first fruites of al their thinges Tēthes at this day ar no more ceremonies but rather rewards and stipendes But our men do in these dayes receiue tenthes But by what law Not vndoubtedly by the ceremoniall law but by the morall lawe Forasmuche as it is mete that the Mynister shoulde bee nooryshed of the people For the laborer is woorthye of hys rewarde and hee whyche serueth the Gospel it is meete that he liue of it Wherfore whither stipéds be payd vnto ministers out of lands or out of houses either in ready mony or in tenths it skilleth not so that they be not maintained filthily but honestly Indede these rewardes in some places doo retayn the olde name of tenthes But in many places they ar not called tenthes but stipendes or wages And assuredly they are in very deede rather rewards whiche are dew vnto the labours of the ministers then tenthes Stipendes are paid both to superiors and also to inferiors And as touching this foresayd argument we must vnderstand that such rewardes and stipendes are thinges indifferent bicause they are sometimes payd vnto inferiors and sometimes to superiors For tributes which are geuen vnto kinges and princes are theyr stipendes which we geue vnto them partly to norish and susteine them and partly to confesse that we are subiecte vnto them and lastly the they may haue wherwithal to defēd the publike welth and vs. And somtimes inferiors also do receaue stipendes For princes pay them vnto souldiers and yet cannot we therefore saye that the souldiours are greater then Kynges and Prynces And notwythstandynge I woulde not haue anye thynke that I speake these thinges to dimynyshe the dygnitye of the Ecclesiasticall ministerye but that men myghte vnderstande that theyr argumentes are very trifling The church which payeth the stipēd vnto the minister is greater then he Why in the church kinges are consecrated Power is geuē vnto princes of god and not of bishops Neither doubt I to affirme that the church it self whiche payeth the stipend vnto the minister is greater then the minister Wherfore if we speake of tenthes as they are at this day geuen vnto ministers they are no cause that they should be greater then those that pay them But in that kinges and Emperors are consecrated and annointed of byshops and in that they receiue the crowne and sword of them it nothinge helpeth their cause For if we speake of the ciuill power that is not geuen of the bishop but of God But this thing is ther done that after the king or Emperor is chosen of god in such manner as is agreable prayers should be made for him in the assembly of the church that god may confirm and strengthen his hart that he may encrease piety in him and instil in him a feare of his name prosper his counsels and so make fortunate his actions that they may proue profitable vnto the church and vnto the publike welth And the bishop whilest these thinges are in doing is the mouth of the church goeth before it in expressing the prayer And this function was deriued of an olde ceremony and custome of the Iewes And the the king receaueth not his power of the bishop but of God euen their owne decrees also do testifye In the dist 96. chap. Si Imperatur Gelasius saith that the Emperor hath the priueleges of his power at gods hand Why then doth Bonifacius arrogātly claim it vnto himself namely that which longeth to God onely For as Paule sayth All power is of god In the Code de Iure veteri enucleando in the lawe firste Iustiniane Iustinian declareth that his power was geuen him of the deuine maiesty And the Glose in Extrauag de maioritate obediencia in the chapter vnam sanctam toward the end saith that power is geuen vnto kings of God onely and that therfore they do indede receiue the crowne of the byshop and the sword from the aulter But let vs more narowly examine Bonifacius argumēt I sayth he do geue power vnto Emperors Therfore I am greater then Emperors Let this most blessed Thraso aunswere me who consecrated him when hee was chosen Pope Vndoubtedly the bishop Hostiensis Let vs conclude therfore that the bishop Hostiensis is greater then the Pope And if that follow not thē is the argument also of Bonifacius of no force bicause as I haue now shewed it cleaueth vnto a broken foundation For they are not bishops which geue power vnto kinges Farther All emperors were not consecrated of the Pope wer there not many Emperors whiche were neuer consecrated of bishops and yet were neuertheles for al that Emperors Neither were the old Grecian Emperors so annointed Wherfore that is a new inuētiō But what if I proue that the head bishop was somtimes consecrated of the ciuill magistrat Vndoubtedly Moses cōsecrated Aaron whē as yet as it is sayd Moses was a ciuil prince Wherfore Bonifacius laboreth in vayne about his consecration bicause he canne gather nothing thereby He boasted moreouer of the kayes Wherin the kayes of the church consyst We sayth he haue the power of binding and losing But the power of the kayes consisteth herein that ye should preach the word of god truly For he which beleueth the gospel is losed he which beleueth not is bound But when ye neither preach nor teach neither can ye binde nor lose And farther this subiection which we haue graunted is spiritual namely of fayth and of obedience and not ciuill and with dominion Afterward was Ieremy obiected vnto whom the Lord sayde I haue appointed thee ouer nacions and kingdoms c. First here I demaund what kings Ieremy deiected or whom he abrogated of theyr Empire and what new kinges he instituted They can shew of none What therefore signify these woordes I set thee ouer nacions and kingedomes Vndoubtedly nothing els then that by the sprite of prophecy word of god he should foretell what kingdomes god would ouerthrow for sinnes and what new ones he would institute Why doe not the Popes so excercise theyr power Let them sette before kinges and princes of the earth the threatninges of god Prophetes are not the efficiēt causes of the ouerthrow of kingdomes Ministers and prophetes are an occasion but not a iust cause of ruines and let them be in this manner ouer nacions and kingdomes Could Ieremy be called the cause of the ouerthrowe of kingdomes He was not properly the efficient cause but onely a certayn occasion For when he had admonished the king of Iudah and he beleued him not the prophet by his preachinge was some occasion that he shoulde be condemned and ouerthrowne So Paule sayth To some we are the sauor of life to life and to other the sauor of death to death When as yet the Apostle properlye killed no man but his preaching after a sorte broughte death vnto those whiche would not beleue It is god therefore that seperateth ouerthroweth scattereth planteth Neither disdaineth he
this his true sayeng than the godly feling of the minde We gather hereby that the lawe of rendring like for like semeth euen to the wicked by the light of nature iust right which at the length wil they or nill they are compelled to acknowledge the iudgemēts of God For they haue certein principles of that which is right and honest written in their hartes although they expresse not the same in dedes But euen as Paul hath written to the Romaines they holde the truth of God after a certeine sorte captiue in vnrighteousnesse when they knew the righteousnesse of God neither was it hidden from them that they whiche do such thinges are worthy of death yet for all that they not onely do them but also they consent to them whiche do them As I haue done so God hath done to me agayne Bycause he spake of gods iudgementes therfore in naming of god he vsed not this worde Iehouah but Elohim The name Iehouah and the name Elohim By whiche worde the scripture vseth rather to set forth the myght and iustice of god than his mercy This most cruell tyranne confesseth that he had most cruelly cut of the feete of 70. kinges and brought them to that poynte the they were faine to gather their meate vnder his table It is not to be laughed or hissed at as a lye bycause in that prouince beyng not very large were 70. kinges Euery citie in the olde tyme had their king For it may be that at that tyme that custome was in vse that euery citie had his king Neither ought the gouernment of a king to be separated from other formes of gouernmentes by largenesse or bredth of borders but in what societie or multitude of men soeuer it be Definition of a kyng Iustine where as any one mā is lawfully made gouernour so that he depend not of any other superiour power the same man may by good right be called king yea and as Iustinus writeth euery king before Ninus tyme was content with the boundes and limites of his owne citie And such a custome if I should speake the trouth I can not but greatly commende It is not profitable to haue large kyngdomes For what shall it profit kinges most amplye to dilate the territory of their empyre when as afterward they are ouerwhelmed with ouer much weight therof neither are they able to gouerne it by reason and counsell But what should man do The Monarches in these dayes are so set on fire with such great ambition that they haue not a respect how many they are able to gouerne but onely haue a regarde to this how many they may reigne ouer Neither doth this disease whiche is the more to be lamented raigne onely in worldly princes The Bishops seke to haue large diocesses but it is also most filthyly spred abroade in the Churche where Byshoppes couet by all meanes to haue most large diocesses of whiche although they neuer looke to them they may receaue most plentifull fruites But nowe I returne to the matter and aske the cause why the Israelites did cut of the thombes of the handes and feete of Adonibezek Wherfore Adonibezeb was so maymed of the Hebrues R. Leui aunswereth to this interrogation and sayth that it was therfore done that the cruell Tirant might be made altogether vnapt to do any thing and especially to make warre For they whiche are so inaymed are neither able to drawe sworde neither to take or ouercome any man in battaille Moreouer by this so sharpe punishment other princes whiche were yet remayning might easely be made affeard to lifte any weapon agaynst the Israelites These thinges are somewhat lykely but the wordes of the same tyranne teache vs that we must consider some deeper cause namely that it was so done by the prouidēce of god that cruell and bloudy princes should not at the length escape the iudgemēt of God yea rather they should haue experience on them selues of that whiche they had committed agaynst others And in that thing bycause it is good sometymes to be taught by the example of wicked men God would now also admonishe vs by this Adonibezek He teacheth vs that we should not muche staye in inferiour causes whiche are nexte vnto vs We must not staye in the inferior causes but rather cōsider the highest causes but rather by these examples strayght wayes to lift vp the eyes of the mynde to consider the wonderful and most highe iustice of the decrees of God The selfe same most cruel tyranne doth not ascribe vnto the Israelites that they had feabled hym by cutting of his handes and feete but by and by sayeth As I haue done to other so God hath done to me agayne Which same thing also Christ hath taught vs for this also was his sentēce With what measure ye meate with the same shall other meate vnto you Of this lawe of rendring like for like let the cruel tyrannes of our tyme be affeard whiche neuer make an end of killing tearing and burning of holy and innocent mē as thoughe wisedome neuer admonished them By what soeuer a man sinneth by the same also is he punished Neither haue they at any tyme heard Habakuc the holy prophet cryeng thus Why tyrannes do so cruelly rage Bycause thou hast spoyled many nations others also shall spoyle thee Those be bloudy tyrannes when they do so extremely rage being altogether vnmindful of humane chaunces neuer thincking how the same thinges may happen vnto them selues wherwith they do so cruelly afflicte others For if they would remember this they would vse them selues more mekely not only toward innocent men but also euē to them which are giltie iustly condemned by them Let vs learne in all thinges whiche shal happen what soeuer they be to consider as well the iudgementes of god as also his goodnesse and therby we shall get good matter either of repentaunce or els of thankes geuing But there is a doubt why the Israelites killed not this king by and by Why Adonibezek was not by and by slayne of the Iewes and why they brought him to Ierusalem there to die miserably I aunswere to testifie vnto all men that he being woūded was not gloriously killed in the battaille for his horrible tyrāny deserued not so famous an end of this life Neither is it to be meruealed that when he came to Ierusalē he was not holpen by the diligence and remedies of Phisitians for the Iewes did it not of cruelty but bicause they were affeard to violate the commaundement of god who commaunded that all their enemies the Chananites should be slayne euery one amongest whom this Adonibezek deserued not one death but a thousand besides that it was done that his most shameful end might be an exāple to al mē He worthily therfore being maimed and despised departed this life in a most famous citie But it semeth to be demaunded for what cause when he had so vilye maymed
and made to stand stil I wyll not speake howe the Poetes fable that when the walles of Thebes the Citye were built the stones of their owne motion came together with the sound of the Harpe And no man is ignoraunt what the same Poetes haue written of Arion and Orpheus And who knoweth not how much Dauid here ther in his Psalmes praiseth both Musick songes Tertulian And among Christian men Tertulian in his Apology teacheth that the faithfull did very often make suppers wherin after they had moderatly and honestly refreshed the body they recreated themselues with godly songes And in an other place when he commendeth Matrimony that is of one and the selfe same religion he sayth that Christian couples doo mutually prouoke them selues tosing prayses vnto God Whether singinge may be receaued in the Church The east churche Plini But now that we haue sene the nature beginning and vse of songes and musicke ther resteth to inquire whither it may be vsed in Churches In the East part the holy assemblies euen from the beginning vsed singing which we maye easily vnderstand by a testimony of Plini in a certain Epistle to Traian the Emperor where he writeth that Christians vsed to syng hymnes before daye vnto their Christ And this is not to be left out that these words wer written in that time that Iohn the Euangelist lyued for he was a liue vnto the time of Traian Wherfore if a man shal say that in the time of the Apostles there was syngyng in holy assemblies He shal not stray from the truth Paule who was before these times vnto the Ephesians saith Be not filled wyth wyne wherein is wantonnes but be ye filled with the spirit speaking to your selues in Psalmes Himnes and spiritual songes singing in your hart geuing thankes alwaies vnto God for all thinges in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ To wyne the Apostle setteth the spirite as contrarye and forbiddeth the pleasure of the senses when in steede of wyne he wil haue Christians filled with the spirite For in wine as he saith is wantonnes but in the spirite is both a true and a perfect ioy Drounckerdes speake more than inough but yet foolish and vayne thinges Speake ye saith he but yet spirituall thinges and that not onely in voyce but also in hart for the voyce soundeth in vaine where the minde is not affected They which be filled with wine do speake foolish filthy and blasphemous thinges but geue ye thankes to God alwaies I say and for all thinges To this ende vndoubtedly ought Ecclesiastical songes to tend vnto To the Colossians also are written certaine thinges not disagreing from these Let the woord of the Lord sayth the Apostle abound plentifully in you teache and admonish ye one another in Psalmes Hymnes and spirituall songes singing in your hartes with grace By these woordes Paule expresseth two thinges Fyrst that our songes be the woord of God which must abound plentifully in vs and they must not serue onely to geuing of thankes but also to teache and to admonish And then it is added with grace which is thus to vnderstand as though he should haue said aptly and properly both to the senses and to measure and also vnto the voyces Let them not syng rude and rusticall thinges neither let it be immoderatly as doo the Tauernhunters To the Corrinthians the firste Epistle the .xiiii. chapter where he entreateth of an holy assemblye the same Apostle writeth after this maner When ye assemble together according as euerye one of you hath a Psalme or hath doctrine or hath a toung or hath reuelacion or hath interpretation let al thinges be done vnto edifieng By which woordes is declared that Syngers of songes and Psalmes had their place in the Church The west Church Augustine But the west Churches more lately receaued the maner of singing for Augustine in his .ix. booke of Confessions testifieth that it happened in the tyme of Ambrose For when that holy man together with the people watched euen in the Church least he should haue bene betrayed vnto the Arrians he brought in singing to auoyde tediousnes and to driue away the time But as touching the measure and nature of the song which ought to be retained in Musicke in the Church these thinges are woorthy to be noted What maner of measure the ecclesiastical song ought to be Augustine Augustine in the same bookes of Confession both confesseth and also is sory that hee had sometimes fallen bicause he had geuen more attentiue heede vnto the measures and cordes of musicke than to the woordes whiche were vnder them spoken Which thing hereby he proueth to be synne bicause measures and singing were brought in for the wordes sake and not wordes for Musicke The manner of the churche of Alexandria And he so repented him of his fault that he execeedingly allowed the manner of the Church of Alexandria vsed vnder Athanasius for hee commaunded the Reader that when he sang he should but lytle alter his voyce so that he shoulde bee lyke rather vnto one that readeth than vnto one that syngeth Howbeit on the contrary when he considered how at the beginning of his conuersion he was inwardly moued with these songes namely in suche sorte that for the zeale of pietye he burst forth into teares for this cause I say he consented that Musicke should be retained in the Churche but yet in suche maner that hee saide he was readye to chaunge his sentence if a better reason could be assigned And he addeth that those do synne deadly as they wer wont to speake which geue greater hede vnto musicke than vnto the woordes of God Ierome Gregory To which sentence vndoubtedlye Ierome assenteth as he hath noted vpon the Epistle to the Ephesians Gregory also of Rome in the Synode of Rome was of the same opinion And both their wordes are wrytten in the Decrees Dist 92. in the chap. Cantantes and in the chapter In sancta Romana In which place are read in the glose two verses not in dede so eloquent but yet godly Non vox sed votum non cordula musica sed vox Non clamans sed amans cantat in aure Dei That is Not the voice but the desire not the plesantnes of musick but the voyce Not crying but louing syngeth in the eare of God And in the wordes of Gregory this is not slightlye to be passed ouer in that hee saith Whilest the swetenes of the voyce is sought for the life is neglected and when wicked maners prouoke God the people is rauished by the pleasauntnesse of the voyce The abuses of Ecclesiasticall Musicke But now let vs declare the cautions which are to bee obserued to the ende we maye lawfully and fruitfully vse singing in the Church The first is That in Musicke be not put the whole summe effect of godlines and of the worshipping of God For among the Papists they do almost euery where thinke that
they haue in the churches fully worshipped God wheÌ„ they haue long much soong and bleated Farther we must take hede that in it be not put merite or remissioÌ„ of synnes For there are very many Priestes and Monkes which for this cause do thinke they haue very wel deserued of God bicause they haue soong very many Psalmes Yea and the Pope also Cardinals Bishops Abbots when they haue heard songes of Masses and Euensonges do oftentimes pronounce vnto the people indulgences of synnes This vice also is to be taken away that singing be not so much occupied in the Churche that there bee no time in a maner left for to preach the woord of God and holy doctrine as they doo almost euerye wher For they so chaunt all thinges with synging and piping that there is no part of the time reserued for preaching Wherby it coÌ„meth to passe that the people depart out of the Church ful of Musick and harmony but yet hungerstoruen and fasting as touching heauenly doctrine Moreouer so riche large stipendes are appointed for Musicians that either very litle or in a maner nothing is prouided for the Ministers which labor in the woord of God Neither may that broken quauering Musicke be lawfully retayned wherewith the standers by are so letted that they cannot vnderstand the wordes no though they woulde We must also take heede that in the Church nothing be soong without choyse but onely those thinges which are contained in the holy scriptures or which are by iust reasons gathered out of them and do exactly agree with the woord of God For if there should be a wyndow opened vnto the inuentions of men it wer to be feared least Ecclesiastical Musicke should at the last be chaunged into trifles and fables Yea we already see that there are brought into the assemblye verye many foolish Sequences as they call them and fayned Hymnes and manye other thinges also which doo styrre vp vnto the hearers rather a laughter and a wearynes Hymnes of Ambrose than a true fayth Neither doo I speake these thinges as thoughe I would disprayse the Hymnes of Ambrose and other whiche are of that kynde forasmuch as by them I iudge that the faythful maye be both instructed and also admonished The Symbole of Athanasius The Psalmes of Augustine The Psalmes of Chrisostome The Symbole of Athanasius seemeth also to bee allowed and the Psalmes of Augustine against the Donatistes and also the Psalmes of Chrisostome of which the Ecclesiasticall history of Eusebius maketh mention in the .7 booke if they were remayning For whatsoeuer thinges were written in them we must beleue that they agree with the holy scriptures and that they doo aduaunce the edification of the faithfull in the Churche The Psalmes of Valentine But contrarywyse the Psalmes of Valentine of which Tertulian maketh mencion ar aboue al things to be condemned Psalmes in the honour of Samosatenus And with them the most corrupt Psalmes whych were soong in the Temple in the honour of Paulus Samosatenus as the history of Sozomenus declareth But now to conclude the matter I affirme that godly religious songes maye be retained in the Churche and yet I confesse that there is no precept geuen in the new Testament of that thing Wherfore if ther be any Church Ther is no precepte geuen for the hauing of Musicke in the Churche which vpon iust causes vseth it not the same Church cannot iustly be condemned so that it defend not that the thing it selfe of his own nature or by the coÌ„maundement of God is vnlawful and that it do not for the same cause reproue other Churches which vse singing Musicke or els exclude them from the fellowship of Christ For the Church of Alexandria as it is before said vsed either very litle singing or els almost none at al. For they saw the infirmity of the people to be so great that they gaue more heede to the harmony than they did to the wordes Wherefore if in these daies we shal perceaue that the Christian people do runne vnto the Churches as to a stage play where they may be delighted with piping singing in this case we must rather abstaine from a thing not necessarye than to suffer their pleasures to be cockered with the destruction of their soules But now I thinke it good to returne vnto the history Then sang Deborah and Barak Who made this song It seemeth that Deborah alone made thys ditty for the spirite of prophecy had persed her and not Barak Howbeit hee is ioyned with her bicause euen as in the battayle he was the Captaine so also among the singers and those which gaue thankes vnto God he was the chiefe In that day We may thus enterprise that in the selfe same day of victorye this song of victory was both made and also song which lyketh me verye well that we might hereby learne straightwaye to geue thankes for the benefites receaued For to deferre it as some do It is vicious to defer thanks geuing it can scarcely be defended from the vyce of ingratitude Neither can the maner of certaine men be commended which to obtayne anye thing at Gods handes cease not wyth moste importunate vowes to pray vnto him but when they haue obtayned their request they scarce returne vnto God to geue him thankes sometymes at the last The Ethnikes as we gather by good authors writers of histories when they had gotten the victory did strayghtway syng hymnes in praises of their Gods CoÌ„querers did straightwaye syng Hymnes vnto their gods if they with so great a study gratified their false Gods howe muche more ought we for the benefites which we haue receaued without any tarying to offer thankes vnto the true and liuely God whom we woorship Prayse ye the Lord for the auenging of Israel Bicause thys Hebrue woorde Perag is doubtful therfore the sense therof may be taken diuers waies Fyrst it signifieth to make naked to spoyle as it is put in Exodus when Aaron tooke golden ornamentes of the Israelites to make the molten Calfe For he was reproued of Moyses bicause he had with ignominy made naked the people Wherfore according to this signification the sense of the dittye is Geue thankes vnto God which first made you naked both of strength and of his ayde when we wer geuen ouer vnto the Chananites Furthermore geue hym thankes bicause he hath afterward made you prompt both to take in hand warre and also to recouer your liberty Eche of these actions of God is to bee praysed To the elect 〈◊〉 is profitable both to beâ— câ—st down 〈◊〉 be deliueâ— We must 〈◊〉 thankes oâ— God for proâ—â—â—rity aduersitâ— for they turned to good to his people For the deiection calleth them backe to repentaunce and the deliuery deliuereth them from a grieuous yoke Let god therefore be praysed which both leadeth to hel and bringeth from hel Neither must we geue hym
Nestorius was once bishop who beleued most wickedly of the sonne of god Macedonius had the same dignitye who beleued not that the holy ghost was god If those Patriarches had then beene vniuersall Bishops in the church the whole church had fallen also with them Let none of the papistes cry that it is no strong argument bicause it is none of ours but Gregories their father let them cry out against him who afterward addeth That he which maketh himselfe vniuersall bishop taketh away from other bishops their office for where anye man is vniuersall byshop he leaueth no office of a bishop vnto others This also is the collectiō of Gregory and not foūd out by vs. And vndoubtedly if a man at this day loke rightly and more nighly vp on the thing he shal see that the bishops of the west doe gouerne theyr churches onely by the ordre geuen them by the bishop of Rome Gregory counteth it for an absurdity that the Pope should be preferred before the Emperour Gregory afterwarde addeth that Iohn preferreth himselfe aboue the Emperor which thing Gregory coūted for an absurdity But oure men now a dayes thinke it necessarye that Cesar should be subiect to him yea they haue oftē times resisted emperors many times wearied them and sometimes moued them out of theyr place And yet Gregory theyr father detesteth and inueigheth agaynst it as a thinge vniust and not to be suffred And writing vnto Augusta he is yet more vehemēt saying that the same belongeth vnto Antechrist Wherfore let not our mē meruayle if we sometime cal the bishop of Rome Antechrist for asmuch as their Gregory calleth him by the most goodly title which wil be vniuersal bishop The sinode of Chalsedonia erred The Sinode of Calcedonia as the same Gregory sayth gaue vnto the seat of Rome this prerogatiue namely vnto Leo the first of that name Howbeit no mā vsed it because our elders being men most holy saw it was not meete for anye mortal man Onely Christ is the vniuersal hed of the church For he is the smal grayn of musterdsede whiche hath incresed into abrode and large tre that it ouerspreadeth the whole world and he is that little leauen wherwith thre peckes of meale wer leauened And the stone hewed out without handes whiche is become so great a moūt that it hath filled al thinges Wherfore Christ him self for as much as he is able to be with vs is to al vs the vniuersal hed to whom euery one of vs cleaueth as membres Moreouer Gregory admonisheth Alexandrinus and Antiochenus that they shoulde receaue no Epistles whiche had written in them a tittle of so great pride And he sayth that to receaue such a title is to fall from the fayth Now let our men go and obtrude this yoke whiche by the testimony of theyr Gregory we can not receaue except we should go back from faith Namely in attributing that to a manne which we must beleue is propre and peculiar vnto Christe Neither doubteth he to affirme that this Iohn transgressed the decrees of Christ the rules of the Apostles and Cannons of the fathers All these things sayth he hath he violated in the vsurpation of this one title And he addeth what wilt thou aunswere vnto Christ in the last day of iudgement thou that hast arrogantly takē vpon thee his office and wilt haue al his members subiect vnto thee He commaunded that we shoulde not call anye a father vnto vs vpon erth But thou commandest men to cal thee vniuersal father In what estimation therfore hast thou the wordes of the Lord An error of Gregory Howbeit in collecting of these places of Gregory I thinke there ar some thinges which ar diligently to be takē hede of namely two of the which the one is that he sayth that Peter was the chief membre of the vniuersal church Paule Andrew and Iohn were heades of singular churches This I therefore admonish you forbycause the Apostles wer not byshops of singuler churches for they wandred abrode thorough out the whole worlde they founded churches wan sondry nacions vnto the Lord and al they were members Another error of Gregory and that principal mēbres of the vniuersal church Wherfore this sētēce of Gregory is not to be admitted The other thing which I iudge is to be obserued is that Gregory doth testify that this his Iohn did fyrst vsurpe vnto himself the title of vniuersality Theodoretus which assuredly I cannot be perswaded of Forasmuch as Theodoretus in his booke de haerecibus when he writeth of Nestorius oftentimes sayth that he was made vniuersall patriarke Yea and Iustinianus in suis nouellis attributeth that title to diuerse Patriarches And to speake as the thing is I suppose that Gregorie this prety little saynt would haue had the thing or matter of an vniuersal bishop although he reprehended the name and title For as the history of those times teacheth and his epistles testify he abstained not from gouerning of other churches He shewed indeede that the name should be auoyded namely least the patriarch of Constantinople by that title should eyther preferre himselfe or be equal vnto the byshop of Rome But before these times Ciprian wythstoode the churche of Rome Cipriā resisted the church of Rome whoe sought then to clayme vnto it self some tiranny and he iudged that appellatiōs should not be brought vnto the seat of Rome but would haue Ecclesiastical causes iudged in euery singuler prouince namely that they which in any place wer condemned by the iudgement of byshops should not be restored by the ayd of the seate of Rome when as yet he chiefly reuerenced the church of Rome acknowleged it as the Matrix in these our regiōs And assuredly to haue it in great estimacion is a farre other thing then to graunt vnto it tiranny or dominion aboue al other For to the first we may after a sort agre but to the other we must not assente vnlesse we will fall from the fayth Afterwarde in Augustines time when he was present at the Sinode of Africa The counsel of Afrike resisted the church of Rome there was great and longe alteration about this thinge and at length the bishop of Rome coulde neuer proue whiche thing yet he chiefly endeuored to do that this power was geuen him in the councell of Nice that menne from all partes of the worlde mighte appeale vnto him Wherefore if it were eyther for lacke of knowlege or of some rashnes or by the people or by flaterers geuen to any byshop of Rome it should by the example of Gideon Leo and Gregory haue bene refused We must not trust vnto the inconstancy of the common people The inconstancye of the common people which is alwayes moueable now they wyll haue Gideon to raigne a litle afterwarde you shal see that they were most vngrate againste him for as the historye declareth they slew his children Gideon refuseth not the principality as though
