that is to Rome saies Balsamon that is to the Pope say we and you will not denie Which how could S. Austen and others haue done I would faine know of you if they had beene perswaded of his vniuersall power ouer the Christian world § 11. Here you cast mysts and fogs and raylings But passing by them as the Moone does by the barking of a curre-dogge let vs take you as you lie You deduct three points from the Bishops words as you say and you call them three lies of his in little more then three lines Vsuall modestie but let vs view your parts The first That the Pope had no further authoritie but ouer the Church of Rome in S. Austens time The second That no man might appeale to Rome out of Africk in those daies The third That S. Austen neuer acknowledged those three Popes Zozimus Bonifacius and Celestinus to be heads of the Church and yet cured S. Peters disease in them The first say you will be cleare by the discussing of the second and the third But how if the Bishop neuer affirmed the first neither is any such thing to be gathered out of his wordes What needes your second and third to refute this Why rather doe you not bend against the second and third for their owne sakes to shew that all Appeales were not cut off by the Fathers out of Africk to Rome or that S. Austen cured the swelling disease in the Popes aforesaid Does not this shew that you neither want impudence and yet want matter since the Bishops words that may sound that way to your first propositiō are only these If euer he be healed viz. the Pope let him be head of the Church of Rome as he was in S. Austens time but let no man appeale c. And is this as much as that the Pope had no authoritie ouer more then Rome whereas the Bishop neither denies his Westerne Patriarkship nor otherwise the great sway that he might iustly carrie throughout the rest of Christendome out of the eminencie of his place especially if ioyned with vertues answerable though still his Diocesse were but particular But as for Appeales what more plaine for the proouing that S. Austen censured all such Appellants out of Africk to the sea of Rome with excommunication then that which we read in the Councel of Milevitum Can. 22. enacted both by him and diuers other Bishops there Whosoeuer shall think fit to appeale beyond the Sea let no person within Africk receiue him to fellowship or to communion First therefore you turne away and will not vnderstand till diuers sections after any such Canon or Councell but tell vs of a letter written to Pope Celestine by the African Bishops which you say was petitorie but containing no Decree nor demand as altogether resting in Celestines pleasure whether he would graunt it or no. I will set downe the words that the truth may be seene Though this I must premise that it was nothing vnbeseeming the holy Fathers to vse reuerēt termes euen of petition and request to Pope Celestine when they sued for no more then their owne right as the Apostle S. Peter and diuers others in the like cases I beseech you brethren abstaine c. Sapientem omnia priùs quà m armis experiri decet it is the old saying and Responsio mollis frang it iram So here Strictè exigo strictè praecipio is for the Pope to his Catholiques whome he makes conies But the words are these Our due salutations remembred and done We entreat and earnestly pray you that hereafter you will not lightly giue audience to those that come from hence to you neither any more receiue such to the communion as we excommunicate because your Reuerence shall easily perceiue that order taken by the Nicene Councell For if there appeare a prouiso for inferiour Clerkes and lay-men how much more would the Synode haue the same obserued in Bishops that beeing excommunicated in their owne Province they should not be suddenly hastily or vnduly restored to the communion by your holinesse And likewise your holines must repell these wicked refuges of Priests and other Clergie men to Rome as becommeth you for that by no determination of the Fathers this is derogated from the Church of Africa and the Nicene Canons doe most euidently commit both inferiour Clergie-men and the Bishops themselues to their owne Metropolitans No doubt they most wisely and rightly prouide that all matters should be ended in the places where they first arose neither shall the grace of the holy Ghost be wanting to any Prouince by the which equitie may be grauely weighed and stoutly followed by the Priests of Christ especially whereas euery man hath libertie if he mislike the iudgement of those that heare his cause to appeale to the Councells of his owne Prouince or to a generall Councell Or how shall the iudgement ouer the Seas at Rome be good whereto the necessarie persons of the witnesses either for sexe or for age or sundrie other impediments cannot be brought FOR THAT ANY SHOVLD BE SENT as Legates FROM YOVR HOLINES SIDE VVEE FINDE DECREED BY NO SYNOD OF THE FATHERS § 12. And be here no words but supplicatorie wil you say When they vrge so vehemently that the Nicene Councel tooke order to the same purpose that causes should not be remooued from place to place alluding to the 5. Canon of that Councell and to the latter end of the fourth doe these men thinke it is a matter of meere graunt or wholly depending of the Popes pleasure when they cal such a refuge a wicked refuge of them that runne to Rome doe they not shew what opinion they conceiue of it Is it in the Popes power to license wickednesse or if it bee nowe was it so then Nay when they say hee must repulse such stragling clients is must a word for suters and suppliants when they tell him in the same passage that it becomes him to stop such holes that wretched men would creepe out at doe they not plainely declare that they haue more confidence in it then in a meere sute or petition onely yea when they vrge againe that the Nicene Councell so ordered and no derogation was euer made to that Canon by any contrary constitution doe they leaue it free to the Pope to yeeld to yea or no No doubt say they they most wisely and rightly prouided that all matters should bee ended in the places where they first arose And would these men haue confest that the Pope might with iustice doe to the contrarie When they tell him That the grace of the holy Ghost is not so fastened to Rome but that it is to be foūd in other Prouinces too by the which equitie may be grauely waighed and stoutly followed by the Priests of Christ doe they not priuily taxe him for fondly ouerweening his owne sea if he thinke matters cannot bee ended at home without his interposing When they alledge that witnesses
we come to the place which is Chap. 3. num 36. as we are told by you In the meane time you recken without your host the Bishop graunts nothing that he will not stand to Be you but content with that which he pitches and the controuersie will soone be at an ende But did you euer heare such an impudent varlet that plaies vpon the word temporall primacie and denies they giue any such to the Pope What is their primacie but a primacie of power and if the power then be temporall is not the primacie so Now for that let but Bellarmine declare his opinion who intitles his 5. booke de Pontif. Rom. De potestate Pontificis temporali Of the temporall power of the Pope This is plaine but in the argument of the sixt chapter of the same booke more plainly Papam habere temporalem potestatem indirectè That the Pope hath temporall power at least indirectly Whereas we neither ascribe to the King spirituall primacie ouerhastily nor are wont to call his power spirituall If the Bishop haue so done let the place be named and the imputation verified wherewith F. T. chargeth vs Num. 15. though very wrongfully as if we nourished a doctrine of the Kings spirituall primacie Yet they say Sixtus Quintus would haue had those works of Bellarmine to be burnt perhaps for giuing him temporall power onely and not temporall primacy totidem verbis And here our lepus pulpamentum quaerit a wretch and most obnoxious to all manner of scorne flourishes and descants with his leaden wit vpon a corporall Bishop as he calls him Bonner I trow who excused his corpulencie wherewith hee was wont to be painted with saying he had but one doublet too little for him and the knaue hereticks alway painted him in that If you talke of a punisher of bodies he was one We doe not know God be thanked that our Bishops haue any such power in these daies by the examples we see but that you tell vs so And there was a time when your Popes themselues could inflict no punishments of this nature saies Papirius Massonius in the life of Leo the second Now all their strength stands that way And so I might say of the punishing of the purse and the gaines of the Bishops court which you so enuie wheras not onely he is not forward to deale punishments and much lesse to gain by the parties punished but I haue heard his Chancellour whom certenly you meant when you taxed the Courts vtterly disanow that their Courts condemne any body in mony howsoeuer offending How beit if Kings to whome all the power of the sword is cōmitted that is all kind of coactiue punishment should giue the Bishops leaue to mulct the purse rather then their censures should be contēned what is that to the Popes either exercising or challenging to himself I know not what tēporal power by vertue of his Apostleship and originall calling without donation or delegation from Princes Though againe if this be graunted which I beleeue not as yet because I haue beene otherwise informed as I said that the Bishops are so licensed by authoritie from his MAIESTIE here in England yet the Bishop whome you shoot at is so farre from delighting in any such markets that he had rather redeeme offences with his losse then raise profit to himselfe out of punishments Imperatorem me peperit mater said Scipio non bellatorem when one chidde him as too remisse and loath to fight So he S. Theodoret saith sweetly that there are no punishments in heauen in regione hyacinthina of which farther you may heare in his due place And the Bishops calling is a kind of heauen How much more when it is ioyned with conscience and clemencie Which is so proper to the Prelate of whome we speake as you may wonder both his Office and Sea sauouring of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of mercie and compassion rather then of rigour but his nature much more And if S. Chrysostomes argument for Kings be good that they are called to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because unnointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is called to mercy because annointed with oyle it may guide you to conceiue aright herein of the Bishop whose practise acquites him without hidden emblemes or forced hieroglyphicks Vnlesse you thinke that because he handled Tortus somewhat roughly or the Cardinall either therefore he is more vindicatiue out of his disposition But for that you may remember that he was the Kings Almoner and dealt his liberalities as they had beene best deserued Now leauing the digression that this mans malepertnes hath driuen vs vnto what saies he for substance to the Bishops third exception as himselfe branches it § 43. IT is enough saies he that Cyrill and Austen denie not the temporall power of Peter though they auerre it not in their commentaries Forsooth they expound not Pasce halfe perfectly wherein surely they are to blame in so large a Commentarie as few haue written vpon that Scripture to say nothing of a thing so materiall as that or so principall rather and yet so obuious when the text lies naked before their eyes For it is a necessarie consequent the temporall power saies our Iesuit here of the spirituall Which yet Mr. Blackwell will neuer beleeue nor those authors whom he quotes to the contrarie that make it a point like the new-found lands or vnfound rather so wholly vndefined and vnresolued whether the Pope haue any such peece of dominion yea or no. Besides he should haue shewed the necessarie consequence betweene the two powers which because he does not I thinke he either saw it not or lacked abilitie to expresse his minde Me thinkes nothing easier then to conceiue so of them that though linked in vse yet diuided in nature and so likewise in subiect as Gelasius gaue caution long agoe very well of not confounding them like the two armes in a mans bodie or the two lights in the firmament so farre I am content to goe with Bonifacius yea or the two swords themselues ecce duo gladij whereof one questionlesse depended not of another though your exposition be so good that Stella is ashamed of it and diuerse more of your owne men § 44. That S. Austen acknowledged the Popes temporall primacie implyed in those words Pasce oues meas you bring no other places then we haue hitherto answered and it might be thought too largely but that you bring them againe as primus Apostolorum and propter primatum Apostolatús of which no more Let them preuaile as they can So likewise I say of representare personam which you inforce here againe to be supreame gouernour ouer the Church This is your riches that runne round in a ring and choake the children of the Prophets with your crambe and yet cry out of the Bishop for his nakednesse and pouertie in proouing the cause Numb 15. As for that you here adde that no other
you did our forefathers while your power lasted Thanks be vnto God that hath shortned those dayes abridged your malice Yet Elias confounded Baals priests with a ieast and S. Chrysostome commenting vpon the 140. Psal bids vs make much of the frumpes of the godly which is your fault to haue profited no more by the Bishops kinde reproofes Yet in all the passages of that Reuerend man there is no one word contumelious to pietie or disgracefull to relligion or preiudiciall to grauity and good manners Whereas Sir Thomas More the champion for your Clergie as it were vicarius in spiritualibus he was such a buckler to the Bishops as Stapleton saies the common voyce was in those dayes yet he I say vndertaking the Churches cause wrote a booke so gamesome and so idly idle that dissembling his owne name he was faine to father it vpon Gulielmus Rossaeus a title that one of your fellowes hath taken vpon him of late to shroud his virulences vnder as he did his vanityes and lastly the great Philosopher kept a foole at home as the same Stapleton records to make him merry no doubt though his wit was able to prouoke laughter in others as full often it did And if More be of no more authority with you you may looke backe to your owne Cardinall that dry Child that sage Sobrino yet he excuses himselfe in one place of his controuersies a worke a man would thinke that did not fit so with mirth Ignoscat Lector quòd temridiculè Tilemannum exceperim Let the Reader pardon me for beeing so merrie or so pleasant with Tilemanne This he Yet because you haue descried such a veine in the Bishop as you thinke at least might you not haue answered your selfe touching that which you obiect to him here about Iouinian that it sauoured but of Ironie For what more fit to be hit in your teeth who euery where crake to vs of Iouinians heresies then when you bring that in earnest to countenance your Poperie which S. Hierome puts vpon Iouinian by supposall At dices tu Iouiniane scilicet Though the Bishop doth not challenge him for such an absolute Iouinianist but onely saies Probè in to secutus Iouinianum the Cardinall therein following Iouinian very handsomely Which words are enough to dissolue your cauill that the Bishop should lay absolute Iouinianisme to his charge which you say surpasses all impudencie Such a rustique you are an arrant clowne not discerning what is ieast and what is earnest Howbeit it will be hard for you to prooue Iouinian to haue beene an hereticke Epiphanius and Philastrius doe not recken him among the catalogue and they that may conclude him to haue held a falshood will finde some a doe to condemne him for an hereticks Neither is the meaning of that word by all agreed vpon neither doe all take it in euery place alike Yet because this scandall rests vpon Iouinian for the most part you may be pleased to remember Sir out of S. Austen what other monsters Iouinian fostered and therein if you thinke good compare his doctrine with ours As that all sinnes are in like degree heinous which is the Stoicall paradoxe no way cleauing to vs though you slaunder vs so vniustly for not holding veniall sinnes which Roffensis himselfe held not That fasting and abstinence profits nothing Can you charge vs with any such impietie That the regenerate man cannot sinne after baptisme wherein he comes neerer to you then to vs. As for your merits you may keepe them the badges of your insolencie and in you Sir of your ignorance not to know what merit meanes all this while Yet beware how you magnifie the Virgin against the married least the Councell of Gangra condemne you not for an hereticke now but a cursed hereticke Can. 20. giuing you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if you doe but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though you condemne not marriage if you but swell out of the conceit of your single life And so Minutius Foelix most diuinely Inuiolati corporis virginitate fruimur potiùs quà m gloriamur After that he had said Vnius matrimonij vinculo libenter inhaeremus S. Chrysostome goes further If the perfection of Monkerie it selfe may not stand with marriage all is spoil'd See Comm. in ad Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ipso fine And why should Virginitie then be exalted aboue marriage if the perfection of the strictest Monks themselues be compatible therewith And he closes his discourse with that diuine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Pindar saies should be taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a iunket alwaies in the ende of a feast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Vse marriage moderately and thou shalt be the very first in the kingdome of heauen Indeede therefore all the Saints are lodged in Abrahams bosome in the married mans bosome as the same Father cannot denie lib. de Virg. in extremo Once the Trinitie in his tent and now the Saints in his bosome Yet still the married man and not the worse for his marriage As for the rewards of the faithfull that they are not equall in the heauen that we looke for and that the sacred Virgin suffered no decay of her maidenly honour by the stainlesse and immaculate birth of our Sauiour let Iouinian thinke what he will though S. Hierome neuer imputes this latter to Iouinian in the 2. books that he wrote against him yet not onely you but troupes in the English Church so teach And would the time giue leaue is there not a Montane and a Tatian to make you blush for your abhominable heresies about meates and marriages as well as you haue a Iouinian to twitt vs withall But because I now onely assoyle the Bishop from your wicked slaunders it is well his integritie hath so acquitted him without me that your selfe dare not speake of him but with It may be and Except such a hooke his fame hath put in your nostrills who onely in this may be resembled to Iouinian to Paphnutius rather that in single life he defends the libertie of other folkes marriages But hast we to an ende § 17. To the other places of S. Hierome as Matth. 16. which in great good will you aduise the Bishop to read ouer forsooth what saith S. Hierome there That our Sauiours dicere is facere his saying is doing therefore calling Peter a rocke he made him so But I hope good Sir as doing and saying went together in our Lord so both of them in his owne meaning not in your mistaking What is this then to prooue Peters Monarchie or smaller regencie either if such could content you And if it could yet it were hard I say to boult it out of this place of S. Hierome where no syllable of authoritie or power once appearing for explanation sake as reason was if you meant to speede he saies onely that Peter for beleeuing in the rocke our Sauiour bespake him and yet not properly but in
