matter passed and euidently see the supreme autoritie of the Bishops of Rome in those dayes it is to be considered that there hauing been from the tyme of the Apostles a different manner of keeping Easter in the Churche of Rome and the Churches of the lesser Asia the Romans keeping it alwayes vpon the sunday according to the tradition of the Apostles S. Peter and saynt Paule they of Asia obseruing the tyme and custome of the Iewes pretending the example and tradition of S. Iohn the Euangelist Pius the first of that name Bishop of Rome desyring to reduce all the Churche to vniformity made a decree that the feast of Easter should be celebrated only vpō sunday but for that the Churches of Asia made great dificulty to leaue their tradition as wel Pius as Anicetus Soter and Eleutherius forbore for peace and quietnesse sake to compel them by Ecclesiastical censures to the obseruation therof but afterwards Victor who succeeded Eleutherius noting that not only those which inclyned to keep the ceremonies of the old law were much confirmed therby in their opinion but also some in Rome namely one Blastus sought to introduce that custome there and Iudaysme withall cauled a councel of the Bishops of Italy neere adioyning and not only caused other councels to be assembled in France but also directed his commaundements to the Bishops of the east to do the lyke namely to Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea as that S. Bede reporteth in these words victor the Pope Bishop of the citty of Rome dixerit authoritatem that is to say directed a commaundement to Theophilus Byshop of Caesarea and Palaestina that it should be determined how the easter should be celebrated there where our Lord the sauiour of the world conuersed Therfore perceptae qutoritate the authority or commaundement being receiued Theophilus assembled Bishops not only out of his owne prouince but also out of diuers other cuntryes and when they were come togeather in great numbers Theophilus protulit autoritatem ad se missam Papae Victoris Theophilus shewed the autority or commaundment that Pope Victor had sent him declared quid sibi operis fuisset iniunctum what was enioyned him to do c. herein by the way I wish to be noted how the Bishop of Rome in those dayes that is to say in the tyme of Lucius exercised his autority in calling of councels both of the Byshops of the Latin or west Church also of the east seing Theophilus Byshop of Palaestina assembled the prelats not only of his owne prouince but also of diuers other by vertue of the commission geuen him by Pope Victor But to proceed yt being determined by all those coūcels that the feast of Easter should be kept on the sunday according to the custome of the Romā Churche Victor the Pope renewed the decree of Pius his predecessor and denounced excomunication against all the Churches of Asia that would not cōforme them-selues therto which though some holy and learned Bishops amongst other Irenaeus thought to bee rigorously done and not with such consideratiō as it seemed to them the peace of the Church required yet none of them nor any of the schismatykes themselues took any exception to his autority as though he had donne more then he might do which no dout they would haue done yf he had exceeded the limits of his power therfore Eusebius sayth that Irenaeus did admonish him that he would not cut of from the body of the whole Church so many Churches for obseruing a tradition vsed amongst them according to an old custome and Nicephorus testifieth that they aduised him vt benignius statueret that should determine therof with more benignity and myldnes wherin wee see Pope Victors authoritie and power to excommunicat all other Bishops sufficiently acknowledged though there was question of the iustnesse of the cause and conueniency of the fact neuerthelesse yt appeared afterwards by the determination of the whole Churche of God yea of the greatest part of the Asian Churches themselues that Victor had reason in that which he did for as Nicephorus testifieth not only Asia did at lēgth yeild therin but also vbique terrarum in orbe decretum est it was decreed through out the world that the feast of Easter should be celebrated vpō the sunday in so much that those which would not yeild therto were held for heretykes cauled quarta decimani for so they are accounted and termed by Nicephorus saynt Augustin Epiphanius Philastrius and the councels of Antioch and Laodicea and to conclude this poynt yt shal not be impertinent to the matter in hād to consider how this controuersy about the keeping of easter ended many yeares after in England betwyxt the English Byshops mayntayning the custome of Rome and the Scottish that were Schismatykes and obserued the custome of Asia which venerable Bede recounteth saying that Bishop Colman with his Scotish elergy being assembled in Northumberland with Agilbert Bishop of the east Saxons his Priests Wilfred and Agathon in the presence of King Oswy after long debating the matter on both sydes Wilfred answered to Colman who relyed vpon the autority of Anatholius and Columba his predecessors although quoth he Columba was a holy man yet could he not be perferred before Peter the most blessed Prince of the Apostles to whome our Lord sayd thou art Peter and vpon this rock I wil buyld my Churche hel gates shal not preuayle against it and to thee I wil geue the Keyes of the Kingdome of heauen when Wilfrid had sayd this King Oswy who had ben brought vp by the Scots and infected with their schisme asked Colman wheather he could proue that so great autority was geuen to Columba and Colman answered no and do you on both syds sayth the King grant without controuersy that this was sayd principally to Peter and that the Keyes of the Kingdome of heauen were geuen him by our Lord and both parts answered yea nay then quoth the King merily I assure yow I wil not in any thing contradict that porter but as farre as my knowledge and power shal extend I wil obey his commaundments least perhaps when I shal come to heauen and haue him my enemy that keepeth the keyes no man wil open me the gates The King hauing sayd thus all that were present both litle and great sayth saynt Bede allowed therof and yeilded to receiue the Catholyke custome of keeping Easter on the sunday Thus wee see this great controuersy ended also in England neere a thousand yeres agoe by the autority of the sea Apostolyke so that to returne to Pope Victor wee may truly say he had the victory or rather that saynt Peeter by him and his successors vanquished all such as opposed themselues to this traditiō of the Roman Churche Seing then in the tyme of K. Lucius the Bishops of Rome both claymed and exercised supreme authority ouer all
of their primacy in causes ecclesiastical Seing then your religion so far as it is distinct from others hath no other ground then reason of state I doubt not but yf the matter were wel examined what God they beleeued in that persuaded her Ma tie therto or yow and your fellowes that manitayne it vpon the same reason and by such vnchristian practises as yow do yow would be found to be coÌ„preheÌ„ded in the third diuisioÌ„ of varro who said that 3. kynds of men had three different kynds of Gods the Poëts one the Philosophers an other and statists or Polityks a third that euery one of them had a different religion according to the difference of their Gods as that the religion of the Poets was fabulous the other of the Philosophers natural the third of the Statists polityke and accomodated to gouernment And this is that which yow professe For the God yow beleeue in is the Prince your scriptures are the actes of Parliament your religion is to conserue the state persas uefas and therfore as all good Christians do measure the reason of state by religion which is the true rule and the end therof and from the which it cannot in reason dissent or disagre so yow on the other syde reduce and frame religion to your fals reason of state and by that meanes peruert all the order both of nature and grace preferring the body before the soule temporal things before spiritual humayn before deuine earth before heauen the world before God and which is more yow subiect both earth heauen body soule the world yea God and all to the priuate pleasure and profit of the Prince as though he were the end the Lord and God of all the world and of nature it self whervpon ensew those monstrous pollicies which wee fee fraught with all frand hipocrisy periuries slauÌ„ders murders and all kynd of cruelty oppression and impiety which haue ruined infinite Kinges with their countries Kingdomes and what they wil bring our poore country vnto in the end tyme wil tel wherto I remit me for as the Italian prouerb sayth La vita il sine â—l di lâ—da La sera the end prayseth the lyfe and the euening the day OF THE TRVE CAVSES OF more moderation vsed in the beginning then afterwards of the difference made by the Lawes betwixt Seminarie and I Mary priests CHAP. XXIII