in warre taken in hand by common counsel to withdraw themselues by priuate counsell Metius Suffecius captaine of Albany when he forsoke Tullus Hostilius fighting against the Fidenates by the commaundement of Tullus was bound to two cartes and so drawē in peces Solon depriued him of al honour dignity Solon A decre of Pōpeius which in the time of sedicion adioyned himselfe to neyther party And Pompeius as Plutarche affirmeth when he fled from Cesar proclaymed that he woulde count all them to be enemies which abode at Rome and helped not the common cause And after this maner are the Iabenites prescribed and counted for enemies And no otherwise are they to be counted which in this our tyme when there is controuersye concerning religion doo dissemble althinges when as in the meane tyme they wyl neither stand on the Papistes syde nor on ours It is not lawful for vs in religion to be neuters They say they wyll stand in the myddest betwene both which is nothing els then that they wyll be wyth the aduersaries or enemies For they halte on either side and therfore it may be said that after a sort they fauor them Farther the cause of religion is farre greater and greuouser then the cause of the publike wealth In the Churche no man can excuse himselfe that hee is a straunger for no man which professeth himself to be a Christian can be a straunger from religion wherfore warre is iustly proclaymed against the Iabenites Althoughe I thinke that in this matter also the Isralites wer to cruel For it semeth that it should haue bene sufficient to haue slaine the men that were apt vnto warre To much crueltye against the Iabenites which had committed the crime of rebellion But to kil womē old men and children it was to much cruelty Neither could they say that they had vowed vnto the Lord the vow Cherem forasmuch as they had saued the mayden virgins And vndoubtedly so great cruelty turned them to euyl for if they had delt more gently with the Iabenites they had had more women for the Beniamites Neither coulde they haue geuen counsell to haue vsed force to get them selues wiues But it is good to vnderstand how the Israelites founde oute that the Iabenites were absent The battaile being finished they al assembled to Siloh and numbred the people among whom when they founde none of the Iabenites they easelye vnderstoode that they were absent from the warre So great was their piety and religion at that time that when they had obtained the victory al of them assembled together to geue thankes vnto God But that thing is contemned now a daies for how many are there which when they haue gotten the victory wil acknowledge the benefite of God and geue him thankes Preachers do out of the Pulpit admonish the people to pray publikely for sicke folkes of which we either se or heare of none in a maner which when they are restored to health do publikelye geue thankes vnto God for that they haue by the prayers of the Churche escaped free They proclaymed peace vnto them which were in Rimmon That is gaue them safeconduct to returne home againe in safety 14 And Beniamin returned at that tyme and they gaue them wiues whom they had made on lyue of the women of Iabes Gilead which yet were not sufficient for them 15 And the people had compassion on Beniamin bicause the Lord had made a gappe in the tribes of Israel 16 And then the Elders of the congregacion sayd what shall wee do for wiues for the rest For the womē of Beniamin are destroied 17 And they sayd There must be an inheritance for them that bee escaped of Beniamin that a tribe be not destroyed out of Israel 18 For we cannot geue them of our daughters to wyues For the chyldren of Israel had sworne saying Cursed be he that geueth a wyfe to Beniamin 19 Then they sayd Behold there is a feast of a Lorde yearelye in Siloh in the place which is on the North syde of the house of God and on the East syde of the way that goeth from the house of God vnto Sechem and is South from Libanon 20 And they commaunded the chyldren of Beniamin saying Go and lye in wayte in the vyneyardes 21 And take hede For behold if the doughters of Siloh come out to daunce in a row then come ye out of the vyneyardes and catche vnto you euery man hys wyfe of the daughters of Siloh and get you into the land of Beniamin 22 And if their fathers or brethren come vnto vs to complayne we wyll say vnto them Haue pity on vs for them bicause we reserued not to eche man hys wyfe in tyme of war And bicause ye haue not geuen vnto them so that ye haue at this tyme offended 23 And the children of Beniamin did euen so and tooke them wiues of the dauncers according to their number whom they cought and went their wayes and returned euery man to hys inheritance And repairyng their cities they dwelt in them 24 And the children of Israel departed thence at that time euerye man to hys trybe and to his famelye And went out from thence euerye man to hys inheritaunce 25 In those dayes there was no kyng in Israel but euery man did that which seemed ryght in hys owne eyes They are sayd to haue made on lyue those maydens whom they had not slain for forasmuch as they had thē in their power it semed that they might iustly haue slayne them But they would preserue them on lyue Whereby they vnderstode that God wold saue the tribe of Bēiamin for that they sawe it was not the wyl of God that al the Beniamites should vtterly be destroyed and here by they vnderstoode the wil of God bicause he had caused sixe hundreth of them to escape Wherfore they gaue them safeconduct and the maydens of the Iabenites to be their wiues God made a breache in Israel That which they did themselues they ascribe vnto God A breache they cal the cutting of of one tribe Here is expressedlye set foorth the inconstancy of mans minde In that fury and hot anger they woulde haue destroyed al and they desyred of God to graunt them a ful victory when they haue obtained it and finished the matter they mourne afflict themselues If they had moderatly vsed the victory this thing had not happened vnto them After the same maner they synned against the Iabenites for if they had not slaine al the women ther they had had wiues inough for the Beniamites Now hauing slayne all they found onely .400 mayden virgins which not being sufficient they are compelled to seeke other by rapte or stelth And the Elders sayd So were the Senators or Senadrim called or els the Tribunes and Centurions which were rulers ouer the warlike affaires Let their inheritance be safe Iosua had appointed vnto euery tribe his inheritance Wherfore the Israelites could not clayme vnto
so then were it very easy to persuade the Ethnickes and Turkes of the holy Scriptures and to bryng the Iewes to receaue the new Testament and how true this is the thing it selfe witnesseth And I thincke I haue spoken enough of the efficient cause of this booke and of the holy Scriptures Of the ende of this booke And now lastly order semeth to require the seyng we haue spoken of the matter forme and efficient cause of the holy bookes we shoulde also entreate somewhat to what end they were written Wherin I thincke it not nedeful to kepe the reader long for that before when I entreated many thynges of an historye I haue expounded also the profite and commodities whiche come therof whiche no doubte of it belong vnto the ende but nowe presently I will say thus much compendiously that all these thinges are mentioned by the holy ghost that we shoulde behaue our selues vprigthly both in prosperitie and also aduersitie For we learne by the examples of holy men when we are afflicted with sundry troubles and miseries stedfastly to holde our faith to put our hope in God to call vpon him only therewithall to repent vs of our sinnes whiche thinges if we do he will no lesse be presente to helpe vs than we know that he oftentimes deliuered the people of the Iewes And this Paul declared when he sayde to the Romaines whatsoeuer things are written they are written for our learning that we thorough patience and consolation of the Scriptures might haue hope Moreouer we are instructed in prosperous thinges to kepe the feare of god lest we fal into grieuous sinnes by whiche meanes we might be made guiltie both of punishement in this lyfe and also of euerlastyng damnatiō Finally we may moste manifestly gather the ende of reading of these bookes out of the Apostles doctrine whiche he deliuered to Timothe writing after this sorte in his second Epistle and third chap. All Scripture geuen by inspiration of God is profitable to doctrine to reprouing to correction and to instruction which is in righteousnesse that the man of God may be perfect and prepared to al good workes And now that as I suppose I haue spoken enough of the end and other causes of this booke I will come nygher to the exposition of the same first I wil declare whether this booke according to the sentence of the Hebrewes be the second booke of the firste Prophetes whose coniunction is so great with the history of Iosua that a man woulde easely saye that they be both one Whether the booke of Iosua ought to be reckened with the booke of Iudges And peraduenture there be some which suppose that Iosua should be reckened with the iudges to whom I will not subscribe For iudges were raised vp of god when the people were oppressed with outwarde enemies but when Iosua was proclaymed prince all the affaires of the Israelites were in good prosperitie For Sihon and Og most mightie kinges were ouercome and that office was cōmitted to Iosua wherby Moyses being dead he might leade the people ouer Iordane and take possessiō of the lande of Chanaan and deuide the promised lande by lottes vnto the children of Israell and besides that the people did set their handes to a decree whiche they had made of Iosua that he whiche obeyed not his voyce should be killed as we read it written in the first chap. of his booke But there is no mention made of suche thynges as concernyng the Iudges And yet both the bookes are so like and of such affinitie that many thinges are repeated in this our booke especially in the beginning whiche no doubte were done when Iosua was yet lyuing There resteth now to admonishe the reader somewhat of the partes of this boke The partes of the booke of Iudges There are as many principall membres in it as there were Iudges to Samuels tyme. For that in euery one of them still riseth vnto vs a new historye But the first of all was Othoniel of whom we will speake in the third chap. So that all those thinges whiche are written vnto that place do contayne the thynges done from the death of Iosua vnto Othoniel And certainly bycause the Iewes as long as Iosua liued worshipped god a right kept the lawe as muche as the weakenesse of mā coulde do god stil wrought with them accordyng to his couenaunt gaue thē a great victorye ouer their enemies so that euery tribe ouercame his enemies for the most part which were yet adioynying to their borders And then when the Israelites obteynyng the victorye did transgresse the commaundements of their god did not cleane destroy the nations which they had ouercome as god had commaunded them yea they made them tributaries vnto them god therfore grieuously admonished them by his messanger bycause they had not onely saued their enemies but also had moste filthyly honoured theyr gods So that god was not wtout a cause angry with them and deliuered them into the handes of outwarde tyrannes But when they were sorye for it and called vpon their god he had compassion of them and raysed them vp Iudges by whom they might be deliuered when they were deliuered they fell agayne to Idolatry they were afflicted againe they repented wherby in course their deliueries and oppressions are set forth But their first oppressiō worthy of memory was vnder Chusan Resanthaim from the which Othoniel the first of al the iudges reuenged them of whom we will speake in his place But now we will put here vnderneth the wordes of the holy history The first Chapter 1 IT came to passe after the death of Iosua that the childrē of Israel asked the Lord sayeng Who shall go vp for vs agaynst the Chananites to fight first agaynst them 2 And the Lorde sayd Iudah shal go vp beholde I haue deliuered the lande into his handes IT semed good vnto the children of Israel to take warre in hande for as it is writtē in the xiii chap. of Iosua they had not yet at this tyme conquered all the promised land so that in euery tribes lotte there were enemyes remayning And when they sawe there was no remedy but that they must dryue them out by force they doubted not whether they shoulde make warre agaynst them but their doubte was whiche tribe should fight before all the other The Israelites aske counsell of God The matter seemed to be of such great importaunce that they asked counsell of god whiche was the chief gouernour of their publicque weale Iosua that worthy captayne was no more a liue at whose becke and pleasure they hanged The Israelites affaires had euill successe whē they were done without God hys counsell Neither yet had they forgotten howe euill successe they had when not long before they toke weighty affaires in hand without asking counsell of God For in their settyng forth to battaill against the citie of Hai they sped very vnluckely in the
battail bycause they went to warrefare without oracle as it is written in the vii of Iosua It is also written in the same boke in the ix chap. that the Gabaonites were receaued into league without the oracle of god and it is also writtē in the boke of Numbers that the Israelites were slayne by the Amorrhites when they fought cōtrary to gods will This peoples iudgement therfore is worthy to be praysed for it is excellently well done in most weighty affaires to aske counsell of God first of all And that must be done conueniently and holyly otherwise it profiteth not For the Israelites whē they should make warre agaynst the tribe of Beniamin although they asked coūsell of God yet were they twice put to flight slayne cowardly tourned their backes to their enemies bycause they behaued not them selues well in asking counsell of god Wherfore they asked counsell of God And it is to be beleued that the Hebrues after the death of Iosua considered this with them selues that their hong a great matter in those first warres whiche should be enterprised after the death of Iosua bycause if they happened to be ouercome of those nations in one battaill or two then would those nations thincke with them selues that the good lucke of the Israelites were chaunged with the death of their captayne By whiche opinion they would easely haue ben boldened and their affaires should haue had better successe dayly But on the contrary if it happened that the Israelites gotte the vpper hand in the first battailles they sawe that the power and audacitie of the nations woulde euery daye diminishe and beyng made feable and faynter they should the easelyer be ouercome God was also asked counsell of in the tyme of Iosua They did not therfore without cause aske coūsell of God in so great a matter which also to do the cōmaundement of the law did vrge them which is writtē in the boke of Numbers Neither must it be now thought that they so required the oracle as though they did not the same whē Iosua was lyuing for they required also answers of God verye often when he was a lyue but after his death it is said that they enquired for this thing chiefly principally namely which tribe should go vp to battail before all the other in al their causes And thys is the signification of the hebrew word Lanu that is for vs. And this woord to go vp is mencioned bycause they saw that they should fyrst vanquishe the hyly places Against Chanaan This is somtimes a general name What the people of Canaā were containeth al these nations which God had decreed to destroy out of Palestine whereby all the lande was afterward called Channan And sometimes it signifieth particularly some one nation of that people And that lay chiefly about Tyre Sidon Which the Euangelical history proueth when it calleth the woman a Chananite which offered her self to the sonne of God when he was goyng to Tyre Sidon And of that nation peraduenture bicause it was mightier than the other were the rest called Chananites And I wyl not ouerskip this by the way that the people which is singularly called Chanaan when they wer driuen out of their coastes by the Israelites they departed to Aphrica where they remayned safe euen to the time of Augustine Augustine So that the father writeth in his booke of the exposition whych hee begon vpon the epistle to the Romaines thus Our rusticals beyng demaunded what they wer they answered in the Affrick tong Chananites And theyr language is very nye to the Hebrewe tong The Africans ar Chananites as the same Augustine writeth in hys booke of questions vpon the Iudges the .16 question For by Baal in the Affrick tong they seme to say Lord whereby by Baal Samen is vnderstoode as thoughe they would say Lord of heauen bicause these tonges differ not much one from an other Hierome also agreeth therw t Hierome writing vpon Esay the prophet when he enterpreteth these woords Behold a virgin shal conceaue in the Affrick tong saith he which is said to haue had his ofspring of the Hebrues Virgil. A virgin is properly called Almah Also Virgil when he called Dido an Aphrician a Sidonian the inhabitants of Carthage Tirianes hath most manifestly confirmed that Dido her people came of the Chananites Wherfore it is no maruel if they almost kept in remembraunce the Chananishe tong But these thinges I haue spoken by the way But now Chanaan signifieth no one special nation but is a cōmon word for al those nations which the Israelites should ouerthrow For the tribe of Iudah which is said to haue gone vp first of al to the war For what thing the Israelites asked councell of God had in his lot the Iebusites not the Chananites Moreouer I admonishe the Reader that the Hebrues asked not counsel of God for their Captaine neither desired they to know what man should be made chief ruler ouer the Israelites going to battail against the Chananites but which tribe should begin the battel first Othoniel the first Iudge should be of the tribe of Iudah But we entreate not of him now presently And bycause it is said that the children of Israel asked counsell of the Lorde Howe many waies that elders asked councell of God some wil aske after what sort the Iewes accustomed to aske anye thing of hym at that time It may be answered that ther wer three accustomed ordinarye waies which are rehersed in the .28 chap. of the first booke of Samuel namely by dreames by Vrim Thūmim lastly by prophets whē ther wer any to be had therfore Saul complained in the booke that God had answered hym by none of these waies when he would haue asked counsel of hym of the successe of the most daungerous battail I finde also other waies in the scriptures of asking coūsell of god but they wer extraordinary waies One is by reuelacion of angels or of god him self expressing him selfe vnder some forme An other way was when som holy men by the mouing of god did appoint to themselues certayn tokens of thinges to come which did signify before whether they happened this waye or that what should be looked for So Abraham hys seruaunt decreed with hymself that she should be his Lordes wife which only amongest many maydens comming to the well offred drinke of her owne mynde to hym and to his Camels Ionathas also the sonne of Saule had then the victory promysed him when the Philistianes shoulde say Come vp hither to vs and contrarilye if they shoulde byd him tary till they came downe thither I haue called these extraordinarye wayes bycause they were not commonly vsed neyther are they often red in the Scriptures Lottes also are of this kinde There is mention made of them in the fyrst booke of Samuel when Saule should be declared King all the tribes standing there
them which thought giaūts were not borne of men bicause they thinke it is not possible the huge giauntes can be borne of mē of vsual bignesse stature Wherfore some of thē haue gone so farre that they haue affirmed that the first mā was a giaunt and that Noah also his childrē were Giaunts bicause they beleued not that the kind of mē could be either before or after the floud except their first progenitors had bene such if it were thought they should be borne of men But Augustine proueth that to be false sayth Augustine A womā giaūt that a litle before the ouerthrow made by the Gothes there was a womā at Rome of a giauntes stature whō very many out of diuerse countreyes came to see Which womans parents neuerthelesse exceded not the cōmon accustomed stature of other men The naturall cause of the great stature of giāts But as touching the cause of this huge bignesse of giaūtes if we should loke vpō nature thē can we bring no other reason but a strong naturall heate also a moysture which abundauntly largely ministreth matter for the heate doth extende the same not only into length but also it poureth out spreadeth it both to breadth also to thicknesse Giaunts therfore begā before the floud they wer also before the accōpanieng of the sonnes of god with the daughters of men after that also continued their generation Men therfore begat them and had a naturall cause such as we haue sayd There were also some without doubt after the floud for there is mencion made of them in the booke of Num. Deut. Iosua How huge the giauntes were Iudges Samuel Paralip and other holy bookes Concerning their bignesse stature we may partly gesse and partly we haue it expressedly described The coniectures are bycause Goliah had a cote of male weing v.m. sicles and a speare like a weauers beame and the Iron or top of his speare weighed 600. sicles We coniecture also that Og kyng of Basan was of a wonderfull bignesse and that by hys bed whiche being of Iron contayned 9. cubites in length And the Israelites compared with Enachim seemed as grassehopers These he signes wherby we may iudge howe bigge these men were But the bignesse of Goliah is described properly and distinctly in the booke of Samu. For it is sayd that he was 6. cubites and a hande bredth highe A cubite with the Grecians Latines And a cubite with the Grecians is two feete but with the Latines a foote and a halfe Some alledge the cause of this difference to be bycause the measure may be extended from the elbow to the hand being some tymes closed and sometymes open or stretched forth And thus much as concerning the stature of giauntes so farre as may be gathered by the holy Scriptures But we read among the Ethnickes farre more wonderfull thinges The Ethnikes opinion of gianntes Philostratus The common stature of men in our tyme. The measure of a foote such which seeme to some incredible Philostratus writeth in his booke of noble men that he sawe the carkase of a certain giaunt which was 30. cubites long and an other 22. cubites long and certain other also 12. But the cōmon stature of men in our tyme passeth littell aboue .5 feete And the measure of a foote agreeth both with the Grecians with the Latines for they both geue to euery foote 4. hand breadthes and euery hand breadth conteineth the breadth of 4. fingers that is the length of the litle finger But if the last fingers the thombe I saye and the litle finger should be stretched abroade then euery foote cōtaineth but two hand bredthes I thincke it not amisse also to declare here what Augustine writeth in the .15 Augustine booke de ciuit Dei 9. chap. where he reproueth those whiche obstinatly contend that there were neuer any men of so wonderfull huge a stature and testifieth that he him selfe sawe vpon the coaste of Vtica a tooth so great that being deuided it might easely be iudged to be an hundred fold bigger in forme and quantitie thē vsuall teth in our tyme are Vergil he also declareth in the same place that there were in oldetyme very many such bodyes of men by the verses of Vergil whiche are written in the 7. booke of Aenedos where he sheweth how Turnus tooke vp so great a stone from the groūde and threw at Eneas that 12. such men as the earth bringeth forth now of dayes could scarsely lifte whiche place he tooke out of the 6. boke of Iliades of Homere We may adde also vnto these the verses which the same Vergil hath writtē in the first of the Georgikes he shall wonder at the great bones digged out of the graues Moreouer Augustine bringeth Pliny the second who affirmeth in his 7. Pliny booke that nature the longer it procedeth in her course the lesser bodyes doth it bryng forth dayly Cipriane Whether the bodies of men haue decreased from the floud to our tyme. And he maketh mencion also of Homere whiche made complainte sometymes in his verses To whom I might adde the testimonie of Cipriane against Demetrian But if I should be asked the question whether I thought that the bodies of men whiche were brought forth after the floud are lesse than those whiche were before the floud I would peraduenture graunt vnto it Aulus Gellius but that they haue alwayes decreased from the floud euen to our tyme I would not easely consent to that and especially bycause of Aulus Gellius wordes whiche he wrote in the third booke where he sayth that the measure of the growth of mans body is 7. feete whiche seemeth also to be the measure at this day in mē of the bigger sort But lest I should dissemble any thing we read in the Apochriphas of Esdras the 4. booke about the ende of the .5 chap. that our bodyes are lesser nowe and shal be euery daye lesse bycause nature is alwayes made more weake And the same doth Cipriane as I haue a litle before sayd seme to affirme But why I would not so easely assent thereunto this is the cause for that I can se almost nothing altered in our time from the measure whiche Gellius defineth Pliny But now to Pliny agayne who sayth in his 7. booke that in Crete when a certayn mountaine was rent by an earth quake a dead body was founde standing whiche was 46. cubites long whiche some beleued to be Orions body other some Othus It is also left in writing that the body of Orestes being digged vp by the commaundement of an oracle was 7. cubites long But that whiche Berosus affirmeth Berosus that Adam Seth his sonne were giauntes and Noah also with his children as it is put without testimony of holy scriptures so may it also be reiected Now it seemeth good to declare Why GOD woulde haue so huge giauntes some tymes for what