How is the Pope himselfe head of hereticall and Apostaticall Priests and yet not combined with them in their heresie or Apostasie How of the Iewes in his Dominions of whome he is Head at least as Temporall Prince as you conceiue Are there not diuers Superintendents of whole Vniuersities and Scholasticall congregations throughout the world which neuer were trained in the schollership or learning of those places And yet they may proceede against the Diuines that are therein in matters of Christianitie as for omitting of Sermons of Theologicall Disputations also false doctrine in them c. though they themselues be no Priests and the others are Yea why may not KINGS beare authoritie ouer Priests and Spirituall persons though themselues be none as well as there be diuers Rectors and Gouernours of particular Colledges throughout the Realme and that also perhaps according to the auncient Statutes who beeing no Priests nor Spirituall men themselues haue authoritie neuertheles ouer the whole companie and among the rest ouer the Priests too So as first the King by vertue of his place may exercise power ouer them that are Spirituall or Priestly persons though himselfe be none and yet the sounder Antiquitie hath seemed to descrie some such thing in Kings but then the law of God ordaining him moreouer a Nursing-father to his Church that is a defender and prouider in all points for the blessed and happie estate therof as the Reuerend Bishop here most godlily argueth and most stoutly auerreth though the Adioynder thinke him cold in the cause he is not onely a Head but a kind and louing Head one that knowes Ioseph And practising this Almightie God will reward him accordingly if otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let him thank himselfe as the Canons speake For God will not hold him guiltlesse in iudgement though the impatience of men may not wreake their quarrell The Adioynder saies the Catholikes meaning the Papists will not deny this but that they affirme and teach that Kings are for the nourishment and defence of the Church as much as either the Prophet Esay or the Bishop of Ely himselfe c. Which if it be so I see not but the question euen by that which hath been said may be alreadie at an ende § 71. But so is not our labour thanke the Adioynder for it who mingling his Parlaments here together with his Paralogismes thus goes forward It is further yet enacted saies he by our Parlaments that King Henry the eight might not only visit all Ecclesiasticall persons and reforme all kind of errors heresies and abuses in the Church of England but also assigne 32. persons to examine all manner of Canons Constitutions and Ordinances Prouinciall and Synodicall And further to set in order and establish all such Laws Ecclesiasticall as should be thought by him and them conuenient to be vsed and set forth within his Realmes and Dominions in all spirituall Courts and Conuentions and that such Lawes and Ordinances Ecclesiasticall as should be deuised and made by the Kings Maiestie and these 32. persons and declared by his Maiesties Proclamation vnder his great Seale should be onely taken reputed and vsed as the Kings Laws Ecclesiasticall c. § 72. Then Numb 51. Furthermore King Henrie made the Lord Cromwell his Vicar generall for the exercise of his Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction by vertue whereof the said Lord Cromwell ordained Ecclesiasticall Lawes and Iniunctions and published them vnder the Seale of his Vicariate directing them to all Archbishops Abbots and the rest of the Clergie And albeit Queene Elizabeth did not vse in her style c. Thus he § 73. And what of this Or how does this shew that King Henry the eight assumed vnto himselfe any Ecclesiasticall authoritie or Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall which is the summe of the Question betweene you and vs For as for the assigning of persons to examine Canons and Constitutions Prouinciall or Synodicall and to set in order and establesh all such Lawes Ecclesiasticall as should be thought meete c. I redemaund in one word What if those persons were Ecclesiasticall men What inconuenience was in that Sure nothing to the contrarie appeares by your writing and much lesse by the Act of Parlament here quoted Nam quibus non licet cognoscere per se licet tamen cognitores dare saith the Law It might be so here then Though suppose it were otherwise Did you neuer heare of Constantine threatning the Bishops in his own persō that about their courses in Eclesiasticall affaires What he did by himselfe why might not others from him by his appointing direct Iniunctions to the Archbishops Abbots the rest of the Clergie which you take in so ill part here at my Lord Cromwells hands that he should presume to doe though King Henrie deputed him and the Act of Parlament which you quote allowed him Did not Emperours ordinarily commaund Bishops Remember Mauritius to your great S. Gregorie remember Marcian and diuerse more You heard but euen now what Cyrill saies to Theodosius that he commanded the Priests and in an Ecclesiasticall matter to purge the Church from impieties and blasphemies and till that was done he would not enter And if they by themselues thus why not by others such as they please to appoint for them Neither was that the meaning of the Act of Parlament that no Canons should be Canons without the Kings authoritie as yo would faine wrest it to augment your cauills but that Canons should not bee forcible in the nature of Lawes without the Kings consent as reason is and practise hath euer beene and the words themselues import as they are quoted by you viz. that such Laws and Ordinances Ecclesiasticall should only be reputed as the KINGS LAVVS which himselfe or they for him had ratified and approoued c. What more equall § 74. And what maruell now if Queene Elizabeth claimed as much as her father King Henrie did before her and the Parlament was not nice to assent to her in that behalfe For of all the graunts that were made to that Queene there is nothing vnnaturall nothing vnciuill nothing that wee should blush for at this day Yes power say you to reform correct c. That is in foro externo or power coactiue vindicatiue power which is onely the Princes not the Spirituall mans For so it followes Any authoritie that hath heretofore been or may lawfully be exercised or vsed for the Visitation of the Ecclesiasticall state for ORDER reformation correction c. Here is nothing but the obiect Ecclesiasticall persons that you should bee so scandalized with in this period for that same any is any compulsiue Power which is propriagladij witnesse Bonauenture and not clauium in 4. Dist 18. qu. 3. Resp ad penult whom neuerthelesse we haue prooued and are readie to prooue that they are censurable by Princes and their subordinate officers though the beast gnaw her tongue
2. 1. Baron tom 1. ad annum 34. num 79. Et tamen alibi multus est in co vt aureas bracteas quasdaÌ„ siue bullas Iacobo ipsi Apostolis ommibus ad colla circundet Ex Euâ—â—b Clem Epiph. alijs Satin ' vt sibi consteâ—â— Eodem Tom num 93. vbi suprà v. 8. De verb. Dei l. 2. c. 15. 1. Tim. 5. 19. Citatur à Dadraeo a Etenim si vnuÌ„ hominem deterrimuÌ„ poeta praestanti aliquis ingenio fictis conquisitisque vicijs deformatuÌ„ vellet inducere c. de Arusp Resp b Iohannes 21. apud Papyr Masson Contra Celsum in initio 2. King 18. Pag. 1. And in the very front and title-page of his booke Plâ—… authorities alledged as well by him as by the Cardinall c. * Pag. 39. The Cardinall himselfe hath taken as much into his Controuersies out of other mens writings as any and yet is wiser then to appeale them or to make words of theÌ„ But no doubt the Adioynder would haue vs thinke that good wits iumpt the Cardinall and his about the inuention of the same argument Yet F. Parsons bought skarlet in hope to be a Cardinall as the Seculars write of him And this man would bee knowne to succeede F. Parsons 1 2 Adioynd cap. 2. toto Act 3. Concil Calched 2. Tim. 2. 23. Peter Mathieu in the life of Henrie 4. Reg. Gall. Hudaem Parall p. 151. pag. 404. Adioynd Vbi suprà The Adioynders prescript of Receipts to the Bishop Cruditando ortygometram vsque ad nauscam Tertull. Vide cap. 10. numb 30. item Numb 47. 43. maxin 〈◊〉 per totum libium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inter Sauâ—… Also Ioh. Viguerius a notable Papist rehearses them for S. Ambroses Vide Tabul a Cap. 9. num 30. p. 384. Adioynd Matth. 6. b Adioyn p 418. similia 419. id est cap. 9. num 71. 72. 73. c. Morel edit Paris 1564. sed aliae editiones Pontificiae non dissentiunt praeter Pamel * Vide Cypr. l. 1. Ep. 3. Ep. 4. Nisi pancis desperatis perditis minor videtur esse authoritas Episco porum Africae quà m Romae Item ad Pomp. contra Epist Stephani Stephanus saith he maintaines the cause of heretiques against the Church of God Haeresin contrà Ecclesiam vindicat c. Act. 27. 11. Can. 35. in summâ Concil per Garanzam Mirand Apud Diog. Laâ—â—â— lib. 7. a Iuxta saniorem sententiam subijcimus vota nostra summo ecclesi e pastori vt soluat votis quae quis vel absolutissimè praestitit c. Medina de cont 〈◊〉 hom l. 4. cont 6. c. 2. pag. Edit Venet. 310. B. b Chap. 14. v. 16. De Incannat verbi Idem habet Dionys Epist ad Demophilum Sed Athan. incurrit in Pauli verba quanquam de Regibus cum maximè loquens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Tit. 3. Certè si alij illis quidni ipsi sibi hanc operam locent Adioynd cap. 3. iteruÌ„ cap. 10. a Haeresis est mala mulier b Totum hoc â—â—â—lieris opinio est c. De adorantibus Virg. * In Epist ad Ludovicum Comitem Imperij Quidam inter MYLIERCVLAS vulgum suum mussitant quòd non oporteat nos subijci superioribus potestatibus c. * Accipiam intercessioneÌ„ sanctorum c. c. 1. p. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xen. Cyropaed Exod. 7. 11. 11. Exod. c. 16. v. 41. c. 17. The Iesuites would make a generall Councell the Popes instrument Yet at an other time the Pope was as much instrument to the Italian Bishops and to the Synode of Rome for so much as they wrote by Iulius Bishop of Rome saith Athâ—… Apol 2. Per Iulium scripsere Pamelius his owne Annotation there is Est insignis hic locut contra cos qui ECCLESIAM contemnunt De claue Dauid l. 3. c. 1. Neither had S. Cyprian and S. Austen that obserue this mysterie most any such ONE And how farre are they from it for all their crying out vpon vs that would turne their one into twelue Though S. Austen say Multi 〈◊〉 vnâ— dicitur wherein hee supposes it belonged to all or else he saies nothing Pasce oâ—es 〈◊〉 Therefore no Monarchy in those words But the Iesuits calling for Twelue to sway the Popedome doe they not proclaime that it was intended to be the CoÌ„mission of all Twelue though for vnitie sake it was confined to ONE The place of S. Austen is De Pastor c. 13. Item Aristot pol. 1. Musae surcillis praecipitem cijci 〈◊〉 Cat. Loco quidem ibi citato de Constantio satis clarè Sed longè clarius de Constante circa Athanasium cum Iulij literae nibil proficerentâ— Verba ciusdem Sozom. Quem vide l. 3. c. 10. Their owne Genebrard in Psal 67. r. 37. expounding that prophecie there of the vocation of the Gentiles and what degree of honour they shall hold vnder Christ saies plainly that the holy Ghost Aequat Orientales Occidentalsbus preferres neither before the other Which is a most true word saue onely as inward worth shall commend theÌ„ to God a Lib. 10. hist apud Gelasium Cyzicenuâ— de aâ—… Concil Nicaen l. 2. c. 1. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5. c Leo epist 78. ad Leâ—â— Aug. Oâ—taâ—â—um â—st vt in â—â—nnem gloria 〈◊〉 vestruÌ„ câ—tâ—ndatur impâ—râ—um qui SVPRA CVRAM REâ—â—M TEMPORALIVM Religiolae prouidenâ—… famulatun divinis aeternis dispositionibus impeâ—â—itis Also long after his time Eulb Carn Epist 13. vt vetus m. s. habet Henticus Imper Rob. Rex Franciae super Chaâ—um â—luv uÌ„ convenerunt de statu Ecclesiae amicabiliter tractaturi d Georg. Alexandrin vitae Chrysost in extremo e 2. Philippie f Ne veniat anima mea in consilium coâ—uÌ„ qui dicunt vel imperio pacem libertatem ecclesiarum vel ecclesijs prosperitatem exaltationem Imperij nocituram Non enim vtriusque institutor Deus in destructionem ea connexuit sed in aedificationem Bernard ad Conradum Regem Romanor Epist 24â— g There fâ—re though he fall to other matter yee he calls his 9. and 10. Chap. the Conclusion of the Adioynder as if he had spent his spight with the former See cap. 9. in Titulo h Feeders of theÌ„selues is put in the euill sense by S. Iude v. 12. taking many things from S. Peter himselfe 2. Pet. 2. i Theodor. hist 5. 1â— k Lib. de claue David l Adioynd c. 2. n. 19 sequen Item c. 5. n. 6. Thom. Aquin. 2. 2. q. 12. art 2. Valentian in illum locum alij Stow annal Angl. ann 10. Hen. 4. p. 546. Ecclesia Carthag 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ep. 52. alià s 55. ad Cor. ad Steph. l. 2. Ep. 1. In Ecclesiae administratione vnusquisque praepositus liberum habet voluntatis suae arbitrium Quae verba repetit in Ep. ad Magnum l.
And then ouer againe with the same notes not onely in the booke but in the Index twice so well they please him Fooles bolts Shuttlecocks dull head c. Finally will you heare an heinous crime He tryes how neare he can corne to Popery and yet misse it that is graunts to the Papists as much as may be graunted though by no meanes betraying the Palladium of Gods cause multiplyes not controuersies where no need is abstaines from brabbles and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as should the seruant of God if S. Paul say true that is the Minister 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 keeps the depositum in precise tearmes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 breakes not the rope with vnreasonable stretching 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Basile forewarnes but ioyning Charity with Piety discretion with resolution imitates the driuers at the Olympian games whose praise was to come neare and yet not to touch Now truely hauing described to you his description of the Bishop wherein besides his Virulency of which I now entreat both his Vanity and Tautology and almost all appeares that before I charged him with euen Ignorance it selfe in the highest degree for what more grosse ignorance then to be ignorant of the person not only of the generall or of the cause whome the farthest parts know farre other then so vnlesse purposely he would decypher him like Arbos inuersa as the Philosophers say of man or by negagations and abstractions as we doe the Genij in Metaphysiques me thinks he hath giuen you a description of a Iesuite such as a better could not be wished that shewes you the world cleane turnd in a glasse and presumes he can alter the very nature of things with his poisonous breath and partiall censure not vnlike to their late scholler the parricide of France that conceited the king to be an Aethiop in a Triangle whom all the water in the sea could not wash cleane and so detesting him by degrees at last intoxicated slew him The third is his Ignorance and I meane onely in the Latine tongue for I will not search now his more hidden schollership I am content to be iudged by his knowledge in the entry in the verie portall for so is that to learning prima de dòtibus or prima de cotibus And as for the Greeke we were not best say much of that though his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a great argument of it p. 234. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accepit genua for he tooke her by the kneees in the same place Also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for aequalis p. 44. the verie same stone that his Reuerend Father had tript at before It will goe well with the Bishop if he can scape his chasticements for spending any part of his younger dayes in the study of that which helps him to discouer the Cardinals fallacies or false quotations First pag. 40. id est cap. 2. num 3. because the Bishop had said Legat canone inustum ne maiora sed aequalia sint priuilegia c. he thus Whereas he saies that the Councell of Calchedon did by that Canon giue to the Bishop of Constantinople ne maiora sed aequalia priuilegia c. Which though it be the preseruing of the word ne in both places yet euery meane Latinist easily sees that ne should haue been turned into non in the latter place if he meant any sense should be in his sentence as he began it And therefore I can impure it to nothing but his lacke of skill in the rudiments But let this goe for nothing if I make it not appeare yet plainer that he is minus habens and all too light as he speakes of the Bishop in an other place for such reuerence he beares him Pag. 42. that is cap. 2. num 6. thus we haue It is said expressely of the Church of Constantinople that it should be magnified and extolled as olde Rome was secundam post illam existentem Which is the letter I grant in the Councell of Calchedon but almost killing Priscian as hee sets it downe for secunda post illam existens the Church of Constantinople to which that referres being ecclesia not ecclesiam in his period and so to be translated if it were to be put into Latine I say nothing of his construing S. Austens words simply God knowes p. 149. Componit salutem membrorum in capite which he englishes by compounded compounding of healths beeing a phrase scarse fit to be vsed by Apothecaries or their boyes much lesse by Physitians but least of all by him that would seeme to know the Latine and to english S. Austen Neither onely can he not skill of the language himselfe but marres the Bishops Latine with his addle corruptions Concludit testas suos cum Augustine sayes he p. 145. as quoting his words which in the booke is some what otherwise Concludit testes suos Augustino And so againe cap. 9. num 53. Scrutabitur Hierusalem cum lucernis c. Zeph. 1. for in lucernis either adding to the Scripture or correcting his old Translators Latine or both Though the one be impious the other very ridiculous in him especially to confront the Translator whose Latine is not afraid of a farre nicer teste Chap. 7. numb 33. representare Thâ—â—dosium in liberis is to giue the children grace that they may be like their father So as here Repraesentare stands for Likenesse onely at another time for Gouernement for Monarchy and for Rule But repraesentare defunctuÌ„ is to supply the losse of the dead Theodosius by yeilding another in his roome which S. Austen wishes may be of the posteritie Does not this also argue him a solide Latinist Sâ—â—blable is that cap. 1. num 11. where thus he 〈◊〉 the Bishops words 〈◊〉 id loquuntur Ambrosius Augustinus quà m vt obstrepere possint nouitij nostri They speak it louder or clearer then that our nouices can contradict it Whereas it should be then that our nouices can drowne it For a man may contradict that which is neuer so cleerely spoken drowne it or suppresse it he cannot But because he knew not the other sense of the word obstrepo as in Tully pro Marcello obstrepi videntur militum clamore tubarum sono therefore he commits this solaecisme in translating And nouitij with him be none but newly vpstart for which cause hee maruells that the Papists should be so called though neither is their petegreâ— so very auncient Gibeonites rather and rawnes in ones facultie makes the oldest man to go for a nouice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But by this you see the cause why he answers the Latine booke with his English because he thinkes the Bishop is not his crafts master in the Latine and so he will take no aduantage against him but deales with him in English as one Englishman should with another the vnknowne tongue beeing better for deuotion not for disputation Lastly whereas the Bishop speakes of
cleane beside the Text of the Bishops booke which he professeth to refute and a meere itching after occasion to be doing are answered in their order As first that Anatolius his aspiring humour was not the cause of enacting this Canon as the Adioynder staunders him Secondly that the Canon was neither made in the absence of the Popes Legates nor yet by constraint or surreption of the Fathers but with generall willingnesse and gratulation of all sides saue onely the partiall Agents of Pope Leo c. p. 112. 113. 114. c. 42. The styles of poore suiters and the backesides of letters not to bee drawne into argument as the Bishop answered The Adioynders replyes to the contrarie confuted p. 116. 117 43. Titles giuen to Leo by the Councell are no more then haue been giuen to other Bishops and some of them to Noble Lay-men The Bishops of Alexandria and Constantinople are called Bishops of the Catholique Church p. 118 44. Idle distinction of the Adioynder betweene the priuiledges of Rome graunted in respect of the seate of the Empire as the Councell specifies and others issuing from S. Peter which the Fathers take no knowledge of p. 121 45. Leoes excommunicating of Dioscorus but by the Synod per praesentem sanctam Synodum the very words of his Legates in the Councell Which the Adioynder most wretchedly sticks not to construe as if the Synode had been Leoes instrument in the Excommunication Whereas Peter himselfe might bee his instrument by the same meanes it following immediately vnà cum beato Petro c. p. 122 46. Leo the interpreter of the voyce of blessed Peter A sorie elogium yet much stood vpon by the Adioynder to prooue the Monarchie ibid. 123 47. Leoes presidentship in the Councell of Chalcedon so much vrged by the Adioynder nothing to the purpose No wonder if he were suffered to appoint his owne Legates after they had made choice of him to be their president p. 124 48. Priests admitted to Councels and sometime they that were no Priests p. 125. CHAP. 3. 49. THe Cardinall driuen to say Mother Peter or else to let goe S. Cyprians authoritie which belongs to the Church not to Peter nor the Pope p. 126. c. 50. In the great equalitie of the Apostles between themselues yet one was singled out from the quire in general to recommend vnitie to the followers of Christ which may serue to stop Mr. Saunders his fowle mouth that cryes shame vpon vs for not hauing such a one at least though wee admit no Pope saith he But neither haue wee such authoritie to frame mysteries or mysticall significations to our selues and vnitie is most vnitie when it is instanced but once often were to breake it p. 128. 51. Caput in S. Cyprian is not the Popes person nor any mans whatsoeuer but Christs Originall Truth which he brought into the world for our direction p. 129. 52. The Adioynders grosse corrupting of S. Cyprians text though he crie out euery where against the Bishop for corruptions p. 130. 53. His ignorance no lesse grosse in his rudiments of Grammar and of the Latine tongue the vsuall Cacoëthes that visits him euery where p. 131. 54. How the Church is built vpon Peter p. 132. 55. The Bishops coniecture remaines probable that the Cardinall left out those words out of Cyprian deceitfully wherein he saies That it had beene an arrogant and an insolent part in Peter to haue answered Paul when he rebuked him by saying That the Primacie was his and therefore he ought not to be controlled ibid. 56. The Adioynder neuertheles saies that Peter might haue said so in his full right giuing Cyprian the lie so ibid. 57. Peters primacie opposed to Pauls nouellitie and iunioritie in the words of S. Cyprian Ergò not a primacie of authoritie p. 33. 58. The Adioynder is content to charge S. Peter with errour dummodò imperet Takes away veritie to giue him primacie very vnaduisedly ibid. 59. The Bishops denying the sequele à fundamento ad caput is maintained against the trifling sophistries of the Adioynder p. 134. 60. The testimonies out of S. Hierome for Peters primacie are answered for one word of eminencie three of equalitie are found in the first of them p. 135. 61. A head against schisme is a head of order onely sufficient if it preuent disorder p. 136. 62. The Apostles though confirmed might neede such a head or though not they yet the multitudes that might haue reference to them And to the Adioynder telling vs that we neede such a head as much as the Apostles we graunt what he saies and we admit no lesse or rather farre more though we acknowledge no Pope p. 137. 63. The proudest Priest of them all may not force a King and That externall coaction is denied to the Minister against whomsoeuer of the faithfull Latè à p. 137. ad p. 144. 64. The Bishops style not subiect to reproofe they that reprehend it offend more grossely in the same kind themselues and namely Cardinall Bellarmine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 146. 65. Iovinians heresies touch not vs if they were herefies but the Papists rather And of the honourablenes of holy Matrimonie which the Adioynder a married man perhaps repenting depraues the Reuerend Bishop in his single life defends p. 147. 66. A most ridiculous distinction betweene three kinds of Foundations magnified by the Adioynder but confuted p. 149. 67. Bellarmine and Baronius playing blind-man-buffe about Peters primacie That which is ordinarie to the one is extraordinarie to the other and that extraordinarie which is ordinarie The same Andabata is betweene Bellarmine and himselfe as if he loued the sport Moses the greater Magistrate saies he because extraordinarie And yet Peter because ordinarie therefore the greater p. 150 68. S. Hierome rackt to say Peters chaire is the rocke vpon which the Church is built he saies it not p. 151. 69. Magister orbis is not Monarcha orbis with S. Chrysostome p. 152. 70. Columna firmamentum both veritatis and Ecclesiae was their title that were no Popes ibid. 71. S. Iames his prouince as large as Peters p. 153. 72. What manner of Princes the Apostles of Christ were in all Lands p. 154. 73. The Popes tyrannie is not abated by the multitudes of people that he vsurpes vpon as the Adioynder would but rather creased and made more odious p. 155. 74. Rome no Sanctuarie Succession no shield against corruption and error p. 156. CHAP. 4. 75. SPirituall Mens Monarchy pleaded for by the Adioynder in ipsis terminis p. 158 76. To be pronounced Blessed is not to bee preferred to the gouernement of the whole Church p. 159 77. Basil is not for the Pope to be a Monarch He findes footesteps of reuerence towards secular Princes euen in reasonlesse creatures and interprets the Word of God to bee our King p. 160. 78. Others as well as Peter haue prelation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the Apostles out