BVt to proceed in your obseruations you go forward to geue example that there is moderation vsed in ecclesiastical causes where matter of state is not mixt with religion saying for els I would gladly learne what should make the difference the temper of the lawes in the first yeare of the Queene and in the 23. and 27. but that at the one tyme they were papists in conscience and at the other they were growne papists in faction or what should make the difference at this day in law betwixt a Queene Marie priest a Seminary priest saue that the one is a priest of suspition and the other a priest of sedition Hereto I answere that because you say you would gladly learne and that I take yow to be of a good wit and docile I wil take paynes to teach you this poynt that you say you would so fayne learne Know you therfore that there were diuers causes of more moderation and lenity vsed for some yeares in the beginning then afterwards yet not those which you speak of and so you shew your self eyther ignorant or malitious in both The first an ordinary rule of state which those great statists that procured this change could not neglect I meane in case of innouation to vse no suddayne violence but to proceed by degrees especially in matter of religion which is seldome changed without tumult and trouble wherof they had seene the experience in the tymes of both the kings Henry and Edward therfore they had great reason to water their wyne at the beginning and to vse moderation at least for some yeares vntil the state and gouernment were setled The second cause was the doctrine of your owne gospellers in Q. Maryes tyme who because some of their folowers were burnt for heresy according to the Canons and lawes of the Churche cryed out that they were persecuted and published in their bookes and sermons that faith ought to be free and not forced that therfore it was against all conscience to punish or trouble men for their religion in which respect the authors of the change that serued themselues of them in the ecclesiastical and pastoral dignityes could not for shame at the very first vse the bloody proceeding which afterwards they did though neuerthelesse they forbore not in the very beginning to imprison and otherwise to afflict all Bishops and cheif pastours and such others as would not subscribe come to their Churches for the which cause I remember that besydes a great number of ecclesiastical and temporal persons some of my owne kindred and familie were called to London and imprisoned in the second yeare of her Maiesties raigne and so remayned prisoners many yeares after The third cause was the vayne hope that those polityks had that a religion so sensual and ful of liberty as theirs authorized with the power of the Prince vpholden with lawes promulgate with all artifice of writers preachers and perswaders would easely within a fewe yeares infinuate it self into the hartes of all men especially of the youth wherby they made accompte that the elder sort being worne out there would be within a fewe yeares litle memorie or none at all left of Catholike religion but when they saw after some yeares experience how much they were deceiued of their expectation and that through the zealous endeauours of the learned English Catholikes abroad learned bookes written Colledges Seminaryes erected priests made and sent in therby infinite numbers reduced to the vnity of the Catholike Churche not only of the schismatiks that fel at the first eyther by ignorance or for feare but also of the ProtestaÌ„ts themselues and amongst them euen many ministers and principal preachers and none sooner conuerted or more zealously affected to Catholike religion then the yongest and fynest wits wherwith our new Seminaryes beganne to be peopled when those statists I say saw this they thought it then tyme to bestyrre themselues and to persecute in good earnest and yet to do it in such sort as they might if it were possible auoyd the name suspition of persecutors both at home and abroad and therfore they vsed the same pollicy that Iulian the Apostata did of whom S. Gregory Nazianzenus writeth that he professed not externally his impiety with the courage that other persecutors his predecessours were wont to do neyther did he oppose himself against our faith lyke an Emperour that would gayne honour in shewing his might and power by open oppression of the Catholyks but made warre vpon them in a cowardly and base maÌ„ner couering
that he procured at one tyme for the Seminary at Doway erected by my Lord Cardinal the pacification of the scandalous tumults in the English Colledge at Rome atteÌ„pted by diuers in vayne and reserued as it should seeme by almighty God to him for the testimony of his wisdome and vertue the present gouernment of the sayd Colledge in such tranquility vnity loue such aeconomy discipline and such exercyse of all vertue and learning that it serueth for an example spectacle to all Rome so that all our Seminaries which are now the honour and hope of our afflicted Churche and in tyme wil be the bane of heresy in England haue either ben erected or releeued and repayred or otherwyse exceedingly benefited by him and yf wee consider withall the great care and paynes he hath taken in all this the many long and tedious iourneys to strange and remote countryes the difficulties he hath past by contradiction and opposition somtymes of great parsonages and the prudence longaminity and patience he hath shewed in all and if wee ad therto his religious lyfe so examplar for all kynd of vertue that those which maligne him most can fynd nothing iustly to reprehend therin and therfore to haue somewhat to say against him are fayne either to inueÌ„t manifest lyes such as here I haue touched or els to calumniate his good woorkes with vayne surmises vncharitable suspitions and fals interpretations from which kynd of calumniation neither the innocency of Gods saints nor yet the prefection of our Sauiour himself could be free lastly if with all this wee consider concurrence and manifest assistance of almighty God to his endeuours in the progresse of Catholyke religion in England aduanced â—otably as all men see no lesse by his bookes and other labours then by his Seminaries wee may euidently conclude â—â—ree things the first that God hauing of his infinit mercy and prouidence determined to repayre the wracked walles of our Hierusalem hath raysed him for a special meanes and instrument therof geuing him for that end extraordinary graces and blessings as wel of credit with Princes abroad as also of singuler zeale prudence fortitude longanimity patience and other vertues requisit to so heroycal and excellent a woork and no maruel seeing that for the buylding of his material tabernacle he bestowed vpon some of his people extraordinary gyfts of caruing grauing and woorking in wood or metal all kynd of woork wherof they had no skil before The second coÌ„clusion of these premisses is that it is not possible but that he beeing employed by almighty God in the seruice of his Churche so particulerly and with such fruit as wee see shal be impugned calummated persecuted by Gods enemies for the deuil seking by all meanes to ouerthrow the Churche of God employeth all his instruments and dischargeth the rage of his fury cheefly against those that are the cheef pillers and vpholders thereof The third last poynt is that yf he stil continue to the end and coÌ„summate his cours according to his beginning and proceedings hetherto as by Gods grace he wil he shal not only gayne an eternal crowne of glory in heauen but also leaue to all posterity an euerlasting fame of his Apostolical labours and much the rather for the contradiction hatred and persecution that he receiueth at the hands of Gods enemies which already maketh him famous throughout Christendome and wil euer remayn for an euident argument of his great vertue and merits Thus much I haue thought good to touch breefly and truly here to serue for a counterpeyse to the multitude of malitious slanders that O. E. heapeth vpon him in his two lybels the particular answere whereof I leaue to one that hath vndertaken the same meaning only for my part to examin here a litle furder how truly he auoucheth that none are put to death in England for religion which besydes former examples and many reasons alleadged in my Apology almost euery mannes experience in England may conuince for a notable vntruthe by the martirdome of those which haue suffred in diuers parts within these 3. yeres since the Apology was written EXAMPLES OF DIVERS Catholykes executed since the Apology was written for the same causes that the martirs were put to death in the primatiue Churche and of the great iniustice donne to two Priests condemned at Lincolne by Iudge Glanduyle CHAP. III. I Appeale to the remembrance of al those that were present at the araignment of M. Rigby a lay Gentleman in the yere 1600. whether there was any thing concerning matter of state or the least suspition