Moyses he consented at length to iourney forth with the Israelits But these things could not haue bene so if we should thinke the Hobab had bene Iethro which after he had deuided set his things in order should haue returned againe to Moyses with the minde purpose to haue gone forward with the Israelits For what neded Moyses to haue entreated hym to do that for which cause he came from hys owne house to doe Or why shoulde he haue chaunged hys purpose to retourne into hys owne countreye whiche he had before vtterly forsaken Lastly why shoulde he afterwarde haue denyed to goe which he had before decreed with hymself to do I know in deede there be some but not many which affyrme that Iethro was that Hobab with whom Moyses spake in the booke of Num. which thyng let thē affyrme for me howbeit I thought good to declare what I iudged most likely And that the familye of the Kenites dwelled long among the Amelekites or very nyghe adioynyng vnto them the fyrste booke of Samuel testifyeth where it is written that Saule called forth the Kenites least he should haue destroyed them together with the Amelekites Wherefore it semeth that parte of the Kenites dwelled with the Amelekites part with the Israelits of whiche both of thē were alwaies most frendly to the Hebrues And god declareth that he had excellētly adorned thē in their publique wealth that with three principal giftes For they excelled in the study knowledge of the law Three thinges God seemeth to haue geuen to the Kenites They were also notable in obtaining of a great victorye Lastlye they liued vertuously and godlye And concerning the study of the law wherein they floorished the first booke of Paralipomenon and seconde chapter towarde the ende is a wytnesse vnto them For there is mencion made of them with the family of Iambes that is of Othoniel and they ar said to haue bene Scribes wherby it appeareth that the tradition of the Hebrues is not to bee despised that in the doctrine of the lawe they were the disciples of Othoniel for they ar reckoned in his family And it is a very common thing to count disciples in the place of children Ierome Ierome also in hys questions vpon Paral. alloweth this opinion which as it is said seemeth to agree with the scriptures Neither do I thynke that for anye other cause there is mencion made of them in this place among the actes of Othoniel Why mencion is made here of the Kenites but onelye bycause they lyued together alwaies with his family most louingly They ar also counted with the tribe of Iudah although they were not of the stocke of the Israelites Wherfore they amongst other wer a fygure of the callyng of the Gentiles The other notable ornament of theirs in that publique wealthe was that noble victory which is declared in the .4 chap. of this booke For Iahel the wife of Aber the Kenite slew Sisara the captayne of warre of Iabin king of Chanaan and God would by the hand of a woman of this familye graunt great health to the Israelites Lastly that they wer wel manered and obseruers of their fathers commaundementes the family of Ionadab the sonne of Rechab hath declared They dronke no wyne which at that tyme was the maner of the Nazarites Prayse of the Rechabites and notably despising earthly thinges they dwelled not in houses but lyued in tentes and exercised the arte of a shepherd which is most simple For which thing they are very much commended of Ieremy the Prophet and adourned wyth a most ample promisse aboue the Iewes bycause they had geuen more seruice obedience vnto him namelye Rechab their parent than the Hebrues had done vnto God himselfe which neuertheles dyd continually boast in that father and holy progenitours Wherefore we knowe that to be most true which Paul hath taught to the Romanes that they in dede had Abraham to their father whiche followed the steppes of hys fayth they were not Iewes by nature but by wyl and faith were made Proselites and in godlynes and holynes farre passed very many of those which were by nature Iewes We gather moreouer hereby It is very profitable for men to ioyne them selues to good godly persōs that it muche auayleth vs to ioyne our selues with good men and with the fellowshyp of the godly The Kenites which wer the posterity of Hobab if they would haue rested as the most part of men do in their own countrye and in the place where they were borne they had fallen at length into the ignoraunce of God and of his lawes wherby they should easely haue bene lyke vnto their neighbour Amalek But bycause they despising theyr owne thinges and kyndled with the faith of the promisse of God ioyned themselues vnto the Israelites What are the moste honest causes of peregrination therfore God gaue them suche good successe in theyr thinges We ought to remember with our selues the moste honest cause of the peregrination of these men For al good men trauayle not into straunge countries for one purpose There be very many which do therfore often tymes leaue their countrey bycause they may not worship God there after the sincere lawful maner of worshipping yea they are grieuously troubled there if they endeuour them selues therunto So Abraham was called out of his lande and from hys kynred least he should styl haue gone forwarde with his elders to contaminate him selfe with idolatry So Christ also said if they shal persecute vs in one city let vs flye vnto an other But ther be other which though they be not letted at home from the true godlynes yet for al that they wil go see those places wher they thinke they may yet get more profyt Plato his pergrination is praysed and be more certainlye enstructed in thinges deuine and necessary for saluacion For which cause Plato is commended bycause he came to the Egiptians went to a part of Italy that is great Greace he went also vnto diuers nations as though he should follow wisdome flieng from him So in like wise Saba the quene is commended in the holy scriptures which trauailed from so farre countries to heare Salomon after this maner the Kenites of whom we entreate folowed the people of Israel for although at home they knew worshipped one God whose Priest their father also was yet neuertheles they desired to be styl more instructed and more absolutelye to receaue the lawes institutions and worshipping of God They are also very much worthy of praise which do for this cause only trauaile into other countries to profyt others and to helpe and deliuer them from the miseries wherewyth they be oppressed After which sorte the Poetes haue sayd that Hercules wandred through the world Hercules by his might to destroy wicked and hurtful men which miserably afflicted mankinde Neither did the Apostels trauaile throughout the whole worlde for any other
cause than to deliuer men out of the mouth of the deuyl and by the preaching of the Gospel to loose them from their chaines of errours Christ also for this selfe same cause would trauail and iourney among men that by his doctrine and death he might delyuer mankind frō eternal destruction Wherfore the Kenites may be numbred with these for they also adioyned them selues companions with the Israelites to helpe thē through the deserte For as it is said they hauing good knowledge of those places might stand the Iewes in great steede These counsels are plainlye iudged good and honest for whose causes peregrinations which are taken wythout cōpulsion are honest and prayse worthy There maye be other reasons also of peregrination which as they be not alwaies to be refused yet are they nothing to be compared wyth these eyther in praise or els in worthynes Wherfore let godly men take hede when they iourney into farre coūtries that they apply them selues as much as is possible vnto these causes reasons now mētioned And as God hath not defrauded these Kenites of the fruit which they looked for but made them partakers and that plentifully of those good thinges which he had prepared for his people so seyng also he is now the same God which he was then we must beleue that he wil not suffer him selfe to depart from his accustomed maner and perpetuall goodnes so that we obserue the good and iust causes and reasons of peregrination Seneca What is chiefly to bee obserued in peregrination But in that thing we haue nede of great warenesse and diligēce namely that chiefly as Seneca hath wel admonished in his .105 epistle to Lucillas we depart from our selues that is that we laye awaye our wicked affections bycause the chaunging of places do lytle profit if we cary about together with vs the same affectiōs which we had before Yea and the chiefly helpeth to the renuing of godlynes that we bee made other from our selues For what had the good lawes honest maners and chaste religion which the Iewes professed profited the Kenites if they would haue brought their own thinges with them and continued in the same wherin they wer conuersaunt before Wherfore they which do trauaile into other countries for studye and godlynes sake ought not to haue thys purpose before them to behold the Cities buildinges riuers fieldes vineyards woods playes and qualities of men For all these thynges although they somewhat delite the beholders as chyldren which with pleasure do maruayl at euery new and straunge thing yet they do nothing or very lytle helpe The chiefe cause ought to be that they onely study aboue al other thinges to be made better as touching godlines doctrine For if they shal despise this they shal be sayd to wander rather thā iustly to iourney Let them not therfore retaine with them any longer those euyls which are to be auoided yet let them aboue all thinges iourney from the ignoraunce of God from the vnskilfulnes of the holye Scriptures from corrupt affectiōs and from wicked and pernitious examples This is the iust cause of peregrinatiō which the Kenites by their dede do declare vnto vs. If the Lacedemonians had had a regard to thys they would not by theyr lawes haue prohibited peregrinations But I suppose that they regarded thys The Lacedemonians prohibeted peregrinations which they marked so to come to passe for the most part that the citizens in trauailing into straunge countries learned of the straungers whom they went to see not their vertues and wisdom but rather their vices and errours and afterward being infected with many euyls they returned into their country where they destroied their Citizens by a certayne pestiferous contagiousnes Whych thing surely no man doubteth but that it is a grieuous euyll and discommodity to a publique wealth Why peregrinations do profyt And yet we may not therfore decree that al peregrinatiōs are hurtful For there can be found no City no people nor no publique wealth in the world which hath not many things vnperfect in maners lawes which may be amended and corrected by the sight and knowledge of others Licurgu◠Lycurgus certainly which made that law profited much in trauailing into straunge coūtries Yea and the Decemuiri of the Romanes went them selues into Graecia Decemuiri of the Romanes to the end they would know the lawes of that people and by that meanes they wonderfully prouided for their publique wealth And thus muche for peregrination And now let vs finish this history iudging that the children of Kenite were of that stocke which wer begotten of Hobab in the wildernes among the chyldren of Israel And that Hobab was the sonne of Moyses father in lawe hys wiues brother germaine Neither ought this to moue vs bycause it is saide in the .x. Aben-Esra of Num. Chothen bycause as Aben-Esra there testifieth that woorde signifieth not onely a father in law but also the brother of the wife and some haue translated the same woorde there not for a father in lawe but a kynsman But these Kenites departed out of the fielde of Iericho that they might obtayne possession with the tribe of Iudah And therfore they ar sayd to haue dwelled with the people For first they followed them in iourneyeng with them nowe by the same right they are sayd to haue dwelled with them And they ascended The situation Iericho bycause Iericho was situate in a valley and betwene it an Ierusalem was a deserte longing to Iudah which as it is very lykely had in it wooddy places and mete for pasture And that it was so it is easelye gathered out of the Gospell of Luke where Christ put foorth a parable namely that a man descended from Ierusalem to Iericho and fel into the handes of theeues And certainly if he descended it is manifest that these ascended when they followed the tribe of Iudah going toward Ierusalem And bycause the place was ful of wooddes it was an easy matter especially in the time of Christ when the common wealth of the Hebrues was very much out of frame for it to be ful of theeues There certainly as farre as can be perceaued the Kenites receaued their lot And I think I haue spoken inough as touching this hystory 17. And Iudah went wyth Symeon his brother and smote the Chananites dwelling in Zephat and vtterly destroyed it and called the name of the City Horma 18. And Iudah tooke Hazza and the borders therof and Ascalon with the borders therof and Aekron with the borders thereof Now we are come to that place where the long parenthesis which I before admonished you of endeth And whatsoeuer followeth after these woordes The children of Iudah fighting against Ierusalem tooke it Here the aforesaid parenthesis endeth c. to thys place are declared by a parenthesis For al those thinges happened not after the death of Iosua but when he was yet lyuing And now the
and as God hath commaunded that euill maye be taken awaye from the worlde Yea and it is also lawfull for hym to offer rewardes to men confederated together for some ill purpose It is lawfull for them to offer rewardes to conspirators to open theyr conspiracye Augustine to allure them to open and detecte the conspiracye bycause that assuredly pertayneth to treason Howbeit heresy is neuer either to be dissembled or to be praysed or any wicked Acte to be committed that lawfull kynde of treason shoulde haue good successe Wherefore Augustine in hys latter booke of Retractions testifieth that he wrote hys booke de Mendatio chiefly for thys cause bycause some to the ende they woulde detecte the Priscillianistes fayned them selues to be followers of the same heresye for that the same Priscillianistes when they were accused Of the Priscillianistes affirmed with greate stoutenesse that they were farre from any suche doctrine But for all that afterwarde they disclosed them selues vnto those whome beyng deceaued by theyr dissimulation they thought they myght well haue trusted But Augustine in the same booke De mendatio teacheth that by this dissimulation of the Catholickes very many euils daungers chaunced For there they commende Priscillianus they vniustly praise his boke which is entituled Libra they allowed the heresy pronouncing many things which could not be spoken without blasphemie Moreouer that which they did was dangerous for if they whiche after this sort dissēbling were of any authoritie or estimation the heretikes might by their commendation be confirmed in their opinion those specially with whom they did so dissemble For those peraduenture were Priscillianistes before althoughe not very firme constant which after they heard their heresy to be praysed of a graue man did then sticke more more in their error Furthermore in thus dissembling and beyng conuersaunte with the Priscillianistes the dissembler also might easely fall into danger that he him selfe at length might become of a Catholicke a Priscillianiste And finally the heretikes them selues by the dissimulation of our men might easely gather that they did very well in hyding dissemblyng and denyeng their doynges But that betrayeng is sometymes lawfull in a iust cause and such a cause as is without the dangers aboue mencioned not onely the reasons whiche we haue before alledged do declare but we may also proue it by very many examples written here and there in the scriptures The Gabaonites Rahab The Gabaonites betrayed the rest of the Chananites when they fell from them to the Hebrues Rahab also betrayed her publicque wealth or kyng in receauyng hydyng and sendyng awaye them whiche were deadly enemyes vnto it who is sayed neuerthelesse in the Epistle to the Hebrues to haue done those things by faith Iahel Iahel also the wife of Aher the Kenite betrayed Sisara for she by a meruelous craft slewe him whom she had called into her and closely hidden as it shal be afterward declared in his place in this hystory of the Iudges Ionathas Yea and Ionathas the sonne of Saul betrayed vnto Dauid the wil and counsels of his father as it is written in the first booke of Samuel Husay the Arachite Besides all these Husay the Arachite betrayed Absolon the sonne of Dauid when he withstandyng the counsell of Achitophel did thrust in his owne counsell whiche was farre worse and shewed all things vnto Dauid I might bring in a great many more examples But I thinke these are sufficient for the ware reader Certein cautions are to be added to lawfull prodition The first caution Now resteth only to declare certain cautions or prouisoes wherewith lawfull treason is to be decked and adorned and not to be condemned The first is that he which betrayeth be by a certain faith assured that the cause is iust which he aduaunceth whiche can not be done excepte that he haue sure proofe of the goodnesse therof by the word of God Neither do I at this present argue whether the same word be reuealed vnto him in harte The secōd caution or whether it be opened vnto him in the holy scriptures Then must he take hede that being now well assured of the righteousnesse and honesty wherunto he is inclined he be only prouoked therunto with the loue therof and not with the hope of rewarde or gayne or for feare of any misfortune whiche he desireth to escape or to satisfy his hatred and enemities deceaued The third caution For so should he seke his owne and not iustice neither the obedience of hys fayth and of the will of God Furthermore it is very necessary that a man be not dryuen to that but then when all other kynde of remedyes wante For Rahab so did for except she had then so kept the Hebrew spyes they had bene by mans reason vndone neither was there then any other waye to saue them And certainly it oftentymes chaunceth that all other ways meanes being tryed the worse parte will not be brought to sobernesse so that there is no other remedy but onely by prodition And I would therefore haue these cautions diligently obserued bycause that men are to muche prone to proditions and that such as are both filthy and wicked Wherfore we must take hede that by the exāple of good men they flatter not thē selues as though they were innocent The fourth caution Moreouer Paul hath admonished vs not only to auoyde that which is euill it selfe but also the shew therof Howbeit we must vnderstand this doctrine of his in such sort as we may accomplishe it For it is lawfull sometymes to cōmitte a thing whiche is euill to see to but not euill in very dede whilest yet there is hope that the thing may be straight way made playn so that the which at the first sight semed euill may manifestly be knowen to be good So the Apostle hym selfe circumcised Timothe and shaued his hed whiche of them selues and in very dede were not euil although they semed to haue had a certayn shewe of euill vnto certayn of the Ethnickes which were cōuerted wer not yet wel strēgthned The fifth caution Finally periury or lyeng are not to be mingled with those proditions whiche may be allowable For as much as it is manifest by the Apostolical rule the euils are not to be cōmitted wherby good things may follow I know there be some which go about to defēd those kynd of lyes which are called officious or honest Honest and officious lyes are not to be allowed Augustine But Augustine doth not allow that Whose reasons they which are desirous to know let thē read his boke Ad Consentiū I assuredly agree vnto his opinion For though there were no other reason yet me thincketh this were sufficient bycause the lyer bringeth himself out of credite wherby nothing that he afterward speaketh cā scarcely be beleued for they which heare it wil suspect it alwaies as a lye And besides this that scripture doth
God euen then vseth by a certayne wonderfull manner to styrre vp great miseries and calamities out of ashes and sparckels which wer thought to haue bene long time quenched Iabin the king of Chanaan was kylled by Iosua as it is written in his booke the .xi. chap. and Hazor his kingly City destroied and burnt with fire Wherfore none would haue looked that war shoulde haue bene renued againe on that part But an other Iabin the sonne or sonnes sonne of him that was killed tooke courage againe and inuaded and oppressed the Israelites But least al that should be ascribed vnto his strength it is added that God intermedled in the matter when hee solde the Hebrues vnto him that is graunted vnto him to vse them as he thought good hymselfe euen to all most vile seruices and that as most abiect bondslaues And this calamity is amplified by many names First by the longnesse of the tyme for it continued .xx. yeares when as before Othoniels time they were afflicted onely .viii. yeares And before Ehud was stirred vp they serued .xviii. yeares It is declared that this seruitude was very cruell bicause Iabin oppressed the Hebrues by strength and violence And Iosephus writeth that it was in such sort that they durst not so much as to lift vp their head And the cause of his so great crueltye was Why Iabin was so cruel vnto the Hebrues bicause he remembred that the Iewes in the time of Iosua had killed his Father or Grandfather And had ouerthrowen the kingly City Hazor in wasting and burning it wyth sword and fyre Farther the violence and power of his tyranny is by this declared in that he had so great a number of yron or hooked chariots and if we may beleue Iosephus he went a warfare with three hundred thousand footemen Iosephus ten thousand horsemen and three thousand chariotes among which .ix. hundred of them were of yron Neither for al his great host had he ben able to haue brought the Hebrues vnder subiection vnles God as we haue before said had solde thē And vndoubtedly it is to be thought that Iabin vsed these .ix. hundred chariots which the history speaketh of by name to afflict the region of the Iewes which he had now conquered and to the end they should not fal from him And he dwelt in Hazoreth Howe raigned this man in Hazor whē as in the time of Iosua the City was ouerthrowen To this we answer first that after the ouerthrow which happened vnder Iosua the rest of the Chananites fled into a very huge wood which is called Of the Gentiles ther bi litle litle they so increased their power that thei set ouer thēselues a king which was of the surname of the first king namely his sonne or els his sonnes sōne which is therfore said to haue raigned in Hazor bicause he stil retained the title of the place as very many kings do at this day which keping the title of certain places do cal thēselues kings of the same places wherin in very dede they haue no possessiō at all But the Hebrue interpreters think the Hazoreth was a large huge wood which cōtained in it many cities Castels Vnto which sense the Chaldey paraphrast leaneth which turneth that worde munition of Castels This day also in Germany there is the wood of Hercinia wherin are both Cities and very many Castels And it is called Of the Gentiles either bicause a great number of diuers people resorted thither or bicause those places were built and fenced by the labour of manye Gentiles We might otherwise also answer that much more likely to be true namely that the citi of Hazor was after Iosua recouered reedefied by the Chananites so that it was the kingly city agayne wher Iabin either the sonne or els the sonnes sōne of the first Iabin raigned And to this reedefieng the times serued very aptly For from the burning of Hazor there wer passed .150 yeares more or lesse that is eight yeares of bondage which happened vnder the king of Mesopotamia .40 yeares of Othoniel .18 yeres of seruitude vnder Eglon king of Mesopotamia .80 yeres wherin Ehud peaceably iudged the Israelites and .20 yeres this Iabin afflicted the Hebrues Wherfore he might easily reigne in Hazor being againe reedified and this maketh with it bicause it is not writtē of this Iabin that he dwelled in the wood but that Sisara his captayne dwelt there For kinges vse not to kepe an house in their kingly citye but rather to haue them in their borders or in the fieldes wher they may be prompt and redy to accomplysh thinges to be done 3 And the children of Israel cried vnto the Lord for he had .900 chariottes of yron and .20 yeares he opressed Israel very sore 4 And Deborha a Prophetesse the wife of Lappidoth iudged Israel the same tyme. Both by the thinges before declared also by these which are now spoken of we may vnderstand the frowardnes of mans nature for vnles it be by troubles and aduersities brused and broken Men in desperate thinges call vpon God it regardeth not God yea as long as there is any hope of other helpes it neglecteth God and vseth them But whē thinges ar past all hope and do seperat then god is required as a certayne holy ankerhold Wherfore it is no maruayle though the Hebrues deferred their repētance 20. yeares long Surely I am persuaded that they did oftentimes grone and cry But bicause they lamented not that they had offended god and wickedly committed sinnes but only desired him to take a way the payne long punishment and paraduenture murmured against God therfore wer not their praiers heard But now at the last at the .20 yeares ende when with fayth and godlynes they prayed vnto God Though God deferre his help yet wee muste not dispaire he heard their prayer and graunted them their requestes By this example let vs learne that we must neuer dispaire of the help of god although it be deferred We all in deede desire to be strayghtwaye deliuered of our troubles but god in his counsel thinketh not good so soone to take away his punishments Wherfore that which he hath decreed we also must pacientlye suffer Deborah a Prophetesse God which before to deliuer Israel had chosen Ehud which had an impediment in his right hande and then Sangar a husbandman armed onely with the goade of an Oxe nowe choseth a woman by whose conduct the Iewes might be deliuered from a most grieuous enemy God vseth both stronge and weake a lyke Wherefore by these examples he aboundantly sheweth that his power is not bounde vnto noble men and to strong men but hee can easilye vse the weake and feable ones Yea and he sheweth forth his power rather in these than in the other Howbeit to declare that it is all one vnto him as touching both kynde of instrumentes sometimes he vseth the strong ones and other sometimes the weake ones And
at home or elles if he were at he home was sick Wherfore he could not execute this notable acte 18 And Iahell went out to mete Sisera and said vnto him Turn on my Lorde turne in to me feare not And he turned in vnto her tente And she couered hym with a coueringe 19 And he sayde vnto her geue me I praye thee a little water to drinke for I am thirstye and she opened a bottle of milke and gaue him drinke and couered him 20 Agayne he sayd vnto her stande in the dore of the tent and when anye man doth come and inquire of thee saying is anye man here thou shalt say nay 21 Then Iahel Hebers wife toke a nayle of the tente and toke an hammer in her hād and went priuely vnto him and smote the naile into his temples and fastned it vnto the grounde For he was faste on slepe and wery and so he died Iahel vsed guile and that euel guile but agaynst her enemy not her own enemy but one alredy reiected of God and an oppressor of the people of God And in what sorte it is lawful to vse euel guile against such enemies we haue before declared The couering wherwith she couered him it is vncertayne what manner of one it was and the opinions of the interpretors do muche differ therein For some affirm that it was of silk and fine and other some that it was a thick wollen garment full of heares and lockes hanging in both sides But the matter is of no greate importance and consisteth wholy in coniectures The cause of the drought of Sisera That Sisera was oppressed with thirst we ought not to merueile when as he had traueled so farre on foote and was pressed with so great grief for both they which are weary and also they that are heauy for the most parte are wonte to be thirsty For both labor and the affection of sorow haue a power of drying The woman gaue him milke Paraduenture shee didde it of purpose to cause him to fall on slepe Neither was it any hard thing for her to geue him milke to drinke for she had it in hand when as she her whole family excercised the arte of graffinge of cattle And in that it is said that she opened a bottle it declareth that she had no smal store of milke but greate aboundaunce therof But Sisera when he had wel dronke forgat not yet his owne safety but diligently admonisheth the woman what she shoulde aunswere if any body came to aske for him And that none should haue occasion to entre into the tente he willeth her to abide at the dore to aunswere such as should go by to the ende that if they soughte for him they should sone departe from thence A nayle of the tente I take to be that which they vse to fasten into the ground to cause the tente being bound vnto it to abide spreade abroade And in that the woman vsed a hammer and a nayle this I gather thereby that the Israelites whilest they serued the Chananites had theyr weapons taken away from them by the Chananites that they should haue neither sword nor dagger mete to kill a man withall This holy woman vndoubtedly was gouerned by God whiche durst accomplish so great an enterprise For the strengthe of wemen is not able to atchiue these thinges The cause of Sisaras slepe Sisera being on sleepe died The causes of his sleepe are now sufficiently expressed namely that he was weary by reason of his iourney he dronke a greate deale of milke and lay well couered He was oppressed with heauines and it is possible that he slept but a little the night before The woman came softly or priuely to se whither he were throughly on sleepe and when she saw that he was so with a stout and valiant courage she gaue him a stroke Sisera died and that with ignominy For God for this cause suffred him for a time to flye that he might not be killed in battayle amonge men but being on slepe be slayne by the hand of a woman 22 And behold Barak pursued after Sisara and Iahell came out to mete him and sayd vnto him Come I will shew thee the man whome thou seekest And he came in vnto her And beholde Sisara lay on the ground deade and the nayle in his temple 23 So god brought downe Iabin the kinge of Chanaan that daye before the children of Israell 24 And the hande of the children of Israell prospered and preuayled against Iabin the king of Chanaan vntill they had destroyed the same Iabin king of Chanaan Iahel meeteth Barak and shee therefore sheweth him his enemy killed that he shoulde no more trauayle in seekinge of him Sisera was not deceaued when he thought that Barak would come to the tent of Iahel for he came thither in dede for pursuinge the Chananites euen vnto Hazoreth of the gentiles he sawe not Sisera among them which fell wherfore he iudged he lurked somwhere and suspected that he had without any more a doe fledde vnto the tente of the Leuites bicause of the league and peace which he had with them God therfore broughte downe Iabin yea if ye maye beleue Iosephus the Israelites destroyed his citye with sword and fire Whither Iahel in violating the laws of hospitality did well or no. But it semeth that Iahel in this her enterprise and notable act did violate the lawes of hospitalitye and league and therefore nowe resteth either to condemne her or to quitte her But bicause al controuersye not a litle dependeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What maner of mē the Kenites were that is of the circumstance of the persons let vs therfore set her before our eyes and consider with our selues what maner of men the Kenites wer They assuredly in bloude wer ioyned with the Israelites For it is written that they wer the posteritye of Hobab the father in law of Moyses Farther in the study of piety and the lawe of God they most purely consented with the Hebrues Neither was theyr faythe ydle but of efficacy and working For they leauing their country followed the Israelites and God which was their guide thorowe the deserte places Wherefore at the length when the landes were distributed they obtayned inheritance together with them in the lande of Chanaan For these causes if Iahel went about to set the Iewes at libertye she did but her dutye neyther tooke she vpon her any other mans office On the contrary part let vs thus thinke of Sisera What Sisera was He was an oppresser of the people of God and nowe killed by the power of God and vtterlye confounded neyther appeared there in him any token of repentance but rather would therfore hyde himselfe that escaping this so present a daunger he might againe gather a new host against the Israelites In deede after a sorte hee was in league with Heber the Kenite but as it is to be thought not with a pure hart but onelye