of Nazianzene And therefore that implyes no soueraigntie p. 161. 162. c. Vide Procop. in Esa 17. 6. duos tresue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 atque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elicientem Apostolos idque ex verbis Prophetae vt sibi videtur Nominatque vt Nazianzenus Petrum Iacobum Iohannem 79. Pastor a word of basenesse with S. Basil And yet alleadged out of Chrysostome to prooue Peters supremacy by the Adioynder p. 164 80. The Pope alone is not entrusted with the care of conuerting infidell countries to the Faith ibid. 81. Both the Cardinall and the Adioynder corrupt S. Chrysostome foysting the word caput into his Text where there is none in the Greeke And then beeing caught he carps at our men for taking vpon them as he calls it to set out the Greek Fathers A theife displeased with Candle-light p. 165. c. 82. The comparison that S. Chrysostome makes betweene Peter and Ieremy in respect of the latitude of their iurisdictions it aduantageth not the Pope p. 168 83. Whether Peter might create an Apostle of his owne head in the place of Iudas without consulting the communitie It seemes not both by S. Chrysostome and otherwaies though the Adioynder from thence would prooue the Popedome p. 169. 84. More proofes of the Adioynders good skill in Latine The Bishops booke pushes him away with the very style and penning of it tanquam cornibus whiles hee offers to refute it p. 170. 85. Sermones de Tempore neuer so intitled by S. Austen A doubtfull worke and carrying small validitie in it Full of fowle Latine and fonder sense is the Sermon quoted by the Cardinall p. 172 86. Miserable shifts of the Adioynder to defend them ibid. 87. As iust as Germans lippes nine miles asunder The Eue falls out three daies before the holy day and at another time fourteen yeares before the Feast the Adioynders rauing computations p. 173 88. Peters fall was to asswage his fiercenesse beeing a chollericke man And though it were also to encline him to pitty yet without any inference of the Popedome from thence pittie beeing a generall vertue for all Ministers and dealers in Soule-matters besides that Paul was toucht with as deep a sence of his infirmities and remorse for bad courses formerly vsed as any of them all Tit. 3. 1. Tim. 1. 15. Eph. 2. 3. 4. And yet both Bellarmine and the Adioynder are not ashamed to raise such an vnlikely consequence from the fall of Peter for want of better proofe to conclude his Supremacy p. 174 89. Praeferri cunctae Ecclesiae is farre short of the Primacie that they contend for Common also not to the Apostles onely but to all Bishops in generall by Origens iudgement p. 174 90. The Reuerend Bishop not to be taught by the Adioynder how to censure the falls and infirmities of Gods Saints p. 175 91. Appeales to the Pope out of Affrica for bidden vnder paine of Excommunication in a lawfull Synod whereof S. Austen was one p. 176. 177 92. The Fathers words are not supplicatorie but peremptorie against Appeales though preseruing their reuerence as to a worthy Sea and the parties that sate in it otherwise godly men and like enough to be aduised by them p. 178 93. The Bishop forgeth not but the Adioynder slauereth and slaundereth as he is wont All Appeales out of Affrica are interdicted Not only Priests but Bishops too and the Bishops most of all p. 180 94. The Adioynders slight exceptions against this are answered p. 181. 182 95. His monstrous sliding away from the state of the question to fight with an imaginary shadow of his owne And yet therein also he is not onely vnsound but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hee contradicts himselfe in his second instance most apparantly p. 182. 183. 96. Pope Zozimus his drawing of S. Austen to Caesarea to dispatch Church-businesses is no argument of the ones vniuersall authoritie but rather of the others rare sufficiencie Traxit compulit coegit is for equalls as well as for Superiours p. 184. 185. Adde ex S. Prospero Praef. lib. ad Excerpta Genuens de Camillo Theodoro Presbyteris quibus obsequium deferens simplicitatem obedientiae sibi tribuit tantus Episcopus 97. Liberius his letters in behalfe of certaine false dissembling Arrians to the Councell of Tyana for their restitution to which also the Councell yeelded prooue not that the Bishop of Rome is of such authoritie as he must needs be obeyed but that he is not so discerning but he may be gulled and cheated as he was by those hypocrites Reasons out of S. Basil why the Bishops of that Councell had respect to Liberius nothing to the Supremacie First because the abuse springing from those parts in receiuing Eustathius to grace vndeseruing reason it was that from thence also should come the reformation Secondly to auoide the suspition of emulation and home-bred quarrells which is incidenter between Bishops of the same Country then between forreiners Thirdly to fortisie the proceedings in the cause by the concurrence of many Bishops c. p. 186. 187 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost At Ecclesiast 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod referunt huc 98. The Bishops that the Adioynder saies Iulius restored Sozomen saies plainly they were restored by the Emperour Yet happily Iulius was not slacke in the cause to do his best endeauours as becommeth euerie godly Bishop of Christendome according to the abilities that his place affoardeth him And so may we construe Omnium curam gerens Quis scandalizatur ego non vror as it came not from Peter so it belongs to all that are zealous in their rancke The Greekes thinke much that they should come behind the Romans because of the amplitude of that Church where as they presume for certaine that they excell them in piety and vertuous life Lastly they are so hardie as to threaten Iulius for transgressing of the Canons p. 188. 189. 99. Damasus his titles the Adioynders tattles frothie stuffe to conclude for Monarchie p. 189. 190 100. Damasus his gouerning the house of God His letters for Peter of Alexandria ibid. 101. Damasus takes in hand Vitalis an Antiochian heretike to examine him but by the permission of Paulinus his own Bishop So may any body Prescribe a proud word of the Adioynders weauing in cleane besides the truth of the text Damasus confesseth that Paulinus could doe as much as himselfe in the matter but onely to shewe consent between Bishops c. p. 191. 102. The Adioynders buskin tearmes are opened Flauianus his pretended restoring by Damasus was nothing but their mutuall returning to agreement after a priche the manner being in those times for two dissenting Bishops to forbeare the communion of one another till reconciliation and clearing of matters c. p. 192 103. Of Pope Siricius That the Councell of Capua committing to him the small hearing of acause makes for the Councels
which side the corruption lyeth ours for adding or theirs for defacing and with-drawing Fiue editions at Basile and all in seuerall yeares are found to haue them Ann. 1506. 1516. 1527. the first of Iohannes Petri à Langendorfe his setting forth the third is Erasmus first edition Adde another at Basile ann 1538. And yet a fift of Costerius his edition ann 1567. all which haue them Of Paris likewise fiue one ann 1529. another 1539. a third 1549. a fourth 1569. a fift 1586. And so we might goe ouer a great many more but here is tenne for any one that can be shewed yet to haue them not Though as wee daily seeke we find more daily as a sixt edition at Basile ann 1492. ancienter then any that hath been cited yet and further off from any likelihood to be corrupted by the Bishop Adde hither foure manuscripts which haue them all One which is now in his Maiesties librarie sometimes belonging to the Monasterie of Rochester giuen by Os-Ketel a monke before the conquest faire written and without all exception True it is that S. Ambrose his booke is entituled there Sermo de obseruantiâ Episcoporum but it is the same word for word with De dignitate sacerdotali the booke which we now treat of An other is of Merton colledge in Oxford which hath also those words though the title of the booke be changed as in the former yet vtterly the same it is for substance It is there intituled De obseruantijs Episcoporum qui inscribitur Pastorale but the same as I said The third is of Peter-house librarie in Cambridge which they that will consult may finde the words in and see the slaunder confuted with their eies A fourth in Sidney Colledge librarie of the same Vniuersitie giuen by Mr. Mascall which to this purpose hath been consulted and is found to haue them We will neuer denie but Sixtus quintus his edition which he set out at Rome before hee was Pope and so the lesse irrefragable forsooth hath them not And accordingly an other edition of Paris ann 1603. which professes to goe step by step with that of Rome leaueth them out But what is that to controule so many auncient editions Or does it not shew that those words are so effectuall against your primacie as your selfe at a blush confessed ere-while saying that S. Ambrose neuer meant to bee so liberall that because you could not wrest them with any forged interpretation you had rather cut them out then abide the hazard And yet it is found that between the Rome edition of which I spake euen now and that of Paris ann 1603. professing to followe it in euery point there is an other of Paris ann 1586. which retaines the said words in spight of Rome Concerning the Lyons or rather the lyars edition of ann 1559. by Frellonius you may please to read what Iunius reports of his owne knowledge in his preface to the Index expurgatorius you will not onely quit the Bishop from such blame as now you cast vpon him most vnworthily but acknowledge to your shame that as you haue vsed small conscience towards any of the Fathers so least to Ambrose of all other for abusing him I will set downe a little of the storie that hee tells there and so passe on to your next argument When I was at Lyons saith he in the yeare 1559. I was acquainted with a certaine corrector of the Presse whose name was Ludouicus Saurius And comming one day to visit him I found him by chance or rather by the speciall prouidence of God reuising S. Ambrose's works which then Frellonius was in printing And after much talke on both sides when I had told him I would not hinder his worke he reading afresh a page of that worke Do you see quoth he the fashion of this our edition of Ambrose how neat how accurate and if you regard the sight to bee preferred before all that haue been yet printed Afterward as I considered and applauded the goodnes of it Well for all that quoth he if I were to buy me a copy of Ambrose I would buy any rather then this that you see And demanding of him the reason of his so saying he brought out certaine pages out of the decks vnder his table in which pages there were two rowes one against the other such as they call cancellatioperis and thus added Looke you quoth he this is the first forme of our pages which within these few dayes we printed after a copy of verie good credit But two Franciscan Friers by their authoritie dashed all this good work and in place of the first sheets made vs print these that you saw euen now cleane besides all the direction of our copies with no small hinderance and trouble to Frellonius c. This reports Iunius of his owne experience touching your corrupting of Saint Ambrose And so much of that point § 31. Your other argument is drawne from certaine places of that Father which seeme contrarie to this you say and so this not to be admitted for his The first is vpon the 12. of the second to the Corinth Primatum non accepit Andreas sed Petrus Not Andrew but Peter receiued the primacie The other lib. 10. comment in Luc. cap. 24. Quia solus profitetur ex omnibus Petrus ideò omnibus antefertur Because Peter onely professes emong them all therefore he is honoured or preserred before all Which the Bishop had assoyled euen before they were alleadged acknowledging as I haue said two such primacies in Peter as no way crossing with S. Ambrose no way aduantage your cause The first is ordinis the second praestantiae The one of order the other of eminencie And the one in one the other in the other testimonie of S. Ambrose may be conceiued Accepit primatum you say A primacie of order beeing to be giuen to some to auoide confusion as we shall afterward shew the Lord that diuideth inter flammas ignium and much more betweene one brother and another which comes saliens transiliens as it is in the Cant. and of two bedfellowes of two grinders at the mill receiues one refuses the other preferd Peter before Andrew his brother What is this to the Popedome what to a Monarchie what I say not to their stately but euen statarie and ordinarie supremacie in the Church Was this to descend from S. Peter to his heires which we are told here is so aliene from carnall prerogatiue that therefore it was giuen to Peter before Andrew to shew it is meerely of diuine disposition Though the more I consider S. Ambrose his words the more me thinkes they fall vpon another answer of the Bishops and that proper enough He speakes in one word of primatus communis not primatus proprius So Clemens in Eusebius before quoted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Gal. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so here in this very place that S. Ambrose comments vpon
same page and within halfe a score lines one of the other but howsoeuer it be the authoritie is not worth a rush For first what is this to the temporall primacie which we descry here to be the Emperours and not the Popes by Iustinians driuing him into banishment they call it I know Bellisarius his act but in the power of Iustinian no doubt and for a secular matter viz. for treason So as the Pope is subiect to the Emperours censure for ciuill faults Secondly let him bee Pope ouer the Church of the whole world that is in order of preheminence not in right of gouernment or confirmed iurisdiction as the cheife Patriarch which is euident by the comparison or disparison rather of earthly Kings there vsed whereof one hath no such reference of order to an other but the Patriarchall Seas are fixed saith S. Leo by inviolable Canon legibus ad finem mundi mansuris and admit no confusion Thirdly there is this difference betweene Kings and Priests that Kings are confined to their owne dominions and if they be taken without them they loose their priuiledge and stand but for little better then subiects in those parts whereas the Priest may exercise his acts of office in euery part of the Christian world as bind or loose or preach or administer or ordaine also if he be therevnto called And if he be restrained from any of these it is Ecclesiâligante as your Tapper telleth vs and Viguerius and diuerse more quae ligat ligare which euen binds out binding and for orders sake confines that but to certaine places which is indifferent to all by primitiue ordination See your selfe of this point cap. 2. numb 50. 52. Whosoeuer is Pastor in any one part of the Church is capable of Pastorall iurisdiction in any other though he be restrained to auoid confusion And Basil saies of Athanasius pag. 304. of the Greeke by Frobenius for the Epistles are not numbred That hee takes no lesse care for the whole Church or rather all the Churches then that which was specially committed to him by our Lord. So Chrysostome sayes of the Priest that he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the father of the whole world Where by the way also you may see the vanitie of your reason which you magnifie so much when the Councell of Chalcedon calls the Pope their father Which is no more then Chrysostome giues to euery Minister to be father of the whole Church though not in authoritie yet in louing care 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is all that the Councell sayes there of Leo and explaines it selfe by beneuolentiam praeferens of which happily hereafter The same Chrysostome againe Epist 176. ad Paeanium twice attributes as much to him to be rector or rectifyer as he there speakes of the whole world And doth not S. Hierome beginne his Epistle ad Salvinianam so that the care of euery Christian belongs vnto him as he is a minister of Gods Church pro officio Sacerdotij that their good proceeding is his glory S. Salvian also ad Salon l. 1. adv Avar. Ad fidei meae curā pertinet as if not his Charities onely nequid ecclesiastici operis vacillare permittā When S. Chrysost went into banishmēt you may please to remēber how the Monks saluted him that the sun might sooner loose his light thē his vertue be eclipsed yet I hope his iurisdiction did not stretch in your opiniō as farre as the sunne which if Patareus Apollo had but said of Sylverius you would presently haue concluded in fauour of him I omit many things to come to an ende Of Iustinians Constitutions about matter of faith directed to the Bishops sometime of Rome sometime of Constantinople which you so often tell vs of Doe you see therefore what power the Emperour had in spirituall causes to giue forth Constitutions That Agapetus deposed Anthimus and set vp Menas but causa perorata apud Iustinianum Iustinian hauing first the hearing of the cause by his authoritie no doubt though a Bishop was vsed to sentence a Bishop as was most meete far forme Like as Menas was preferred to Anthimus his place but how as a speciall fauorite of Iustinian saith the storie and so you may be sure by his direction That Agapetus his iudgement of Anthimus was faine to be scanned in a Councell of Constantinople gathered for that purpose by the Emperor before the proceedings of a Pope could giue satisfaction to the Church That Patarensis doth not excuse Bishops in generall from the Emperours censure as you would haue it but onely mooues him to shew respect to Sylverius for the amplitude of his place And lastly the Emperour as he binds him ouer to triall to see whether he were guiltie of treason or no so if he were found guiltie he forbids him Rome which shewes that the Pope and Rome may be two and bodes but ill as if some Emperour one day or Imperiall man should make the diuorce On the other fide it sets out Iustinians praise that was content to punish treason so moderately as not vtterly to take his Bishopricke from him but onely to send him packing to Palmaria or Fonicusa as now they call it Lastly whereas he reuerenced you say the Sea Apostolick let them perish hardly that reuerence not the very place where the doue hath troad fleeing to the windowes but with meete proportion because corrupted since To the second Chapter about sundrie passages in the Councell of Chalcedon IN the Romane discipline when of fendours were many they vsed a course call'd Decimation to chastise euery tenth person onely for the misdemeanour of a multitude So must I herafter but point as it were at euery tenth soloecisme which occurres in the perusing of the Adioynder it beeing hard I graunt for any to auoid faults in multiloquio as the wise man tells vs but specially for him as I should thinke who so purposely studieth it as if he meant to oppresse vs with a flood of tearmes and wearie the Reader whome he cannot perswade Wherein he could not shew himselfe more aduerse to his aduersarie whose praise is compendiousnes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 like the gold coynes that include great worth in small compasse and Timantus pictures presenting more to the minde then to the eye § 2. And for so much as I haue professed as the truth is that my taske now was to iustifie the allegations onely of the Bishops booke against such idle scruples as this man casts in euery where hauing shewed as I may say by the blow in the forehead so by this first encounter that if neede were I could take more aduantage and rippe vp this Golias this bulke of paper as the other was of flesh to his greater shame I will now proceede with all possible breuitie § 3. About the Bishops allegation of the Councell of Chalcedon the 28. Canon partly he struggles to shift it off
