autem omnium periculo qui indigent ne ab his quibus indigent deserantur but in the common danger of all let not them which stand in neede be forsaken of them whome they haue neede of August epist. 180. For by this marke our Sauiour describeth an hireling who when he seeth the wolfe comming fleeth and leaueth the flocke Ioh. 10.12 2. An other instance may be giuen of the plague and pestilence when a contagious sicknes hath inuaded the parish whether the Pastor in this case may not goe aside to preserue himselfe from daunger In this case a difference must be made betweene priuate men and such as beare publike office the one beeing free the other bound for they which are not tied by any office or administration to attend vpon the Church or Common-wealth may as freely escape from the pestilence by chaunging of place as from the sword but otherwise neither the Pastor from his flocke nor the Magistrate from his gouernment can with any better conscience flee away then the husband from the wife the father from the children for all these are comprehended vnder the Apostles rule Let euery man abide in the same vocation wherein he is called 1. Cor. 2.20 Therefore he which is called to gouerne rule or teach must not leaue his standing and charge for that were to depart from his calling Gregorie 3. did giue a good resolution in this case writing thus to Bonifacius who was desirous to be satisfied whether in the time of pestilence they which were yet vntouched might not escape from the daunger
phantasticall opinion of the Anabaptists that it is lawfull for the seruants of God where their cause is good to weare armour and weapons Mar. And much vnlike vnto this high Priest who had no other armour or weapons but Goliaths sword are the high Priests of the Church of Rome that professe themselues to be warriours and wage battell beeing more addicted to warre then praier to weapons then workes Osiand 13. Quest. v. 13. Of Dauids chaunging of his behaviour before Achish whether he offended in so dissembling 1. The word here vsed tagham signifieth properly the outward tast and by a metaphor the inward faculty of discerning some read he chaunged his speech P. B. his countenance L.S. his sense A. his habit V. his shew I. any of these interpretations may safely be receiued but the best is he chaunged his discretion for so the word is vsed c. 25.33 blessed be thy discretion or counsell saith Dauid to Abighail he altered his countenance words and behauiour 2. Now to decide this question whether Dauid did well herein many things must be considered 1. There is great difference to be made betweene dissembling in words which properly is to lie and in signes for signes are not so properly ordained to expresse the minde as words are it may be lawfull for a man to dissemble in his behauiour when he can not in speech 2. There are three things in the act of semblance or dissimulation to be obserued the minde of him that dissembleth the thing and subiect wherein and the ende for first if he dissembleth to saue himselfe of a distrustfull or diffident minde he sinneth not if vsing this as a meane he still depend vpon God and trust in him as Dauid did in this place as is euident Psal. 34.6 He cried still vnto God euen when he chaunged his behauiour as the title of the Psalme sheweth secondly in some things it is vtterly vnlawfull to dissemble as in religious matters as for a man to make a shew of religion to aspire to honour as hypocrites doe as Simon Magus was baptized or for one to dissemble his religion as to bow to an Idol which he hateth in his heart thirdly if his dissimulation tend to an vncharitable ende as Cain spake faire to his brother to entise him into the field there to kill him If the outward semblance or pretense which one maketh faileth in any of these it is vnlawfull otherwise it is not condemned as Dauid obserued all three he put his trust in God it was not in any religious matter which tended to the deniall of his faith but in his ciuill behauiour neither did any receiue hurt thereby but he intended his own deliuerance without dammage to any So our Sauiour vsed a kind of semblance when to take triall of the disciples humanitie he made shew as though he would haue gone further but Peter offended and was iustly reprooued of S. Paul Gal. 2. that in a religious matter dissembled withdrawing himselfe from the Gentiles with whome he had eaten before for feare of them of the circumcision and so made a difference betweene the beleeuing Iewes and the beleeuing Gentiles 3. Some to excuse this fact of Dauid say that for the time Dauid was striken with a fitt of madnesse or frensie indeede and so dissembled not but the text shewing that Dauid chāged his behauiour maketh it his owne voluntarie act some say that Dauid did it by a diuine instinct Pellican But we not seeke any other defence then this before alleadged taken from the manner and nature of this