the composition she maketh the cōclusiō with the helpe of Lord beginneth the next clause with the self same wordes as doth Virgill Virgil. O ye Periedes do ye these noble thynges to Gallus to Gallus I say whose loue doth dayly so much increase towardes me What is to be iudged of cursinges bannynges We haue at large before handled the place of cursinges wherfore now I wyll not speake much of it The Summe is That it is not lawfull for a man to curse any mā for the satisfieng of his owne anger For when our own matters are in hand we must loue our enemies we must blesse thē which curse vs. But when God doth somtimes certainely make manifest that he will haue some destroyed they whiche are so admonished of his wil can not but allow it for by the spirite wherw t they are inspired they wil also the same thing the God wil. And after this maner Dauid other Prophetes burst forth oftētymes into cursinges of the enemies of God whiche selfe same men for all that as they were men by naturall compassion whiche is not vicious were not a litle sory for the destruction of the enemies of God So Samuel Dauid Ieremy yea our sauiour himself wept lamēted the fall of vngodly mē Neither is it to be doubted but the dutyes of this kind were very acceptable to God for as much is they procede from charity Howbeit when we see some men cruelly to rage agaynste the godly men and Gospell of God it is lawfull in that case to praye that either theyr will may be chaunged or theyr strength confounded that they shoulde not accomplyshe all the things which they appoint to do Which things if they can not be obtained this is at the least to be prayd for the God will geue vs strength myght to suffer all such things which may aduāce his honor glory And we must diligētly weigh that this curse was therfore stirred vp agaynst the citie Meroz bycause they denyed to helpe the people of god What thē is prepared for those which do not onely not helpe the seruauntes of Christe but persecute grieue and cruelly vexe them Farther we must marke that it is sayd these came not to helpe the Lord as though God neded theyr ayde and that coulde not be as touchyng hym selfe howbeit God in hys people wanteth helpe and in the members of Christ when they are vexed Christ himselfe is vexed Wherfore he will say in the last day of iudgement I was hungry and ye fed me Math. 25. I was thirsty and ye gaue me drinke c. Wherfore let vs hereby learne to obey whē God calleth vs as did the Israelites whiche are commended of Deborah neither neglected they to take in hande the battayle Let vs learne also to helpe those that are in nede especially when they followe theyr vocation 24 Iahell the wife of Heber the Kenite shal be blessed aboue other women aboue women shall she be blessed in tentes When she had cursed the wicked Citie by a contrary phrase she addeth a good prayer as the City Meroz was worthy to be cursed so of the contrary was Iahel to be commended Christ in the last daye of Iudgement wyll not onely saye Come ye blessed of my Father but on the contrary parte he wyll adde Go ye cursed Here is in hys place a parte of the saluation of the aungell Mary as it is described in Luke Blessed art thou aboue women Whiche clause is here twise put for the greater mouing But in that in this repetitiō it is added In tentes it may be thus interpreted For this cause let this woman be praysed bycause she dwelleth in tentes So that by a wonderfull compendiousnesse of one worde the slaying of Sisera is noted which happened not in the campes but was done in the tente Or els we may say that Iahell is to be praysed aboue other womē dwellyng in tentes For the family of the Kenites dwelled not in houses but in tentes Wherefore she is praysed aboue all the women Kenites which are signified by this worde tentes 25 He asked water and she gaue him milke she offred him butter in a cup of the mighty Iahel is here praysed for her prudence and strength For what vertues Iahell is praysed but the mother of these vertues is fayth It was prudence to call the enemy vnto her handsomely to couer hym and to geue him milke to drynke Also to finde out a hammer and a nayle and to chose out his hed among the rest of the members whiche she would strike and among the partes of the hed to smite thorough the temples Her might and strength is hereby knowen bycause a woman durst enterprise suche a notable acte and feared not to assayle such and so greate a Captayne but had a full confidence that she notwithstandyng that she was a woman should be able to kyll hym Peraduenture thou wilt saye the Scripture maketh no mencion here of fayth I graunte that it doth not by expresse wordes but when it is sayd she shal be blessed or praysed her fayth is noted For we be al by nature the children of wrath neither are any blessed with faythfull Abraham but by fayth as the Epistle to the Galathians testifieth He asked water and she gaue him milke That he might the easelyer and soner fall on sleepe Why menciō is made of butter this as some say is the cause bycause out of that milke the butter was not yet cherned And in dede of that kind of milke a mā may drinke a great draught for as much as beside the quenchyng of thirst it hath also a certaine swetenesse She vsed the cup of noble men Whiche namely was a very great one For noble mē wer wont to drinke out of large and wide cuppes Cicero Cicero also agaynst Anthony sayeth If so be that it had happened in the Supper tyme among thy greate cuppes who woulde not count it filthy c. Yea and they were wonte in bāquets of noble mē at the latter end to bring forth great cuppes Wherfore this witty woman to the end she would prouoke him to drinke a very depe drought vsed a cup apte for the fame Kimbi R. D. Kimhi expoundeth these thinges as thoughe she gaue him not onely drinke but meate also For he thinketh that when he had dronke the woman did set butter before him to eate Whiche exposition if we receaue we must then put out this word cup whē as that is vsed for drinke and not for meate vnlesse by the maner of a cup we vnderstand such a kynde of vessell wherin meate also is wont to be put 26 She put her hand to the nayle and her right hand to the workemās hammer with the hammer smote she Sisera she smote of his head wounded him and persed his temple 27 He was bowed down betwene her feete he fell downe he slept betwene her feete he bowed hymselfe and
the shewing of the signe And he thought not that God or an Angel was present with him Wherfore he thought to folow the example of Abraham Lot And in dede the things which he presented partained rather to a dinner thā to a sacrifice He erected no alter neither prepared he the fat to be burnt nor the shoulder and the brest to be lifted vp nor the blood to be shed The other interpretation is that he would therfore bring him a sacrifice that in that oblation he might obtayne a signe as to Abel the fauour of God was declared when he was offring sacrifice And the authors of this sētence beleue that this doth nothing let that Gideon sod the flesh Flesh in sacrifices was sometimes sod forasmuch as that kind of sething was sometimes vsed in peace offrings as the fyrst booke of Samuel testifieth Of the interpretours of this place this latter sētence seemeth to be receiued for they iudge the Gideon intended to offer sacrifices But I rather allow the first sentēce as touching the feast although I know that the Angell contrary to Gideons purpose vsed that meate to a sacrifice and in it gaue the signe which a little before was desired of him This hebrew word Mitsoth signifieth vnleauened cakes Why the Elders vsed so oftē swete cakes in their feastes But the roote of the word may be Natsa whiche is to hast or to make speede For the Elders were carefull to prepare meate for straūgers with as much speede as might be Wherfore they straightway baked new bread bicause peraduenture their houshold bread was somewhat hard and stale The measure of an Ephah Therfore to the end they might the sooner refresh the weary they vsed swete cakes which were very soone baked This measure Ephah was not a measure for liquide thinges but for thinges dry and as the Hebrues affirme it held thre peckes and a pecke contained .144 egges And ten Ephas made one Corus Certaine Rabbines fable that there is therfore mencion made of sweete breade bycause this thing was done in the time of Easter But how trifling this is hereby we may gather bicause it is wel knowen that swete bread were by the commaundement of God vsed not onelye for sacrifices at Easter but also at other times especially such as wer to be burnt at the altar of the Lord. But if we shal say that Gideon prepared not a sacrifice but rather a feast we haue alredy shewed the reason why he brought swete bread Gideon is vtterly to be quitted of ydolatry For his wil was not to do sacrifice vnto the Messanger of God bicause his purpose was eyther to set meate before the mā of God or els to sacrifice vnto the lyuing God by the hand of the Prophet whom hee counted to bee farre better than himselfe 20 And the angel of God said vnto him take the flesh the vnleuened bread lay it vpon this stone poure out the broth he did so 21 Then the Angel of the Lord put forth the ende of the staffe that he held in his hand and touched the flesh the vnleauened bread there arose vp fire out of the stone consumed the flesh the vnleauened bread so the Angel of the Lorde departed out of hys syght They which thinke that Pinhas the sonne of Eleazar was this mā of god which appeared vnto Gideon affirme that the same man was also afterward called Elias And euen as when Achab raigned in Israel he obtained fire from heauē wherby the burnt offring was consumed wherupon he had poured water and that aboundantly very many times so likewise now out of the rocke by the power of god be raised vp a flame wherby the meate which was put vpon it was burnt wherupon he had before caused the broth of the flesh to be poured I confesse in dede that ther is some similitude betwene these two actes but therwithal I see many thinges to be causes wherby the one differeth from the other Farther I vtterly reiect this fained tale wherin they faine that Pinhas was present eyther there or here Ther by reason of the great distance of times here bicause as I haue expounded Augustine the wordes of the history do manifestly testify it was eyther god himself or an angel which talked with Gideon Augustine in his booke De mirabilibus sanctae scripturae teacheth that the signe whiche is here geuen doth aptly agree vnto that which was demaūded For it was shewed that by the wōderful power of god without mans labour and fight the enemies of the people of the Iewes should be ouercome euen as by the might of god aboue the ability of nature fire came forth Ambrose wherwith without mans healpe or industry those vittailes were consumed But Ambrose very elegantlye writeth the Allegorye of this place in the Proheme of his booke de spiritu sancto which I to auoyd tediousnes do ouerpasse This one thing onely I wil admonish you of Al thinges that wee offer are to bee offred by Christ that our giftes are then acceptable vnto God when wee offer them vpon the rocke whiche is Christ There our actions are by the fire of the holy ghost purged that which otherwise of his own nature is vncleane is of God receaued as holy And the Angel of the Lord departed By this sodain departure Gideon vnderstood that it was an Angel whom he saw wherefore he was sore afraide as the wordes of the history which follow do manifestly declare 22 And when Gideon saw that it was the Angell of the Lorde he sayd Alas my Lord God shall I bycause I haue sene an Angell of the Lorde face to face This is spoken by the figure Ecliptica for when Gideon sayth The fathers by seyng of god of angels wer made alrayde Alas my Lorde God shal I bycause I haue sene an Angel of the Lord there should be added dye Thou shalt euermore perceaue that the old fathers after that they had sene god or beholdē his Angels wer very sore afraid yea so astonished that they feared present death to come vpon them And no maruail for they wer not ignoraunt what God answered Moses when he desired to see his face Man shal not see me and liue Iohn Baptist also as we reade in the first of Iohn sayth No man hath sene God at any time And Paul to Timothy hath confirmed the same writing No man hath sen God neither can he se him for he is inuisible bicause he dwelleth in the light that no man can come vnto And that also which nowe Gideon speaketh Mannah the father of Samson as we shal afterward heare shal speak Iacob likewise after he had wrastled al night thinking that he had striuen with a man when he vnderstood that he was an Angel maruailed howe he escaped a lyue and safe Haue I sene the Lord sayth he face to face and is my lyfe saued As though that
to some is geuē the word of wisedome to other the word of knowledge to some the power to heale and to other some fayth in the same spirite c. That fayth can not in thys place be vnderstand wherby we are iustified For it is not rekened among giftes which ar priuately distributed to some but is commō to all true Christians Now as I think it appeareth by what meanes they whiche are not iustified by theyr prayers doo sometimes obtayne miracles namely bycause they ar not destitute of euery kind of faith But now we haue sufficiently spoken of this fyrst question Whither it be lawfull for godly men to desire miracles Now must we see whither it be lawfull for godlye menne to desire miracles These reasōs they vse to alledg which seme to be against it First because god in that thing should be tempted and that doth the law of god vtterly forbid Yea our sauiour wyth this aunswere reproued the deuill Thou shalte not tempt the Lord thy God And the Hebrewes ar reprehended for this by name bicause thei tempted god in the wildernes The son of god also when the Pharesies sayde mayster we will see a signe of thee sayd This froward and adultrous nation seketh a sign and a sign shall not be geuen them c. And Achab otherwyse a wicked king pretended a shew of righteousnes saying that he would not tēpt God and therefore he detracted to desyre a sygne Vnto the question I answere That after a sort it is lawful to desire signes and the same also after a sorte is vnlawfull The first parte of the sentence is thus proued When holy men desire as touching any vnaccustomed vocation to be made more assured of the wil of God are afrayd least peraduenture they should be deceaued for as concerning it they haue nothing for certayn in the holy scriptures and we must not lightly beleue men and angels in those thinges for euil angels vse sometimes to be trāsformed into angels of light when I say they are troubled with such doubt the will is ready yea desirous to obey the commaūdement of the Lord if than they desire to be confirmed by some signe these godly men cā not be accused of tempting of god or of rashnes For who soeuer in those cases desireth those thinges whiche god vseth to offer he departeth not from the right way No man is ignoraunt but that to Achab was offred a signe that he might be cōfirmed of the promises offred him by Esay Wherfore to desire those thinges whiche god sometymes geueth and frely offreth ought not to be prohibited as vnlawfull The thing wanteth no examples Moses when he had nede of the helpe of god oftentymes in the desert obteyned miracles for the people of god And to confirme the doctrine of truth both Helias and Helizeus desired of god that life might be restored vnto the children of their hostes And to the same end Christ sayd But that ye should know that the sonne of man hath power to forgeue sinnes he turned to the man sicke of the palsey and sayd For what causes godly men may desire miracles Take vp thy bed rise and walke Wherfore miracles are desired of holy men and that iustly either that they may be made the more assured of their vocation or to helpe a great and vrgent necessity or els to beare witnesse vnto sound doctrine And alwayes when they desire miracles to these endes Cautions in desiring of miracles let them desire the same not of any creatures but of god onely and in asking them let them vse a meane for they declare that they will or desire nothyng but that whiche is agreable vnto the will of god Nowe on the contrary parte let vs consider after what maner miracles are vnworthely and vniustly desired First there are some When it is not lawfull to desire miracles whiche therfore desire miracles bicause they are not wel persuaded of the power goodnesse and prouidence of god neither seeke they any thing els but to haue a trial of those things Neither are they contente with the doctrine of the holy scriptures which manifestly and amply teache all these thinges Wherefore iustly are they to be reproued for asmuch as they be ready rather to beleue miracles than the worde of god Wherfore Abraham aunswered vnto that riche man whiche was tormented in flames of fire whē he desired that Lazarus might be sent vnto his brethren that they also should not be thrust downe into the same punishementes They haue Moses and the Prophetes By which wordes is manifestly declared that we must rather beleue the holy scriptures thā miracles There ar other also which for this cause desire miracles that they may liue more pleasauntly as touching the flesh and to satisfie their wicked lustes Of which faulte the Hebrues are accused bycause in the deserte when very great aboundance of Manna was ministred vnto them they desired fleshe that they might lyue the more pleasauntly in that wildernesse Lastly some desire miracles for this entent to satisfie theyr vayne curiosity For as Plinius hath sayd the nature of mā is most gredy of new things Plinius Wherfore they seme to desire miracles as playes and passetymes to sporte thē selues withal In that maner looked Herode for miracles of Christ for when he was brought vnto him he desired to fede and delite his curiosity with miracles Nowe I suppose it is manifest how it is forbidden to desire signes and howe it is lawfull sometymes to desire them Now must we dissolue these thinges An answere to obiections What it is to tempt god which semed to be agaynst those thinges that we haue spoken They which by the waye and maner already described do desire miracles do not without doubt tempt God forasmuch as that is nothing els than of an vnbeleuing minde and of rashnesse to desire a triall of hys will and power whiche vice certainely is in the holy Scriptures iustly and worthily reproued Wherfore the Lord Iesus Christ did not without iust cause reproue the deuil when he would haue led him to haue throwen himself hedlong from the temple whereby he myght be made the more assured of the beneuolence of God towardes him when that by arte there was a playne way to discende by The same sonne of god also did not vnworthily reprehend the Iewes as a frowarde and adulterous generation vnto whom he therfore denied a signe bycause they had already sene very many yet they spoke euill of them al and mocked Christ in such sorte that they desired not euery kinde of miracle but one from heauen as thoughe they would not also deride signes from heauen vndoubtedly theyr purpose tended to no other end but to alienate the people from the Lord although he had wrought wonderfull miracles And as touching Achaz the wicked king I shall not nede to stande long about him for he fayned that when he was called of the Prophet he
obscurelye admonishe them whome he would instruct of thinges to come but he would shewe them manifestly and opēly But dreames are so obscure that for the interpretation of them we muste go vnto prophetes and southsayers These thinges are in a maner gathered all out of Aristotle wherby he vtterly transferreth the thinge from god vnto nature as though the reasons of dreames should from thence be sought for But I wyl in treat of that afterward when I come to the doctrine of the scripture Nowe will I declare his opinion as touching this thinge Dreames sayth he ar either signes or causes The Peripatetikes exposiciō of dreames or els cōpared vnto those things whych are signified rashely or by chaunce Euery one of these thre members is thus expounded dreames he sayth are signes sometimes of the affections of the body or mind For by those very often are declared Formes ar moued accordinge to the diuersity of the humors which humors do beare rule in the body abounde and offend For accordinge to the quality of nature and tēpering of humors preuaylyng in the body are formes images moued Where choler aboūdeth are sene flambes fires burning coles lightnings brawlings and other of that sorte If melancholy get the vpper hand smokes deepe darkenesse all things almost blacke filthy thinges dead bodyes such like do offer themselues But fleume stirreth vp images of showrs raynes riuers waters hayl I se and such things as haue aboundant moistnes ioyned with coldnes By blood ar moued sights that ar fayre bright white pleasaunt and are like vnto the common purenes and vsuall forme or face of things Neither do the phisiciōs contemne these things yea rather as Galene and Hipocrates teach they enquire very diligently of the sick of thē bycause therby they may vnderstand the temperāce of those humors which lye inwardly hidden Why forms ar more sene sleeping then wakyng But the cause why they which are on slepe not they which are waking do by sight fele the nature of these mocions is this bicause at the beginning they are little when we ar waking the sense of them flieth frō vs. For by strōger mocions of outward things which appear before our eyes we ar drawn an other way but being on slepe we cesse frō outward labours ar voyd from the course of grosse sensible things Wherfore the sightes and images which are by the humors continually moued are better comprehended of the fansy when we are on sleepe then when we are wakinge And that whē we slepe we far better fele smalthings then we do being waking hereby it appeareth bycause we thinke that noyses be they neuer so small are great thunders And if any swete fleame sticke peraduenture vnto the tounge or roofe of the mouth it semeth to vs that we taste hony sugar sweete wines and pleasant meates yea sometimes we thinke that we largely eate and aboundantlye drinke Wherfore those mocions of humors which are small are in slepe shewed to be as it were wonderfull greate for whiche cause Physicions do hereby know very many beginninges of diseases Dreames also are certayn signes of the affections of the minde Dreames ar also signes of the affectiōs of the minde as of couetousnes hope ioy and mirth and also of qualityes Wherfore fearfull persons do se other maner of things then they do which ar bold so do they which ar couetous se other thinges then they whych are in hope also the learned are wont to haue farre contrary dreames to the dreames of the rude people or artificers For the mynd also when we slepe is occupied aboute those thynges wherein when we are wakinge we are either daylye or els verye often busyed There is an other thynge also dilygentlye to bee obserued as Galene dooth verye well admonyshe that there are certayne kyndes of meates Galene whyche beynge naturallye cholerike melancholike or fleumatik do by theyr quality or about the phantasy of the sleepers moue images and formes which ar agreable with those humors although the temperature of bodies of them which slepe dooe not of themselues offend in these humors Which thing also the phisicion ought to obserue concernynge dreames namely to see what meat the sick man did vse Wine also as Aristotle teacheth beinge immoderatelye dronke doth in dreames engender misformed Images When a dreame is a sign it is referred vnto a cause namely vnto the humors abounding which humors it signifieth It maye also be called a signe of some euent to come bycause from the same cause that is from the humors whiche are signified may be caused eyther sicknes or health Wherefore a dreame as it is a signe of an humor so also is it a token of an effect which is produced of it For from the self same cause namely from the humor springeth both a dreame and also a discease Howbeit they are not conuerted for sicknes or health are not signes of dreames Dreames are somtimes causes of the things which we do But now let vs see how dreames may somtimes be called the causes That is then when any man by his dreame is perswaded eyther to do or to trye any thing as if a man be made whole of the sicknes of the splen for that that he was let bloud in the vtward side of his hād for so was he taught to do in hys dreame And now and then it happneth vnto the learned that they find those things wherof they are in doubt in the same bokes where in theyr dreame they thought they had found or red them Dreames sometime by chanse resemble those thinges which happen But now let vs consider the third mēber of the distinction which we brought namely when dreames do rashly or by chaunce signify those things which afterward do happē That taketh place in those things whose cause is not in vs but rather distant and far of as if a man should see a victory or a murther to happē in hostes far distant from him or any man that is absent exalted to very greate dignity These thinges say the Peripatitikes are ioyned together by chaunce neither canne they be conferred together eyther as causes or as signes Euen as if when we are talking of any body the same man paradueuture come in the mean while we say Lupus est in fabula whē as yet the same mencion making of him was neyther the cause nor signe of hys commyng So therfore these thinges are sayd to be ioyned together rashlye bycause both they come by chaunce and also they seldome haue successe for this is the nature of things comming by chaunce to happen seldome Who they be which naturally oftentimes se tru dreames Farther Aristotle hath taught who they be which aboue other foretell many things in dreames And the same be chiefly attributeth vnto idle persons such as ar euer pratling thē to such as ar melancholike phrantike which are depriued both of sences and minde He seemeth also to ascribe
somewhat vnto kinsfolkes and friendes For these kind of men haue very many dreames when they slepe For pratlers and idle persons are wholy voyde of cogitations wherefore they at inwardly fylled with images and formes The melancholike also by reason of the power and nature of melancholy do dreame very many thinges Farther they ar very much geuen vnto cogitatioÌ„s The phrantike also bicause their mind is void both of the knowledge of the outward senses and also of the vse of reason therfore they ar vtterly geuen to imaginations Lastly frends do for that cause se many things of their frends in theyr dreames bicause they ar very much careful and pensiue for them Al these men now rehearsed are wont by dreames to foretell many thinges bycause in diuerse dreames and in a manner infinite it is not possible but that some true thinges happen sometymes They whyche the whole day excercise themselues in shootynge do much oftner bit the marke then they which do very seldom shoote And they which play al the day at dyse or tables do much oftener throw good castes then they which little or seldome vse that kinde of play Howbeit we must vnderstand that those signes which ar attributed to dreames as touching the fyrst kynde alredy declared are not necessary Of dreames which ar signs there is no necessity of the effectes to be gathered for asmuch as they may be letted And yet this hindreth not but that they may be signs For this is so also in the clouds which vndoubtedly ar signes of rain when as for al that sometymes they are discipated by the wind before it rayn And vrine hath tokens either of sicknes or helth when yet the effect may be letted by vehementer causes the same also happeneth of the pulses Yea and those counsels which we haue appoynted and which with great deliberation decree to do very oftentimes are not accomplished bycause some other thinges happen betwene wherby we can go no farther which self same thinge if it happen in dreames it is no maruayle forasmuche as they are signes of thinges not perfecte but rather of the beginninges of thinges and those weake and feable mouinges of humors maye yet be easely letted of many other causes Democritus thus expoundeth those dreames Democritus which resemble thinges coÌ„ming by chaunce and farre distante There are alwayes saythe he defluctions from things themselues which ar caried to the bodies of those that slepe and do affect them with the quality and symilitude which they bring with them And the same he affirmeth to be for two causes more felt sleping then waking First bicause the ayre by night is easlyer moued as we see done when the water is smitten with a little stone very many circles ar with that stroke multiplied and driueÌ„ a great way vnlesse some other contrary motion resiste it But in the nighte the ayre is more quiet then in the day time bycause it is not driuen into sundry parts by the course of creaturs which moue themselfes An other cause is bicause they which slepe do easlier receaue light mouings And lastly the same author also referreth not the causes of dreames to god Galene Galene also in his little booke whiche he wrote de presagiis in somniorum aboue other thinges maketh mencioÌ„ of this wheÌ„ in dreames we se those thinges which when we were waking we neither did nor thought they ought not to be referred neither to artes neyther to qualities or custome of those things which happened when we wer wakinge but vnto humors This rule seemeth to tende to thys end that we might vnderstand of what thinges dreames are to be counted signes And he graunteth that these things are better knowen in the night then in the day bycause then the soul withdraweth it self into the inward parts wher it easilier feleth those things which ar ther. An history of a certayn dream And he maketh mencion of one who thought in his dreame he had a thigh of stone which many thought to pertayn to his seruants but wtin a few dayes after that his legge fel into a palsey An other thought that he was vp to the throte in a cesterne full of bloude out of which he could by no meanes escape And that declared that much bloud abounded in hym and that he had very great neede to be let bloud He maketh mention also of an other which in his dreame thought that on his critical or iudiciall day he was washed in a bath wyth great aboundance of water who afterward fell into a great sweat Farther sayth he they which slepe do thinke sometimes that they are greuousely laden so that they ar not able to beare the wayght sometimes so light and nimble that they run in a manner fly Al these things saith he are â—okens of excesse or defecton of humors Hippocrates also of these thiÌ„gs in a maner writeth the same namely that the mind in the day time destributeth his powers into the senses other faculties Hippocrates And in the night it draweth theÌ„ to the inward parts therfore it doth the better know them Howbeit he maketh mencion that there are certayn dreames which come by god wherby calamities are foreshewed to come vnto cities people and other certayne greate men for the expounding of which dreames some do professe certayne artes Vnto which neuerthelesse he semeth to geue but very small credite When by dreames it is noted that the humors do offend he sayth that they which are in daunger must be holpen by diete exorcist and medicine And whither the dreames be good or euil he will haue prayers added When helth is by dreames signified we must pray sayth he vnto the Sunne vnto Iupiter celestiall Iupiter possessor to Minerua rich Mercury and to Apollo But if the dreames be vnlucky we must pray vnto the goddes sayth he which turne awaye ill namely vnto the goddes of the earthe and to the Heroicall men c. Wherfore eyther Hippocrates was supersticious or els he would seme so But to me as touching sincere godlines that I mislike not Yea it is very much commended that if at any time wee be vexed with troublesome and terrible dreames we muste praye vnto god that it would please him to turne away those euils if there be anye whiche hange ouer our heddes What is the outward cause of dreames There is an other kinde of dreames whiche procedeth of an outward cause namely from the power of heauen or as it is commonlye called the influence which altereth the ayre For this ayre touching our bodies affecteth them with a new quality Wherby sundrye images and dreames are stirred vp vnto those which are on sleepe Wherfore there are manye effectes wroughte of heauen of whych it bringeth forth some in the phantasy and power or faculty of imagination and other some in deede And that may easely be shewed by an example In dede in the ayre or cloudes there are raine and in the