a touch of the Luciferian spirit to exalt his nest and climbe higher which is not so likely yet the concurrers with Anatolius in his desire for Constantinople were led as is apparant with farre diuerse respects In their Epistle to Leo the Fathers of that Councell mention these 1. To gratifie the Emperours who reioyced in it 2. to shew their zeale to the Senate 3. their honour to the citie of Constantinople it selfe and 4. lastly not onely from the good liking of persons but à naturâ rei to establish order and to abandon confusion out of the Church of God You see all was not for Anatolius his sake whom you so much talke of § 23. Secondly because it was made you say in the absence of his Legates and by surreption Answer That it was made in their absence it was their owne default who would not stay but that it was made by surreption it is your vntruth for they all gaue consent to it againe the next day and protested strongly against this imputation You shall heare the Councell it selfe for the first of these Act. 16. so wee read Paschasinus Lucentius vicegerents to the Sea Apostolick said If it please your highnes we haue somewhat to say to you The most glorious Iudges answered Say what you will Paschasinus and Lucentius said Yesterday after your Highnes were risen and we followed your steps there were certaine things decreed as we heare which we thinke were done besides the order and Canons of the Church We beseech you therefore that your excellencies would command the same to be read againe that the whole company may see whether it were rightly or disorderly done The most glorious Iudge answered If any thing were decreed after our departures let it be read againe And before the reading Aetius Archdeacon of Constantinople after a few other words premised said thus We had somewhat to doe for the Church of Constantinople We prayed the Bishops that came from Rome that they would stay and communicate with vs. They refused saying we may not we are otherwise charged We acquainted your Honours with it and you willed that this holy Councell should consider of it Your highnes then departing the Bishops that are here conferring of a common cause required this to be done And here they are It was not done in secret nor by stealth but orderly and lawfully This for the First § 24. Heare also for the second what we read in the same Action Lucentius reuerend Bishop and Vicegerent of the Sea Apostolick said First let your Highnes consider how guilefully the Bishops were dealt with and how hastily the matter was handled that they should be constrained to subscribe contrary to the holy Canons And Beronicianus most relligious Secretarie of the sacred Consistorie interpreting the former saying the Reuerend Bishops cryed out None of vs was constrained And after many things between againe we read The most glorious Iudges said These the most holy Bishops of Asia and Pontus that subscribed to the book as it was read vnto them let them say whether they subscribed of their owne accord and with full consent or compelled by some necessitie laid vpon them And the aforesaid Bishops of Asia and Pontus that had subscribed comming foorth into the midst Diogenes reuerend Bishop Cyzici said Before God I subscribed willingly Florentius reuerend Bishop Sardeorū Lydiae said No necessitie was laid vpon me but I subscribed of mine own accord Romanus reuerend Bishop Myrorum said I was not constrained It seemes iust to me and I subscribed willingly Calogerus reuerend Bishop Claudiopolis Honoriadis said I subscribed with my will not constrained and according to the determination of the hundred and fiftie holy Fathers in the first Councell of Constantinople Seleucus Bishop of Amasia said I did it by mine owne will desirous to be vnder this Sea of Constantinople because to me it seemes good wisedome Eleutherius Bishop of Chalcedon said I subscribed by my will knowing that both by the Canons and by custome aforegoing the Sea of Constantinople hath these priuiledges Where by the way you may see how fond the obiection is that Lucentius then made and some since him that the Canon of Constantinople was neuer put in vse whereas the Bishop of the place here where the Councell was held alleadges both Canon and Custome for it Nunechius reuerend Bishop of Laodicea of Phrygia I subscribed of mine owne accord Marinianus Pergamius Critonianus Eusebius Antiochus with diuerse more too long to be reckoned professed in the same sort Sponte subscripsimus we subscribed willingly on of our owne accord What can the Adioyndrer reply to this And yet afterward more effectually if it may be When the glorious Iudges had so pronounced Oportere sanctissimum Archiepiscopum regiae Constantinopolis nouae Romae oisdem primatibus honoris ipsum dignum esse c. that the most holy Archbishop of the royall citie of Constantinople which is new Rome must be allowed the same primacies or preheminences of honour that the Archbishop of olde Rome is and when they desired the holy and vniuersall Councell to declare what they thought for so are their words in the said Action Reuerendi Episcopi dixerunt Haec iusta sententia haec omnes dicimus haec omnibus placent c. The Reuerend Bishops said This is a iust sentence we all say so these things like vs all we all say so once againe the decree is iust and much more to that purpose which I omit § 25. His third reason is because the other Canon of Constantinople vpon which this was grounded was neuer put in practise till that time But how happily haue we refuted that euen now out of the mouth of one of the Bishops that subscribed Eleutherius Bishop of Chalcedon Besides Baronius confutes him that acknowledges Chrysostome talem patrem as he saies such a Father i. so reuerend to haue practised this Canon in deposing no lesse then 13. Bishops of Asia as you may reade in Sozom. l. 8. c. 16. Likewise the Clergie of Constantinople that in this verie Councell Act. 11. relying on this Canon challenged to themselues the ordination of the Bishop of Ephesus metropolitane of Asia minor and called it Custome as well as right So that belike they had knowne it practised by others Lastly why did Anatolius subscribe his name in this Councell the Councel of Chalcedon before Maximus and Iuuenalis one Bishop of Antioch the other Bishop of Hierusalem but onely because the Canon that was made at Constantinople in fauour of that Sea was and might be practised And when you quote Leo Ep. 53. that the Canon of Constantinople lacked authoritie because it was neuer sent to the Bishop of Rome neither does Leo say any such thing that I can finde in all that Epistle nor shall you prooue that the Popes consent is necessarie to enact Canons though most childishly you presume it and lastly he rather yeeldeth in the said Epistle as I conceiue him quandam
Whereas Dioscorus fault is amplified by the Fathers to haue wronged Leo after Flauianus and Eusebius with a post haec omnia as if therfore Leo were aboue them all though we deny not but in order of place he was aboue theÌ„ and specially then when he was President of the Councell of which neuertheles we may say with S. Chrysostome vpon the Acts homil 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a matter of presidence rather then of precedence yet he might as well argue that to imprison Peter was a greater fault in Herod then to slay Iames and indeede that 's the reckening that the Papists make of these names now a daies I meane Kings and Popes the one in Iames the other in Peter yea though they flay the one and but emprison the other because the scripture saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he added moreouer or he proceeded also to attach Peter Though F. T. perhaps drunken with Iesuitisme would argue from hence for Peters primacie as catching at euery thing and surely as wisely as Turrian his fellow Iesuite from the 4. quaternions of souldiers that were set to guard him in the same Chapter an vniuersall man no doubt and spreading into the foure corners of the world Another time quia vas pertigit ad Petrum the vessell came iust as farre as Peter that is the Church and the Pope are coextending § 31. But his greatest stick is at the Bishops answer about the charge of the vineyard committed to Leo that ad curam omnium ex aquo pertinet the care of the vineyard belongs to all alike not to Leo onely And here he plunges into a discourse ouer head and eares that all are not equally obliged in conscience to take care for the Church As if the Bishop had said aequaliter pertinet or aequè pertinet that all are bound in like degree who onely saies ad omnes pertinet ex aequo that is that all are bound and none exempt to take care for the Church ex aequo pointing there to the indifferency of the care the generality of the parties not to the degrees of caring § 32. Yet he argues from hence that you may know the man and what his humour his that if this be true then coblers and tinkers shall haue as good right of suffrage in generall Councels as any Bishop of them all Yea nothing but confusion and Chaos will ouerflow the difference of vocations beeing extinguished in the Church c. As if first the Bishop meant this of the Laity such as coblers and tinkers and not of Bishops only and other Clergie-men which afterwards himselfe is faine to acknowledge num 86. with shame enough hauing beaten the aire so long before to no purpose Or if the Bishop should extend it to the Laity and all for disputation sake and to chafe this snarling mastiffe a little yet it were not easie to put off all that he brings by this distinctioÌ„ that howsoeuer the care as exiens in actum breaking forth into this or some other duty is not common to all as the nurse onely cares so for the childe as to suckle it yet the care in fonte or in radice the originall sollicitude and indistinct care is common to all as they say in the Psalmes Wee haue wished you good lucke you that be of the house of the Lord euen as they may wish wel to the childe that are not particularly put in trust to battle it and to giue it suck but custodâ—â—o ordine maternorum membrorum as S. Austen saies in the like ease or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 euery man in his owne order 1. Cor. 15. § 34. At last the Bishop is set to schoole euen in plaine tearmes Whereto I answer saith he he must learne to distinguish c. Betweene what thinke you Betweene the primacy of Peter and the priuiledges of the Sea of Rome So he And what of this Therefore the Fathers might giue the priuiledges indeed as the Canon speakes but still the primacie is of Christ What primacie Sir what primacie I pray you but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be aduanced and magnified in Church-matters to be Ladie-regent and gouernresse in that quarter What primacie did our Sauiour els giue to your Church when he gaue most as you feigne in Peter Vnlesse you speake of the Temporall which neuerthelesse you make a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the other an vndiuided consequent and so both as it were but one Neuerthelesse this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is called here priuiledges by the Fathers of this Councell and it is saide the Fathers gaue it afore to Rome and now to Constantinople by the tenour of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnlesse you will teach the Fathers how to speake Which deuise of yours when I thinke of it is as good as that before numb 59. that the Fathers gaue not all priuiledges to Rome but some onely and therefore the Bishop offended in his si qua that is all in generall or whatsoeuer Which you correct thus The Canon speakes only of priuiledges giuen to the Church of Rome in respect of the Imperiall seat So that whereas the Fathers of Calchedon bring this for an argument why their fathers and predecessors gaue priuiledges to Rome namely because Rome was the Imperiall seat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the construction must be thus by your grand Logick The Fathers gaue not all priuiledges to Rome for the seat Imperiall but the priuiledges giuen thereto in respect of the Imperiall seat were giuen thereto in respect of the Imperiall seat and none others Is not this sweete art now and worthie of a Iesuit § 35. The reasons that you bring why the Councell should not mention the prerogatiue of Peter because it would hinder Anatolius his cause and the preferment of Constantinople which was then intended doe they not shew that either the Fathers were damnably partiall to obscure the true cause of Romes aduancement or else that Peter was no cause thereof at all For say not it helped not to the cause in hand The Fathers were not so blind as not to see it much lesse so grosse as seeing to smother it or for desire to winne their cause to translate it cleane another way And suppose they would haue done so why did no bodie contradict them as you said a little before about the titles of Supplications When there were negatiues in the Councell qui non subscripserunt as we read in the 16. Action why did no bodie lay forth the lamenesse of their reason and drawe Peter from vnder the stuffe Once againe me thinkes an Angel should haue smote him on the side and bid him stand vp now if euer For the Fathers had buried his prerogatiue cleane and entitled the dignitie of Rome to the Empire as if the Empire authorised the Church not the Church the Empire No reply was made none found fault with the reason Therefore wee take you at your word num 67. That the mention of
Euagrius may seeme to imply as much lib. 4. c. 40. speaking of Anastasius Bishop of Antioch where Peter first sat To which Bishop the assaults were so fiercely giuen as if his ouerthrow would haue been the Captiuitie of the right faith they are the Historians words and in him were all But he manfully withstood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For he remained vpon the impregnable rocke of faith Iuvenalis Bishop of Hierusalem with fiue more Bishops in Rescripto Synodico in Concil Calched ad presbyteros monachos Palestina Prouincia hauing quoted the words of the Gospel aforesaid inferres thus Super hanc confessionem roborata est ecclesia Dei Where by the way you may see what the opinion was of the Fathers of that Councell concerning those words Super hanc petram to settle the cheifedome in Rome as before you would beare vs downe though they deriue the priuiledges of it meerely from the Empire and the graunt of their auncestors Also the Bishops surmise remaines good that the Cardinall left out those other words in Cyprian as preiudiciall to his cause that Peter did not challenge to himselfe any thing insolently or arrogantly as to say he had the primacie You say he might haue said so in his full right but S. Cyprian calls it an insolent and an arrogant challenge by which you see that primacie whatsoeuer it was was not of authoritie but of meere senioritie like primùm elegit a little before euen Andrewes first resorting to our Sauiours schoole hinders not this sith there was duplex vocatio as Maldonate will shew you before quoted which the words following shew too Et obtemperari à nouellis ac posteris sibi potiùs oportere comparing Paul the later called with Peter aunciently designed to the Apostleship In one respect an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or an abortiue as himselfe confesses and yet in other respects nothing short of the cheife S. Austen also though hee alter S. Cyprians words lib. 2. de bap c. 1. as is soone done in allegations of memorie yet he keeps the sense and fauours you nothing the primatus Apostolorum excellenti gratiâ praeeminens standing in dignity or qualitie let the word gratia helpe to perswade you not in authoritie Yet wee haue principes Apostolorum Paul and Peter nothing so common in your owne mens mouthes yea Cardinal Pole sayes both their Apostleships grewe into one Amborum Apostolatus in vnum coaluit lib. 3. ad Henrie 8. c. So as either no monarchie nowe or of more then one a thing meerely impossible § 4. That you quote out of S. Austen concerning Peter Peter did otherwise then the truth required yea and in so great a point as was Circumcisiō also afterward more plainly in the same num 14. that he erred would you euer write thus if you were well in your wits striuing for Peters primacie to impute errour to him and errour in faith which you know cannot be without the grand perill of the vniuersall Church As S. Gregorie sayes that all fall if vnus vniuersalis fall one in whome are all as you in your Pope euen as the moile stumbling all goes to wracke that the beast caries and the greater the beast the fouler the wrack whether it be gold or siluer or what other fraight foeuer And I pray you what does your primacie serue for vnles it be ioyned with infallibity Yet you forfeit the one here to winne the other § 5. I might likewise aske you what manner of primacy you call that which excuses not the superiour from the iust and lawfull rebuke of his inferiour but so as if S. Peter should haue refused to follow and to obey S. Paul they are your owne words num 16. he should haue done insolently Call you that a primacy specially a Popish one which must be patient of controule liable to the obedience euen of his vnderling if it will avoyd pride § 6. And therefore thought the Bishop in his vsuall modesty say as you note numb 16. videtur mens Cypriano fuisse it seemes Cyprian was of the minde it is not for diffidence Sir but as I told you Videtur and est is all one with the Philosopher saies Zimaras in his Table quoting the Commentor for it And so the Lawyers If there be fraud in videtur it is rather in Bellarmines De Pontif. Rom. l. 1. c. 9. Indicare videtur Apostolus ad Heb. 8. What that the Church triumphant is a patterne of the militant where there may be videtur but no est certenly because there is no such thing in the Apostles text You might rather haue thought of that Luke 22. 24. Quis videretur esse maior where if videretur be not better construed your primacy is but a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a very fancie § 7. I am ashamed of thus digressing but your dealing forces me I cannot forbeare yet with this I will end concerning Cyprian To your 17. numb whereas the Bishop saies Fundamentum sed non vnicum what more confonant to Scripture not Apoc. 24. as you quote it but 21. v. 14. where there are 12. specified But againe whereas he saies There is caput vnicum and therefore non sequitur à fundamento ad caput what more agreeable to sense For as for that you adde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and with a mouth speaking bigge which Anna forbids 1. Sam. 2. 3. that as the 12. to Christ so the eleuen to Peter were enterchangeably subordinate you should shew this written humano stylo either in Scripture or in Father that we might runne and read it But though you sweat your heart out it growes not there Yet you seeme to your selfe wise when you shew the Bishop as well many heads vpon one body as many foundations of one building Videlicet say you the states of Venice so many states so many heads of that commonwealth Which first is harsh in Aristocraty to make euery gouernour a seuerall head more then the Amphisbaena hath the whole company rather and many men if you will but one head Yet this fonder that the Bishop arguing from a materiall house not a metaphoricall and from a naturall bodie not a proportionall to demonstrate what is meet to bee expected in the mysticall you shew him a politicall which is nothing to his demand § 8. NExt of S. Hierome And why might not the Bishop taxe the Cardinall for suppressing S. Hieromes words as well as before S. Cyprians As well say you the one as the other that is iust neither or neither iustly But of Cyprian we haue seene see we now of Hierome Inter duodecim vnus eligitur vt capite constituto schismatis tolleretur occasio Amongst twelue one is chosen that a Head beeing appointed occasion of schisme might be taken away lib. 1. in Iovin But in the same booke saies the Bishop Hierome thus which the Cardinall would take no notice of But thou wilt say that the Church is built vpon Peter