dissimulation Some make herein Dauid a type and figure of Christ who was counted of the Iewes as a Demoniake and one beside himselfe and S. Paul sheweth that the Gospel was esteemed as foolishnes among the Grecians 1. Cor. 1.23 14. Quest. Whether any kinde of lie be lawfull 1. There are three things which must concurre in the telling of a lie first that there be vntruth in the matter which is vttered secondly that he which telleth an vntruth haue a purpose to deceiue thirdly that he take a pleasure and delight in it the first belongeth to the matter of a lie the other concerne the forme Mart. But these three are thus further to be distinguished that in euery kinde of lie all these are not necessarie as the first and the third for if a man haue a purpose to deceiue though vnwittingly he speake the truth he is guiltie of a lie as Augustine saith Nec vllo modo liber est à mendacio qui ore nesciens verum loquitur sciens autem voluntate mentitur He is not free from lying which with his mouth vnwittingly speaketh the truth but yet wittingly intended to lie So the third is wanting in some kinde of lie as when one lieth of necessitie to saue his owne life or his brothers but without the second there can be no lie as Augustine saith Qui dicit falsum quod putat verum non fallit sed fallitur non itaque mendacij sed temeritatis arguendus est He that telleth that which is false supposing it to be true is deceiued rather then deceiueth and is to be reprooued rather for his rashnes then for lying August ibid. And in an other place he giueth this reason Illud quod non habet duplex cor ne mendacium quidem dicendum est that which hath not a double heart is not to be counted a lie As if a man receiue a sword of one and promise to deliuer it againe and afterward the owner of the sword beeing madde requireth it and he refuseth to restore it in this case he is no lyer nor deceiuer for he did not once dreame furentem posse repetere that he could aske it in his madnesse to this purpose August Gelasius putteth an other case non mentitur qui animum fallendi non habuit he lieth not which had no minde to deceiue as Paul when he purposed to goe into Spaine and Peter when he said Christ should not wash his feete for neither of them thought at that time otherwise to doe then they saide where then there is not animus fallendi no minde or purpose to deceiue there they can not be said to lie 2. The diuerse kinds of lying are to be considered Augustine maketh these diuersities of lying 1. in doctrina religionis when one maketh a lie in matter of religion which he calleth capitale mendacium a capitall lie and it is worst of all admitting no excuse 2. Cum nulli prodest alicui obest when one by his lie profiteth none but hurteth some 3. Quod ita prodest vni vt obsit alteri a third kinde is when a lie hindreth one and profiteth an other 4. Quod fit sola mentiendi libidine a fourth kinde of lie is which is made onely of a desire to lie and deceiue 5. Quod fit placendi cupiditate which is done onely with a desire to please 6. The sixth kinde is quod nulli
the wordes are to be read with an interrogation as appeareth by the article ha prefixed not without an interrogatiō as D. Kimhi thinketh as though he neuer had asked counsell for him before but that time was the first 2. But it may seeme strange that Ahimelech made no mention of the excuse that Dauid made that he came about the kings busines which had beene a materiall point to cleare the Priest Iosephus thinketh that Ahimelech did expresse so much some thinke that all which Ahimelech spake is not set downe some that Ahimelech suppressed it of purpose least afterward if Dauid should haue beene reconciled to Saul he might haue fared the worse at Dauids hand Mar. But it is more likely that Ahimelech made some couert mention of it in saying he goeth at thy commandement which words might be so taken that euen then he knew none other but that Dauid was employed by the king 3. Ahimelech in this his Apologie partly sheweth his weaknes excusing himselfe by his ignorance that he knew not that Saul held Dauid his enemie and confessing in a manner that if he had knowne him to be in the kings displeasure he would not haue releeued him wherein Ahimelech should haue offended in refusing to helpe an innocent man beeing vniustly persecuted by Saul partly he bewraieth his simplicitie that falleth into such great commendation of Dauid giuing him the titles of faithfull and honourable whereas Saul beeing so much incensed against Dauid a prudent man would haue forborne so to haue extolled him Mart. 11. Quest. Of Sauls cruell sentence pronounced against Ahimelech 1. Though Saul had lawfull authoritie to conuent the Priests before him as also where he saw cause to censure them as all Princes euer had that power euen ouer Ecclesiasticall persons and causes as the Christian Bishops did accuse one an other before Constantine the Emperour and