imaginacion of the Crow there is such an alteration before the rayne that he beginneth to croke Wherfore the effects in the phantasy of those which ar on slepe and also in dede come vndoubtedly of the self same cause Yet haue they great diuersity by reasō of the subiectes in which they are made And it is not to be doubted but that there is a certayne slender and hidden similitude betweene these effectes But it is verye hard to vnderstand the reason of this proporcion or analogy And if we say that the starres are the cause of such effectes or affections who can refer these signes vnto his own propre cause Why diuinatiō by dreames is hard and vncertayne that is to some certayne starres more then to other Assuredly I suppose that there are very few I will not say none whiche can do it Farther if they shuld also be referred vnto propre starres what can we iudge to come to passe by them especially as touching things comming by happe whē as iudiciall Astrology is euermore counted moste vncertayne In fyne images similituds which ar sayd to portend things to come ar so doubtful vncertain ambiguous that we can affyrm nothing for certayn of thē Wherfore this is to be added that forasmuch as dreams cannot be broght to passe of one only cause but of many as we haue declared we shall easely fal into an error if we of those many causes chuse onely one certayne cause Therefore let vs hold this that is not easely to foretel any thing by dreames for that they may easlier de iudged by the euentes then the euentes can by them be foretold Wherefore there remayneth of dreames but onely a certayne suspicion whiche also of necessity is verye sclender A gate of horn a gate of puerye The two most noble Poetes Homere I say and Virgill made twoo gates of dreames the one of horne the other of yuery That of horne as they say pertayneth vnto the true dreames and that of yuery to false and they say that the gretest part passeth through the gate of yuery and not through that of horn Wherfore in iudging naturall dreames let vs not passe the measure of suspition nor stick to much in dreames forasmuch as it is not the duty of a christiā man to cleaue more then is conueniente vnto perillous and vncertayne coniectures bicause whilest they so busily apply them selfes to those things Of dreames sent ether of god or of the deuill To fore shewe any thynge by visions or dreames twoo thinges are required they neglect other things whiche are of greater wayght And the deuil very often times mingleth himself with those thinges to this entent eyther to cal vs back from good actions or els to driue vs to actions that are euell Nowe let vs see what we oughte to affirme of dreames sente of God or moued by the deuel When any thing by the work of god or of angels is in dreams foresene twoo thyngs are required The fyrste is that certayne notes or images of things which are shewed do inform or imprint the phantasy or imagination Secondly must be adioyned iudgement to vnderstand what those things at the last do portend As touching the first we must know that these notes and images are somtimes offred vnto the senses bicause of those things which God maketh outwardly to appeare as whē Balthazar the successor of Nebuchad-Naezar saw in the wall the fyngers of a hande which wrote as it appeareth in Daniel And somtimes without any outward sight are images and formes described in the imagination or phantasy which happeneth two maner of waies For either the formes or images which are kept in the minde are called backe to such vse as God hath entended as when to Ieremy was shewed a seething pot tourned to the North Or els newe formes are shewed whyche by the senses were neuer seene as if formes of coulours and images shoulde bee shewed vnto one blynde from hys byrth And in this kinde or prophesieng images or formes are in steede of letters Formes or images ar lyke letters For as they are ordered and disposed so sundry oracles are shewed Euen as in the diuers chaunging of letters orations and sentences are made diuers Teachers which instruct their scholers may by their study and industry of teaching fashion manifold images in the mindes of the hearers although they be not able to geue the iudgement and right vnderstanding But God ministreth both God somtimes geueth not vnto one to the selfe same man formes and the vnderstandyng of them They whych haue onely images are not simply prophecies not in dede alwaies together for to some sometimes he sheweth onely the formes as to Pharao and to his Butler and Baker also to the king of Babilon al which men needed an Interpretor namely Ioseph Daniel to expound their dreames And vndoubtedly those vnto whom are shewed onely the images of thinges to come are not truely and plainly counted Prophets forasmuch as they haue but onely a certaine degree beginning and in a maner a step of prophecye euen as Caiphas also the high Priest is not to be counted a Prophet when as hee spake those thinges which he knew not But why God would sometimes by dreames manifest vnto Kinges Princes thinges to come as now he doth there are two causes The one is bycause he had a regarde vnto the people and Nations whom they gouerned For if the penury which was at hand had not ben shewed vnto Pharao Egipt had vtterly bene destroyed by famine Secondly it was the counsel of the Lorde by these expositions of dreames to manifest vnto the world his Prophetes and holy men which before were hidden which thing the holy scriptures testifye happened in Ioseph and Daniel The Ethnike Historiographers also do write verye manye thinges of dreames which Princes sometimes saw Yea Tertulian and Tertulian in hys booke de Anima maketh mencion of certayn of those dreames as the dreame of Astyages of his daughter Mandane also of Philip of Macedonia and of Iulius Octauius whom M. Cicero being yet a boy thought he saw him in his dreame and being awake as soone as he met him he straightway knewe him And the same man telleth of certayne other also of this kinde But omitting these let vs by testimonies of the holy scriptures which shall easily be done confirm that certain dreames ar sent by God Mathew testifieth that Ioseph the housbande of Mary was in dreames thrise admonished by the Angel The wyfe also of Pilate had knowledge by a dreame and sent woorde to her housband that he should not condemne Christ being an innocent Peter in the Actes of the Apostles the x. chap. saw a sheete let downe from heauen And in the .xvi. chap. a man of Macedonia appeared vnto Paule and mooued him to go into Macedonia And the Lord commaunded the same Paule in a dreame that he should not depart from Corinthe bycause
be praysed namely bycause althoughe meate wanted and he was despysed of the Hebrues yet he desisted not from that vocation wherein he was constituted by GOD. But nowe both prynces and ministers of the Churche will not abyde in theyr office vnlesse thynges necessary for theyr lyuyng be moste aboundantly ministred vnto them He threateneth thornes and briars vnto the princes of Succoth For that Citie whiche the Ethnikes call Trogloditis had a desert in the circuite therof Why he threaâ—neth thornes briars Penuel wherin grewe many thornes and briars Penuel is of Strabo called the face of God in which place Iacob wrasteled with the aungell and sayd at the last I haue sene the Lorde face to face and my soule hath escaped safe The menne of Penuel in mockyng Gideon imitated them of Succoth and bycause they puttyng theyr confidence in the Tower whiche they had did so scoffe at Gideon therefore he threatened to ouerthrowe it after hys victorye But howe thys Capitayne of GOD got meate it is not written and peraduenture GOD so strengthned him and hys hoste that without meate he perfectly obtayned the victorye whiche he had begon He fyndeth hys enemyes lyuing in securitye it was nyght when he passed ouer Iordane and they had but euen nowe escaped out of the borders of the Israelites and they thought the Gideon would be in quiet at the least for that nyght These were the causes that they so securely rested themselues There were fifttene thousand souldiers together as certayne small remnauntes for at the begynnyng there came one hundreth and twenty thousand fighting men which stoode in the brunte and bore weapons Whereby we may easely gather what a greate number there were of boyes scullions and vnprofitable men whiche vse to followe hostes When the two kynges were taken Gideon returned when the Sunne was eleuated that is after his rysing by whiche kynde of speakyng we manifestly know that this warre as it was begon in the night tyme so also was it finished by nyght 14 And he tooke a seruaunte of the men of Succoth and enquired of him and he wrote to him the princes of Succoth and the Elders therof euen seuentye and seuen men 15 And he came vnto the men of Succoth and said Behold Zebah and Zalmonah by whom ye vpbrayded me saying Are the hands of Zebah and zalmonah now in thy hande that thou desirest that we should geue bread vnto thy weary men 16 Then he tooke the Elders of the City and thornes of the desert and briars and brake with them the men of Succoth 17 Also he brake downe the Tower of Penuel and slewe the men of the City Gideon required of this fellowe beyng either a younge man or a seruaunte to describe vnto hym the names of the princes or Senators of Succoth He trusteth not his memory but will haue their names written and studieth for this thing onely not to commit any thing by anger with a furious minde And therfore with mature deliberation he would punish onely the guilty and not destroy the vnguilty together with the guilty He sawe that onely the heades of the City resisted him wherfore he determined to punishe them alone Theodosius A fall of Theodosius an Emperor otherwise most worthy of prayse fell grieuously bycause in the City of Thessalonia for the kyllynge of one Souldier whiche bare rule vnder him he commaunded a great number of Citezins to be slayn without any choise wherby both the guilty and the innocent were killed Wherefore he was corrected by the authoritye of Ambrosius beynge Byshoppe The Emperor corrected of the Bishop and compelled to publique repentaunce and by the commaundement of the same man of GOD he made a lawe whiche is yet in the Code that the sentence of death beyng pronounced agaynste any man should be stayed the space of thirty dayes before he should be put to execution But nowe a dayes it oftentymes commeth to passe that some publique wealth is moste grieuously oppressed if two thre or foure Citezins thereof haue offended all priuileges liberty and other ornamentes are in a moment taken awaye Why he saued the kinges of Madian on lyue Farther we muste consider that Gideon did rashely saue one lyue Zebah and Zalmonah whome he had taken for he woulde shewe them vnto the menne of Succoth and Citizens Penuel that GOD had deliuered them vnto hym He vexed the princes both with thornes and briars as he threatened that by theyr euill they myght learne howe muche and what they had offended Thornes are vnlucky plaÌ„ts Iodeach is in thys place not onely to instruct but as I suppose it signifieth in Lattin animaduertere whiche is to punishe Thornes are counted euen of the Ethnikes among vnluckly plantes and therfore it is no meruayle if they be occupied in punishementes But whether he slew them or onely chastised them by the wordes of the Hystory it appeareth not But of Penuel it is manifest ynough both that the tower was ouerthroweÌ„ and the Citezins slayne bycause either they scoffed more wantonly than the menne of Succoth did or els trustyng to the fense of the place they resisted Gideon wherefore when they came to the battayle they were slayne or els let vs graunt that they of Succoth also perished with thornes and briars 18 Then said he vnto Zebah and Zalmonah What manner of men were they whom ye slew at Thabor and they aunswered As thou art so were they euery one was like the children of a kyng 19 And he sayde they were my brethren euen my mothers children As the Lorde lyueth if ye had saued theyr lyues I would not slaye you 20 Then he sayde vnto Iether his firste borne sonne Vp and slaye them But the boye drew not hys sworde for he feared bycause he was yet a childe 21 And Zebah and Zalmonah sayde Rise thou and fall vpon vs for as the man is so is his strength And Gideon arose and slewe Zebah and zalmonah and tooke awaye the ornamentes that were on the camels neckes Nowe is set forth the punishement of these two kynges of Madian whiche Gideon had therefore saued on lyue to shewe them vnto those Israelites whom he had determined to punishe when he had obtayned the victory Firste he asketh them what manner of men they were whom they slewe in mount Thabor They aunswered that they were like hym and so comely and beautiful that they myght appeare to be the chyldren of a kyng And that maye also be vnderstande of one of them when as it is sayde Echad we maye also vnderstande it of euery one of them There are some also which thynke that those that were slayne were in semblance and beauty lykened vnto the children of Gideon Gideon was exceding beaufull whome therefore they called a kynge bycause they sawe hym beare dominion in the hoste Hereby is gathered that Gideon was excedyng beautifull But when hys brethreÌ„ were kylled we can not finde by the holy History But it myght be
that they committed thys acte nowe when they came to make thys warre or els before when euery yeare they inuaded the lande of the Israelites in the tyme of haruest Of mount Thabor we haue before spoken when we entreated of the victory of Barak and Deborah It was not lawfull to saue these kyngs on lyue As the Lorde liueth if ye had saued their lyues Gideon mought haue saued these kynges lyues if they had not slayne hys brethren but bycause they had slayne them it was not lawfull For in the booke of Numbers there is a lawe wherein it is ordayned that the nexte of kynne muste not suffer the bloude of hym that is dead vnpunished not that a priuate man shoulde kyll a murtherer but he must be brought vnto the Iudge that there the cause beyng knoweÌ„ he myght be punished And therefore Gideon beyng a Magistrate ought by that lawe to punishe them Otherwyse he myght haue let them goo for as muche as they were not Chananites whom GOD had commaunded that they shoulde not spare Wherefore Gideon sweareth nothyng contrarye to the woorde of God And he sayde vnto Iether He commaundeth hys firste borne sonne beyng then a younge manne to slaye them but he feared neyther durste he drawe hys swoorde The two kynges disdayne would not be kylled with the hande of a chylde euen as Abimelech would be slayne of hys Armor bearer least he should seeme to be kylled of a woman Farther they easely sawe that they shoulde bee longe in payne or they were dead when as the chylde by reason of want of strength coulde not rid them out of theyr lyfe quickely Why Gideon willed his soÌ„ne to kil the kings And Gideon peraduenture dyd for thys cause commaunde hys sonne to doo thys thynge to inflame hys hearte euen from hys tendâ—r yeares agaynste the enemyes of the peopl of GOD as it is written of Hannibal who from a chylde vowed hymselfe agaynst the Romaynes Or elles he dyd it to learne hym from hys tender age to obey the lawe of God wherein was commaunded that the bloud of the next of kynne beyng shed should be reuenged But might not he haue committed that office vnto a hangeman why would he so vrge hys sonne To thys maye be aunswered two wayes Firste that in the olde tyme it was not vncomely to slay the guylty Farther The Hebrues had no hangemen that it is not sene that the Hebrues had hangemen And vndoubtedly that thys was no office amonge the Hebrues this testifieth bycause in the lawe it is written that a blasphemer beyng taken was so stoned to death that the hande of the wytnesses dyd throwe the firste stone agaynste hym neyther was the puttyng to death of any body committed to any peculiar hangeman And there are many examples whiche testifye that it was not ignominious to slaye the guilty Saul when he woulde haue the Priestes slayne called not hangemen to doo it but turned to the noble men whiche were with hym and commaunded them to inuade the Priestes who reuerensyng theyr ministery and dignitye durst not obey Onely Doeg the Edomite durst execute so greate a wycked acte who was not of least estimation with the kynge Samuell also with hys owne hande slewe kynge Agag the prysoner Ioab in lyke manner when he had cought holde of the horne of the altar was slayne of Banaia the chiefe Capitayne of the hoste Wherefore it seemeth that the Hebrues in that auncient tyme hadde no hangemen But as muche as maye be gathered by the Hystoryes of the Ethnikes Lictores were ministers appointed to execute corporall punishment Plutarche Lictores began at Rome vnder Romulus who as Plutarche wryteth in hys lyfe were called so eyther of ligando that is of byndyng or bycause the Grecians callem them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bycause they executed a publique office Romulus gaue them Roddes bounde together to cary and to them was an axe ioyned They had also cordes to bynde the Citezins withall that beyng bounde they myght eyther beate them with roddes or strike them with the axe But the men of more auncient tyme wanted thys office euery man executed it without any infamy as it was by the Magistrate commaunded hym And in verye dede that woorke of punishyng malefactors hath in it no dishonestye or vncomelynesse For if it be honest for a iudge or prince to geue sentence of death agaynst euyll doers why then shall it not be iuste and honest to execute the same sentence Yea and GOD hymselfe in punishyng vseth not onely euyll spirites but good spirites But thou wilte saye Why Lictores and hangemen are of the commoÌ„ people euill spoken of why are Lictores and hangemen commonly so euyll spoken of Firste bycause the common people are afrayde of them neither would any manne be punished for hys wicked actes hereby it commeth that the syght of the hangman driueth into them a certayn horror And that the people were so affected the maner of the publique wealth of Rome declareth where wheÌ„ ambicious men flattered the people more then was meete they sent away the hangeman out of the market place and iudgement house of Rome as euen the Oration of Cicero for Rabirius testifieth The Romaynes vsed not a hangeman for their Citezins The Citezins of Rome were not beaten with roddes nor put to death Theyr extremest punishement was banishement they were caried into ylandes at the length condemned to the working of Mettalles But the latter Romayne lawes whiche are in the digestes blotted out that exemption for in very dede it was vniust For a faulte worthy of death ought not to be wynked at althoughe a Citezin of Rome were the author of it And there were two principall lawes whereby the backe and head of the Citezins were prouided for Portia lex Sempronia the lawe I saye Portia and Sempronia whose power and defence neuerthelesse Paul as we rede in the Actes vsed and so escaped both roddes and bondes This is one cause why Lictores and hangmen are so hated The irregularity of the Canonistes An other cause hereof in the Papisticall opinion of irregularity whiche as the Canonistes wyll haue it is contracted of euery murther These men thinke that a man can not so iustly kyll any man that he may be promoted to the holye Ministerye when as yet the Inquisitours of the herecticall prauity as they terme it doo dayly cause an infinite number and those innocentes to be kylled The Popes Legates also in gouernyng of Cityes and Prouinces and makyng warres althoughe they be Cardinalles and Byshoppes doo styll continually cause bloud to be shed But in the meane tyme with greate hypocrisie they take hede that the sentence be geuen by a laye Iudge as they call hym and so they wrappe themselues out of that irregularity But the holy Scriptures do not so teache Moses sayde vnto the Leuites whiche with hym had kylled so many ye haue
consecrated your handes so farre was it of that they shoulde be depriued of the holy Ministery But the Pope saith that Dauid for shedding of bloud was in the olde tyme prohibited to builde the Temple But in this place we muste marke the misterye wherin Salomon shadowed Christ the peacable king For he was by hym expressed whiche hath gathered together the Churche the true Temple of GOD without weapons vnto the true and euerlastyng peace But bloude beyng iustly and ryghtly shed Bloud shed iustly rightly restraineth not from the holy ministery restrayneth not from the holye ministery For Pinhas who was hygh Priest thrust thorough two moste vnpure whoremongers Elyas a man of the stocke of the Leuites slew with hys owne hande the Prophetes of Baal And Samuell a man of the same tribe dyd hymselfe kyll Agag the king yet neither of them both were reiected froÌ„ theyr office Neither do I therfore speake these thyngs to commend the promotyng of murtherers vnto holy orders but thys only I oppugne that euery slaughter euery murther maketh a man so irregular as these menne saye that he can not be ordeyned a Minister of the Churche What if a man haue bene a Iudge or a Magistrate or in iuste warre hath fought for hys countrey can not he therefore be ordayned a Minister of the Churche Peraduenture he hath obteyned excellent giftes of God and is endewed with singular doctrine adorned with a pure lyfe instructed with dexterity of gouernyng and godly eloquence can not the Churche as these men most absurdely thynke vse hys gyftes Vndoubtedly that was not obserued in Ambrose he was seruaunt vnto Cesar and decided matters in the lawe beyng Pretor of Millan and yet was he by violence taken to be a Byshop I knowe that Paul requireth that a Byshoppe be no striker but no manne doubteth but that that is to be vnderstande of an vniuste murther or violence But what should a man here doo all thynges are by the Papistes handled supersticiously Nowe the thirde cause why Lictores and hangemen are euyll spoken of is this bicause very many of them liue wickedlye and filthy and were before tyme noughty men Aristotle Howbeit the office defileth them not but rather by they re faulte they pollute an excellent office Aristotle in his .6 boke of Politikes the last chapter sayth that good men abhorre this kind of office namely of punishing of meÌ„ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bycause it hath a hatred annexed vnto it For they doe oftentimes incurre the hatred of men But in my iudgement a good and godly man ought not for that cause to abhorre his administration I remeÌ„ber an aunswere of Chrisippus A saying of Chrisippus who being demauÌ„ded why he excercised not the office of a magistrate If I excercise it not rightly sayd he I shal displease god but if I do rightly I shal displease men but I wil do neither of both He semed to some to haue aunswered very prudently but me thinketh he answered folishly For he should rather haue aunswered coÌ„trarily that the publike welth ought to be gouerned and that rightly to please both God and good menne but a wise and good man muste not haue a respecte vnto wicked men By these thinges it is now manifestly shewed that Gidion in that he himselfe killed the kinges of Madian committed nothing that was not decent for him neyther that he commaunded his sonne to do any fylthy acte 22 Then the men of Israel sayd vnto Gideon Reigne thou ouer vs both thou and thy sonne and thy sonnes sonne bycause thou hast deliuered vs out of the hand of Madian 23 And Gideon aunswered them I will not raygne ouer you neither shall my chyld reigne ouer you the Lord shal raigne ouer you The people â—eceauinge a benefite at Gideons hand would haue made him king that they might not be couÌ„ted ingrate But seing gratitude is a vertue it ought to haue no vniust thing ioyned with it whiche these men obserued not For they appoynted not theyr kyngdome by the lawe of god In Deut. the .27 chap. it is written that he should be a king whom god had chosen It pertained vnto god to elect a king Neyther perteined it vnto the people to appoint a kinge whome they would Wherfore that which they doo now is not frely to geue any thing that is theyr owne but to geue the which is an other mans The right to appointe a king belonged to god and not vnto men which thyng also Gideon wysely saw neyther was Christ ignorant therof when they which were filled with bread came vnto him to create him a king Christ refused a kingdoÌ„e offred vnto hym What manner of men the olde Romayne bishops were he wayghed the maner of his vocation and for that his kingdome was not of this worlde and vnderstoode that they vsurped an other mans right and were not moued therunto By iust causes he put of from himself such a burtheÌ„ The same things happened in a maner vnto the bishops of Rome Which at the beginning were holy for very many of theÌ„ wer notable by constancy of faith martirdom Farthermore their church was kindled with feruentnes of charity towards the poore most liberal so that it sent almes euen into the east part to the Ilands and metalle places where the holy confessours of Christ liued in exile All which thinges got that chaire much fauor and grace with the faithful Gregorius Wherefore the supreame power and kingdome in the church was in a manner offred some times vnto those bishops which they like Gideon refused with a great spirite singuler modesty Of which thing also what Gregorius the b. of Rome iudged I will briefly declare In his .4 boke of Epistles in the .32.34.36.38 .39 Epistles he of that matter writeth at large both vnto Mauritius the emperor and also to Constantia Augusta likewise to the Patriarkes Alexandrinus and Antiochenus yea and to Iohn the Patriarche of Constantinople and lastlye to Anianus Deacon of the same church In the time sayth he of Pelagius my predecessor Ioannes Constantinopolitanus when he had assembled a sinode by an other pretence claymed vnto him self the title of the vniuersal supreame Patriarch which thyng Pelagius toke in euil part and therfore made the acts of that Sinode frustrate Farther he commaunded his Deacon which was his deputye whome he had with the Emperoure that he should not communicate with Iohn being so arrogant and proud Gregorye succeded Pelagius and decreed the same things writing vnto the emperor sayth Peter the chiefe amonge the Apostles neuer called himselfe vniuersall Apostle and neuerthelesse Iohn byshop of Constantinople now goeth about to cal him selfe the vniuersall Patriarch straightway he crieth out O times O maners And this reason he addeth to these things if the vniuersal head be so ordeyned of men by the ruine or corruption of such a head the church also shall perishe together Of this place