cannot bee present at Rome whom either age or sexe or diuerse other infirmities and casualties hinder and yet so necessarie many times as that the causes cannot bee tryed without them doe they not rather shew what is meet in reason and iust in conscience then leaue it wholly in the Popes hands to graunt or no Lastly what opinion had they of the Popes agents in forraine countries that sticke not to auouch this to his head That any from his Holinesse should be sent as Legates we finde decreed by no Synode of the Fathers Where because you dare talke of the Nicene copies as allowing appeales which were pretended then with shame enough but none such found vpon most diligēt enquiry take you in that also which followeth in Gods name That which you sent vs hither by Faustinus as a part of the Nicene Councell in the truer copies which wee haue receiued from holy Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria and reuerend Atticus Bishop of Constantinople taken out of the originals themselues which also we sent to Bonifacius your predecessor in them we say wee could finde no such thing Let Baronius or Bellarmine salue this now as well as they can Finally thus And as for your agents or messengers send them not graunt them not at euerie mans request doe you see how faintly these men speake as remembring they sued onely to the Pope for that which was in his power to graunt or no and which if he did grant he did but depart with his owne right To which this that followes may be a notable confirmation Least wee seeme to bring the smokie pride of the world into the Church of Christ which proposeth the light of simplicitie and humilitie to those that desire to see God c. This of the Epistle of the African Fathers to Pope Caelestine § 13. But now what saies he to the Mileuitan Canon Sith that was it which the Bishop aymed at as at last he awakes and acknowledges himselfe It excludes not all from appealing quoth he but Priests and Deacons onely and such inferiour Clergie men So as still the Bishops might appeale to Rome And transmarinus nemo is of the Bishops forging too too generall Is it euen so Whose forging then is that Ad transmarina autem qui putauer it appellandum whosoeuer shall thinke good to appeale beyond the sea let him be renounced from the communion of all in Africa the very words of the Canon Is not nemo transmarinus appellet all one with quicunque transmarinus appellandum putauerit or quicunque appellauerit ad transmarina puniatur c What difference is here but that the one is comminatory the other prohibitiue both vniuersall and peremptory Yea but Bishops are excepted because not named How if Bishops most of all included As not onely reason leads vs to thinke because Bishops might not so well be spared out of the prouince as Priests might they few to these many see Euseb l. 6. hist and therefore no such detriment in the Priests absence as in the Bishops but the Fathers of the aforesaid African councell in their epistle to Coelestine intimate as much not onely that Bishops are comprehended as well as Priests but euen much more For if say they there appeare a prouiso for inferiour Clerks and laymen how much more would the Synode haue the same to be obserued in Bishops that beeing excommunicated in their owne prouince they should not be suddenly hastily or vnduly restored to the Communion no not by your holines And as the Councell of Nice meaning to forbid both Clerks and Lay to forsake the iudgement of their owne prouince and betake themselues to another named not the Bishops and yet in the generall comprehended them too quoting an auncienter Canon for their purpose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that whome one casts out whosoeuer he be another should not receiue so here the Fathers for whome it was enough to instance in certaine inferiour degrees of Clergie though their intent was doubtlesse to comprehend all either as ayming at the Nicene Canon it selfe and so labouring to come as neere it as possibly they could or because Canons are applied to the present vse as the saying is and the rashnes of a Priest one Apiarius by name gaue occasion to Africk thus to decree I might further aske whether lay-men might appeale notwithstanding this Canon yea or no Sith onely Clerks are mentioned in it and F. T. will haue none but those to be prohibited who are directly named If he say they might what a wide gate is left open to tumult and disorder notwithstanding the Canon for lay-men to doe that which Clerks might not Nay how does the Clerke auoid committing himselfe to forreine tribunals sith a lay-man in case of controuersie with a Clerke complaining to a forreiner drawes the Clerke happily after him to his no small molestation If he say he might not but that he is forbidden though he be not specified so might the Bishops likewise which is our question Lastly if those Fathers might forbid Clergi-men to appeale to Rome though Clergi-men onely of the inferiour sort it shewes that the Popes iurisdiction is not vniuersall and in the ende Bishops might be forbid and all § 14. As for your fustïe Epistle to Antonie of Fussula it is out of the number of S. Austens Epistles which Possidius recounts a faithfull witnesse of S. Austens desks and papers One Grauius a Dutchman brought it first from Rome and set it out as a neweltie which your selues durst not auow from whome it sprang And though nothing is in the Epistle preiudiciall to our cause which may not easily be answered yet this shall suffice in this place § 15. Innocentius you say allowed the Canon of the Milevitan Councell Therefore it makes not against the Pope Nay therefore Innocentius was content with that proportion which the later Popes are not satisfied with As Boniface himselfe in his Epistle to Eulalius Bishop of Carthage is so impatient of this restraint that he makes the deuill to be the author of that which S. Austen and the rest deuised for the barring of Appeales to Rome Behold what kin the deuill is to S. Austen as Boniface would perswade And yet others succeeding lesse moderate then he You tell vs that the Sardican Councell allowed these appeales What then Therefore this in all likelihoode contradicts them not As if that which was lawfully ordained at first might not afterward be changed vpon apparant inconuenience as your selfe here insinuate of the Popes Legates and their outrages of whome you know what one said that they were as Satanas emissus à facie Domini ad vexandum orbem terrarum like the deuill let loose to scourge the world Yet you like a good fellow would prooue the lawfulnesse of appeales by their pranks and practises though neuer so irregular as he that would iustifie false titles by possession Albeit neither was the Sardican Councell
Cùm tibi placet quod scribo noui cui placeat quoniam qui te inhabitet noui Hee meanes that the holy Ghost dwels in Simplicianus which would haue made a faire shew in a Popes style Largitor enim omnium munerum per tuam sententiam confirmauit obedientiam meam c. He speakes of obedience yeelded to Simplician who yet was not his superiour Againe In meo ministerio dixit Deus fiat factum est Hee calls it his ministerie or his seruice and sets him almost in the place of God In tuâ verò approbatione vidit deus quia bonum est At least there he makes him his God or his superiour directly Generally of all Bishops thus wee read in S. Austen Epist 168. In alijs ciuitatibus tantum agimus quod ad ecclesiam dei pertinet quaentum vel nos permittunt vel NOBIS IMPONVNT earundem ciuitatum Episcopi fratres consacerdotes nostri What is lesse in imponunt then in the iniungunt that you vrge Iniuncta nobis à Zozimo necessitas Yet here you see imponunt is an act that any Bishop might exercise towards S. Austen euen his brothers and fellow-priests fratres consacerdotes not onely Zozimus So Ruffinus in exposit symbol ad Laurent which Laurence was no Pope though he be called Papa there i. a reuerent personage One Laurentius stood with Symmachus for the Popedome I graunt but hee lost it as you knowe Well what saies Ruffinus He calls it pondus praecepti because Laurentius desired him to put his exposition which he had preacht vpon the Creede in writing the weight of his charge or the charge of his commandement Againe Astringis me vt aliquid tibi de side c. Yet Laurence had no power that I know of binding Ruffinus Lastly expositionis à te impositae necessitatem sayes he which answers word for word almost to that which you bring out of S. Austen Iniuncta nobis à Zozimo necessitas But of Zozimus saith hee hereafter wherein we will attend him § 19. First therefore of Liberius a most wretched proofe Certaine Arian hereticks obtained his letters for their restitution to the assemblie of Tyana and by vertue of them they were restored though they did but dissemble in that they feigned their conformitie with the Church of God inwardly remaining deepe Arians Is not this fit to be brought in behalfe of the Pope to shew how wel he stands vpon his watch how meete a man he is to inherit the trust of all Christian soules that suffers such knaues to beguile him in this sort As for that that Liberius letters were of force so should any other graue and worthie Prelates haue been vpon whose testimonie the Synod might relie especially when if there had beene no doubt of their repentance they should haue needed no other mediatour happily then themselues But because he hath quoted S. Basil in the margent let vs heare his words and see what confidence he puts in Rome or in the Bishop thereof Epist 74. thus he saies of Liberius and his restoring of Eustathius that Arian heretick which suspition to say truth Liberius was not free from enclining thither himselfe when time was The rather might he write in the behalfe of an Arian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Since therefore from thence he meanes from Rome and from the Westerne Churches this Epistle bearing inscription to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bishops of the West since from thence he hath receiued power to hurt the Churches and the libertie that you gaue him Liberius with the rest he to the subuersion of many hath abused it is necessarie that reformation should spring from the same place and that you should send word to the Churches for what cause he was receiued and how beeing changed since in his opinion he makes void the grace that was then giuen him not by Liberius so much as by the Fathers that is they of the Councell of Tyana of which before And in the same Epistle a little afore this place S. Basil giues two reasons why he implores the aide of the Italian Bishops in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The first is because if onely the Easterne Bishops appeare against Eustathius it may be thought to come of emulation and partialitie one Bishop of the same countrey opposing another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But you the farther of the better beleeued Which to say truth hath alwaies bin the Popes felicitie But you see he flies not to them for any vniuersal authoritie or prerogatiue as they imagin frō Peter deriued but for the distāce of the place which makes them seeme to be more incorrupt The second reason is from the consenting of many Bishops together and the power of that to preuaile with peoples minds when there shall be a concurrence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is But of with ioynt consent many shall auerre the same thing the very multitude of them that are of one minde will make it to be entertained without contradiction By which you see the Pope can doe little alone And so speakes Basil in his greatest extremitie euen when he needes the Pope most Else we know how sharply he can taxe Rome and giue the Popes their owne when occasion serues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Westerne pride saith he haereses propagant they spread heresies or multiplie heresies Epist 8. ad Euseb Samosat § 20. Of Iulius and Athanasius I spake before The same was the cause of Marcellus and Asclepas Paulus and Lucian and the rest restored as you say by Iulius Pope tanquam omnium curam gerentem as bearing care of all Tripart l. 4. c. 15. As if euery Bishop were not obliged to doe his seruice to the whole Church as farre as he can which were easie to demonstrate but that I haue done it before and quoted Origen very lately for the same yet Iulius the rather because the prime Bishop but prime in order onely and in a certaine excellencie propter sedis dignitatem as the Tripartite here speakes in the very words that this man quotes not propter auctoritatem S. Austen calls it Speculam his watchtower Besides that this same Iulius is many yeeres before S. Austen and yet he professes to reckon vp onely such as liued in S. Austens time Doe you not see how he labours to vtter his prouision Finally in Sozomene who reports the same matter and is quoted by this man to that very purpose cap. 2. num 8. In Sozomene I say lib. 3. c. 7. thus we read That the persons to whome Iulius wrote in behalfe of the aforesaid catholicke Bishops though they acknowledged the Church of Rome primas ferre apud omnes to be the chiefe Church in euerie bodies estimation as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the schoole of the Apostles and the mother citty of piety not for any succession into the authoritie of S. Peter in particular and yet
Flavianus good demeanure and other such considerations then the Popes sentence or bare definition For then what neede long time to worke it Neither was that a signe of Damasus his supremacie that Flavianus sent his embassage to Rome For when two are to meete why should not the inferiour come to the superiour rather then otherwise I meane inferiour in order as Flavianus here to Damasus Antioch to Rome but not in authoritie Though the embassage was not intended so much to Damasus as to cleere the scandall that went of Flavian and to satisfie the whole Church of God in those parts that East and West might no longer continue in iealousie and alienation § 26. And now to come to his successor Syricius as your owne words are how doe you prooue his vniuersall iurisdiction I know it wrings you to be held to this point but there is no remedy to that you must speake Forsooth the Councell of Capua committed the hearing of Flauianus his cause to the Bishop of Alexandria and the Bishop of Egypt with this limitation as S. Ambrose witnesses I report your owne words that the approbation and confirmation of their sentence should be reserued to the Roman sea and the Bishop thereof who was then Syricius Suppose this were so how farre is it from arguing vniuersall iurisdiction For as the Councell might make choice of the Bishop of Alexandria and the Bishops of Egypt to take the first knowledge of Flavianus his cause into their hands so out of the same authoritie might it reserue the after iudgement and the vp shot of all to the Bishop of Rome it might doe this I say out of it owne libertie and for the personall worth of Syricius Pope not for any prerogatiue of his Sea And rather it shewes the preheminence of the Councell that might depute the Pope to such a busines as likewise the Bishop of Alexandria and Egypt The Eusebians made an offer witnes Athanasius in his Apologie to Iulius Pope of Rome to be their iudge if he thought good Iulio si vellet arbitrium causae detulerunt But if Iulius had no other hold it was a poore supremacie that might content him Yet Ambrose in the Epistle 78. which you quote saies not so much Rather of Theophilus somewhat magnificently Vt duobus istis tuae sanctitatis examen impartiretur confidentibus Aegyptijs that your Holines might haue the scanning of these mens cause while the Bishops of Egypt were your assessors And againe Sancta Synodus cognitionis ius unanimitati tuae caeterisque ex Aegypto consacerdotibus nostris commisit The holy Synod of Capua committed the power of iudging this matter to your agreement and the Egyptian Bishops What then of the Pope Sanè referendum arbitramur ad sanctum fratrem nostrum Romanae sacerdotem Ecclesiae Sure we are of the minde that it were good it were referred to our holy brother the Priest of Rome First brother then Priest of Rome lastly arbitramur The Synod belike not ordering so but Ambrose giuing his opinion thus And Quoniam praesumimus te ea iudicaturum quae etiam illi displicere nequeant because we presume you will resolue in such manner as shall not be displeasing to him See you how one of them is as free from error as the other in S. Ambrose minde And he is content that Syricius should haue the cognusance of the cause after Theophilus not that Theophilus errour might be corrected by Syricius but that ones concurrence might strengthen the other § 27. Doe you looke I should answer to Syricius Decretall sent to Himerius or does the conueying of it to France and Portugall prooue vniuersall iurisdiction exercised by the Popes in S. Austens time But with such baggage you make vp your measure Himerius askt and Syricius answers What then And Himerius was within the Romane Patriarchship caput corporis tai not caput corporis vniuersalis saies Syricius himselfe in the ende of his Rescript But proceede Optatus say you calls Peter principem nostrum our Prince Now he could not meane Peter to be that Prince for he was dead and gone and so nothing worth Therefore Siricius who then liued and was his successor in the Popedome Brauely shott and like a Sadducee Yet in the same booke Optatus calls Siricius in plaine tearmes not princeps noster but socius noster our frend and fellow as S. Ambrose a little before his brother and priest § 28. That in the African Councell Can. 35. the Fathers decreed that letters should be sent to their brethren and fellow-Bishops abroad but especially to Anastasius to informe them how necessary their latter decree was in fauour of the Donatists contradicting a former Canon made against them what is that to Anastasius his vniuersall iurisdiction Doe you see how you are choaked if you be but held to the point yet they sent to others no lesse then to Anastasius But to him especially you say It might be so for the eminencie of his Sea as we haue often told you And the Donatists beeing too strong for them as appeares by that decree which controules the former they were glad to take any aduantage I warrant you to countenance their proceedings Durum telum necessitas est § 29. That the Bishops of Africa requested Innocentius to vse his authoritie to the confirmation of their statutes against the Pelagian heretiques it was not because the ordinances of prouinciall Synods are not good in their precincts without the Pope as I thinke your selues will not denie but that the Pelagian heresie beeing farre spread throughout the world might be curbed within the places that Innocentius had to doe in as well as in Africk where the Councel was held Which taking so good effect as it seems it did S. Austen cries out that they were toto Christiano orbe damnati condemned ouer all the Christian world not that Innocentius authoritie was irrefragable but the concurrence of so many Pastors in the cause of Gods truth was of force at that time to rectifie the consciences of such as wauered before In this sense Possidius might well call it iudicium catholicae dei Ecclesie the iudgement of the Catholique Church of God when Innocentius Zoâ—â—mus accursed the Pelagians because it sprang from the consent of so many godly Fathers as incited those Popes to that act of iustice and lead them the way in this daunce of zeale as I may so call it Not that the Church stood in them two or as if they had the vniuersall iurisdiction that he talkes of or rather dares not talke of but captiously and crookedly inuolues onely in impertinent allegations § 30. I might spend time about S. Austens authoritie Epist 92. writing thus to Innocentius That the Lord hath placed thee in sede Apostolicâ And doth this prooue vniuersall iurisdiction or is there no Apostolique sea but the Romane By which reason wee shall haue many vniuersall iurisdictions Or that it were negligence to coÌ„ceale ought from his