thereof layd to his charge who being no way accused or called in question for any matter whatsoeuer but comming to the sessions at Newgate of meere charity to excuse the aparance of a Catholyke gentlewoman that was sick was examined of his religion and condemned within a few dayes after for being a reconcyled Catholyk wherof neuertheles he might haue ben discharged yf he would haue consented but only to haue gon to the Churche which was offred him both before the Iury gaue their verdiâ— and also after Further-more what matter of state was so much as obiected to M. Palaser the priest or to M. Talbot and to M. Iohn Norton condemned and executed the same yeare at Durham the first only for being a priest and the other two for hauing ben aquaynted with him not detecting him or to a vertuous wydow the last yere at York for harboring a priest called M. Christopher whartoÌ„ who was executed also with her or to M rs lyne the last yere at London for hauing receiued priests against whome no matter of state but only their religion and priesthood was proued which was also most euident in M. Iohn Pibush M. Mark Barkwoorth at London the last yere M. Robert Nutter M. Edward Thwing M. Thurstan Hunt M. Midleton at Lancaster as also in the case of M. Filcock now this yeare M Harrison at York all of them martyred only for beeing Catholyke Priests and a lay man for hauing receiued the foresaid N. Harrison into his house Therfore can O. E. or any man be so impudent to say that these lay men women dyed not for religion or that the priests for whose cause they were condemned or the other here mentioned were traytors in any other sorte or sence then were the priests of the primatiue Churche accounted in lyke manner rebels and traytors only for doing the function of Christian Catholyke Priests as appeareth in the story of the blessed S. Alban the protomartyr of Britany who was charged by the Iudge to haue receiued into his house conueyghed away rebellem and sacrilegum sacerdotem a trayterous and sacrilegious Priest for that he put on the Priests apparel and so offred himself to be taken by the searchers that the Priest might escape for the which
poynts which I haue handled what hath alwayes bin the doctrin of the Churche of God concernâ—ng the same and that therfore King Lucius could receiue no other froÌ„ the Catholyke RomaÌ„ Churche by the which he was conuerted to the Christian fayth and yf I thought it needful to rip vp euery other particuler point controuersed betwyxt our aduersaries and vs I could easely shew the same in euery one But what needeth it seing they cannot proue that any Pope I wil not say from S. Eleutherius to S. Gregory but from S. Peter to Clement the eight that now gouerneth the Churche hath taught and decreed any different doctrin from his predecessors whereas on the other syde wee shew euidently that in a perpetual succession of our Roman Bishops there hath ben also a continual succession of one the selfe same doctrin where vpon it followeth infalibly that King Ethelbert and the English could not receiue from S. Gregory the Pope any other fayth then King Lucius and the britans receiued from saynt Eleutherius and that wee which now hold communion with the Roman Churche teache no other doctrin then that which was taught by them to our ancestors and hath successiuely come from S. Peter consequently from our Sauiour Christ. Therefore thou mayst wel wonder good reader at the impudency of our English ministers that are not a shamed to preache teache the contrary wherby thow mayst also see how lamentable is the case of our poor country wherein such haue the charge and cure of soules as haue not so much as common honesty to say the truth in matters as cleare as the Sunne and teach such a religion as for lack of better reasons and arguments they are forst to mayntayne it with manifest lyes slanders yea and murders of innocent men whome they execute for fayned crymes vnder colour of matter of state acknowledging therby sufficiently the truth of our Catholyk fayth seing they are ashamed to aâ—ow that they trooble any man for it whyles they confesse that they punish and put to death heretykes namely the Anabaptists directly for their religion and their impudency is so much the more notorious for that their publyk proceedings in the dayly execution of penal and capital lawes touching only matter of religion doth contradict and conuince their sayings and writings wherein they affirme that they put none to death for religion But for as much as I haue treated this matter at large in diuers partes of my Apology besydes that I vnderstand that some others also entend to treate thereof in the answere of a ridiculous challenge made by O. E. fraught with most absurd paradoxes as wel concerning this poynt as others touching our Catholyke fayth I remit thee good reader therto and so conclude this treatys beseeching almighty God to geue our aduersaries the light of his grace and vs in the meane tyme pacience and constancy and to thee indifferency to iudge of maters so much importing the eternal good and saluation of thy soule which I hartely wish no lesse then my owne FINIS A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS OF THIS TREATISE THE preface wherein are declared the causes of the long delay of printing the Apology and withall is noted the impudency of a late wryter in England disguysing his name with the letters O. E. who auoweth the fiction of Squyres employment for a truth and affirmeth that none are put to death in England for religion An Answere to two malitious slanders auowched in the foresayd libels concerning the conquest of England falsly supposed to be pretended sollicited by the Catholyks touching the late enterprise of the King of Spayne in Ireland Also concerning sir VVilliam Stanley and the Iesuits calumniated by the lybellers CHAP. 1. Concerning father Parsons in particular and that the extreame malice that the heretyks beare him is an euident argument of his great vertue CHAP. 2. That the Catholykes are persecuted martyred now in England for the same causes that the martyrs dyed in the primatiue Churche and of the great iniustice donne to two Priests condemned at Lincolne by Iudge Glanduile CHAP. 3. Of the impudeÌ„cy of a minister who being present at the death of the two martyrs aforesaid affirmed publykly that our country was conuerted by saynt Augustin the monk to the protestants religion by occasion where-of the truth of that poynt is euidently declared CHAP. 4. Of the first conuersion of our country whyles it was called Britany in the tyme of King Lucius with euideÌ„t proofes that our Catholyk fayth was then preached and planted there CHAP. 5. The same is coÌ„firmed proued out of Gildas the sage Ca. 6. Certayne poynts of controuersy are discussed whereby it is proued that King Lucius receiued our Catholyke fayth and first of the Popes supremacy in Ecclesiasticall causes CHAP. 7. That our Sauiour made S. Peter supreme head of the churche CHAP. 8. That the successors of saynt Peter to wit the Bishops of Rome succeed him in the supremacy of the Churche CHAP. 9. That the Bishops of Rome exercised supreme autority in the tyme of King Lucius CHAP. 10. The matter of holy Images is debated and the vse thereof proued to haue ben in the Churche of God euer since our Sauiours tyme. Chap. 11. The commandment of God touching Images is explicated the practise of the Churche declared Chap. 12. Concerning the relicks of saynts and the reuerend vse thereof Chap. 13. That our doctrin concerning the sacrifice of the Masse was generaly receiued and beleeued in the tyme of King Lucius and first that it was foretold and prophecyed by Malachias Chap. 14. That not only the sacrifice of Melchisedech but also all the sacrifices of the old law were figures of the sacrifice of the masse and are changed into the same and by the way is declared the necessity of sacrifice as wel for common welth as for religion Chap. 15. That our Sauiour Christ instituted and offred at his last supper the sacrifice of his blessed body and blood proued by his owne woords by the expositions of the Fathers with a declaration how he is sacrificed in the masse and lastly that he gaue commission and power to his Disciples to offer his body and blood in sacrifice that is to say to say the Masse Chap. 16. That the Apostles practised the commission geuen them by our Sauiour sacrificing or saying Masse them-selues and leauing the vse and practise thereof vnto the Churche that the ancient Fathers not only in King Lucius tyme but also for all the first 500. yeares afeer Christ taught it to bee a true sacrifice and propitiatory for the liuing for the dead Chap. 17 An answere to the obiections of our aduersaries out of S. Paules epistle to the Hebrewes with a declaration that the heretyks of this tyme that abolish the sacrifice of the Masse haue not the new testameÌ„t of Christ and that they shew themselues to be most pernicious enemies of humain kynd Chap. 18.