he would not labour in the publike wealth What the Popes oughte to haue before theyr eyes but bicause he vnderstode that it was no lawful vocatioÌ„ which the Popes also ought to regard He had before his eyes the law in Deut. now alledged The Pope ought also to loke vpon the words of Christ Kinges of the nations sayth the Lord bear rule ouer theyr subiectes but ye shal not do so and being demaunded who should be greatest he aunsweared that he which was lowest and which more serued others This is to gouern the church not to commaund but to serue Peter himselfe also taught ministers not to beare dominion ouer their flocke Who are in the church to â—â—uerenced aboue other And Paule hath written that Christ is set the hed of the church not men although in it they are aboue other to be much made of to be honored whych more then other profet the faythfull and are more largely endewed with good gracious giftes and as Christe required of Peter doo more depely loue him and which ar more aboundantly endewed with those qualities which Paule to Timothe and Titus requireth in bishops If we highlier honor such men in the church aboue other not as lords not as vniuersal bishops not as heads of the church but as excellent ministers thereof the authority and obedience of the word of god should therby be nothing diminished An error verye hurtful in the church But they do not so They haue fixed the exellency and dignity of the ministers of the church vnto chayres places and cities howsoeuer he be in greater price honor which sytteth in those chayres or places and what manner of man so eueâ— he be in lyfe and manners And so is there no regarde had to the graces and giftes of God but onely to the place and seate This vndoubtedly was the fountayne ofpring and beginning of al euils and superstitions Our elders thought it good that in cities which were more famous where marchandises were traded and were assemblies of men where Proconsuls or Presidentes gouerned there also the bishops should be of greater authority and iurisdiction Whereby custome obteined that those Churches and chayres were had in greater honor But as it commeth to passe ambicion crepte in and in those places byshoppes were ordeyned not alwaye suche as were more worthye but such as were better fauored of Princes And oftentimes the better learned and more holy were geuen ouer to small and abiecte bishoprikes When Augustine was Bishop of Hippouerhegium one called Aurelius gouerned the most honorable church of Carthago And who knoweth not that Augustine in doctrine maners and authoritye farre excelled Aurelius The same thinge happened vnto Gregorius Nazianzenus who was byshop in an abiect place namelye in Sassimis when as many other not to be compared with him obtayned the chief chayres After this way maner the bishop of Rome began to be preferred aboue other namelye bycause of the moste ample dignitye of the citye The cause why the bishop of Rome was preferred before other whyche cause neuerthelesse he vnderstanding that it was no firme groundsele of the honor which he had obteyned he hath fained other causes of his excellency And first he pretendeth that he had this priueledge by the councel of Nice which yet he could not proue before the fathers of Africa bicause in that Sinode the charge onelye of suburbe churches was committed vnto hym Not a charge to beare dominion but to geue counsel to admonish and if there wer any things of more waight to referre the same to the counsell As to the bishop of Alexandria the suburbe churches of Egipt and to the byshop of Antioch of the suburbe churches of the east parties And it was not geuen the bishop of Rome to be the vniuersall pastor Neyther is it possible that a weake and mortall man should feede the flocke of Christe in all countries Farthermore the bishop of Rome boasted that he was set to be the head of the church The bishop of Rome canot be hed of the whol church whych cannot be meete for any man For from the heade ar deriued mouinge and sense by the sinewes into al members as Paule very well teacheth to the Ephesians and Colossians But no man can performe that as of himselfe by closures ioynts to quickeÌ„ the meÌ„bers of the church with the sprite of god It loÌ„geth onely to christe Magistrates princes may be called heads of the people to destribute vnto his meÌ„bers spiritual mocions illustracion of the minde and eternall life Indede kings and magistrates may be called heads of the people bicause they gouerne ciuily and from them we may looke for good lawes and ciuyle mouinges but in the church men entreat not of ciuile life but of spiritual and eternall life which we cannot loke for but at gods hand neyther can any mortall men quicken the members of the church Kinges magistrates when they are godlye in my iudgemente oughte to haue the chiefe place in the church and to them it pertaineth if religion be il administred to correcte the defaultes For therfore they beare the sword to maintayne Gods honor But they cannot be heades of the churche Paule to the Romaines and to the Corinthians where he maketh rehearsal of the members of the churche putteth some to be eyes some noses eares hands and feete but he adorneth none with the dignity of the heade who yet to the Ephesians sayth this of Christe that god had geuen hym to be the head of the body of the church We must not make the church two headed Let the papistes shew writen in any other places of the holy scriptures that Christ gaue an other hed vnto the church they shall haue the victory But I know assuredly they caÌ„not For if that could haue bene done the church should be a two hedded monster But it is a sporte to heare what Iohn sometimes B. of Rochester in defendyng the Pope auÌ„swered to this To graunt two heads of the Church sayth he is not absurd for the Apostle writeth the man is the head of the womaÌ„ neuertheles euery wife hath byside her husband which is the head an other head also Wherfore he concluded that we may thus affirme of the church namely that it hath both Christ and the Pope to be head But this man faileth by a false Sillogismus of equiuocatioÌ„ For speaking now of a head as it is attributed vnto the Church he falleth to a natural head In matrimony the husband is the head of the wife not the natural hed How the husband is the hed of the wyfe but as touching aeconomical life But the natural head of the woman is the beginning of her natural life And vndoubtedly if we looke vpon the natural head in the church we shal finde that it is not one head but looke howe manye men there be in it so many heades shal there be for there is none
there is no true God whiche wil be worshipped that way Or els this is the sense of it that the Israelites did wonderfully fal from the true God bycause they did not onely worship Baal but they so worshipped him that they vtterly forgot the god of their fathers and grandfathers altogether abiected the worshipping of hym Which thing they vsed not alwayes to do for many tymes they so allowed outward gods that yet in the meane tyme they retayned some part of the olde worshipping Neither shewed they mercy on the house of Gideon That happened vnto theÌ„ which must nedes come to passe When we departe from the true God the offices of charity are neglected for he whiche is euill agaynst God can not be good to men An example of ConstaÌ„tius the Emperor This vnderstoode the Emperor Constantius the father of Constantine who thought that they would not be faithfull vnto him whiche for to kepe still their dignity departed from the worshipping of Christ Gideon in dede deserued so to be punished but they ought not so to haue dealt against hym especially seing they behaued not themselues so for the reuenging of religion To shewe mercy is a phrase much vsed of the Hebrues and it is read in many places in the holy Scriptures neither signifieth it any thing els then to do good and to be of a gentle louing and ready minde to helpe those whiche haue nede And that whiche is nowe spoken by a certayne anticipation comprehendeth the narration whiche we shall heare in the chap. following of the calamity and destruction of the house of Gideon In the meane tyme let vs consider the nature of the worlde it is wonderfully infected with the vice of ingratitude we see in a maner no notable or excellent gifte bestowed vpon any man whiche by the children of this worlde is not recompensed with great ingratitude We must not besiste froÌ„ wel doyng bycause of ingratitude And yet for this occasion we must not suffer our selues to be withdraweÌ„ from doyng good least when as other are euill we imitate them in departing from our office Let vs go forward to do good vnto our neighbours and brethren who if they be thankful let vs chiefly reioyse for theÌ„ Why God permitteth ingratitude in the worlde and afterward for our selues But if they be otherwise let vs turne our selues vnto God himselfe for whose cause we do rightly decreing with our selues that we must not haue a regard what the sinnes of meÌ„ deserue but what God requireth of vs or what is decent for vs remembryng the God very often permitteth the vice of ingratitude in the worlde wherby our mindes may be the more erected vnto him for whose cause all our thinges are to be instituted and let vs so direct vnto him those things which we do that we require nothing of this world to be reÌ„dred vnto vs as a reward Farther wheÌ„ we see that meÌ„ do for the most part after this maner reward those with great euils whiche haue done them much good we may cal to remeÌ„braunce the life to come where shal be rendred vnto euery man according to his workes Whiche thing if we had not a coÌ„fidence that it shall one day come to passe we should vtterly take away the prouidence of God ¶ The .ix. Chapter 1 THen Abimelech the sonne of Ierubbaal went to Sechem vnto his mothers brethren and spake vnto them and to all the famely of the house of his mothers father saying 2 Say I pray you in the audieÌ„ce of all the men of Sechem whether is better for you that all the sonnes of Ierubbaal whiche are 70. persons either that one man reigne ouer you Remember that I am your bone and your fleshe 3 Then his mothers brethren spake of him in the audience of al the men of Sechem all these wordes and their hartes were moued to follow Abimelech for sayd they He is our brother 4 And they gaue him .70 peces of siluer out of the house of Baal berith wherewith Abimelech hired vayne and light fellowes whiche followed him 5 And he went vnto his fathers house in Ophra and slew his brethren the sonnes of Ierubbaal seuenty persons vpon one stone Yet Iothan the yongest sonne of Ierubbaal was lefte for he hid himselfe 6 And all the men of Sechem gathered together with al the house of Millowe and came and made Abimelech king by the playne of the image whiche was in Sechem The destruction of the house of Gideon is declared the detestable vsurpation of tyranny Abimelech went as I suppose from his fathers house for he vnderstoode that he could not there easely go about that whiche in his minde he purposed He was minded to bring into Israell the power of a king and being otherwise a priuate man went about to alter the state of the publique wealth Which thing was vtterly vnlawfull For that forme of gouernement whiche the Hebrues then vsed was instituted allowed by God euen as it is written in Exodus and Deuteronomy Wherby is also gathered that if at any time the people would haue a king he ought to be created whom the Lord appointed Farther if they should haue appointed a kyng by humane reason so great a dignity pertayned not vnto him whiche was borne of a concubine It semeth that it should rather haue bene geuen vnto the other sonnes of Gideon and to the first begotten before the rest It is good to marke by what guile he worketh He accuseth his brethren Abimelech accuseth his brethren vniustly as though they affected the kingdome VVhether saith he is it better that I or they reigne As though he would say one of these two thinges must nedes come to passe and except I obteyne the kyngdome they will clayme it vnto themselues which was vtterly false For they weÌ„t about no such matter yea it is rather to be thought but they followed their fathers steppes who when the kingdome was offred him refused it Therfore it is very likely that they as legitimate children would follow the example of their father He goeth to those men chiefly whom he hoped would soone be wonne to come vnto him namely vnto the kinsfolkes of his mothers He vseth glorious reasoÌ„s First he declareth that the rule of one alone is better theÌ„ the dominon of many And that is most easy to persuade humane reason Wherfore Homere sayth It is not good the many raigne let there be one Lord. Homerus Aristotle Whether a kingdome be better then â—ristocratia or no. Which verse Aristotle bringeth in his Metaphisikes Whiche thing in dede might be grauÌ„ted as touching the institution perfection of the nature of man For in a kingdome occasions in deliberatyng are not ouerpassed and corrupted and the execution of things decreed is not delayed and slacked as we see often happeneth where many beare rule But in this corruption of nature it semeth to be otherwise for as much as in it hangeth a daunger
said that he did this by the impulsion of the holy ghost not as though god would haue other men to imitate this act but that men might by it vnderstand that Christ should dye for their saluation It is indifferent for euery man to chose eyther of these aunsweres But I thinke rather he fell Nowe resteth to confute the argumentes of the Rabbines In that they say the mayden was not killed of her father but only punished with ciuil death namely that she should liue a part from the followship of men with out a husband and children it is not wel sayd bicause it can not be proued by the holy scriptures that there was any such kind of vow in the old time I know that there were Nazarites whiche abstained from wyne and stronge drinke and all drinke which would make one dronke but they abstained not from matrimony Samuel and Sampson beyng either of them a Nazarite had wiues and Samuel had children as the holy history declareth But departinges from the companye of men are not altogether to be disalowed so that of them come some fruite vnto the church Christ departed .40 dayes and fasted How departings from the company of men are allowed or disalowed but afterward he returned to instruct the people Iohn Baptiste went a parte but yet for certayne dayes baptised and preached So some of the fathers went sometime a part wher they gaue themselues both to prayers and godly meditations wherby they might returne the better instructed to preach But I can in no case allow the perpetuitye of solitarye life for wee are not borne to oure selues but to other also But that in the olde time there were some whiche were Nazarites for euer that was not don by the institution of man but by the commaundement of God which thing is written to haue happened to Sampson and Iohn Baptist Otherwise Nazarites vowed but onely for a time Wherfore that which the Rabbines clayme is false for there was no ciuill death by the law whereby men or women were for euer depriued of matrimonye Kimhi sayth that this letter Vau maketh somtimes a proposition disiunctiue I graunt that the same is found in certayne places of the scripture But it is not a fyrme argument if we shall say It is thus founde in some places therfore it is so also in this place But rather for the most part Vau maketh not a disiunctiue proposition but a copulatiue And vndoubtedly here it is brought in by exposicion It shal be the Lords sayth hee After what manner For I will offer it for a burnt offringe Farther they reason The mayden desyred space of time wherin to bewayle her virginity neither saith she her soule or life This argument hath a shew but no strength For if death be to be lamented vndoubtedlye then is it muche more to be lamented when it hath a bitter condicion annexed wyth it The mayden was sure to dye at some certaine time but that seemed vnto her very hard that she should dye without childrē Therfore that condicion is expressed which made the cause more miserable He sayth moreouer It is not writen that Iiphtah offred her for a burnte offringe but onelye that he dyd accordynge to hys vow I aunswere That there is sufficientelye sayde when it is sayde that he did according to his vow And it is often sene that in narrations the sharpest thinges are not expressed And althoughe the woordes be not all one yet is it sufficient if they be equall Leui Ben Gerson reasoneth of this that it is written and shee knewe no man Therfore sayth he she liued but maried not But this reason hath no force For this sentence is an exposition of the wordes that go before For why did the virgins bewayle her Because she was vnmaried and was not coupled to anye manne But Liranus sayth The sprite of the Lorde came vpon Iiphtah wherefore he vowed not his daughter for a burnt offring This reason Augustine as we haue hearde aunsweareth That spirite vndoubtedlye was the sprite of strength and warrelike knowledge Neither can al that Iiphtah afterward did be said to haue come from the same spiryte Moreouer sayth Liranus ther was twoo monethes space betwene wherin he asked counsel of the priestes and thei gaue him counsell to saue his daughter a Virgin Yea but the auncient Iewes affirme that he was so stubburne that he woulde not aske counsell of the priestes And for that cause he is reproued by the Chaldey Paraphrast Neither is it any newe thinge that men somtimes sinne because they thinke not that they haue nede of counsel and that is wont most of al to happen vnto princes For they haue a high mind and proude stomackes wherfore they think that they haue counsell inough But he is numbred among the sayntes To this Augustine aunsweareth also that other were also numbred amonge the Sayntes whiche yet greuouslye sinned Lastly he saith If he had sacrificed his doughter he should not haue fulfilled but contaminated his vow I graunt that Neither is it any maruaile that he erred seyng he was a man and might fall Now shoulde remayne to declare what I thinke of vowes in vniuersall but bycause of that matter I haue written aboundauntly in an other place namely in my Apology against Smith therefore I remitte the reader to reade ouer that booke ¶ The .xii. Chapter 1 ANd the men of Ephraim gathered themselues together and passed ouer Northward and sayd vnto Iiphtah Why haste thou passed ouer to fyghte agaynste the children of Ammon and haste not called vs to goe with the We will therfore burne thee and thyne house with fyre 2 And Iiphtah sayde vnto them I and my people were at greate strife with the children of Ammon and when I called you ye deliuered me not out of theyr handes 3 So when I sawe ye delyuered mee not I put my lyfe in myne handes and went vpon the children of Ammon And the Lord hath deliuered them into myne hande But why are ye come vpon me thys day to fight agaynst me 4 Then Iiphtah gathered all the men of Gilead and foughte agaynst Ephraim And the men of Gilead smote Ephraim bycause they sayd Ye Gileadites are abiectes among the Ephramites and among the Manassites 5 And the Gileadites tooke the passages of Iordan before the Ephramites And when the Ephramites that were escaped sayd Let me passe the men of Gilead sayd vnto him Art thou an Ephramite If he sayde Nay 6 Then sayde they vnto hym Say now Schiboleth but he sayde Siboleth for he coulde not so pronounce Then they tooke him and slewe hym at the passages of Iordan and there fell at that tyme of the Ephramites twoo and fourty thousand HEre is a sedicion set foorth vnto vs The Ephraits wer veri proud the cause whereof was the pride of the Ephramites whyche was so great that they thought there was nothyng which was not due vnto them Euen the lyke did they vnder Gideon as
fayth do in vayne poure out theyr prayers What manner of one the publicane was when he prayed But if a man will obiecte the Publicane who being a sinner prayed vnto god and departed iustified I aunswere that that publicane was in suche sorte a sinner that yet when he prayed he was not without fayth yea rather he prayed with fayth otherwise god would not haue heard his prayers And vndoubtedly Iames doth right wel admonishe vs when he sayth Pray hauing faith In sum that sentence is firme and perfecte wherin it is sayde whatsoeuer is offred vnto God for a sacrifice the same is acceptable vnto him if faythe and iustification of him that offreth go before A verye subtile cauilacion Some do cauile of the fyrst acte of fayth whereby we begynne fyrst to assente vnto god and they doubt whither it be acceptable vnto god or no. Vndoubtedly before it he is an enemy which now beginneth to beleue Then say they if that fyrst consente be acceptable vnto God then accepteth he the gifte of an enemye But if it be not acceptable then it iustifieth not To this I aunswer two wayes Fyrst that men are not iustified of the worthinesse of the acte of fayth but of the firme promise of god which faith embraceth Farther when any man first assenteth and beleueth then is he first made of an enemy a friende and although before he was an enemy yet so sone as he beleueth he is made a friend and ceaseth to be an enemy Plato But that which we haue before concluded that he which offreth is more acceptable vnto God then the gift the Ethnikes also sawe For Plato in Alcibiade maketh mencion that the Athenienses vpon a time made war againste the Lacedemonians and when they were ouercome they sente messengers vnto Iupiter Ammon by whom they sayd that they marueiled for what cause where as they hadde offred so greate giftes vnto the Godes and theyr enemies on the contrary side sacrificed sparingly and sclenderly and yet had they the victorye ouer them Ammon aunswered that the gods more estemed the prayers of the Lacedemonians then the moste fatte sacrifices of the Athenienses For when they burnt Oxen vnto theyr Gods in the meane time they thought nothinge of theyr soules So in Homere Iupiter speaketh that the Gods are not moued with the smoke and smel of sacrifices when as they hated Priamus and the Troyanes Wherfore the Ethnikes vnderstoode that which the Papists at this day see not which thynke that theyr blinde sacrificer though he be neuer so vnpure and vngodly doth yet with his hands offer vp Christ vnto god the father Now let vs see the other argument of this woman God would neuer haue shewed vs these thinges if he woulde haue killed vs Forasmuche as hee is not wont to make hys enemies of his coūcel Thus the wife of Manoah comforteth her fearefull husband But this argument seemeth somewhat obscure when as Balaam althoughe he were vngodlye was not ignorante of the Councelles of GOD. Chryste also sayth Manye shall saye vnto mee in that daye haue wee not Prophesyed in thy name To these thynges I aunsweare that GOD didde not onelye foretell vnto them thynges that should come to passe for the deliuerye of the people but also of the childe whiche they should receaue and of his education Wherefore seying he vsed them as fellowe workemen it was a certayne argument that god had not appointed strayghteway to kyll them Neyther speaketh she here of eternall life but of this earthlye and corruptible life And the childe grew and his name was called Samson Hereby we know that Zorah was the name of the place where Samsons fathers was borne Samson This Hebrew word Shemesch signifieth the sunne being therefore so called as though he wer of the sunne but for what cause he was so called it is not known I meruaile that Iosephus interpreteth Sampson for stronge or mightye Iosephus vndoubtedly such an Etimology agreeth not with the Hebrew word But he oftentims goeth from the historye And in this place also he sayth that the woman prayed when as that is not founde in the text God blessed Samson That is bestowed and heaped benefites vpon hym The sprite of God That is the sprite of strength and mighte began to strengthen him In the host of Dan. The history speketh thus by reason of those times The tribe of Dan had not yet obteined possession in the land of promes but they wer in tents and fought against theyr enemyes R.D. Kimhi R.D. Kimhi sayth that they did thē besiege the city of Lais. Wherefore he being a younge man was together with thē in the hoste The Hebrew worde is Paam and it signifieth to be moued to be striken at certayne tymes not perpetually but by courses He being a yonge man was moued and waxed hote to fyght the more vehemently against his enemies And his impulsions bycause they were of God therefore are they ascribed vnto the spyrite But bicause wee are alreadye come vnto the ende of thys chapter before we enter into the next there are certayne thinges whych are to be marked Fyrst hereby we gather a most sure argumēt with how singuler a care god gouerneth his church For although the Iewes had greuously sinned yet had god a regard to theyr health sendeth thē a captain which should deliuer them foretelleth what things should come to pas least they should seme to haue happened by chaunce Farther he woulde haue the childe to be a Nazarite Outward thynges are not to be neglected and to haue his heare to grow and to abstaine from wine and stronge drinke Wherefore we are taught that these outward thinges are not vtterly vaine but may be applied vnto the glory of god Men are wont sometimes to say when they are admonished of outward thinges What doth god regard these thinges In dede we know also that in those thinges is no holinesse to be put Howebeit we muste take heede that both in liuinge and in apparell and in going also in all gesture and in habite we behaue our selues comely both before God and also before the churche not superstitiously but holily that our modesty may aduaunce the kingdome of Christ and his holy Gospel Farthermore let vs here consider that the wife helpeth the husband with her councell For although by the ordinarye lawe it is not lawfull for women to preach and teache in an assembly yet are they not so destitute of the gratious gifts of God but that they may instruct theyr husbands with good counsels ¶ Of the visions of Aungels THe nexte thinge is that I somewhat intreate of the visions of Aungels For as we haue now heard an Aungel appeared vnto Manoah and oftentimes in other places as the scriptures declare aungels haue bene sene of men But it may be demaunded howe they appeared whither with any bodye or els onely in phantasye And if it were with a bodye whither it were with theyr
rede that the sonne cā not be cōpelled to mary a wyfe de sponsalibus in the lawe sed ea if the doughter hold her peace she seemeth to cōsent vnto the father there are two causes ascribed wherfore the doughter may resiste her father if either the father offer her a wicked husband or a disfigured husbād Otherwise if there be none of these causes it is required of her to loue him whom the father hath chosē If she wil not assent when the husbād hath neither wicked maners nor is mishapen The punishement of ingratitude she incurreth the crime of ingratitude whiche is so great that the father may disinherite her for it And in the title de ritu nuptiarum in the law si cogente patre Although the sonne haue assented for feare of the father yet bicause he had rather assent then offend his father such a matrimony ought to be firme and ratified I would adde vnto the former cause the third if the father offer a husband whiche is of a contrary religion and I would euer counsell the parentes to gratifie their children What may bee done against to streight parēts vnles they see them to obstinate and vniust But when the parentes deale to tyrānically with their children compell them to mary wiues whom they cā not abyde the matter ought to be brought before the Magistrate whose office is to heare the cause and to delyuer the sonne from iniury if he be to cruelly oppressed Then if the sonne mary a wife by the authority of the Magistrate yea agaynst the will of the father he can not seme vtterly to haue maried without his fathers cōsent The Magistrate is the father of the coūtrey For the Magistrate is the father of the coūtrey The same thing semeth to be decreed de ritu nuptiarū in the lawe qui liberos And methinketh the schoolemen haue not well sayd that the children of the householde haue dominion ouer their owne body For as much as they owe vnto their parentes that they are They ought not to be compelled to mariages agaynst their wil but that they should mary without the consent of the parentes it can not be graunted thē And when they so often obtrude vnto vs liberty The doughters of Zalphead alledge the dominiō of their body we lay against it the answer of god as touching the daughters of Zalphead who sayth of them Let them haue heritage among their brethren but let them mary in their own tribe These wemē are compelled to mary their nyest of kynne neither had they that liberty whiche these men fayne And the brother was sometymes compelled to mary the wyfe of his brother beyng dead neither could she mary an other therfore so great liberty is not necessary in mariages as these men pretend And by the ciuill lawe It is permitted vnto the parentes to sell theyr children so great is the power of the father ouer the sonne that he may sell hym if he fall into greuous necessity And least that should seeme barbarous vnto any man the same thyng is permitted by the lawe of God in Exodus the .21 chap but yet adding certayne cautions whiche I thinke not good here to repeate Wherefore they did not rightly argue when they sayd that matrimony is a kynde of seruitude which the sonne ought not to take vpon him at the appointement of his father And in that they saye that the consent of the parentes is required for the honesty of matrimony and not for necessity it is friuolous and vayne For what greater necessity can there bee then that whiche the lawe and commaundementes of God bryng with them Children are commaunded to honour father and mother Also Paul the Apostle prescribeth them to obey their parentes in all thinges And the same thyng writeth he vnto the Phillipians the .4 chapter That whiche remayneth brethren What soeuer thynges are true whatsoeuer are honest whatsoeuer iuste whatsoeuer pure whatsoeuer profitable whatsoeuer lucky these thinges do ye c. By these woordes appeareth that the thynges whiche are honest muste not bee separated from the commaundementes of God Wherefore looke howe necessary it is to obey the commaundementes of God so necessary is it not to mary without the consent of the parentes And that whiche they adde that the consent of the parentes is in deede required but yet if they will not consent the matrimony may be firme That is nothyng elles then to deride the parentes For what contumely is it for the sonne in suche sorte to desire the consent of hys parentes that thoughe he be agaynst it and gaynesay it yet notwithstandyng will he abyde in hys purpose and execute it It were muche better not to desire it then to desire it with that mynde This also seemeth wonderfull vnto me that the master so peruerteth the woordes of Euaristus that when Euaristus sayeth that matrimonyes contracted without the consent of the parents are whooredomes and fornications and not matrimony he dare expounde that the matter is not so in deede but bycause they so assemble rogether as whooremongers and adulterers vse to doo But the sentence of Euaristus is manifest They are not sayeth he matrimonyes and he addeth what in deede they are namely fornications adulteryes and whooredomes And he sayeth not that they seeme to be these thynges but that they are There are other whiche obiecte vnto vs the booke of Genesis where it is wrytten that Esau maried Chananitishe wyues whiche his parentes tooke in very yll part for he had maryed them contrary to their cōmaundement And yet the Scripture calleth them wyues Wherefore it seemeth that matrimony may be contracted euen agaynst the parentes will I graunt in deede that in the holy Scriptures they are called wiues But yet for that cause bycause he so coūted thē bycause the nations amōg whom he dwelled counted thē for wyues But hereby is not gathered that the scriptures do confirme such matrimony The same forme of speakyng vsed Paul in the firste to the Corinthians the eyght chapter Euen as there are many gods and many Lordes He sayeth that there are many gods not the there are so in deede for there is but one God but bycause the most part so beleued and publique persuasiō thought that there was an infinite nūber of goddes Therfore he sayth many goddes but to vs that thinke rightly there is but one God The scripture so calleth thīgs as they are cōmonly called of men one Lord Iesus Christ It is no vnaccustomed or straunge thyng in the scriptures so to call thinges as men vse cōmonly to speake yet in an other place when they speake properly they call euery thing by his owne name But thou wilt say we neuer rede that the children of Esau were not legitimate I answere that Esau had in dede a greate posterity but whether it were legitimate or otherwise the Scripture declareth not Wherunto adde that with those nations among