your worthy predecessor or if you will progenitor into your world of Anticks scoffs at shoomakers and beere-brewers and such kind of people that they should be thought Martyrs fit for a Calender or able to discern what faith they died for You heare what Theodoret here not onely confesses but vaunts of Of such men and women consists the Quire of Martyrs And what saies the Apostle Non multi nobiles c. Or what kind of trade is contemned in Scripture towards the advancing of Christs Gospel fishing tanning weauing tent-making and such like Ecclesia Christi de vili plebecula congregata est sayes S. Hierome lib. 3. Comm. in Epist ad Gal. And Onesimus the fugitiue Baronius writ it if I remember succeeded the Apostle S. Iohn in his Bishopricke of Ephesus But Parsons hath answered this by this time and many other matters I vrge him no farther § 24. Onely take you heede how you beleeue the Saints as here you seeme to doe to vnderstand the praiers that are made vnto them because now and then the desire is graunted Consider yee not what collusions may be among deuills And Audit ad voluntatem cùm non ad salutem euen God himselfe as S. Austen teaches which your Syluester with others obserue out of him v. Oratio He heares vs to our will when not to our weale Conceditque iratus quae negaret propitius saith the same father And grants in anger what he would deny in loue Neither is the deuill the better loued for speeding in his suite to goe into the swine you may be sure Yet the deuill begd rightly you worse then he at a wrong dore Neither is the Bishop to bee blamed for searching this question of Inuocation by reasons as S. Hierome saies of Quadratus that he wrote a booke in defence of our relligiō plenum fidei rationis since you confesse your selfe that it is persuadeable but by inducements namely what others haue obserued found and experienced and is not necessary to saluation numb 29. Why then should you shunne the tryall of reason To omit that as S. Austen and your Schoole hath it In faith are many things aboue reason but none against it § 25. The reuelation of vicissitude or per interualla that Saints may haue as Elizeus of Naaman and Gehezi and the like is not enough to auouch praying to them It must be permanentiae it must be spiritus manens non transiens Else we may pray to them when they heare vs not and when nothing is reuealed This man hath prayed to me and I was not aware or Dominus abscondidit à me as the Prophet said So shall we be sure that they doe not euer heare vs but whether they doe euer heare vs or no we shall not be sure Can there be any thing more disparageable to a poore suiter then this This to your numb 46. § 26. Whereas you say in the 47. that they know our prayers by the relation of Angels First how shall the Angels know them to relate By reuelation from God you will say But he that reueales to the Angels might reueale to the Saints eâdem operâ What needs this reuelation then Sic fieri per plura quod potuit per pauciora Secondly who makes that the Angels worke to be offerers of our prayers to the Saints in heauen Is this worthy of them Is this a fit worke to imploy Angels about Why not rather to my selfe saies the Angel And surely if this be once entertained that the Angels acquaint the Saints with our prayers which else they should not know but for them will not the Pagan opinion which S. Ambrose hissed out and you with him euen now returne that God also should be ignorant of our affaires vnlesse the Angels reuealed them For you make the Angels to offer our prayers to God too A iust reward of your peruerting so the Apocalyps c. 5. v. 8. § 27. To your 48. 49. c. Numbers That Church-custome determines diuerse things without Scripture I answer breifly they must be things of a lighter nature then the substantialls of Gods seruice as is our prayer to him or whomsoeuer you will thrust into his roome No praescription can robbe him of his honour Homines nihil vsu capere possunt à dijs immortalibus And againe among the same Laws as I rememember Aduersus hostem aeternae authoritas but maximè Dei Diuina sibi vendicantem Your owne Genebrard vpon that verse of the 119. Psal LEGEM tuam dilexi INIQVOS odio habui that is haereticos saith he or such as departing from the lawe of God either fall into heresie or are not farre from it So much it concernes vs to sticke close to the Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Basil wills and in another place he makes a Law to himselfe to endure all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all formes of death rather then to forfeit one syllable of diuine writ beeing tempted to dispense at the small things of Gods Law as was pretended at least by the wily Courtier with no small offers The very place of Esay that sends vs ad legem ad testimonium barres vs from looking towards the departed though they be Saints It were endles to reckon vp all the fathers authorities in detestation of such traditions as accrue besides the word of God and how they reduce all controuersies of this nature to no other touch-stone then the holy Scriptures decision Out of THESE BOOKES saith Constantine let vs try the Question meaning the Bibles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let the Scripture be Vmpire saith Basil ad Eustathium S. Chrysostome Tom. 4. edit Eton per D. H. Savile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The doctrine of holy Scriptures is the inheritance of our Fathers Euen as we say that the Common Law is euery mans inheritance because it tries titles by that we hold Dionysius therfore most properly cals it substantiam fidei the substance or liuelihood of our faith suppose that by which it is fedde as you would say and nourished and maintained Likewise Thy testimonies haue I claimed as mine HERITAGE for euer saies the Prophet Dauid in the Psalme before named So as the King you see consists by the tillage of this field and they are his for euer euen as in the nature of an inheritance as was before said Apollinaris in Eusebius l. 5. c. 1. Bishop of Hierapolis writing to a friend of his Avircius Marcellus about the heresie of the Cataphrygians alleadges this as a cause of his slow setting forward to write euen against those heretiques ne quicquam apponere viderer Euangelico verbo noui testamenti least writing so much as one line after the Canon of holy Scripture he might seem to haue a mind to adde to her most compleat sufficiencie S. Gregorie also the great lib. 1. Epist 24. ad quatuer Patriarchas saith that as the Priest in old times
time I was writing these things the news was and true he graunt as wee doubt not but he will of his grace in the ende that the King of France had acknowledged this title by proclamation in his Dominions seuerely threatned the contradictors There is hope that this leauen which his MAIESTIE hath prepared like the good house-wife in the Gospell by his most skilfull hand will leauen more then one pecke in time euen the other parts of the Christian world § 31. Espencaeus and he a French Papist saies that Reges are prima maxima capita populorum euen Christianorum and therefore Ecclesiae For what is the Church but Christian people How then doth this differ from our KINGS style in English Espenc in Ep. ad Tit. cap. 3. initio ipso And soone after he construes columbam Domini spoken of by Ieremie 25. 27. 46. 50. to be Nabuchodonosor though a prophane King whome the Iesuiticall spirit would haue tearmed corvum diaboli the deuills crow rather then Gods doue The like he hath often in his foresaid Digressions § 32. Numb 56. you say S. Austen denies no inuocation to the Martyrs but sacrificall and Priestly onely For he addes you say whose Priest he is namely Gods and you construe it thus that because the Priest is Gods Priest ought to sacrifice to God alone therefore he doth not inuocate the Martyrs in his sacrifice But the Bishops questions will neuer be answered If at Mattens why not at masse If not the Priest why others Might a layman at the time when he communicates in the masse priuately inuoke a Martyr or no If he may what a foile is this to S. Austens Non inuocantur apud sacrificium If not what difference is there betweene Priest and lay-men then in this point For I hope it is lawfull euen for a priuate man not to participate your masse without a priuate inuocation euen in the act of that seruice And are Priests set onely to offer sacrifice Is not blessing and praying a Priestly function as it is exercised in the Church or does not the force of the sacrifice stand in inuocation The Saints therefore and the Martyrs being remooued from the one they are remooued from the other by S. Austen But if you admit them to the one as you doe to Inuocation you cannot repell them from Sacrifice neither It comes here to my minde that as S. Chrysostome notes lib. 1. contra Indaees that God gaue the Iewes leaue to sacrifice to himselfe though he delight not in sacrifice rather then to deuills so if the fathers could be conuinced to haue winked at this error not weighing the consequence of it yet it was rather to alienate the peoples mindes from Idolls then that they thought it good relligion to pray to Saints Sure I am that in the third councell of Carthage which is both auncient in it selfe and confirmed by the sixt generall Councell in Trullo there was prouiso made that no man should presume to vse a forme of prayer dissident from the common till he had consulted with certaine brethren of the better instructed sort so speakes the Councell and that alwaies at the Altar the praier should be directed ad patrem to the Father not excluding thereby the other two persons of the Trinity as all diuines agree but yet Saints and creatures whatsoeuer § 33. You referre vs to S. Austen de cura pro mortuis c. 4. which the Cardinal brought not but still you may helpe him suc Mineruam What saies S. Austen there I see not what helpe the dead may receiue belike by beeing buried in Churches but onely that whiles the liuing remēber where their bodies lie they may by prayer recommend them to the same Saints as to their patrons who haue receiued them into their protection Where a man might aske you if alreadie they are receiued into the Saints protection what further neede of recommendation But the burying in Churches is but a cold recommending to the mercies of Saints howsoeuer you magnifie it By the way you construe apud dominum adiuvandos commendent they may commend them to be holpen with Almightie God as if apud dominum depended of adiuvandos and not of commendent With such prettie bosses of exquisite learning is your worke embellished that write against Bishops And may we not stomacke with Synesius in such a case 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But in a word to S. Austen Doe you see how little this makes for praying to Saints I see no other cause saies he but this He affirmes not this cause then but seeking the cause of a causelesse zeale that men haue one way he lights vpon this which eftsoones he refutes But they might do that saies he as well though they were not buried there c. And yet shall this be brought for S. Austens iudgement about prayer to Saints which perhaps the very multitudes would not bring for themselues Of affectus recordantis and precantis I there read but affection is no good rule to rectifie the conscience by specially popular and of them that wee know not what they were And issdem sanctis or eidem Martyri excludes not the generall howsoeuer you presse it though it endeares perhaps to him the partie buried to whose protection you say he was recommended § 34. By the way you wish vs to marke the fashion of praying for the dead Which although it be nothing to our question yet it neither followes halfe currantly out of the wordes that you here quote nor aduantageth you one whit albeit it were graunted For all your striuing about prayer for the dead is for Purgatorie as we knowe whose walls rise not at the others rising Neither is euery Purgatorie that hath beene fancied alike S. Hierome reports vpon Ephes 6. the opinion of some that should thinke that no mans conflicts end with death and that there are tentations expecting vs after our deliuerance from the bodie Which they would also ground vpon the Apostles words in that place Non omne aduersus diabolum praelium morte finitur Sed cùm de isto saculo exierimus tunc nobis fortius apertius praesentibus contra praesentes est futurum certamen And Non potest aliquis omnia in praesenti vitâ operari Sed 2. Cor. 5. siue in praesenti siue in futuro studendum est placere Domino For thither also they would drawe those words of the Apostle in his Epistle to the Corinthians S. Hierome deliuers not his iudgement hereof one way nor another much lesse shal I needmine Onely we may wel lament our case me thinks if there be new temptations accosting vs after this life and that it is not enough to haue beene faithfull vnto the death For my part I hope for a farre better condition when wee haue quitted this Or else what get we by the exchange so much desired Yet your Purgatorie gets as
tenuiter Graecis tinctus ignorat Angelum nuncium dioi To be sent about a message therefore is enough to make one be called an Angel § 6. Iosue fell downe before an Angel you say and called him Lord. Why not as before Yet some say representing the person of God like honos Regis legato delatus the honour of the King giuen to his Embassadour Gregorie obserues that in the old Testament this was sometimes in vse afore our nature was exalted by our Lords taking part of it but not in the New Neither did the Virgin worship Gabriel Luk. 1. rather Gabriel may seeme to pray to the Virgin in his Ave Maria if that be a prayer as with you it is nor the Disciples those Angels that appeared at the sepulchre Ioh. 20. and you know in the Revelation it is absolutely forbidden Vide ne Yea the Fathers say Christ should not haue beene adored by the Mage by the Centurion and others but that he was acknowledged to be the Word and the second person in Trinitie § 7. Assistance of Angels prooues not prayer vnto them not presence not helpe nor benefits through them Such Diuinitie is for parasites or them that labour in the kitchin like Ignatius and Borgias the two first stones in your foundation that are enrolled Iesuits 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 My oyle and my wine saith shee in the Prophet nay my flesh pots and my garlicke more shamefully if it may be If we should construe S. Paul so as some doe Eph. 3. 10. that the Angels receiue benefit and encrease of knowledge by our preaching which is another-gates aduantage then your temporal reuersions that you are so madded with would it inferre any dutie from them to vs I thinke not No nor yet that we haue all our particular Angel which is another thing that you stand vpon By this reason we should pray but to one among them all and how shall we know him or how distinguish him from the rest of the companie that we be not vnthankfull to him that wee may speake properly when we pray vnto him Though from thence it is come to that passe now the mala mulier is that euery particular Monasterie and congregation of Fryars hath his particular Angel or Angels ouer it So saies Molina in 1. part Thom. Quaest 113. Disp. vnic And they mooue singulos communitatis to such or such enterprises as are for the good of the whole fraternitie To the murthering of Kings to the embroyling of States c. that that may be called an Angelicall worke now as Guadalupa vpon Hoseah saies the Inquisition is rather an Angelicall institution then humane So hath Satan forgot his qualities and old cunning of transforming himselfe into an Angel of light And dare you talke of imperium Angelorum ouer men Angels gouernment or command which though it were currant once yet is not now as Hebr. 2. Non subiecit Angelis orbem de quo loquimur The world that we now speake of is not gouerned by the Angels that is the world of the new Testament And againe in the Revel conservus tuus sum I am thy fellow seruant Not dominum cognoscite vestrum but one of the many that depend of the maine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Coloss 2. 19. holding by the head no lesse then thou which is our best securitie Yet you quote also Theodorets Questions vpon Genesis nothing to this time Besides imperium might be the gouernment that any principall in his facultie hath ouer the nouice without such authoritie or superioritie as you fondly amplifie in ministring spirits Heb. 1. how then commanding specially so great as to make va aske them blessing § 8. But how he sweates in the 9. Num. to shew what this idolatrie was which the Councell forbids that it bee not praier to Angels as Theodoret hath defined twice ouer Some Magicall worship saith hee of Simon Magus But is sorcerie and idolatrie all one Why no word of magique then in all the Canon in Chrysostomes Comment in Theodorets in the rest Oratoria Michaelis were the sorcerie or the magique that Theodoret described none other And the idolatrie is forbid to Angels by name magique neither to Angels nor without Angels is allowed S. Paul distinguishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gal. 5. 20. you confound them It might be Cerinthus heresie say you but him Iohn confutes Or certaine Phrygians Well may it be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which seeing you will not see but hood-winke your selfe wilfully as if partnership in offences might quit the guilty Whosoeuer build Oratories or places of prayers to Angels whether they be Michael or Gabriel or whomso you list if to created Angels they haue abandoned Christ as the Councell tells you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at least priuily though not so openly as Cerinthus are become anathema And to conclude this matter I must tell you to your 11. numb that the prayer to Angels was sooner banished then to Saints For that was stale idolatry vetus morbus saies Theodoret and so the easier discerned this came vp secretly closely imperceiueably while men were both zealous to honour the Martyrs that had been so vallant as to die for relligion and yet suspected no intrusion into Gods priuiledges because their mortalitie had declared them to be but men Neither of which was incident to the Angels As withall also to cōfirme the Christians beleife touching the immortalitie of the soule euen in them that had lately died before their eyes which in the Angels needed not And yet Theodorets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or taking his leaue of them whose liues he had wrote with a praier at the end some would thinke to be no prayer howsoeuer you account of it but a flourish of his pen by way of an Apostrophe in the conclusion of his worke or to make the most of it like the subscription of the Nicene Canons in the Arabique copie which your Turrian tells vs of in his translation of them Orationes sanctorum patrum Nicaenorum sint cum eo qui descripsit hos canones which is not to pray to them but to bee prayed for by them to bee comprehended in their good wishes Which is the grace that Theodoret may here seem to long for notwithstanding his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And so much to these Numbers § 9. As for Numb 12. the next in your bill Whereas the Bishop you say argues against praying to Saints out of Reason and Discourse why not rather then you for as well is too little considering the cause in hand that bring your inducements of praying to them from the like heads many times As twice in this chapter from the practise of people from the sense of their benefits from conformities congruities with other Scriptures though testimonies of Scripture you are able to shew none direct neither indeede endeauour you Aboue all that if charitie remaine
Ego crucem dico non lignum sed passionem saith S. Hierome in Psal 46. I by the crosse vnderstand Christs suffering And when I professe to worship the one I meane my affection and deuotion to the other And yet you quote a fresh testimony of S. Hierome vncited by the Cardinall saying that he adored the cradle and the cratch comming to Bethleem No doubt as he did the ashes of Abdias before in his visitation of the holy places or as they did in whose person he there speakes Was our Sauiours cratch for cradle he had none or Abdias ashes remaining thinke you till then As for admonitus locorum as S. Austen speaks the place was not so ruinous but it might put him in minde of who had beene there sometime Yet you neuer so much as mention this explanation of S. Hieroms concerning the crosse to vnderstand the passion by it which the Bishop alleadgeth whom neuertheles you may accuse for leauing out whole periods and taking no notice of principall arguments of which we are now to consider in the second place § 16. A Second kinde of challenge then you make to the Bishop for not printing all his aduersaries words but suppressing somewhat of that which was forcible And you descant merrily that happily it might be for lacke of roome in the margent or some such cause But what would you say if he printed none at all as few doe and as the fashion is or but very sieldome now adayes though I haue scarcely seene a booke that hath so much printed of his aduersaries text especially in the margent vnlesse it contained all without any contractions Is there no refutation vnlesse all be spoken to what end may we then looke for But at least you should haue performed this your selfe afore you taxed others who of all writers are simply the farthest off from it not excepting your collegue that lately raged against the Bishop in like sort as you doe now And if no body had flewen vpon the Bishops booke but he which had perused and confuted it by peecemeale omitting nothing the first stone had not yet beene cast at it nor I thinke euer would be cast the most of it being such stone-worke as no lesse impregnable to your confutation then rocke and flint to your digestion But I pray let vs heare this same notable argument which dropt thorough the sieue when his fellowes stayd behind You say the Bishops argument about the couering of sinnes hath beene an hundred times answered in your Numb 25. I beleeue this no lesse then a thousand And indeede how little pertinent was it to the grand question viz. his Maiesties challenge of fiue hundred yeares and then how loosely how wretchedly doth it hang together As thus That because Adam fills vs full of sinnes as soone as we are borne therefore the gift of regeneration which we haue by Christ replenishes vs as suddenly with all manner of righteousnesse and euacuates in vs the bodie of sinne Is it not pitty this Achilles should haue beene past ouer in silence Which the eares of our Sophisters euery day ring with and the schooles Churches streets with the answer of it Againe that Adam conueied inherent corruption to vs therefore the righteousnesse that we haue by Christ is more then imputatiue As if first we denied the riches of Christs grace to be plentifully inherent in the soules of his Saints as faith as temperance as patience as charitablenes c. Ibunt de virtute in virtutem though the maine by which we hold and by which we are saued is not our owne strength or our owne vertue but the sufficiency onely inherent in the person of our Redeemer which questionlesse is made ours because interpreted to be ours by the fathers gracious acceptance as if our selues were possessed of it which is that terrible imputation that you are so startled with As if our Lord had not plainely said in S. Iohns Gospel drawing towards his death Ego pro ijs Sanctifico me I sanctifie my selfe for them shewing that both in life and death he wrought for vs he serued our turne and not his owne For euen in this sense also he came to serue and not to be serued But if this be your skill in the principles of Diuinity as not to vnderstand how Christ both saues vs by imputation and yet powres vpon vs the gifts of his holy spirit really howsoeuer abated by our in-dwelling corruption and therefore not of ability to protect vs in the day of iudgement I may doubt also whether you be perfect in Adams case vpon which you ground your argument whose very act of eating the forbidden fruit is so ours saith S. Gregory Nazianzen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it were enough to condemne vs though no other imperfection had been conueyed from him vnto vs. And so the merits of our Lord which are without vs saue vs his fasting his praying his weeping his bleeding like Adams reaching eating and presuming though each of them conuey a certaine positiue store vnto vs the second Adam of holines as the first doth of viciousnes But I haue stood too lōg vpon so trifling an obiection specially since the Apostle neuer compares them in this point in his 5. to the Rom. which you here quote I meane the one in ministring righteousnesse as much as the other doth sinne and that presently but either grace answerable to former trespasses which grace is in remitting not onely in replenishing in forgiuing not onely in infusing or the number of the one people with the number of the other that belong to each roote viz. Adam and Christ where by the way you tell vs numb 39. your Latine translation saith Plures per Christum quà m per Adamum more are restored by Christ then are perished in Adam which were worth the knowing how or lastly that in the substance of their gift they may be equalled though the remedie come halting after the offence in time like Lite after Ate. Regnabunt iusti v. 17. constituentur v. 19. both future And so to the Cor. Primò quod animale deinde quod spirituale and as the Psalme saies Which day by day were fashioned when as yet there was none of them but in thy booke they were all written viz. the members of the inward man and all And vt sit sine maculâ rugâ that she may be without spot and wrinckle not that now she is so S. Austen so construing it Eph. 5. And Iustorum lux sicut aurora crescens paulatim vsque ad perfectum diem The light of the righteous is like the morning saith Salomon which flasheth not forth all at once but by little and little creepeth on to perfect day By which also you are answered to your first cauill of the two aboue propounded concerning our first birth from Adam and our second regeneration by Christ Whereas we are regenerating here all the time of our life