men amongst the protestātes themselues haue noted heretofore But now comming hether to Rome and seing the matter reuiued and mightyly vrged to the preiudice of all Catholykes by 2. seueral lybels composed lately in England the one by an heretical minister ashamed of his name and therfore Sutly shrowding it vnder a fals Visar of O. E. and the other written very lately by a puritan as it seemeth calling himself Thomas Diggs I haue determined to set out my apology for the ful satisfaction of all indifferent men in this poynt wherto I am moued the rather for that I haue also sufficiently treated therin some other matters handled by O. E. who laboureth to proue that all the persecution which Catholykes haue hetherto suffred is iustly to be ascribed to their treasonable attēpts besydes that he is not ashamed to affirme that none haue bē put to death in all her maiestyes raigne for matter of religion which impudent assertion of his I haue so sufficiently confuted in my sayd apology as no more needeth to be sayd in that matter Neuertheles vpon this new occasion giuen by him I haue thought good to prefix this treatise to thesaid Apology to giue thee good reader some more particular satisfaction concerning this point and first to answere sincerely and truly vpon my owne knowlege an other slanderous and malitious conceit of his touching the il affection as he supposeth of diuers principal Catholykes to their country and therefore for as much as I intend also vpon occasions that may be offred to debate and discusse in this treatise some pointes of Catholyke religion now in controuersy and withal to cleare our doctrine in those pointes from certaine malitious slanders of our aduersaries I haue thought good to entytle the whole A defence of the Catholyke cause Wherein I make no doubt but that thow wilt easely note good reader amongst many other thinges the inconsideration of our aduersaries in that they are not content only to wrong vs in our goodes and persons by extreme iniustice vsed towards vs but also to wound vs so deeply in our fame by their calumniatious and slanderous lybels and reportes that they force vs much against our willes to lay open to the world their shameful and vnchristian proceedings in defence of our owne innocencie and for the honor of our cause which not only all lawes of God nature and nations do allow and permit but also conscience vrgeth and byndeth vs vnto in this case For although priuate men may somtymes with great merit suffer themselues to be slaundered without contradiction when no furder detrimēt ensueth thereof then the losse of their owne fame or their particular hurt yet when the same is ioyned with other mennes harme or with a publyke damage espetialy of religion they cannot without offence to God neglect or omit their owne iust defence Therefore I hope no man wil blame mee or other Catholykes in lyke case for offring iust purgation of our selues and our cause though it bee with the reproch of them that slander vs vt obstruatur os loquentium iniqua that the mouthes of calumniators may bee stopped And whereas the same may seeme to redound to some disgrace or dishonor of the state by reason of the publyke authority pretence of her maiesties seruice wherewith our aduersaries do comonly couer and colour all their malitious actions I purpose for my parte to vse in this my defence such due respect to the state to the supreme gouernours thereof I meane her Maiestie and the honorable Lordes of her counsel that I hope to auoyd all iust cause of offence and giue ample testimony of the loyalty of a moste dutiful subiect discouering to her Maiestie and their honors by way of humble complaint the great abuse offred by our aduersaries no lesse to them then to vs as wil more particularly appeere in my Apologie directed and dedicated to the Lordes of the councel AN ANSWER TO TVVO MALITIOVS SLANDERS CONCERNING the conquest of England falsly supposed to be pretended and solicited by the Catholykes and touching the late enterprise of the king of Spayne in Ireland Also concerning Sir VVilliam Stanley CHAP. I. AMONGST many malitious slanders wherwith O. E. and other heretyks seek to make vs and our cause odious to all men one of the principalest is that wee desyre and conspyre the cōquest of our countrey by the king of Spayne wherewith they charge not only F. Parsons and the Iesuytes but also other English Catholykes that haue serued and serue the Catholyke king in which respect I cannot forbeare to testify the truth of my knowledge in this poynt hauing had sufficiēt meanes and occasion to vnderstand what hath ben treated with the Catholike kings of Spayne by any of our nation since the yeare of our Lord 1589. at what tyme I passed from the court of France by reason of the troubles there to the seruice of their Catholike Maiesties whome I haue serued euer since and for some yeres together in the court of Spayne vntil now of late that I retyred my selfe from thence to Rome to satisfy my priuate deuotiō by dedicating the rest of my declyning dayes to the seruice of God in an ecclesiastical function Therfore I here protest vpon my conscience not only in my owne behalf but also in the behalf of F. Parsons and the English Catholykes that serue his Catholyke Maiesty that our dealings haue bin so contrary to that which is imputed vnto vs that we haue donne farre better offices for our country in this poynt then the malice of our aduersaries suffereth them to suppose For hauing wel considered that the breach of amity betwyxt her Maiestie and the Catholike king growing dayly by sundry acts of hostility on both parts to an implacable quarrel might moue him to seek the conquest of our country wherof his puissant preparations in the yere 88. gaue no smalle suspition to the world and not hauing any hope to be able to diswade his Maiestie from seeking some sharp reuenge of the attempts made against him by sea and land wherto not only reason of state but also respect of his reputation and honour seemed to oblige him wee determined to do our vttermost endeuour so to temper and qualify the same as it might not turne to any conquest of our country To which purpose sir Francis Englefield whylst he liued Father Parsons Fa. Creswel and my self haue at dyuers tymes represented to his Matie of glorious memory many important reasons to perswade him that it was not conuenient for him to seek the conquest of England nor probable eyther that he could conquer it or yet if he were able to do it that he could long keep it in subiection and this wee haue vrged so oft and with such pregnāt reasons as wel to his Matie that now is as to his father of glorious memory that I verely beleeue that if they euer had any inclination or resolutiō
doing other workes of deuotion as I declared before he addeth mansit haec Christi capitis membrorum consonantia suauis donec Arriana perfidia c. this sweet consonance or agreement of the members of Christ the head remayned vntil the Arrian heresy spread her poyson there and although he insinuat as saynt Bede also doth that afterwards the people became new fangled and embraced other heresyes meaning no dout the Pelagian heresy which as I haue shewed before out of S. Bede was quickly extinguished there yet afterwards he signifieth playnly that neither the Arrian nor Pelagian nor any other heresy took root in Britany and that the Churche was cleare therof after the coÌ„ming in of the Saxons about the tyme of his byrth which was in the yere of our Lord 594. for speaking of the tyme and of the ouerthrow geuen by Ambrosius Aurelianus to the Saxons and Picts and of the great slaughter of them shortly after at blackamore in York-shire which as Polidore supposeth is called in Gildas mons Badonicus he sayth that the people hauing noted the punishment of God vpon them for their sinnes and his mercy in giuing them afterwards so greate victories ob hoc reges publici priuati sacerdotes ecclesiastics suum quique ordinem seruauerunt for this cause saith hee the Kings and others as wel publik as priuat personâ—â— Priests