asking counsell of the Lord pertayneth vnto vs. Why the Leuite aunswered in the name of Iehouah And in this Hystorye let vs consider as I haue before sayde that the Leuite aunswereth in the name of Iehouah that is of the Lord bycause he would signifie that he knewe well ynough that the Idole was nothyng I sayeth he aunswere in the name of the Lorde This sentence which R. Selemoh followeth seemeth plausible But to me it seemeth not so For I thinke that the younge man dyd it to get authoritye to his Religion For whiche cause he is the more grieuously to be accused for that he contaminated the name of GOD in applyeng it vnto an Idole He aunswereth your waye is in the sight of the Lorde that is God himselfe will go out before you and direct your iorney all thinges shall go well and prosperous with you when as God is with you and directeth you And so did it succede in very deede For they luckely spyed out all thynges the euent came to pas as they desired Wherfore it may well here be demaunded why God so prospered these euill workes Before I aunswere to thys question Our workes do not therfore please God bycause they haue good successe this I thinke good to put in by the waye that we ought not to take it for a sure token that our doynges do please GOD bycause sometymes they haue a prosperous successe otherwyse if we should measure thynges by the euent and successe we should allowe the wicked and most euil doers for as much as fortunate and prosperous thinges doo happen vnto them We should also prayse deuiners sorcerers southsayers and coniurers bicause they haue sometimes foretolde thinges that are true It is sometymes permitted vnto the deuill to deuine by them Let suche foretellynges be referred vnto the .13 chapter of Deuteronomye where it is thus written If a Prophet ryse vp among you or a dreamer of dreames and shall geue thee a signe or wonder and that whiche he hath foretolde thee come to passe Thou shalt not harkē vnto his voyce If he entise thee to Idolatry let hym be killed sayth he neither let hym be spared The Lord proueth his by the miracles of the vngodly Afterward is added a reason why God dealeth after this maner which thyng was at the begynnyng demaunded bycause sayth he the Lord proueth you whether ye loue him or not And therwith agreeth Paul in his .2 Epistle to the Thes the .2 chap. wher he entreateth of Antechrist His comming saith he shal be by the working of Sathan with power signes liyeng wonders withall deceatefulnes in those whiche perish bycause they receaued not the loue of the truth to that end they might be saued And therfore God shall send thē the efficacy of illusion that they should beleue lyes that all they should be iudged whiche haue not beleued the truth Wherfore althoughe we do see signes yet must we not straightwaye geue fayth vnto those by whom they are wrought but must diligently examine whether they attempt to teache any thyng contrary to the worde of God In the Papistical Masses marchādise of reliques were oftentymes wrought great miracles yet ought we not to beleue such superstitiōs to fall frō Christ the true worshipping of god How miracles profite for saluation God suffreth this kind of miracles to be wrought that ingrate men those which haue forgotten their God should be deceaued be taken as it were by these nettes that the godly should become the more vigilāt better Neither ar these things spokē to despise al miracles For they which are done in a true cause for sound doctrine are certaine praises of god trumpets of the truth But cōtrarily they which vnder the pretēce of miracles do with drawe men from the worshipping of GOD we ought to counte them cursed thoughe they worke neuer so great miracles 7 Then the fyue men went and came to Lais and sawe the people whiche were in it dwelling carelesly after the manner of the Sydonians quiet and sure And for that there was no mā in the land whiche made them ashamed in any thyng nor whiche by the inheritance receaued the kingdome and for that they were farre from the Sidonians neither had they any busines with other men 8 So they came agayne vnto theyr brethren in Zora and Esthoall and their brethren sayd What haue ye done 9 And they sayd Arise that we may go vp vnto them For we haue sene the lande and beholde it is very good and do ye sit stil Be not slouthfull to go to enter and possesse the land 10 When ye shall enter ye shal enter into a careles people farther the coūtrey is large in roome for god hath geuen it into your hāds a place whiche wanteth nothing that groweth in the earth 11 Thē there departed thēce of the family of the Danites frō Zorah frō Eshtaol sixe hundreth mē appoynted with instrumētes of warre 12 And they went vp pitched in Kiriah iearim in Iudah Wherfore they called that place Mahaneh dan vnto this day and it is behind Kiriah-iearim 13 And they went thence vnto mount Ephraim and came to the house of Michah 14 Then answered the fiue men that went to spye out the countrey of Laish and sayd vnto their brethren Knowe ye not that there are in these houses an Ephod and Theraphim and a grauen and molten Image Now therfore consider what ye haue to do 15 And they turned thetherward and came to the house of the yong man the Leuite whiche was in the house of Michah and saluted hym peaceably 16 And the sixe hundreth men appoynted with their weapons of warre whiche were of the children of Dan stoode by the enteryng of the gate 17 Then the fiue men that went to spye out the lande went in thether and tooke the grauen Image and the Ephod and the Theraphim and the molten Image and the Priest stoode in the entrynge of the gate with the sixe hundreth men that were appoynted with weapons of warre 18 And the other went into Michahs house and fet the grauen Image the Ephod and the Theraphim the molten Image Then sayd the Priest vnto them What do ye 19 And they aunswered him holde thy peace laye thyne hande vpon thy mouth and come with vs to be our father and Priest Whether is it better thou shouldest be a Priest vnto the house of one mā or that thou shouldest be a Priest vnto a tribe to a familye in Israel 20 And the Priestes hearte was glad and he tooke the Ephod and the Theraphim and the grauen Image and went in the middest of the people 21 And they turned and departed and put the children and the cattell and the substaunce before them The City of Lais is in the booke of Iosuah called Lesem And they saw the people dwelling in security This worde people is in this place ioyned with an adiectiue
of the feminine gender It is therfore the figure Enallage bycause one gender is put for an other They dwelled careles after the manner of the Zidonians The Zidonians feared not the Hebrues The ZidoniaÌ„s wer most stroÌ„g men bycause they were none of those seuen nations whiche were deliuered to be possessed of them Farther the Zidonians were men most mighty and of them came many Colonii which were people dispersed to seeke new seates and specially at Carthage Wherefore Virgil calleth Dido a Sidonian Virgil. bycause she came froÌ„ thence But why this City of Lais was in such security Why the City of Lais was secure there may be other causes geuen First it had no molestious neyghbours wherby there should haue ben any dauÌ„ger at hand towardes theÌ„ farther there no was tyran which vsuped vnto himselfe the dominion of the City Wherfore for asmuch as they wer not vexed neither by any Tyranne nor of enemies they liued securely These causes are gathered out of the texte also mencioned of the Hebrues But I thinke moreouer that the City had not seuere Magistrates which should haue kept the people in doing their duties Securiti of the fleshe is a thing pernicious which thing ingeÌ„dreth most great daunger vnto Cities Neither is ther any vice in a maner more hurtfull then the security of the flesh Wherefore God wyll haue his to be vigilant and attentiue bicause when all thinges seme to vs to bee safe and quiet then is daunger most of al at hand Whilest the Sodomites liued most pleasantlye and most securely they were or they were ware burnt with fire from heauen and in the time of Noe when men made banquets daily maried and tooke wiues they wer a with sodain flood oppressed Wherfore it is rightly sayd when they shal say peace peace and althinges are safe sodaine destruction shall come It is added that they were farre from the Sidonians A league maâ—e with a people far distant is litle profitable for bicause by that meanes they mought the easelier be conquered Peraduenture they had made some league wyth the Sidonians but confederates which dwel farre a sunder cannot but with difficulty geue succor and be at hand when nede requireth which thing histories euery where doo teache vs. It is also added that they had no busynes or trafficke wyth other men which is therefore spoken bicause cities are somtimes holpen not by reason of a league but bicause of communicating of busynes namelye bicause they cannot be destroyed without the misery of manye men These thinges the Spies diligently marked wherfore it appeareth that they wer wise subtil meÌ„ Come arise the land is large and wyde neither is there any thing wanting in it What are the chiefe poyntes of this exhortacion They doo in few woordes finish their exhortacion appointed Then are we stirred vp to take in hand any thing when it is easy profitable These two things are the principall pointes of thys exhortacion They declare vnto their people that that land is good and fertile as wherein wanteth nothing that serueth for plentifulnes and aboundance In placing our selues these things onely ar wont to be considered And the reasons thereof they conclude by security Then they adde spurres to pricke them when they say God hath geuen it into your hands which thing peraduenture they adde bicause of the Leuite which answered theÌ„ that their iourny was in the sight of the Lord or bicause that porcion of the land when it was deuided fel to the tribe of Dan. There went out syxe hundreth men It is not described after what maner or with what furniture they went foorth onely it is said that they were armed But by those thinges which follow we vnderstande that they had their cattell children and wiues in their companye And they pitched in Kiriath iearim It seemeth that it was a iourney of three dayes for they pitched twise before they came thither vnles peraduenture they went a by way and not the right way Kiriath-iearim is a Citye of woods or forestes Whereby is geuen a reason why that place was called the tentes of Dan. And it lay on the backside of the citye of Kiriath-iearim They came to the house of Micha and ther they pitched againe The fyue men answered With the Hebrues to aÌ„swer is to beginne to speake The verbe of answering in the Hebrue phrase signifieth as much as to begyn to talke or to begyn to speake They made mencion of the Ephod and grauen image whilest that they perswaded the fellow to theft or rather sacriledge Their counsell was that it was expedient to haue wyth them those holy thinges They came to the house of the young man It is an exposicion of that which was before sayde how that they came vnto the house of Micha namelye where the young man the Leuite ministred They saluted him peaceably and peradueÌ„ture they began to aske counsel of him of the successe and euent of their expedicion The sixe hundreth men stoode before the doore and helde the Leuite aboute the gate whilest the fiue men spoiled the temple For entring into it they tooke away al with them Afterwarde they intreate the yong man to go wyth them And he for that he had no other guide but his belly easely assented vnto them An obiection of the Papistes With this argument of the Danites the Papists oftentimes assayle vs Ye teach by corners in one or two cities or prouinces Why do ye not rather come to the catholike churche with vs are riches honors and benefices Ye are fooles ye neither prouide wel for your selues nor yet for others By this kinde of perswasion the hart of this Sacrificer was won who was not ready to cry out And being perswaded to the ende he might be the more in safety he went in the myddest of the armed men least peraduenture Micha requiring his thinges againe shoulde haue pulled him backe againe to his house or rather he went so with his Idole that he might somwhat resemble the Arke of couenaunt For we reade in the booke of Numb that as often as they went foorth and remoued their host the Arke of the couenant was caried about by the Leuites in the middest of the host so that the one part of the host shoulde go before and the other part should follow behinde After this maner the Leuite wold set foorth his Idole vnto the Soldiours But this is to be maruailed at that men were so blynde and mad to make them their Gods How great the blindnes of idolatrers is Augustine which wer subiect to theft and to sacriledge Augustine in his .x Tome and .xix. Treatise elegantly derideth such defeÌ„ders of cities and houses Which haue eyes and see not feete and handes and can not moue themselues Such saith he were the gouernours and keepers of the Capitolium who seyng they could not defend themselues how much lesse were they able to defend a cyty
this any new or vnaccustomed thinge that seruantes ar somtimes wiser thē their masters although it oftētimes happeneth that counsel hath authority of the geuer as we vnderstand happened here wher counsel although it were profitable Aristotle is despised peraduēture bycause it came frō a seruāt Aristotle in his Politikes saith they which excel in mind coūsel ought to beare rule and they which are strong of body must obey But that cōmeth not alwayes to passe yea rather it oftentymes happeneth that masters which are not of the wisest but yet strong in body haue seruaunts far wiser then themselues although they be not very strong in body Farther we must not deny The giftes of God are not bound vnto the estates or cōditions of men but the prudence and counsels whiche are the giftes of God are not bounde vnto the conditions or estates of Lordshyp and seruitude nor also to the temperatures of bodyes God geueth them to them whom he thinketh good that most freely somtymes to seruauntes and sometymes to Lordes sometymes to poore men and sometymes to riche men GOD ministred vnto a man beyng a seruaunt good counsell whiche yet the Leuite would not fellowe to his great hurt For if he had turned into the City of the Iebusites peraduenture he had not fallen into that calamity whiche followed These thinges are spoken concernyng the counsell of the seruaunt if we consider the vtility therof but yet a thing is not to be iudged by the euent The Leuite is excused Neither is the Leuite in this place rashely to be accused bycause it seemeth that he had a shewe of honesty piety For he thought that if it were possible he should not go vnto the vngodly Idolatrers such as wer the Iebusites and he had a great deale better opinion of the Hebrues then of straungers Yea and the seruaunt for that he so earnestly desired to turne into the Iebusites may be accused either of sluggishnes for that he being weary of the waye would take no paynes to go any further or els he may be accused of vnaduisednes bycause he considered not with himselfe that the Iebusites wer enemyes vnto the Hebrues or els of an vngodly mind for that he litle passed to turne vnto Idolatrers Wherfore it seemeth that the Leuite did rightly and wisely if we looke vpon the ordinary way and law of piety and not vpon the end But all thynges happened contraryly For in Gibaa as we shall heare his wife was by violence oppressed and so died and ciuile warre stirred vp wherin many thousandes of men died What we ought in counsell to counte doubtful and what certayn Wherfore we ought alwayes to suspect our counsels as touching the ende but yet not as touchyng iustice not that we should feare least god shuld cast vs away but least for our sinnes there might happē some miserable end Wherfore whē we haue determined to do any thing we must with most feruent prayers pray vnto God to turne to good the counsell whiche we haue taken and to direct our purpose For vnles he build the house What is to be doone after we haue taken coūsell they labour in vayne whiche build it And except he prosper our enterprises all thynges are in vayne taken in hand And yet in the meane tyme we must vse a very great diligence But now we rede not that the Leuite called vpon God when as yet he was in some daunger Iacob when he should iorney into Mesopotamia called vpon God with a great fayth The counsell or purpose of the Leuite was to turne into Cities which the Hebrues inhabited especially either vnto Gibaa or vnto Rama These Cityes were not farre from Ierusalem He entred into Gibaa where no man bad hym to hys house That City longed to the tribe of Beniamin It may seeme that he would rather haue gone to Rama but as it is written the sunne went downe vpon him nyghe vnto Gibaa wherfore he entred into a City of men vncurteous For whē the man being a straunger stoode in the streetes in the night tyme no man receaued him into his house But where as barbarous inhospitality reigneth there also are more grieuous wicked vices wont not to be wantyng Why no man bad the Leuite to his house But why no mā receaued him into his house the cause was for that in a great number of euil Citezins there were very few good men if there were any the same wer afrayed to receaue him into their house least for his sake some euill should happen vnto them For they knewe the wantōnes and the filthy lustes of those men And so whilest the straunger was despised the law of God was in that City had in contempt For it commaunded that gentlenes should be shewed vnto straungers yea and God called himselfe the tutor and reuenger of straungers neither could those Citezins seeme any longer to be the people of God seyng they had cast awaye hys lawe A praise of hospitality And euen as to contemne straungers is a most grieuous vice so is Hospitality a vertue most excellent Wherfore in the Epistle to the Hebrues it is writtē Forget not liberality and Hospitality Although not to dissemble in Greeke it be somewhat otherwise written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What is the general worde of hospitality But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the general word of Hospitality Then it followeth For with such sacrifices God is wel pleased Out of which place the Papistes go about to defende merites as though he whiche sheweth himselfe liberall towardes the poore shall deserue something at Gods hand But in the Greke is rede 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whiche signifieth not shal be wonne by deserte but receaueth with a glad and chearefull minde which is to be referred vnto God and not to those whiche shew liberality vnto the poore The sense therfore is this that god doth reioyse in such sacrifices doth accept them with a glad mynde yea and Christ himselfe also shall say in the last iudgement I was a straunger and ye lodged me for he that receaueth a straunger receaueth Christ in him So Abraham Lot when they thought that they had had straungers in their house receaued the sonne of God aungels The Gabaonites being voyde of this vertue contemned the Leuite beyng a straunger walkyng in the streete But there was in that City a certayne other straūger whiche was borne in mount Ephraim who being moued with mercy receaued the Leuite into hys house And so in Gabaa a straunger was better then the Citezins This man peraduenture was a husband man and in the euenyng returned out of the field frō his rusticall worke The Leuite telleth him that he hath prouendre for his Asses and also that he wanted not bread and wine that he might the easelier and willinglier be receaued As thoughe he should haue sayd we shall not be burdenous vnto any man for we haue all things
Germanes And this maketh not coniunction but diuision Farther of what power I praye you speaketh Paul Not vndoubtedly of Byshops or Archebishops but of that power whiche beareth the swoorde He doth not without a cause sayth he beare the swoorde He speaketh of that power to whom tribute is payd For for this cause sayth he ye pay tribute But Bishops neither beare swoorde nor exacte tributes of the people Wherfore Paul speaketh not of them And thoughe Germany Byshops beare the swoorde and do gather tributes and customes they doo not that in respect that they are Byshops but in respect that by accidens they haue the ciuile power adioyned vnto thē how rightly let them see to it But it is manifest that Paul spake of the Ciuile power vnto whiche he commaunded that euery soule should obey Neither is the interpretation of Origene probable wherin he affirmeth that Paul sayd Euery soule Origene and not euery spirite Bycause sayth he the spirituall man is moued with no affections neither possesseth he any thyng in the world Wherfore he is not subiect at all vnto the outward power Wherfore Paul commaundeth euery soule that is euery carnall man to obey the ciuile power But what Was not Christ spirituall who was more spirituall And yet he acknowledged the superior power and payd tribute What say you to the Apostles were not they spirituall And yet they neuer exempted thēselues from the ciuile power yea rather they obeyed and taught others to obey them But let vs heare what our Bonifacianes aunswere farther They say that they haue not this power ordinarily and by the right of their fruition but graunted them by priuiledges and giftes of princes And why say they is it not lawful for vs to enioye the priuiledges and liberality of princes But we ought here to haue a regard not what princes haue doone but what they ought to haue done God without all doubt hath made subiect euery soule vnto the hygher power It was neuer lawfull for any prince to breake that law Whether it wer lawful for princes to exempt Ecclesiastical men from their subiectiō Nor humane reason seeth not better then the prouidence of God what should become of the affaires of humane kynd And the euent it selfe also sufficiently hath declared how much that remission of princes hath profited For after that Bishops and false Ecclesiastical men got themselues once frō the subiection of the ciuile power they straight way became farre worse then they were before and made the people which were committed to theyr charge nothyng the better Wherfore let them cease to say that Emperours and kynges haue geuen them these thynges let them rather heare the word of god wherin they are cōmaūded to obey princes But they haue not onely withdrawen thēselues from obedience towarde princes but also haue claymed vnto thēselues an immunite or fraunches What immunity is What tribute is What custome is Vlpiane And an immunity is a liberty from doyng of homages bearyng of ciuile burthens And among burthens are numbred tributes customes Tributes are those which are payd of landes and possessions Customes are those whiche are payd of marchandises of those thinges whiche are either caried out or brought in These thynges Vlpiane calleth the sinewes of the publique wealth as without which it cā not either consist or be gouerned By what ryght therfore and reason haue these men withdrawē themselues from the publique commodity With what face do they boast of such liberality of princes whiche neither Christ neither the Apostles nor the Prophetes vsed And althoughe they haue this thing as they say Ministers of the Church ar exempted from personall burthēs and from such as are filthy Vlpianus by the gift of kings and Emperors yet must they take heede that it be not hurtfull vnto the Citezins and least whilest they are lifted vp other be aboue measure burdened And yet ar they not by priuiledges and lawes of princes exempted from all burthēs In deede they are franchised from personall burthens that not without great reason whiche euen the Ethnike princes sawe also In the digestes de Vacatione excusatione munerum in the law Praetor Vlpianus saith If a man haue gotten a benefice neither can hurt of conscience be absent from it he is acquited And Constantine the Emperor in the Code de Episcopis Clericis in the law .1 and .2 What personal burthens are Filthy burthens exempteth them from personall and filthy burthens Personall burthens are those whiche are accomplished by the industry of the mynde and labour of the body Filthy burthens are those as to burne lyme to digge sand to kepe the cundite to heate the bath and such other of like sorte From these burthens they are woorthily exempted bycause the ministery by such filthy excercises should come in contempt And they are made free from personal burthens bycause whē they should geue theyr mindes to holy thyngs they ought not to be withdrawē to other thynges Wherfore princes haue ryghtly graunted these thynges vnto Ecclesiasticall men that they should not be absent from the study of religion and that they should not be contemned of the common people But what if a man clayme hymselfe to be a Minister onely by hys apparell or garmentes and doth nothyng in the Churche is this freedome also graunted vnto hym Iustiniane No vndoubtedly Yea Iustiniane in the Code de Episcopis Clericis in the lawe generaliter sancimus sayth that he meaneth onely of those whiche diligently geue themselues to holy thynges and not of vagaboundes and idle persons which bragge onely in the name of the Ministery Moreouer Ministers are not loosed from ordinary charges althoughe they are exempted from extraordinary charges Ordinary charges Extraordinary charges Ordinary charges are those whiche are imposed alwayes by the commaundement of the lawes Extraordinary charges whiche are exacted onely for some present necessity and afterward doo cease Wherfore if Ecclesiastical men haue manors landes as other Citezins haue for them they ought to pay Why they are acquited from extraordinary charges For the Church when it taketh landes taketh them with their burthens But they are free from extraordinary tributes bycause in the olde tyme Ecclesiastical men were poore besides necessary foode and apparell had nothyng remanyng or if peraduenture there remayned any thyng all the same whatsoeuer it were was bestowed vpon the poore But nowe it is cleane contrary for both they abounde in riches and they bestow very litle vpon the poore And yet if any great necessity happened They are not exempted from all extraordinary charges they were compelled to pay also extraordinary charges As if there were any highe wayes to bee mended and any bridges to be made any shippes to be edified for to transporte an hoste as it appeareth in the Code by the lawes of the Emperour Neyther vndoubtedly doth brotherly charity suffer that when other are burdened they shoulde