Rabbines say that God ordained this of speciall purpose that onely himselfe might be seen in Iosephs exaltation without the cooperation of any man euen as now he would haue vs to begge of him not of Saint or Angel But is not that prettie numb 44. that though the Saints appeare not in their owne persons yet the apparition may well be called theirs viz. because Angels appeare for them in their name and likenes as if the Deuill did not counterfeit their name and likenes too and therefore he appearing they may be said to appeare as well as when the Angels by this reason Yet most ridiculously you adde that Angels appeare for the Saints merits and so the Angels apparition is the Saints apparition But first we haue told you our mind about merits in the former part of this booke which if any were in this life yet none in the other none in patriâ where the Saints are They haue done meriting and yet to merit for others is more abominable then for ones selfe but for men to merit that Angels should come and doe offices in their name is most absurd of all and therefore worthie of F. T. whatsoeuer he is At last you graunt in the same Numb that not onely Saints may appeare in the shape of Angels but God himselfe hath done so de facto as Gen. 18. Exod. 3. to Abraham and to Moses Yet afore you saide that the Angel whome Abraham worshipt was a created Angel numb 14. How does this hang together As for that you enterlace that no shape can represent God it is so true that S. Isidore vpon Exod. 3. saies God appeared to Moses in rubo in a bush because the bush is vnfittest of all shrubs to be grauen or made an image of But then how doe you not tremble to haue images in your Churches and images of God Whereas the Councell in Trullo Canone 83. forbids Christ to be painted in the forme of a lambe which is farre more tolerable then the holy Ghost like a doue § 21. WELL num 45. you fall to a third kind of accusation of the Bishop But there you commit that very fault which was the last that you blamed him for though without cause as I haue shewed Quoting Calvins words lib. 3. Institut c. 14. as they lie in Bellarmine your other selfe I and the Cardinall or els it is no bargaine where you leaue out the Paragraph or the section of the chapter to hide your craft the more you clippe off those words also words of moment si in se censeantur and onely say that no worke can passe from holy men by Calvins verdict which doth not deserue the iust reward of shame True Sir if you take in all that Calvine saies namely if it be weighed strictly rigorously and in it selfe without any ouershadowing of the diuine pittie Si in se censeantur Refute this if you can In the meane time you alleadge the author corruptly which is the thing that you declaime against stealing and crying out against theft both at one time § 22. What mislikes you in the Bishops antithesis that he makes to the Cardinals disputation about the iustice of workes I beleeue nothing more then that you cannot brooke it and yet know not how to put it off Opponi potuisse ast non potuisse refelli I haue heard some praise this one passage as the flower of the Bishops booke although they thought honourably of all Vulnerasti me vno crine tuo or vno oculo tuo may we say with the Spouse though Tota pulchra by his confession elswhere But you must be allowed so much the rather to carpe at it Fortuna attonat summa as Mecaenas was woont to say and no lesse Procacitas rodit For the Cardinals modestie as he is a priuate man it is nothing to the purpose whatsoeuer you prate vnlesse you will weigh by that the dangerousnes of your doctrine fraught with such insolencies that it may make euen a modest man to turne proud And if that be true which here you pretend that when we teach that the forme of our iustification before God stands in his free mercie not imputing our sinnes to vs we take away all vse of a future iudgement by consequence of that doctrine doth not the Bishop as truly and most pithily retort that if you can be iustified by your workes here you may as well also forbeare any other iudgement Howe does the first of these euacuate the iudgement which wee beleeue in the Creede more then the second Or why should not a iudgement be held for this cause as well that it may be seene and made knowne to the whole world whome God hath acquitted and whom not to whom he imputes their sinnes and to whom not who haue layd hold vpon him by faith who not as who haue kept the law wrought righteousnes fulfilled the commandements and who not Besides that if our actions be partly pure and partly impure as both Bernard and Gregory acknowledg in those sentences which the Bishop quoted and you suppresse the iudgement may be for the notifying of them both the one to acceptation the other to remission and pardon why not And the good that is in them the cleaner part as I may so call it though not published nor accepted ad meritum salutis to the merit of saluation which is your blasphemy as if we might be saued by our well doings yet ad cumulum gloriae to the improouement of our reward and to acquire a degree of preheminence in the kingdome which both you acknowledge and our selues deny not as hath been told you heretofore And yet againe for so much as faith is that by which we attayne saluation not onely the cumulum or degree of glorie but the very first interest in our saluation I say which faith is coūterfeited by diuerse hypocrites that haue it not why should not works come to be examined in the iudgment as the cognizances of our faith the obrussa or the touchstone according to the saying Ex fructibus eorum cognoscetis eos and Gal. 5. Faith profiteth indeede but if it worke by loue Agreeable whereunto our Sauiour Matth. 25. though he pronounce the blessing vpon such onely as haue fedde himselfe cloathed him and visited him which is faiths proper obiect to be conuersant about CHRIST and to make all towards him yet he descryes it by our workes done to our neighbours In quantū minimis hisce fecistis mihi Insomuch as you haue done it to one of these little ones you haue done it to me that is to say your workes haue approoued your faith and your respect to mine showes your trust in me Lastly the last iudgement may by no meanes be spared though onely faith and not imputation of sinnes be there predominant as not onely S. Basile of whome you haue often heard but S. Chrysostome also could say long before Luther was borne 〈◊〉
our English which Eudaemon would haue vs thinke that there is no good man but would spoile it if he could and set fire to it or againe to awaite a time of easing their malice and powring forth of mischiefe at the best occasion Howbeit herein he mistakes whether wilfully or no let the reader iudge For the Bishop did not say that the Iesuit beeing in prison reuealed this concerning the Bulls mooued meerely thereunto by remorse of conscience though well he might say that he confessed it of his own accord without feare or compulsion or examination any at all Quid si in iurgio what if in a pet As the French prouerb is that the boyling pot discouers the little pea that is in the very bottome of it So enraged mindes disclose all But Mr. Adioynder thinks all is so holy among the Iesuits that if our compulsions and examinations be away nothing is done by them forsooth but of meere conscience § 32. The third and last about Father Garnet is otherwise sufficiently testified to the world though I say nothing both by the most reuerend Bishop in sundrie places of each his bookes out of the authenticall Records of this Kingdome and Father Garnets hand-writing yet to be seen Against all which Father Thomas opposes the credit of a certaine namelesse Gentleman that stood by Garnet as himselfe saies whiles he was executed and told him cleane otherwise viz. that he neuer confessed any such thing Is it not reason that he should be beleeued though he brought no more then euen so to refell the Bishop And indeede no more he brings to conuince our Acts by yea our eares and our eyes our knowledge and our senses that here liue and were present at the whole passage Yet he addes that false bruits were spread against Garnet ouer all Christendome As much to say belike as the whole Church was in an errour for censuring the Traytor But to his notable impudence brauing thus the Bishop that mirrour of grauitie of conscience and sinceritie himselfe a shadow and one of Homers sneakes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as to vpbraid him with the lie and the impudent lie as the margent hath it Numb 82. or as the text riseth afterward Numb 83. an egregious lie I will say no more but euen gently leading him by the hand and bringing him home to his owne doore remember him what libertie they in all likelihood take to themselues of lying farre beyond vs who thus dogmatize That a lie in a Sermon is no mortall sinne I suppose if it be to a good ende And from hence it is that we haue so many lies in Poperie prophecied of by S. Paul 2. Tim. 4. 5. vt si vult decipi populus decipiatur that if the people will be deceiued they may be deceiued their owne common saying Perhaps not thinking of that which they fit to their peoples backes but euen too handsomely by this meanes Qui non susceperunt amorem veritatis sed complacuerunt sibi in iniquitate 2. Thess 2. 11. 12. who refused to entertaine the loue of truth and delighted in falshood and in iniustice voluerunt decipi they would needes be deceiued the very marke of the beast and the character of them that are to liue vnder Antichrist But my wonder is not that Papists lie but that they lie in Sermons and then excuse it from crime or from mortall blame First lying in their very doctrines and in the course of their preaching then raising a doctrine of the lawfulnes of lies To the 10. Chapter The Reuerend Bishop most vpright and vniforme in his proceedings throughout the whole cause Concerning the Sacrament the Reward of good workes the name Catholike Monkerie Succession of Bishops Kingly Supremacie and the rest The Adioynder laying preuarication to his charge is found to fulfill the slaunder himselfe § 1. BEeing to speake to your tenth and last Chapter I think good to begin with setting downe the Title of it as it lies in your booke which is this That the Bishop ouerthroweth his owne cause and fortifieth the Popish graunting many important points of Catholike relligion That he is turned Puritan in the Kings Ecclesiasticall Supremacie and betrayeth his Maiesties cause vnder hand pretending to defend it and therefore is neither good English Protestant nor yet good subiect Lastly what is the opinion of learned straungers concerning him and his booke with a good aduise for a friendly farewell § 2. Doe you expect what I reply to this frantike inscription Spectatum admissi Or rather we will wish you some warme brothes to comfort your braine then either confound it with blowes as you euen now sentenced you may remember whom pro ingenitâ modestiâ tuâ or distresse it with gibings though neuer so iust already troubled And yet before you come to execute your late glorious title and denunciation of this your tenth Chapter you must doe as the Comoedians doe that in their last act bring in all the Actors vpon the stage afresh for pompe sake So you tell vs here what feates you haue wrought in the precedent part of your booke as if they had neuer beene dashed by any confutation nor your enterlude disturbed in the least sort In the first Chapter I haue done this say you and in the second Chapter this in the third Chapter the like and so you goe on blazing your trophees both in Text and Margent as if no bodie could reply to you none stand in your hands but you had carried all afore you wheresoeuer you came like a yong Alexander And yet more definitiuely as it were from your iudgement-seat thus you pronounce an other Herod that the world may take notice of your great equitie and vnpartialitie ioyned with like gift of discerning spirits Thou mayest remember good Reader that among many things which I censured and reprooued in Ms. Barlow I greatly allowed and approoued one c. No doubt terrible is your censure your reproofes dangerous and woe be to them vpon whome they light Yet the Prelate that you speake of were he aliue againe he would rest so little satisfied with your approbation of him in that one point whatsoeuer it is among the many that you disallowe in him that he would coniure you into a boote or into a bench-hole for your labour like a sawcy Sinckanter and make you an example for euer censuring him againe or any of his ranke But his vntimely death preuenting his paines the want of the like spirits nourishes insolencie and fleshes importunity in such bold companions as you and yours As for that you tell the Reader he may remember c. I assure you it is more then I can doe to remember that which I neuer read neuer heard of I guesse by the Margent you should meane your Supplement from which God excuse me for I would not read it if it were brought to me or I hyred to peruse it specially if it be like this that here you
offer vs the most woodden com-patchment in such tediousnesse of repetitions that euer I hit on § 3. Now there resteth onely one point to be handled say you which is of farre different qualitie from the former And that is as you explane your selfe shortly after of such places in the Bishops booke as hee ouerthroweth his owne cause by and fortifieth yours euen more then euer Mr. Barlowe did A prettie imagination shall we see how trow First because he acknowledges that Christ is to be adored in cum Sacramento in and with the Sacrament Why not sith wheresoeuer he is he is to be adored and we denie him not to be in the Sacrament howsoeuer you slaunder vs though wee define not the manner but leaue that to him who both can and will verifie his promise though we be neither conscious nor concurrent I may say vnto you here as Dionysius to Sopater Epist 6. Non si quid non rubrum est proptereà candidum nec si quis non est equus is homo sit necesse est Euerie thing is not white that is not redde neither if we denie a thing to be a horse do we therefore straight conclude that it is a man The Bishop grants that Christ is to be worshipped and that he is to be worshipped in the Sacrament which he infallibly accompanieth and effectually assisteth Ergò with you he is a Pontifician and maintaineth your cause and betrayeth his owne No such thing gentle Sir To make him yours more goes to it then so Especially these two Corporall presence and Transubstantiation or conuersion These are the two maine badges or rather buttresses of your Cyclops neither of which is be found in the Bishops writing and God knowes is farre off from his beleefe Howbeit thinke you not that Christ is so to be worshipped in the Sacrament or with the Sacrament by our doctrine as the Father with the Sonne and the Sonne with the Father or each of them in the other where each partakes alike worship with the other but as if I should say that the King is to be worshipped whether naked or in his cloathes whether bare-headed or with his crowne diademe on so Christ is to be worshipped in the Sacrament and with the Sacrament euery where no doubt but more specially there where so incomparable a benefit exhibited to our eyes and presented to our hands iustly challengeth the greatest zeale that may be § 4. Though againe when we say that Christ is in the Sacrament because we would not be mistaken we say not that he is there after a corporall manner nay that your own Captaine and Cardinall disclaimeth Corporaliter esse Christum in Sacramento but we say not so much as that his flesh is there or his bodie there at all not onely after a bodily or fleshly manner Christus saith S. Leo quadragesimo post resurrectionem die coram discipulis eleuatus in coelum corporalis praesentiae modum fecit c. Christ made a period of his bodily presence beeing lifted vp into heauen before the face of his Disciples the fortieth day after his resurrection And S. Austen out of those words Matth. 26. Non semper habebitis me vobiscum with other like in S. Iohn chap. 12. resolues it plainely that secundum carnem non semper according to the flesh he is not alwayes with vs. Tract 109. in Ioh. It were not hard to produce diuers more to the same purpose Yea Si esset in terra non esset sacerdos Heb. 8. If Christ were on the earth he could be no Priest So as you destroy his Priesthood while you stand for such presence to commend your Sacrifice I say therefore neither bodily nor in bodie at all For though the flesh and the deitie of our Sauiour Christ neuer were separated nor neuer may be since the first instant of his sacred conception if you attend the knot of personall vnion yet the Godhead is spread through diuerse places and spaces which the bodie and flesh approacheth not in any distance Vnles you wil be so wood now as to adde brutish Vbiquitisme to your barbarous Cyclopisme So as Christ may be in the Sacrament and there adored yet his bodie be neither there or not after bodily manner at least but howsoeuer it be there not transformed nor transubstantiated out of the bread as your conceit is And thus therefore there is not paries or maceries onely but murus still or valtum betweene yours and the reuerend Bishops assertion The profoundnesse of this mysterie leads vs to wade thus softly and suspensiuely knowing that Gods wayes are in many waters and his footsteps vnknowne his pathes vnsearchable Wee can scarce discerne the print of his chariot-wheeles as he rides along before our eyes onely wee heare a noyse in the tops of the mulberrie trees as Dauid did sometime 2. Sam. 5. 24. The bones of the Passeouer must be burnt with fire saith S. Chrysostome and S. Theophylact that is Diuine mysteries not ripped vp nor ransacked but adored and couered by deuout respect And with good Mr. Hooker we conclude our enquiries about the Sacrament of the Lords Supper with this modest Epiphonema O my God thou art true O my soule thou art happie sollicitous for no more § 5. I had thought I had beene at an ende of this intricate question or neere an ende when I was crossed in my conceits by the author of the Manna Whose intents as I cannot but praise for auouching the honour and expressing the fruit of this diuine mysterie so what weight there is in his remonstrances for their Transubstantiation that one sentence of his may shew which he quotes out of S. Cyrill of Hierusalem Catechesi 4. Mystagogica and he is content to seeme to put such affiance in as in that shippe to venture all his ware which the wise forbid For which cause also he hath not onely singled it out from the rest but set it in the front of his following Discourse while he inserts it into his Epistle to his most Excellent MAIESTIE as the motiue most of might in all his Mount of Testimonies so he calls them belike mons caseatus according well with coelum mellifluum or nubes escatilis as Tertullian describes it Well what saies S. Cyrill I will translate it out of the Latine as the Author renders it though the Latine be not so exact with the Greeke in all points Knowing this and beleeuing it for certaine that this bread which we see is not bread although the tast discernes it to be bread but that it is the bodie of Christ And the wine which we see although it seeme to be wine to our sense of tast yet is not wine but the blood of Christ This S. Cyrill In all which wordes of Transubstantiation not a word or conuersion any And yet this sentence must carrie the world by the iudgement of our Author speaking from the clowdes and