and ecclesiastical men did euery one their dutyes and although he declare presently after that by the extreame negligence of their Kings and gouernours ecclesiastical and temporal which immediatly succeded greate corruption was entred at the same tyme that he wrote yet it is euident ynough in him that it was not corruption of fayth but of manners as pryd ambition dissolutioÌ„ of lyfe droÌ„kenesse lying periury tyranny in the Kings simony couetousnesse in the clergy sildome sacrifices breach of vowes of chastity and of monastical lyfe profaning of altars and such lyke for the which he threatneth and as it were prophesyeth the vtter destruction of Britany which shortly after followed so that amongst other things which he was persuaded brought the plague of God vpon our country we see he taxed certayne customes peculiar to our aduersaries and the proper fruits of their religion tending only to the ouerthrow of ours therfore it playnly appeareth that ours was then in vre and receiued detriment by those who though they were not protestants in profession yet were protestants in humour and condition I meane profaners of Altars and holy things breakers of vowes of chastity and Apostatats from religious and monastical lyfe such as Luther and many of his followers haue ben since And now to come to later tymes after Gildas yf we consider the relicks of Christian religion which saynt Augustine found in Britany amongst other things the great monastery of Bangor wherein were aboue two thowsand monks it wil be manifest that the ancient religion of the Britains was our Catholike fayth for although in the space of a hundreth seuenty and three yeres that passed from the comming in of the Saxons vntil their conuersion the Britain Church was not only much decayed but also had receiued some aspersion of erronious and euil customes yet in fayth and opinion they diffred not from S. Augustine insomuch that he offred to hold communion with them if they would concurre with him in three things only the first in the tyme of celebrating the feast of easter the second in the manner of administring the sacrament of Baptisme and the third in preaching the faith to the Saxons all which the monkes of Bangor refused vpon no better reason then for that S. Augustine did not ryse to them when they came to the synod condemning him therefore to be a proud man notwithstanding that he had restored a blynd man to sight by his prayers in the presence of all the Bishops and clergy of Britany who vndertooke to do the lyke in confirmation of their customes but could not performe it Therfore as saynt Bede reporteth S. Augustine did foretel to the sayd Monkes of Bangor that seing they would not haue peace with their brethren they should haue warre with their enemies and yf they would not preach vnto the English nation the way of lyfe they should by their hands receiue reuenge of death which after was truly fulfilled for Edelfrid a pagan King of NorthumberlaÌ„d killed a thousand two hundred Monkes of that monastery at one tyme by the iust iudgement of God as saynt Bede sayth for their obstinacy Thus much for this matter wherby thou mayst see good reader that saynt Augustine found in wales amongst the Britains the same religion faith in substance that he then preached to the English or Saxons and which we Catholykes stil professe which being considered with that which I haue proued before concerning the continual practise therof in the primatiue Church of Britany whyles the same was in purity and integrity no man that hath common sence can dout that the same fayth was deliuered by Pope Eleutherius to King Lucius and generally professed throughout Christendom at those dayes in which respect we fynd honorable mention and testimony of the faith of the Britains in the Fathers both Greekes and Latins from the tyme of their conuersion as in Tertulian in K. Lucius tyme and in Origen presently after in S. Athanasius and S. Hilarius in the tyme of the Arrians of which two the first testifieth that the Bishops of Britany came to the councel of Sardica and the other commendeth the Britan Church for reiecting the Arrian heresy as I haue noted before also in S. Chrisostome and saynt Hierom who commendeth the deuotion of the Britans that came to Bethlem in pilgrimage in his dayes about the same tyme that the Saxons entred into Britany CERTAINE POINTS OF CONTROUERSY are discussed wherby it is prooued that King Lucius receiued our Catholyke fayth and first of the Popes supremacy in Ecclesiastical causes CHAP. VII BVT to the end that this vndouted truth may be cleared of all dout I wil ioyne Issue with our aduersaries vpon some two or three poynts now in controuersy betwyxt vs and them and breefly proue that the doctrin that we teach concerning the same was publykly held for truth throughout Christendome in King Lucius dayes and that therfore he could receiue no other then the same from the Church of Rome and this I vndertake the more willingly for that albeit all matters of controuersy haue ben very learnedly and sufficiently handled yea and whole volumes written of them by our English Catholykes in the beginning of her maiestyes raygne yet by reason of the strayt prohibition of the sayd bookes there are an infinit number in England especially of the younger sort that neuer saw the same to whome I desyre to giue in this treatyse at least some litle tast of the truth of our Catholyke religion so farre as my determined breuity wil permit First
offertur â—ome sayth saynt Ambros 〈◊〉 recipiens passionem offers se ipse quasi sacerdos he is offred as maâ— and as receiuing or 〈◊〉 his passionâ— and he offreth him-selfe as Priest in which respect he is both Priest and sacrifice as wel now on the altar as he was in his passion vpon the crosse though for our greater comfort he vseth also therein the interuention and ministery of Priests who being nothing els but his instruments and exercysing all one Priestly function vnder him their head do all pertayne to that one aeternal Priest-hood of Christ according to the order of Melchisedech which as Lactantius sayth must of necessity be in the Churche Iesus Christ sayth he being a Priest did make for him-selfe a great aeternal temple that is to say the Churche in quo templo aeternum sacerdotium habeat necesse est sâ—cundum ordinem Melchisedech in which temple he must needs haue an aeternal Priest-hood according to the order of Melchisedech so that the vnity of Christs priest-hood is not impeached by the multitude of his ministers no more then the vnity of a Kings monarchy by the multitude of his inferiour officers by whome he gouerneth And as for the multitude of masses which our aduersaries carp at as reiected by S. Paule the Fathers of the Churche shal answer for vs S. Chrisostome expouÌ„ding this epistle of S. Paule answereth this very same obiection that our aduersaries make agaynst vs This sacrifice sayth he is an example of that sacrifice vpon the crosse for wee alwayes offer the very self same thing not now one lambe and another to morrow but the very same therefore this is one sacrifice for otherwyse because it is offred in many places there should be many Christs thus farre saynt Chrysostome The very same argument and reason and the very lyke woords vseth saynt Ambrose to proue the vnity of this sacrifice and concludeth non enim aliud sacrificium sicut pontifex veteris legis sed idipsum semper offerimus we offer not an other or different sacrifice as did the Bishop of the old law but wee alwayes offer the self same Also Primasius the diuinity sayth he of the sonne of God which is euery where doth cause that they be not many sacrifices but one though they be offred by many it causeth in lyke manner that it is that body which was conceaued in the virgins wombe and not many bodyes as also that it is but one sacrifice and not dyuers as were the sacrifices of the Iewes Thus sayth he We read the very same in substance in Theopilaâ—â—us Oâ—cumenius Sedulius Haymo and others that haue written vpon saynt Paules epistle to the