Why was Socrates condemned at Athens The Ethnike princes had a regard vnto religion I do not now demaunde how holyly or iustly for as all men in a manner beleue Anitus and Melitus lyed agaynst hym this I speake for that he was for no other cause condemned but onely for religion as thoughe he taught newe gods and led away the youth from the olde and receaued worshyppyng of the gods and he was by a prophane Magistrate condēned Socrates was for religiō sake condemned of a prophane Magistrate Wherfore the Athenienses thought that the obseruance and care of religion pertayned vnto their Magistrate The law of God commaunded that the blasphemer should be put to death not I thinke by euery priuate mā or by the Priestes but by the Magistrates The Ethnike Emperors also in those first tymes did for no other cause rage agaynst the Christians but bycause they thought that matters of religion pertayned vnto their iudgement seat And assuredly as touching this opinion they wer not deceaued for none as Chrisostome sayth either Apostle or Prophet reproued the people Chrisostome either Iewes or Ethnikes bycause they had a care ouer Religion but they were deceaued in the knowledge of Religion bycause they defended theyr owne religion as true and condemned the Christian religion as vngodly and blasphemous Constantine and Theodosius are praysed and very many other holy princes bycause they tooke awaye Idoles and either closed vp or elles ouerthrew theyr Temples But they dyd not these thynges but for that they thought that the charge of Religion pertayned vnto them otherwise they should haue bene busy fellowes and should haue put theyr sicle into an other mannes haruest The Donatistes tooke thys in very ill parte and grieuously complayned thereof in Augustines tyme bycause the Catholique Byshoppes required ayde of the Ciuile Magistrate agaynst them Augustine But Augustine confuteth them with the selfe same argumentes whiche I haue a litle before rehearsed and addeth this moreouer Why did ye accuse Cecilianus Bishop of Carthage before Constātine if it be wicked for the Emperor to determine concerning Religion Farther there is gathered by those thynges whiche the same father wrote agaynst Petilianus and agaynst Parmenianus and also in many other his Epistles howe that the Donatistes accused Cecilianus as it is sayde before Constantine the Emperour who first sent the cause to Melchiades Bishop of Rome And when by hym they were ouercome they appealed agayne vnto the Emperor neyther reiected he their appealation from him but committed the matter vnto the Bishop of Orleance by whom they were agayne condemned Neither rested they so Constātine decideth a matter of religion but again appealed vnto the Emperor who heard thē decided their cause condemned them and by hys sentence absolued Cecilianus Where are they now which so often and so impudētly cry that there is no appealyng from the Pope and that the causes of Religion pertayne not vnto the ciuile Magistrate To whom in the olde tyme pertayned the ryght of callyng generall counsels Pertayned it not vnto the Emperors Counsels were called by Emperors As for the counsell of Nice the counsell of Constātinople of Ephesus and of Chalcedonia Emperors called them Leo. 1. of that name prayed the Emperor to cal a counsell in Italy bycause he suspected the Gretians of the error of Eutiches yet could he not obteyne it and the Byshops were called together to Chalcedonia where at the Emperor also was present as was Constantine at the counsell of Nice Neither doo I thinke that they were there present to sitte idle and to do nothing but rather to put forth vnto the Bishops what they should doo and to vrge them to define rightly Theodoretus telleth that Constantine admonished the fathers to determine all thinges by the scriptures of the Euangelistes Apostles Prophetes and Canonicall scriptures Iustinian also in the Code Iustinian Augustine wrote many Ecclesiasticall lawes of Byshoppes and Priestes and other such lyke Yea and Augustine hath taught that the Magistrate ought after the same manner to punish Idolatrers heretikes as he punisheth adulterers for as much as they cōmitte whoredome against God in mynd which is much more heynous then to committe whoredome in body And looke by what lawe murtherers are put to death by the same also Idolatrers and heretikes ought to be punished for that by them are killed not the bodies but the soules although the common people be stirred vp onely agaynst homicides bycause they see the bloud of the bodyes killed but see not the death of the soules Vndoubtedly it is profitable for the Magistrate to take vpon hym this care and by his authority to compell menne to come to holy sermons and to heare the worde of God for by that meanes it commeth to passe that by often hearyng those thyngs begyn to please whiche before displeased As Hystoryes teach that God hath oftentymes with most noble victoryes illustrate godly prynces God hath prospered princes whiche had a care vnto Religion which haue had a care vnto these thinges Farther it can not be denied but that it is the dewty of the Magistrates to defend those Cities and publique wealthes ouer whiche they are gouerners and to prouide that no hurt happen vnto them wherfore for asmuch as Idolatry is the cause of captiuity pestilence famine ouerthrowing of publique wealthes shal it not pertaine vnto the Magistrate to represse it and to kepe the true sound religion Lastly Paul teacheth fathers to instruct their children in discipline in the feare of God but a good Magistrate is a father of the countrey wherfore by the rule of the Apostle he ought to prouide that subiectes be instructed as common children But kynges and princes whiche say that these thynges pertayne not vnto thē do in the meane tyme let geue and sell Bishoprikes Abbacies and benefices to whō they thinke good neither thinke they that to be none of their office onely religion they thinke they haue nothyng to doo with and they neglect to prouide that they whom they exalte to most ample dignityes should execute theyr office rightly Wherfore this thyng onely remayneth for them euen that GOD hymselfe at the length will looke vpon these thynges and with most grieuous punishement take vengeaunce of their negligence These thynges haue I spokē the more at large by occasion of our Hystory which maketh mention twise or thrise that euilles happened in Israel bycause they had not a kyng or lawfull Magistrate ¶ The .xx. Chapter 1 THen all the children of Israell went out and the congregation was gathered together as one man from Dan euen to Beerseba and from the lande of Gilead vnto the Lord in Mizpa 2 And the corners of all the people and all the tribes of Israell assembled in the Churche of the people of God foure hundreth thousand footemen that drew sword 3 And the children of Beniamin heard that the childrē of Israell wer gone vp vnto
Mizpa Then the children of Israell sayde Howe is this wickednes committed 4 And the man the Leuite the womans husband that was slayne aunswered and sayde I came vnto Gibea whiche is in Beniamin with my concubine to lodge 5 And the men of Gibea arose agaynst me and beset the house roūd aboute vpon me by nyght thynking to haue slayne mee And haue forced my concubine that she is dead 6 Then I tooke my concubine and cut her in pieces and sent her thorough out all the countrey of the inheritance of Israel For they haue committed abhomination and vilany in Israel 7 Beholde all ye children of Israell geue your aduise and Counsell herein The congregation of the Israelites was assembled together to iudge of the crime This Hebrew word Edah signifieth a Church or an assembly The end of assemblyes or meatynges together beyng deriued of this verbe Adah whiche is to testify bycause that it is the vse and ende of such assemblyes that the godly should faythfully testify before God of those thynges whiche are put forth to be consulted of From Dan euen vnto Beerseba Dan Beerseba In this kinde of Paraphrasis is comprehended the whole people of Israel For these ar the endes of that kyngdome Dan is the ende towarde the North wherby the Iewes are neyghbours vnto the Zidonians and Beerseba toward the South Euen vnto Gilead That land is beyond Iordane The borders of the region of the Hebrues where the two tribes Ruben and Gad together with halfe the tribe of Manasses dwelled Thys was the third end toward the East And ouer agaynst that toward the West lay the sea called mare Mediterraneum Within these termes and lymites was conteyned the region of the Hebrues whiche they possessed in the land of Chanaan They came into Mizpa vnto the LORDE Where Mizpa was Mizpa was a place moste apte to haue assemblyes in it was not farre frome Ierusalem in the Tribe of Iudah In the fyrste booke of the Machabites the thyrde Chapiter it is thus written When the people by reason of the tyranny of the Macedonians fled out of Ierusalem they assembled together in Mizpa vnto Iudas Machabeus And it is added that that place was a house of prayer of aūcient tyme laye situate ouer agaynst the City of Ierusalem And in this booke we haue before heard how that when Iiphtah should be ordeyned Iudge ouer the people the people assembled together in Mizpa In Samuels tyme also the people assembled together twise vnto that place once when they should leade an army agaynst the Philistines an other tyme when Saul should be created kyng Farther when all the Citye was ouerthrowen by Nebuchad-Nezar all the people fled to Godolia in Mizpa Moreouer besides the oportunity of the place was added a notable benefite of God bycause as we rede in the .10 chapter of Iosuah there assembled thether agaynst the people of Israel a very great nūber of kynges for there were not fiue or sixe but very many kinges which were neyghbours entending vtterly to destroye the name of the Iewes Yet God commaunded them to be of a good valiaunt courage bycause he would geue vnto his people the victory ouer them all And when that thyng happened contrary to all mans hope the Hebrues for a monument of so great a benefite built in that place an alter vnto God Wherfore it is probable as the Rabbines affirme that in Mizpa began to bee a house of prayer For the people went not to the tabernacle or to Ierusalem so often as they had occasion to pray Euery Citye had Synagoges but had in Cityes and Villages certayne Synagoges wherein they prayed together vnto GOD. But to doo Sacrifices it was not after that manner lawfull but onely at the tabernacle of Moses or at Ierusalem after Salomon had builte the Temple althoughe hyghe places were sometymes vsed Wherfore the people assembled thether as well for the opportunity of the place as also by reason of the auncient Religion neither thought they it lawefull to begyn any thyng without prayers Whiche institution for that the Papistes woulde somewhat resemble they firste prouide to haue a Masse of the holy Ghost songe before they make any leagues or rather conspiracyes agaynste Christe It is sayde that they assembled together vnto the Lorde to praye together vnto the Lorde D. Kimhi Although Dauid Kimhi thinketh that this was added bycause wheresoeuer is a multitude of the godly there is GOD also present And to confirme that sentence he bringeth a place put of the Psalme GOD stoode in the Synagoge of Goddes For Iudges whiche in thys place are called Goddes when they geue iudgement ought not to thinke that they haue theyr owne cause in hande but Goddes cause as Iosaphat the godly kynge shewed them I doo not dissallowe this sentence for it is both godly and also it maketh menne to vnderstande that when assemblyes are godly had then doo menne assemble vnto GOD whiche thyng if menne in these dayes woulde consider greate menne woulde handle publique causes with more feare of GOD. Howbeit thys is for certayne that the Israelites assembled not in Silo as some thinke And the corners of all the people assembled The Hebrewe woorde is Penoth whiche properly signifyeth corners but in this place it is taken for Capitaines heades ouer ten Cēturious Tribunes and gouernors of warlike affayres For they after a sort are corners strengthes and stayes of an army Wherfore the villages of the Holuetians in the Italian toungue are called Cantones Wherfore the Hebrues come and assemble in Mizpa not rashly but in their orders They had not in deede a kyng or myghty Magistrates or Senadrim as it is thought for they wer sore decayed and weakened by the Philistines Yet they retayned among themselues some order and discipline Fower hundreth thousande footemen When they went out of Epypte they were 666000. The nomber of the Israelites diminishe men It seemeth that the number was nowe diminished And no meruayle bycause they had ben afflicted with many greuous calamities Also the tribe of Beniamin was away which peraduenture had thirty thousande soldiours For that tribe was both ample and also mighty And the chyldren of Beniamin heard The Beniamites would not be present they onely heard what should be done Dauid Kimhi Kimhi admonisheth that these woordes are put in by a parenthesis for there is no cause shewed why they woulde not be among them And the children of Israel sayd Tel how this wycked act was committed Kimhi thinketh that these things are to be red in the vocatiue case as though it should haue bene sayd O ye children of Israel declare the whole matter in order as it was done in the meane time it seemeth that the Beniamites are noted bycause they would not come vnto the assembly neyther take awaye euill from among them The people assembled together to vnderstand the cause that for as much as ther was
Rimmon and abode in the rocke Rimmō .4 monethes 48 Then the men of Israel returned vnto the chyldren of Beniamin and smote them with the edge of the swoord from the men of the City vnto the beastes and al that came to hand also they set on fyre all the Cities that they could come by After that the children of Israel had had the ouerthrowe they went vp vnto the house of God and wept there And assuredly somewhat they dyd that belonged vnto piety but yet not so muche as they ought for they fasted not neyther offered they Sacrifices whiche are tokens of a full fayth and conuersion Why God had thē ascend whē they shoulde be ouerthrowen How beit the Lorde byddeth them to ascende bycause he woulde not feare them away from the battaile which they had in a iust cause taken in hande He dyd not strayghtway geue the victory but styll permitted them to be afflicted of their enemyes whereby they might vnderstande their faultes and more earnestly desyre pardon There perished againe .xviii. thousand of them after which slaughter it is sayde that they came all of them humbly vnto God There they wept not counterfetlye or lightlye but bytterly and earnestlye and that all the whole daye They fasted they offered burnt offerynges and peace offeringes Burnt offeringes were they which were all whole burnt but of peace offeringes a certaine part was offered an other part was geuen vnto the Priest and an other part returned vnto him whych offered it to eate it with his frendes in the sight of the Lorde The Hebrues being now oppressed with troubles doo not onelye pray vnto God and bewayle their synnes but also fast and after fastyng institute a cōmunion among themselues In that it is said that the Arke of the Lord was there we must vnderstande that of Siloh for there it continually abode It is said that the priest stoode before the Lorde and that is nothing els then that he exercised the holy ministery They asked Shal we ascende or shal we cease This is a more ful interrogacion then the first were This is a more ful interrogaciō then the first wer for at the first time they onely demaunded which tribe should first assaile the enemies At the second time whither God wold that they should ascend against their enemies But now they demaund whither they shal go vp or whither they shal cease As though they vtterly referred the matter vnto the wil of God God answereth them more gently faith Go vp to morow I wil deliuer them into thine hand The thinges that are now done and set foorth serue to our cōmodity We ought to attempt nothing whereof we are not before certain whither it be iust or vniust For the true knowledge wherof we must seke for the answer of God out of the holy scriptures The Israelites wold not wrap the innocents with the gilty therfore they sent messengers at the beginning which thing at this day is not obserued in making of wars Our Capitains and Emperors do althinges without respect do no les rage against children olde men maydens and widowes then against those which haue chieflye offended The Beniamites are worthely to be condemned bicause they defended an vniust cause thought that it would be ignominious vnto thē if they should deliuer any of theirs to be punished which thing we see happeneth very often tymes in these dayes For maisters defend their seruantes they care not by what right or wrong For if their seruant although he be gilty be cast into prison they think that therby cōmeth a great ignominy vnto thēselues their famely and to their court But they ought to haue iustice before their eyes not to haue a regard to any thing els then that the lawes should be kept The Beniamites did put their confidence in their own strength the Israelites in their great number and also in the iustnes of their cause But both of them sinned for confidence is not to be put either in the strength of soldiours or in the number or in the iustnesse of the cause but onely in the mercy of God Although the cause be good yet doth not the thing alwaies succeede prosperously The Beniamites in a most wicked cause got the victory the fyrst time the second tyme yea and the thirde tyme yet at the last they suffered punishment and were ouerthrowen and slayne For God howsoeuer he do for a time winke at the wicked actes of men yet he suffereth them not alwayes to escape vnpunished For the vngodly as the holy prophetes admonishe vs floorishe for a short time but if thou a litle while passe by and returne he shall be no where That the Israelites wer so often ouercome Why god wold haue the Israelites ouercome it was the worke counsel of God not bicause he would help the wicked men but to allure his to true iust repentace We may also hereby learne that in all matters that wee take in hande three thinges are chiefly to be required first that the cause be iust which we will defend Three thinges required in euerye thing that we take in hād Farther that we put not the abilitye of performing the same in our owne strength but in God lastly that we put to our endeuor diligence Otherwyse to despise the meanes wherby we may attain to our purpose is nothing els thē to tēpt God It is not inough to say I haue a good cause I will cōmit the residue vnto god We must also stretch out our strengthes ad to our diligence Wherfore we may not put our affiance in any cause although it be neuer so iust Some man wil say what difference then is there betwene a iust cause and an vniust There is great difference betwene to haue a good cause to haue an euil Much vndoubtedly For in an vniust cause thou canst not cal vpon God or trust that he wil be an helper vnto thee For an vniust cause is vnder the curse of God and to cal vpon God to helpe it is euen like as if I should desire help of a man to fight against my selfe But if the cause be good euery man maye put his confidence in God cal vpon him but yet not in such maner to put hope in the equity of the cause but that thou mayest hope that God for his mercies sake wyll bee an ayde vnto thee The successe maketh not the cause eyther good or euyll If the successe bee euill the cause is not therefore straightwaye good Nebuchad-Nezar destroyed Iewrye and ledde awaye the nacions that were adioyning captiues into Babilon and yet was not his cause therefore good Gods cause in deede was iuste for hee woulde by that meanes take vengeaunce of a rebellious people But Nebuchad-Nezar thought nothing els but to exercise his tyrāny Ioseph bicause he would auoide adoultery was cast into prison and yet was not his cause therefore euer a whyt
the Friday bycause on that day he was crucified But of the Sabaoth day he much doubted For they of Millane of the East parte affirmed that on the day we should not fast bycause Christ that day was at reast in the sepulchre contraryly the Romanes and Affricans and certayne other bycause Christ was deiected euen vnto the ignominy of the sepulchre therfore contended that the Sabaoth should be fasted Monica the mother of Augustine The mother of Augustine when she came out of Affrike to Millane and sawe that the men there fasted not on the Sabaoth day began to meruayle at the vnaccustomed manner Wherfore Augustine which was not yet baptised came to Ambrose asked in his mothers behalfe what was best to be done Do sayth Ambrose that which I do An aunswere of Ambrose By which words Augustine thought that he should not fast bycause Ambrose fasted not But what he ment he himselfe more manifestly expressed I sayth he when I come to Rome do fast bycause the Sabaoth day is there fasted but when I returne to Millane bicause here it is not fasted I fast not De consecratione dist 3. chap. De esu carnium it is decreed that Friday and Wensday should be fasted the Sabaoth day is left free And in the same distinct the chap. Sabbato vero Innocentius InnoceÌ„tius hath added That the Sabaoth also must be fasted But he bringeth a farre other cause then that which before we spake of For for bycause saith he the Apostles both vpon the Friday and also vpon the Sabaoth day were in great mourning and sorow therfore we must fast In the same dist chap. Ieiunium Melchiades decreed that we must not fast on the Sonday nor on the Thursday and he geueth a reason bycause the fastes of Christians ought to be on contrary dayes to the fastes both of heretikes and of Ethnikes Epiphanius Epiphanius bringeth a reason why the Wensday is to be fasted namely bycause Christ was that day taken vp to heauen for it is written that when the bridgrome is taken from theÌ„ then they shall fast and this he affirmeth to be the tradition of the Apostles when as yet at this day we beleue that the Ascension happened on the Thursday We must geue â—â—le credite to traditions wherfore let the Papistes take heede howe muche credite they will haue to be geuen vnto their traditions For there are many of them whiche euen they themselues can not deny but that they are ridiculous and vayne I know in deede there are traditions founde whiche are necessaryly gathered out of the holy scriptures and for that cause they ought not to be abrogated But other traditions whiche are indifferent are not to be augmented in number least the Churche should be oppressed neither to be thought so necessary that they can not be abolished And we must beware that in them be not put the worshipping of GOD. But as for those whiche are agaynst the woorde of god are by no meanes to be admitted In the dist 76. chapter .1 are added Imber dayes or the Fastes foure tymes in the yeare Which why they are so diuided scarsely can any man perceaue They cite Ierome vpon Zachary who maketh mention of the fourth moneth fift seuenth and tenth And they seeme to be moued with a wicked zeale to distribute these fastes into foure partes of the yeare And those fastes whiche the Iewes receaued euery yeare for the calamityes which they had suffred Why the fast of Imber dayes were inuented the same our men haue made yearely But other haue inuented an other cause namely bycause in those foure tymes of the yeare Byshops are wont to promote clarkes vnto the ministery and orders Wherfore they say that the people ought then most of all to faste and praye that GOD would graunt them good Pastors Fasting and prayers should be had in the ordering of Ministers But I would demaund of the Byshops why they institute Ministers onely at those .iiii. tymes of the yere Vndoubtedly they caÌ„ render no certayn iust reason therof Augustine Aerius an heretike Augustine in his boke de Haeresibus sayth the Aerius contemned oblatioÌ„s for the dead also such fast as were appointed bycause ChristiaÌ„s were not vnder the law but vnder grace but he would the euery maÌ„ should fast at his owne pleasure wheÌ„ he himselfe would In dede I allow not Aerius in that he was an ArriaÌ„ but as touchiÌ„g sacrifices oblations for the dead he iudged rightly godly And also concerning appointed fastes I see no cause why he ought to be reproued vnles peradueÌ„ture he thought this that fastes could not be denouÌ„ced of the Magistrate of the Church as the difficulty of times required The reason also which he vseth the ChristiaÌ„s are not vnder the law but vnder grace is weake for we are not so deliuered froÌ„ the law that we are absolued froÌ„ all order Iouinian an heretike Augustine also writeth that IouiniaÌ„ contemned abstinences fastes as things vaine vnprofitable where in if he spake of bare fastes onely such as wer appointed at certayne dayes certayne tymes of the yeare he iudged not ill For vnles they be adioyned with faith repentaÌ„ce also with vehement prayers they nothing at all profite In Esay the .58 chap. the people coÌ„playned We haue fasted thou hast not looked vpon vs which wordes shew that fastes with out circumstances requisite are not acceptable vnto God but if they be ioyned with their additions they are not vnprofitable By the decrees of Liberius who liued in the tyme of CoÌ„staÌ„tius may be knoweÌ„ Liberius how that wheÌ„ the ayre was vnteÌ„perate or that there was any famine or pestileÌ„ce or warre then they asseÌ„bled together to denouÌ„ce a fast wherby to mitigate the anger of god Augustine Augustine wheÌ„ he saw his city besieged of the Vandales gaue himself vnto fastyng prayers in that siege died as Possidonius testifieth And generally wheÌ„ we atteÌ„pt any great waighty matter as wheÌ„ we denouÌ„ce war or creat Magistrats or ordeine Ministers of the Church we haue nede most of al of ferueÌ„t prayers for the ferueÌ„tnes wherof fasting very much auayleth Christ when he should begyn his preaching went into the wildernes fasted A widow when her husband is dead is left in a perillous state Therfore prayers fastes are very conuenient for her Anna the daughter of Phanuel led her life in the temple where she gaue herself to prayer fasting Paul to Tim. sayth A widowe which is truly a widowe putteth her coÌ„fidence in the Lord day night applieth herselfe to prayers fastes Cornelius when he was not yet sufficiently instructed of Christe and was heauy and pensiue in mynde in the ninth houre was fastyng and in prayers to whom the Aungell as it is written in the Actes of the Apostles appeared But it may be demaÌ„ded when fastes are denouÌ„ced of princes
was rapted to mary an other But if she were betrothed by the woords of the present tence and that she can proue that she was rapted against her wil the spouse if he wil not receaue her ought to be compelled The schoolemens opinion Thomas Aquinas The schole Deuines write not much disagreing vnto this Thomas Aquinas in .2 2. toucheth this question whē he writeth that capte springeth of a vehement lust wherby the Rapter is so troubled that he neglecteth al daungers And he wyll haue her that is rapted to be rendred vnto her Spouse if she haue any and if she haue none vnto her Parentes or if she be wythout Parentes to them in whose power shee was And then if they wil agree she may mary the Rapter but so that first be made restitucion bicause in al theft and rapte restitucion is chiefly required yet saith he rapte before restitucion be made letteth matrimonye to bee contracted that is that they synne if they contract matrimony but if it be cōtracted it breaketh not the contract But to the Canōs which determine against it be answereth that they were made in detestacion of the crime But the Pope afterwarde considered the matter better But this was not the parte of a holye man to woorship the Pope for God and so to flatter him lyke a bondsclaue And to the ende he might seeme to speake rightlye he bryngeth the woordes of Ierome which are in Gracian concerning the three kindes of matrimonye But how that place serueth to this present matter I haue before shewed Lastlye hee obiecteth vnto himselfe the Counsell of Meldenum But that place he sayth is to be vnderstand If a man shall rapte her which was maryed vnto an other As thoughe that were obscure or doubtfull Wee neede no Canons to vnderstand this A certaine Deuine not of the woorste sorte stronglye setteth himselfe against Thomas concerning thys thing and where Thomas saith that rapte letteth not the matrimony already contracted he aunswereth that many decrees make against that sentence Farther hee bringeth a reason namely that he which is cōmunicate can not receiue the sacramentes And then he addeth that the Rapter is excōmunicated wherfore vnles he do open penāce and reconcile hymselfe vnto the Church he cannot contract matrimony But Caietanus there laboureth vtterly to defende hys Thomas Caitanus and denyeth that he which is excommunicate cannot receaue the Sacramentes Howbeit this he confesseth that he which is excommunicate synneth if hee receaue the Sacramentes And he addeth If an excommunicate be admitted to confyrmacion or to holy orders it cannot be denyed but that hee hath receaued the Sacramentes neither is it lawful for him to repeate them againe if he afterward doo penaunce Farthermore he sayth that the Mayster of the Sentenses in the .iiii. where he reckoneth the impedimentes whych take awaye matrimonye contracted numbreth not rapte at all Farther he teacheth that the Rapter and shee that is rapted are not by the act it self excōmunicated but to be excōmunicated But bicause he seeth it is in the Canons of the counsel of Chalcedon Cabilon Let the Rapter and her that is rapted be accursed he answereth that the Glose enterpreteth that saying to be of the same force as if it had bene sayd Let them be accursed Moreouer he answereth to the other twoo thynges concerning restitucion and penaunce he sayth that she that is rapted ought not to be restored but it is sufficient if he satisfy the father by some meanes although she bee not rendred vnto him into his hand euen as in theft it is not alwayes necessary that thinges taken away shoulde be restored but sometymes it is sufficient that the iniury be recompenced by a price or bonde But concerning penaunce he sayth The Rapter if he contract without it doth synne in dede but yet after he hath contracted the matrimonye is firme Lastlye he saith that the Canons which decree to the contrary are either abrogated or els doo speake of spouses After this maner Thomas Caietanus the Deuines Ecclesiastical men Canonistes triflle among them selues play the Parasites with the Pope their God Now wil I declare what the holy scriptures determine of rapte The sentence of the holye scriptures and what they iudge thereof The first place is out of the booke of Genesis the .6 chapter where it is wrytten The sonnes of God seing the daughters of men that they were fayre tooke them to wiues such as they lusted them selues I know there are brought sundry interpretacions of this place Some expounde the sonnes of God to be angels which being kindled by the beuty of faire women had fellowship with them This exposicion cannot agree for forasmuch as angels haue no bodies they cannot burne in such lustes Others by the sonnes of God vnderstand those which came of Seth and were brought vp in the true worshipping of God who being ouercome with beuty fayrnes contracted matrimonies with the daughters of Cain that is with Idolatrers and Infidels Whereby nothing nowe remayned sounde and perfecte and therefore God sending a flood The Chaldey interpreter destroyed the whole worlde The Chaldey Interpretour sayth that the Sonnes of God were myghtye men and Magistrates who when they hadde taken to wyues the daughters of vyle men all thynges were fylled wyth vyces Here I see was committed rapt which thing the Chaldey Paraphrast hath signified which paraphrast among the Hebrues is of an incredible authority And assuredlye Moses saith not that they desired those wiues of their Parentes but onely tooke them whom they lyked best By that place may easely be noted the course and as it were the degree of mans peruersnes For first they sawe and then they desiced and at the last they rapted Neither were they wonne by their vertues but onely by the beauty of the body Wherfore God punished that sinne by a flood And although there were many other synnes in men yet this one is expressed with a great emphasis Moreouer in the .34 chap. of the same booke Sechem the sonne of Hemor dyd rapte Dina the daughter of Iacob But what ende that rapte had it is not nedeful now to declare Curiosity was the cause that Dina was raptes But the cause why Dina was rapted was her curiositye the mayden would go foorth and vnderstand the maners of other women Curiosity did then hurt her also wil alwayes hurt women For if it were hurtful vnto the famely of Iacob being so great a Patriarche for a mayden to wander a broade howe muche more daungerous is it for other famelies which are not so holy nor acceptable vnto god But the nature of women is much infected with this vyce And therefore Paul to Titus admonisheth women to loue their husbandes to bring vp their children and to be byders at home And to Timothe when he entreateth of wanton and yong widowes they wander abroade sayth be and runne from house to house and at the last go