Iustinian the Emperour deposed Sylverius and Vigilius Bishops of Rome contrarie to the doctrine and practise of the Romanists who will haue their Cleargie exempt from the Ciuill authoritie yet Saul abuseth this power in this vniust and cruell sentence Mar. 2. And he further offendeth in the rash execution thereof taking no pause or deliberation but presently commaunding them to be put to death when Theodosius the Emperour in his rage had put diuers thousands in Thessalonica to the sword after beeing touched with griefe and sorrow for that bloodie fact at the instance of Ambrose made a law that there should be the space of thirtie daies betweene sentence giuing and the execution thereof which constitution is inserted into the Code among other Imperiall ordinances but Saul as he was hastie in his sentence so he doth precipitate the execution thereof Mar. 3. His rage was such that he cōmandeth the innocent Priests to be slaine beeing vnarmed and consecrate to the ministerie and seruice of God who vse to be spared euen in battell amiddes their enemies yea he spareth neither women nor children and as Iosephus addeth further he rased the citie and burned it and left the Tabernacle of God as much as lay in him without Priests to minister Thus this hypocrite which before against the Amalekites offended in too much clemencie hauing the word of God to the contrarie now hauing no word of God sinneth in crueltie and tyrannie Mar. wherein his fault was so much the greater that then he seemed to be touched with some remorse but here his heart is hardened Mart. 4. Iosephus maketh this morall application that in Saul we see the condition of such who while they are in lowe and meane estate seeme to be good and vpright men because then they haue no opportunitie to shew their nature who when they are aduanced to honour and attaine vnto wealth and power then hauing chaunged their apparell as players their habit on a stage they make no conscience either of diuine or humane lawes sic fere Ioseph lib. 6. cap. 14. 12. Quest. v. 17. Whether Sauls seruants did well in disobeying the Kings commandement 1. R. Selamo thinketh that these ministers and sergeants of Saul whome the Rabbins held to haue beene Abner and Amasa refused to obey so bloodie an edict remembring that answer of the people to Ioshuah that they would obay Ioshuah as they had obeied Moses Iosh. 1.17 But whether it were this or any other place out of the law of God that mooued them they did well to choose rather to obey God then man which was the Apostles resolution Act. 5. Osiand 2. Some thinke they refused because Sauls proceeding was against the law which will haue none condemned without two or three witnesses Borr. But it seemeth that the horrour of such a detestable and cruell fact rather kept them from doing it then the fayling in the circumstance and manner 3. Here further a question ariseth whether the Iudge is bound against his conscience to condemne or put any to death whome he knoweth innocent for the deciding of which doubt it must be considered whether he be a superiour or inferiour Iudge before whome such innocent person is condemned if the superiour the law is in his hand and so he can not be forced to doe against his conscience if the inferiour he is to referre the matter to the superiour iudge there to plead for the innocent or els if he be not heard to giue ouer his place of iudgement rather then to consent to the condemnation of the righteous So by no meanes is he to commit any act against his conscience Mar. If by oath he be bound to giue sentence according to the euidence brought in whether it be true or false in this case such an oath beeing not in truth righteousnes nor iudgement doth not bind him 13. Quest. v. 18. In what sense the Priests that were slaine are said to weare a linnen Ephod 1. Osiander thinketh that at that time they had their linnen Ephods vpon their backes when they were slaine but that is not like for the Ephod was a sacred vesture vsed onely in the time of their seruice in the Tabernacle they are said to weare a linnen Ephod because they were of that age to be admitted to the seruice of the Tabernacle Vatab. they were actuall ministers and seruitours in the priestly function Mar. Iun. 2. It is called a linnen Ephod to make a distinction betweene the Ephod with the brestplate and pectoral which was peculiar to the high Priest and the common linnen Ephod which all the Priests vsed Mart. which is called a linnen coate or tunicle Exod. 28.40 3. The principall Priests which were slaine were 85. there were more beside slaine in the citie Iosephus according to his vse in altering the numbers expressed in the Scripture saith that there were 385. slaine beside those which were put to the sword in the citie some thinke that all the inhabitants of Nob were not put to the sword but onely the Priests Mart. But it seemeth by the text that the whole citie of