Hebrewes of whome the meanest may in any indifferent mannes iudgement counteruayl all the sectaryes of this tyme who framing new fantasies of their owne braynes or reuiuing old heresyes are forced for the mayntenance therof to wring and wrest the holy scriptures from the meaning of the holy ghost to their priuat sence and to coÌ„demne the iudgement of all the ancieÌ„t â—athers of the Churche who liuing in such tymes as these matters were not in controuersy can not be suspected of parciality and much lesse of ignorance of the scriptures seing their learned commentaries and expositions thereof geue sufficient testimony of their continual trauails labours therin besydes that their most vertuous lyues led in continual prayer pance and religious discipline for the which the Christian world admireth and honoreth them as great seruants of God and saynts is a sufficient argumeÌ„t that God rather assisted them with his spirit in the vnderstaÌ„ding of the scripture then Martin Luther Zwinglius Beza Caluin and such other flagitious and wicked apostatats whose vicious and leud lyues whereof the world is yet a witnes do manifestly declare with what kynd of spirit they were possessed Therefore he that would leaue the general consent of al the ancient fathers to follow the phantastical or rather phrenetical opinions of these new fangled fellowes deserueth to be deceiued and can haue no excuse of wilful blyndnes eyther before God or the world But now to conclude this question concerning the sacrifice of the Masse I draw out of all the premisses 4. conclusions The first is that which at the first I vndertook to proue to wit that the oblation of the blessed body and blood of our Sauiour Iesus Christ which wee caul the Masse ys the proper sacrifice of the new testament prophesied by Malachias prefigured by the sacrifice of Melchisedech promised instituted and offred by our Sauiour practised by his Apostles and by the Churche euer since The second is that it is propitiatory not only for the liuing but also for the dead The third that the heretykes of this tyme that contradict abolish the same hold not the law of the new Testament instituted by Christ seing they haue not the proper priesthood and sacrifice therof without the which the sayd law and Testament cannot be S. Paule teaching such a necessary concurrence of the one with the other that he affirmeth that the priesthood being translated the law must also of necessity be translated as I haue shewed before therfore seeing they haue not this priesthood and sacrifice it followith they haue not the law and Testament of Christ which can not be without the same The fourth poynt that followeth of the premisses is that they are most pernicious enemies of humainkind seing they labour to depriue vs of the most souerain remedy that God of his infinit goodnes hath left vs for the reparation of our dayly wracks by sinne and for the consolation both of the quick and the dead for which cause the old Christians in the persecutions vnder Dioclesian being persecuted for hearing masse as wee are now as I haue shewed in the beginning of this treatise answered the tyrants that the masse was spes salus que Christiantum the hope and health or saluation of Christians and that therfore they could not forgo it the reason whereof I haue declared before to wit for that therby are aplyed vnto vs the fruits of our Sauiours passion which is not only represented but also dayly renewed in the sacrifice of the masse as witnesseth saynt Gregory so often sayth he as wee offer the host of his passion so often wee renew his passion and as saynt Cyprian sayth passio Domini est sacrificium quod offerimus the sacrifice which wee offer is the passion of our Lord Lastly Martialis the most ancient martir and Disciple of Christ sayth that which the Iewes did sacrifice vpon the Altar of the crosse wee do propose on the sanctified altar for our saluation knowing that by that only remedy lyfe is to be geuen vs and death to be eschewed thus far the blessed martyr This remedy I say the heretykes of these our dayes doe seek by their pestilent doctrin to take from vs yea and do in deed
in example of all others to the end that the lyke be not committed hereafter OF THE TORMENTORS and their manner of proceeding against law and conscience CHAP. IIII. SEEING such are their examinatioÌ„s what maruail is yt though their torments be no lesse exorbitaÌ„t which they giue commonly to Catholykes without accuser or witnes and without measure or certayne number as of late yeares to omit other examples was euident in two rare gentlemen Priests and religious learned fathers Southwel and Walpoole whom they tormented the one 10. and the other 14. tymes though they had neyther accuser nor witnes nor iust presumption of other matter against them then their religion for the which only they were after condemned and executed whereas by the ciuil law a man cannot be tormented except their be proofes against him Luce clariâ—ra as Baldus sayth clearer then the Sunne it self testified at least by one witnes omni exceptione maior against whome no exception can be takeÌ„ that eyther hath seene the cryme coÌ„mitted or otherwayes vnderstood it as certaynly as though he had seene it in which torment also a certayne moderation is praescribed which is not lawful for the Iudge to exceed as it shal not be reiterated but when new proofes are presented and as some lawyers say more pregnant then the first and that the partie tormented be neyther killed nor lamed therwith neyther yet that any other kynd of torture be vsed then ordinarie in so much that the Doctors do maruelously enueigh against such Iudges as inuent newe manners of torments calling them caâ—nifices and not Iudices hangmen and not Iudges Likewise the Canonists do teach that it is a mortal sinne for a Iudge to geue torment without sufficient witnesse and euidence or to exceed the number of measure praescribed by the law so that it dependeth not vpon the wil of the Iudge nor yet is it the lawful power of a Prince to dispeÌ„ce therewith or to command it to be downe in other manner as some very learned Cyuilians haue signified vnto kings and princes in some cases and occasions as them-selues haue written therfore the ciuil lawe worthelie ordayneth paenaem capitis payne of death against the Iudges which geue torment without sufficient proofes and appoynteth other greiuous punishments for them that obserue not the praescript and ordinaÌ„ce of the law in geuing the same wherein I report my selfe to the Doctors of the Arches and M. of the chancery that are Ciuilians and canonists who caÌ„not be ignorant of their lawes in this point Wherby your lordship may vnderstand what they deserue that torment the Catholyks vpoÌ„ their owne braynes and bare suspitions without any proof or witnes in the world that with such extremety as they lame some and kil others and with such deuilish deuises as amongst Christians hath not bene hard of whereof I could alleadge some lamentable examples of Priestes hanged vp by rhe meÌ„bers or priuy partes as of M. Tho. Pormort and M. George Beesley but especialy of M. Francis Dikenson of whose torments I think good to relate some perticulers omitting to auoyd prolixitie the stories of the others It is not many yeares since the said M. Francis Dikenson Priest was taken and committed to prison by one of the persecutors who seing him to be a very proper yong man in the flower of his age and imagining that he might quickly ouerthrow him by the sinne of the flesh found meanes to haue a woman conueyed to his bed who being repelled by him and the enemy seing that the practise took no effect but came to be knowne not only to all those that were in prison but also to many others abroad to the commendation of the Priests chastitie and honour of the Catholyke Religion he was so inceÌ„sed against him that he caused him to be haÌ„ged vp first by the priuie partes which he made to be pearsed in diuers places with whote yrons and after by the hands vntil he was half dead and then called in many to see his sayd priuie partes inflamed and rankled with the burning of the whote yrons saying vnto them after they were gone foorth agayne behold this chaste Priest how he hath dressed and spoyled himselfe with naughty women and not content therewith caused him also to be araygned and executed for being a Priest without hauing any other matter against him which kynd of cruelty tending to the ouerthrow both of soule body honour and all can hardly be matched I think with any example of the old heathen persecutours of the primitiue Churche This I haue thought good to represent to your Lordships as wel that it may please yow of your wisedomes piety to haue an eye hereafter vnto such proceedings as also that your honours may conceyue what such merciles men as these might make so weak a man as Squyre was to say or do to the preiudice of himself and others and yf neuerthelesse they haue wrought the lyke effect God be thanked but in very fewe of that great numbers of Catholykes that haue past their handes in this our persecution it is not to be ascribed to any other thing els but to the miraculous assistance that God for his owne glorie hath geuen and geueth to these witnesses of his truth no lesse then he did in tymes past to the ancient martyrs THAT THE COMMON lawes of England do not admit torment in tryal of cryminal causes for the condemnation of the delinquent CHAP. V. BVT now to proceed with the matter of Squyre our lawmakers wysely considering the great incoÌ„ueniences that grow of the secret tryal of causes by torment the danger of errour the corruption of iustice the circumuention of the party accused the slaunder and calumniation of the innocent and lastlie the smal ground that is to be made vpon a confession wrong out by the rack not only ordayned the publike tryal which we haue in vse but also excluded all torment from the same admitting onely the testimony of lawful and sufficient witnesses which being had the partie is condemned in our law though he neuer confesse the cryme so that the confession being not material or necessarie for condemnation as in other countreys it is torment which serueth only to extort the same is superfluous for where the effect is not necessarie the cause is also needles And yf our law forbiddeth not or perhaps ordayneth the vse of torment in matters of conspiracy against the Prince and state it is to be vnderstood that it is not to the end to force the partie to confesse for his condemnation but for the bolting out of the bottome and circumstances of the matter to know all the confâ—derates for the praeuention of the dauÌ„ger which may ensewe to the common welth for otherwyes I must needes say that our lawe should be contrary to it selfe and that the daunger of errour and of corruption of Iustice which our lawmakers sought to preuent by our
in matters of lyfe and death much more is it needful in our Law wherin ignorant and simple men are to determine the cause and yf we do not say that this was the intention of our Lawmakers that ordayned our Iuries we cannot with reason defend eyther them or their lawes in this behalf nor excuse them from exceeding great absurdities and iniurious proceeding THAT THE EVIDENCE against Squyre was not sufficient in Law to geue him torment that therfore his confession extorted therby was voyd in Law and his condemnation vniust CHAP. VIII BVT some perhaps wil say that although these two testimonies of the priuie councelour and of Stanley were not sufficient in Law to condemne Squyre yet they suffised to geue suspition of the matter and to make him apprehended examined and tormented wher-vpon ensewed his confession which being ratified after by himself at the barre was a sufficient warrant to the iurie to fynd him guilty and to the Iudges to pronounce sentence against him of death as they did For satisfaction of this poynt I wil brieflie prooue first that this euidence was not sufficient to geue Squyre torment secondly that his confession vpon torment was voyd in Law and lastlie that his ratification therof at the barre could not reualidate the same and although for his purpose I must ayd my selfe of the Ciuil law as hitherto I haue donne for lack of knowledge bookes of our owne lawes yet I am wel assured no wyse and learned common lawyer can reiect the reasons alleadged by the ciuil law as wel for that they are grounded on equitie and conscience in which respect they are receyued and confirmed in lyke manner by the Ecclesiastical and canon lawes of Christendome as also for that our law so farre admitteth the ciuil law that in many cases yt remitteth vs vnto the decision thereof as we may see in matters of testaments and mariages and in diuers cases of the chancerie for which purpose do serue our Arches Admiraltie and M. of the chancery and this must needs haue place much more in this case then in many others for that the tryal by torment properly belongeth to the ciuil law and not to ours which law of ours abhorring as it seemeth the crueltie and rigour of torture doth exclude it from the tryal of coÌ„mon causes as before I haue sayd therfore if in any case it boroweth the vse therof of the ciuil law it must eyther vse it with the same circumstances and conditions or els with more moderation seing it tendeth more to mercie pittie then the other doth Now then to the matter though the ciuil law vseth torment in tryal of criminal causes to force the partie to confesse the cryme yf he wil not voluntarily do yt neuerthelesse yt ordeyneth that it shal be geuen with such circumspection and consideration as yf the forme and circumstances of the law be trulie obserued there is litle daunger or none at all of doing wrong to the party First yt commandeth that the iudge begin not with torment neyther proceed hastely therto but with mature consideration aswel of the qualitie and credit of the partie as of the lykelihood and truth of the cryme obiected Secondlie that the euidence and proofes produced be most manifest as in the 4. Chapter of this treatise I haue sufficiently proued Thirdlie that the witnesses shal be such as no lawful exception can be taken against them And although the Iudge may geue torment with one lawful witnesse that produceth indicium indubitatum as the lawyers tearme it an vndoubted and cleare euideÌ„ce as for example when there is an eye witnesse against whom no exception can be taken for so sayth Bartol yet when the sayd euidence is not so manifest two witnesses at least are required and the same to be contestes that is to say affirming one and the selfsame thing This being true it appeareth that Squyre was tormented against all law for that the matter and euidence that was brought against him was neyther cleare nor yet testified by lawful and sufficieÌ„t witnesse for as for StaÌ„ley besydes that he was subiect to many exceptions aswel of suspition of subornation as also for being his accuser in which respect he could not be a witnesse his euidence was lykewise in it self so defectious that yt could be of no moment or consideration in the world as I haue proued in the 6. Chapter And as for the letter which the priuâ—e councelor testified he had seene it was not proued to be a true and no counterfeyt letter and therfore no such cleare euidence as law requireth to the geuing of torment besydes that yf his honour wil be taken for a witnes yet he was not contestis with Stanley for that they did not testifie both of them one and the self same thing as is needful when the euidence is so weake as this neyther did that letter mention any perticuler act but imployment of Squyre in general for generalities no particuler man can be punished as sayth the law Therfore I conclude that he being tormented vniustlie and against law the confession so extorted could not be of force to condemne him though he ratisied the same afterwards publykly at the barre for all ciuil lawyers do agree that yf the euidence be not sufficient to the geuing of torment yea and also sufficiently proued in such manner as before I haue declared then the confession extorted therby is nuâ—la that is to say to be accompted none at all though the partie should ratifie it a thousand tymes after for so they write yea and further that although after such ratification there should be presented sufficient proofes wherby yt should be manifest that the confession was true yet yt could not be therby reualidate and made good in law for his condemnation though it were in cases of assassinat treason or any other lyke haynous cryme whatsoeuer and this being true in the ciuil law it cannot be contradâ—cted by ours which is more fauorable to lyfe and admitteth no torture in tryal of causes for condemnation nor relyeth so much vpon confession of the partie extorted by torment as vpon sufficient euidence of lawful witnesse which in this case of Squyre was none at all in which respect the Iudges and Iurie hearing him say that he had beene tormeÌ„ted and seing the euidence and witnes insufficient for the geuing of torment ought to haue held his confession and the ratification therof suspected and so to haue at least suspended their iudgment vntil better proofes had beene produced presuming that for as much as he might assure himselfe that all the benefit he should reape by the reuocation of his sayd confession would be but new torments worse then death he resolued himself to ratifie the same and at his death to discharge his conscience and to cleare himself as those which accused me at Bruxels determined to do and as infinite others haue donne in
lyke cases And that this was also his resolution it appeared manifestly at his death at what tyme he vtterly denyed not only the fact and all intention therof but also that he had bene employed to any such end by any man accusing his owne frayltie in that he had for torment belyed himself which being considered with the weaknes of the euidence doth no lesse manifest his innocencie and ours then discouer the impietie of those that enueygled him to bely and slaunder himselfe others wherof I wil speake more hereafter AN EXPOSTVLATION which M. Cook her Maiesties Atturney CHAP. IX FOR as much as I vnderstand that M. Cook her Ma ties Atturney was a principal actor in the tragedy of Squyre and played the part as wel of a kynd as of a kindly cook in seasoning such an vnsauory matter with salt teares and of a notable calumniatour in belying and slandering me with father Walpole and others charging me not only with discouering the matter to Stanley whereof I haue spoken before but also with imparting it to the King my maister of glorious memory making his Ma tie therby an abettour of that imaginary conspiracy I cannot forbeare to answere him breeâ—ly thereto and to debate the matter with himself Therefore good M. Cook how simple â—oeuer yow conceiue me to bee yet I would haue yow to vnderstand that I haue not got so litle experience and skil of Kings humorsâ— in these 15. or 16. yeares that I haue haunted their courts and serued some of them that if I should haue employed Squyre or any man els to kil her Ma tie I would haue acquaynted any king or souerayne Prince therewith whereby they might take me for a Queene or King killer for howsoeuer the act might turne to their benefits or be to their lykings I ame sure they would say with Augustus Caesar I loue the treason but I hate traytour besides that I am not ignorant that they hold it for a necessary poynt of state to mayntayne the soueraigne maiesty of Princes as sacred and iâ—â—â—oâ—able yea though yâ—â—be of their very enemies therefore wheÌ„ Darius was ouerthrowne by Alexander the greate and trayterously killed afterwards by a subiect of his owne called Bessuâ— he recommended the reuenge thereof to no other but to Alexander himself saying that yt was not his particular but the common cause of Kings and matter of necessary example which should be both dishonorable and daungerous for him to neglect in which respect Alexander afterwards reuenged the same not esteeming sayth the story Darius to be so much his enemy as he that slew him This consideration might haue suffised I assure yow M. Cook to with hold me from acquaynting his Ma ie with the matter yf there had ben any such but much more his Ma ties great vertue piety and Iustice so knowen to all the Christian world howsoeuer yow and your fellowes in your hemisphere are ignorant thereof that I know not who durst haue presumed so much as to intimat any such matter to him whose royal harte the very harbour of honour and true magnanimity was no more compatible with murders mischiefs theÌ„ your base mynd is capable of Kingly conceits This shal suffise for answere to your discours of my imparting the matter to the King seing there was no other ground thereof but your owne imagination which was no lesse Idle then your head was addle all that day being the morow after your mariage as I vnderstand when yow were not as yet come to your self hauing left as yt should seeme not only your hart but also your wits at home with my lady your wyfe as yt may wel appeare by the aboundance of teares yow shed in your pittiful pleading where of I cannot but say as Catulus sayd to a bad oratour that hauing employed all his eloquence to moue his audience to pitty asked him his opinion thereof whereto he answered in truth quoth he yow mooued much pitty for there was no man there that thought not both yow your oration much to be pittied and so Sir I may say of yow that no dout yow mooued all wyfe men that were present to pitty yow and to hold yow eyther for the simplest or els the most malitious man that euer occupied your place the simplect if your teares were from the hart the most malitious yf they were fayned For though yow had ben a man of farre lesse vnderstanding in the lawes of England then one that should deserue to be the Queenes Atturney and had not ben employed in the examinatioÌ„ of the cause as by all lykelyhood yow were yet yow could not but note such weakenes insufficiÌ„ency of the euidence such wresting of law and consequently so litle appearence of truth and lesse of her Ma ties daunger that yow could haue no cause of teares except yt were to bewayle the lamentable case of the poore prisoner yea and your owne for being in great part guilty of his blood which if yow saw not but weapt in good earnest for pitty of her Ma tie your law serued yow for litle and your wits for lesse and I dare say there were some on the bench that laught wel in their sleeues to see your simplicity and thought yow were more fit as good a cook as yow are to be a turne spit in the Queenes kiching then her atturney in the kings benche But yf yow saw the poore mannes inocency yet could shed teares lyke the crocodil to his distruction your malice surpassed all that euer I heard of And truly the best that your best friends can conceiue thereof is that it proceeded from some natural infirmity of a moyst and Ide brayne and therefore I would aduise my lady your wyfe hereafter to keep yow at home seing yow haue such a childish trick when yow come abroad to cry for nothing or els to send with yow a nours with an aple to stil yow when yow cry for otherwyse verely yow wil shame your self and your friends and so I leaue yow vntil yow geue me furder occasion which if yow do yow may assure your self that I wil follow the councel of Salomon and answere a fool according to his foolishnes least by other mennes silence he may think himself to be wyse OF THE LIKE SLAVNDERS raysed diuers tymes heretofore against Catholykes and of the concurrence of calumniation and persecution CHAP. X. YOVR lordships haue seene vpon what smal ground or rather none at all Squyre was condemned and we heere slaundered wherby yow may iudge how Iustice is administred now in your Realme by those that are or should be the Ministers therof for the better declaration wherof and the further iustification as wel of vs heere for this matter as also of all Catholykes for the lyke slaunders raysed against them diuers tymes heretofore both at home and abroad I wil be so bould as to represent vnto your Lordships sundry manifest wronges and