hypocrisies It were a shame to thinke so How much better Bellarmine that awakes at last and expounds mereri by impetrare meere De Rom. Pont. l. 3. c. 23. So as no maruell if our writers abhorre from the word merit as the Adioynder notes wishing rather it had neuer been in vse which is no more then S. Austen of the word Fortune and yet that the Scripture vseth in diuers places as in S. Luke and Ecclesiastes and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Cor. 12. 10. Much more therefore that which the Scripture neuer vseth as the word merit though they translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Heb 13. most vnfittly vnlesse you will abate from the sense of merit as Bellarmine euen now rather then racke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to so abominable insolence S. Hierome in his Comm. in Matth. 10. sayes that Issachar by interpretation signifies merces that is to say wages a brand for them that hold by merit as it is correlatiue to wages as the Adioynder teacheth there beeing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the wages of wickednesse or of vnrighteousnesse no lesse then of good workes which who will say we properly merit vnlesse it be the wages of woe and condemnation for siune 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is still put in Scripture in the bad sense as might be shewed more at large if it were pertinent Ioh. 10. twice together Luk. 15. likewise twice c. So as well might S. Chrysostome say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that wee must not serue God for pay but for his owne sake Though it is true that Ipse est merces nostra magna nimis Genes 15. And does the Adioynder thinke that he can merit God Of merit hitherto § 16. As for the iustice that is incident to the keeping of promise that there may be a iustice in our rewards whatsoeuer such a iustice we graunt you we contend not about it God way of rewarding vs when he accepts our pains rests wel pleased with our endeauours is full of this iustice Yea all the wayes of God are iust and true so God is questionlesse iust in all his courses In the creation of the world in the giuing of the first grace in the sending of his Sonne to bee our Redeemer but so as merit creepe in neuer the more for all that and much lesse the Bishop turne praeuaricator the cleerest confessor and the directest champion let the triall bee his carriage euen in this verie controuersie that euer yet encountred you in the cause Shall I say that as Annibal would perswade the Romans that Fabius was for Carthage and therefore burnt not his gardens when he burnt all the rest threaping kindnesse vpon him Or rather as I haue heard some Sophisters in the Schooles when they were puzled with an argument which they could not tell how to answer they would fall to trifling and shifting Haec omnia verissima sunt concedo tibi cuncta iam meas partes agis c. but were neuer a whit the neerer to the assoyling of the obiection in wise mens iudgements so the Adioynder doth here and in this whole Chapter He saies the Bishop is turned Popish and closes with the Cardinall because he confutes the Cardinall as it were getting within him either by his owne authorities or at least by his owne Authors as Gregorie de Valent. here for one And though I could wish from my heart that it were true which you say that the Bishop were of your minde that so you might be of the Bishops Vellem omnes esse sicut memetipsum 1. Cor. 7. 7. and Act. 26. 29. I would to God that all were answerable and in all points exceptis ijs quae aut optare aut sperare dementis est yet hearken you in a word how much farther both the Cardinall and certaine others haue gone in challenging to themselues the heauenly fauour which is better then the life then the Kingdome it selfe if we beleeue Dauid Psal 62. 4. out of their inherent worthinesse then euer the Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for his diuine pietie sake then diuerse vnder him not onely with your elenches but with your more forcible engines I meane your rackes and your strappadoes would euer be brought to do And first the Cardinal the card that you saile by de iustif l. 2. c. 16. Effectus infusae charitatis est reconciliare hominem Deo hic effectus consequitur ex naturâ rei absolutè That is The effect of the loue of God dwelling in our soules is such as to make our peace betweene God and vs. And this effect followes absolutely ex naturâ rei out of the nature of that qualitie viz. the loue of God as it is shedde abroad in our hearts The question is betweene the Adioynder and vs whether the fauour of God follow vpon our good works or vertuous habits seclusâ promissione without the promise of God yea or no Or rather in truth this is not the question But the Bishop not onely graunting this but mainely vrging it and thereby either extenuating or cleane ouerthrowing their supposed merit the Adioynder saies that herein the Bishop saies no more then the ranckest Papist of them all viz. that all merit presupposes Gods promise And yet here wee haue the Cardinall ascribing our friendship with Almightie God our peace and our reconciliation with the Lord of all things which is our most immediate title to the kingdome of heauen and the remoouing of the mainest barre that keepes vs out from thence or can possibly keep vs to the effect of such poore charitie as is found inherent in vs ex naturâ rei absolutè the promise either supprest or at least silenced yea so silenced as supprest for certaine renounced plainely But Vasquez more audaciously and presumptuously yet then Bellarmine the beast belike waxing prowder and prowder in I á secundae Disput. 204. cap. 4. Deus ipse efficere non potest quin per inhaerentem iustitiam sit dignus quisque aternâ vitâ et si per absolutam potentiam possit non dare That is God himselfe cannot hinder but that euery man is worthie of eternall life out of his inherent righteousnes though out of his absolute power he may refuse to giue it him I examine not this Diuinitie how God may be vniust by his absolute power whereas his absolute power doth not giue him that leaue to denie his iustice that is himselfe which I suppose he should doe if he denied rewards to them that haue deserued them and are worthie of them But by this may be seene whether the Bishop be turned Papist yea or no for standing for Gods promise to ground our hope of heauen vpon or rather whether Valentia be not turned Protestant for holding so precisely that secluso promisso we haue no cause of confidence Or if that be Poperie which Valentia holdeth and the Bishop laies hold on that we haue no
right to heauen but for the promise whether Vasquez and Bellarmine sauour not of a rancker contagion then so that aduance vs to heauen and to the highest fauour of God out of the worth of what is within vs though his promise were no where though his pactum salis were cleane plowed downe Can there be any thing more contrarie then the aforesaid opinions are betweene themselues Or is not the Bishop most constant while the Iesuites are thus at oddes like the Armites among themselues One of them beeing so humble and so humbly conceiting of his owne sufficiencies as it seemes at least that you would thinke he might enter in euen through the needles eye the others so swelling as heauen it selfe large though it be is scarce able to containe them But if this be their speculation about infused righteousnes which is Gods entire worke what doe they thinke of their owne workes trow you which for certaine they will challenge more reward vnto because they are more voluntarie and of their freer concurrence And indeede the question was betweene the Bishop and the Cardinall about the merit of works not of habits These make habits and all to be meritorious one absolutely ex naturâ rei the other so as God cannot hinder condignitie though he denie pay Yet S. Paul not onely vilifies his habite of righteousnes Phil. 3. that I may be found in him not hauing mine owne righteousnes but his workes of righteousnes Tit. 3. and which is more then both these his sufferings for righteousnes Rom. 8. He had plaied the Auditour he had cast vp his accounts and his totall is what thinke you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. I find saies he by computation or by exact casting that the present sufferings of this transitorie life 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are so short they are not worthie of the glorie that shall be reuealed He keepes the word you see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are not worthie Yet Vasquez saies God cannot hinder their worthines no not onely by his ordinarie power but not by his absolute though he may denie the wages by the later of these two that is scarce iustly or very vniustly onely as I conceiue it But what saies Bellarmine The Apostle saies he meanes that the sufferings here are temporall the blisse to come eternall and that betweene them there is no proportion Now surely a worshipfull solution of an insoluble authoritie Whereas the Apostle does not say they are not proportionable ratione durationis but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they are not worthie which is the very question And was this a sentence worthie of S. Pauls wisdome to tell vs that there is no proportion betweene finite and infinite Who does not know that We may say vnto him as he does to Calvine in another place about the wisdome of Vlysses pronouncing for Monarchies Ad hoc certè pronunciandum non fuit opus sapientiâ vel Pauli vel Apostoli De Pontif. Rom. l. 1. c. 2. The very Centurion to whome the Iewes had giuen that testimonie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he is worthie yet he ouerthroweth it in the same place againe with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I did not count my selfe worthie Luc. 7. 7. They thought him worthie that Christ should come to him when he does not thinke himselfe worthie so much as to come to Christ And not to come to him in earth I say yet into heauen trow you to finde him out there too As he must if he meane to be saued by his works But so is merit and worthines euery way hissed out so is it one thing for the Iewes to ponder other bodies merits another thing for the conscience to weigh it selfe in vnpartiall ballance The builder of the Synagogue is modester then the Iewes that enioy his buildings § 17. Many things might be noted in the Adioynders discourse wherein he choakes himselfe though he indite the Bishop of preuarisation Num. 7. he saies the Bishop alludes to the pennie in the Gospells that was giuen to the labourers by which the Fathers as he confesseth vnderstand eternall life and saluation He quotes Hierome in Iovinian lib. 2. Aug. de Virgin c. 26. Greg. in Iob. l. 4. c. 31. also the Commentaries vpon S. Matth. cap. 20. But if this be so what more aduerse to himselfe For if the pennie be but one and all receiue that common pennie then are we not saued by our works which all that are saued are not furnished with alike but some more some lesse as is euident It comes therefore of the goodnes of Almightie God alone giuing mercedem diei horario operi awhole daies wages for an houres worke as the Bishop most godlily Can this be but of the free mercy of God without respect to our merits yea to our workes themselues though we entitle no merit to them § 18. Numb 11. he brings that for an example of meriting by workes Centuplum c. Matth. 19. a hundreth fold in this life And if God doe not giue vs an hundreth fold in this life I meane them that serue him in most deuout fashion doth he not reward merits or doth he therefore come short of paying the score Yet the Adioynder saies we merit the centuplum to be paid vs in this life because our Sauiour promiseth so Whereas how many depart this life daily without the receiuing of such a pay the hundreth fold pay in temporall commodities And are merits vnrewarded shall we say in all these What is this but to doe as the Apostle complaines Rom. 10. statuentes suam iusticiam iusticiae Dei non sunt subiecti Seeking by all meanes to establish their owne righteousnes they were not subiected to the righteousnes of God We slander God to flatter men and wrong his scale to aduance ours Saue that all is Centuplū I grant which we receiue here though neuer so little if we compare it with our merits Whether it be so then or not that the Centuplum is here paid merit is dasht § 19. In his 9. numb he brings that out of Rom. 4. To him that worketh the reward is imputed not according to grace but according to debt Why this Because the Bishop had answered his other authoritie of vnusquisque accipiet Euery one shall receiue reward according to his labour I say the Bishop had answered it most pithily and most properly According to his labour but not for his labour It is the square of the reward but not the formall cause whereby In genere comparatorum non efficientium as the worthy Bishop most worthily had explained By all which their inference of merit is confounded To this then he opposes that wages is of debt not of grace to him that worketh Rom. 4. 4. Yet they are wont to say both of grace and of debt as they haue many more such vntempered morterings and mungrel daubings Cornelius Muss in his Comment in 6. ad Rom. in the very end thus speaking of
Sed facilis materia as Tullie saies to Antonie in te in tuos dicere And these are Antonians but rather like that gorbelly then the godly Monke knowne by that name Or howsoeuer that be yet it is easie declaming I say against such viperous companions whose very sent though they be gone from vs like the vermine of Egypt after they were dead and laid infects our minds as it did once our coasts The Adioynder neuertheles wants not his Apology I know Ad haec omnia opponitur praeclara defensio They should not haue beene dissolued saies he for all that What then Reformed and let stand Shall we heare S. Chrysostome once more 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Gen. c. 18. hom 42. Desperate diseases admit no cure Hippocrates himselfe forbids it An vnredresseable euill is the harbinger of destruction without any hope of recouerie What sayes our Chawcer When physicke will not worch Carrie the coarse to Church This was as much as I told you before that King Henrie the eight did but as he should not onely when he turned begging Fryars a begging but dead men out of doores dead in floth dead in pleasures a very burthen to their biding-places And least you thinke I haue misapplied those sentences of Chrysostome they are spoken by him of the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah Whose case for ought I see might stirre as much pittie in passionate minds as the Abbies and the Monasteries doth in some women and fooles euen to this day For can we imagine them to haue beene any better then as the paradises of God when we lament their desolation and vastation most Yet desperate diseases and vncurable maladies were the causes sayes S. Chrysostome that Sodom and Gomorrah were destroied which cities saies the Scripture were as the paradise of God So happily the Monasteries for their surpassing pleasantnes and delightfulnes The Councell also of Ephesus implying as much in those words Can. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vniuersall diseases neede the more effectuall remediés There was nothing left now but to pull downe the house whose very walls and posts the leprosie had infected A violent mischiefe a violent medicine and an vniuersall canker an vniuersall caustique which King Henrie applied and Queene Marie her selfe was not able to take off So the Pardon-mongers and Indulgentiaries were not reformed but extinguished in your late Councell of Trent as the Reuerend Bishop here most effectually telleth you because the abuse was such as was thought to be incorrigible Nulla amplius spes relicta◠Sess 21. cap. 9. What saies the Scripture Faciam huic loco sicut Silo Ier. 26. Should your priuiledges be more when your enormities were no lesse Nay alas what comparison And S. Hierome Epist ad Sabinian Diaconum Propter peccatum filiorum Heli constuprantium matronas locus tabernaculi ipse subuersus est propter vitia sacerdotum dei sanctuarium destitutum I looked saies the Psalme and his place was no where to be found not onely himselfe the notorious sinner but his very place was gone Which Livie himselfe reports to haue beene the fashion in those times to abolish the very monuments of place and seat where treason was contriued why not then where treason with diuers more abhominations as Iericho might not be built againe and no more may the Monasteries like Abimelechs sowing the corne-fields with salt to keepe out inhabitants and to doome the grounds to euerlasting barrennes But let the Popes owne practise hardly decide it and no meane Popes but euen Pius quintus himselfe that mirrour of pietie He dissolued the order of Fratres Humiliati and extinguisht it cleane for the treasonable conspiracie of one Hieronymus Farina a priest you haue many Priests eiusdem farinae though Bellarmine would excuse your Antistites from murthers whereas Queene Maries Chaplaine laid wait for her life if we beleeue Florimundus a priest in all likelihood he and a Popish priest But Pius quintus I say extinguisht the whole Order vtterly humbled those Brethren not yet HVMBLED enough for ones mans fact for discharging a dagge at Cardinall Borromees backe as he was praying in his Oratorie And the reason that prickt forward this miscreant to such a wickednes was nothing but the Cardinals too great seueritie in reforming certaine vices of a loose Brother-hood which this wretch could not endure with three more of the principall that set him on worke and hired him as the Storie saies quadraginta argenteis with fourtie siluerlings as if so much preciouser then our Sauiour Christ For this cause Pius quintus plaied King Henrie the eight and reformed them after the sort that you cannot heare of with patience pluckt them cleane vp We read in the same booke of no lesse then twelue Abbies at this Cardinalls deuotion and one of them at Arona which was hereditarie to his house propria familiae Borromeorum So as Cardinals can engrosse monasteries we see as well as Kings and the first that laid the axe to the hewing downe of those trees was our Cardinall Wolsey if Polydore say true Which King Henry finding to haue a good sound went on with the work Whom shall we blame § 33. But if the Bishop graunt that the profession of Monks was euer lawfull though it were but for an instant he graunts that which all our Diuines denie viz. vowes of pouertie chastitie and of obedience Also Counsels Euangelioall c. So you thinke but it followes not For vowes may bee without Monkerie and Monkerie without vowes and pouertie chastitie obedience constantly kept without them both As for Counsels they are yet further off then so viz. although all the foresaid were admitted yet Counsels distinct from precepts no way follow from thence which diuerse of the very Papists not onely of the Fathers haue disclaimed See Gerson de Consil Euang. Tractat. toto See him againe in Propositionibus oblatis Cardinali Veronensi p. 1. Anselme de Concep Virg. cap. 1. No man can giue God as much as he oweth him much lesse supererogate vnlesse it be in sinnes or flying light aboue the Commandements towre aloft in Counsels Gulielmus Parisiensis lib. Cur Deus homo cap. 7. Creatura nihil portare potest praeter ipsa onera mandatorum c. The Creature can doe no more then beare the burthen of the Commandements if at least of them which S. Peter saies are importable but not exceed in Counsels Alexander Hal. part 3. Quaest 56. membr 7. Lex est vniuersalis quoth he perfectae iustitiae regula That is The Law comprehends all the Law is a rule of absolute righteousnesse or of all that may be well and lawfully done As we read to the Philippians chap. 4. v. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all vertue and all praise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we are bid to doe them therefore they belong to the obseruation
to Hardings question concerning his consecration ambiguous and irresolute c. Numb 10. of his Appendix because he saies OVR Bishops are made as they haue been euer Not VVE were made or I was made Does he not shew that there was no difference between his making and others when hee saies they were made as they haue been EVER and so defend himselfe as withall to defend all because the quarrell was not his blessed man that he was but the whole Churches of England which he maintained as zealously as any champion would his owne Neuertheles you tell vs againe Num. 11. as if you could neuer say it enough because indeed you haue nothing els to say That it is not to be imagined D. Harding would be so inconsiderate as to demand expressely of M. Iewell what three Bishops in the Realme laid hands vpon him if there were fowre as M. Masons Register hath it Send ouer your Page then or your Squire at armes or if you will your Desk-creeper as it is Num. 13. to peruse and search the Register of the Office which M. Mason auoucheth You shall finde Bishop Iewell was consecrated by these fowre Matthew Archbishop of Canterbury Edmund London Richard Ely Iohn Bedford and the consequents and the antecedents which you are so doubty iealous of in your Num. 14. will prooue M. Masons Register to be a true Register not disprooue it Though I doubt not but these things are known to many before M. Masons booke saw light And I confesse for mine owne part I had my instructions long since ex alio capite albeit I derogate nothing from his worthy paines § 52. I See I must end as I began The Supremacie of Princes and namely of His Maiestie is the thing that the Adioynder most maligneth That is their first that their last if they be well lookt into I am well content with it for my part Sis T V militiae causa modusque meae I know not how my penne can be employed better And it were hard if our pennes should be slacke to plead his right his most due right Deo Angelis hominibusque plaudentibus that beares the sword with the ieopardy of his life the enuy of Nations round about to preserue our liues and whatsoeuer wee hold deare or precious in this world A word therefore or two that wee haue prepared for the KING § 53. Though in truth the Adioynder here playes two in one Not onely his Rebels part but the plagiaries Hee would both steale the Crowne of independant Supremacie from the Kings head and withall rob him of one of his best Subiects his faithfull Counsellour his diligent watchman his vnweariable champion the B. of Elie. No maruell if hee giue his assaults there meaning ill to his Maiestie where he knowes a great part of the strength lyes like that Worthyes in his locks which he endeauours to purloin and divert another way § 54. The recriminations are diuerse which I will answer briefly setting them downe in their order and so conclude For there is no moment in any of them but hungry malice sets the pen on worke which were better quiet if it knew his owne good I fuge sed poteras tutior esse latens Yet the Adioynder is so absurd as to deface the Bishop and croppe his garland cheuvt frustrà to censure after all his very manner of writing himselfe such a writer no doubt but wot you what 's the cause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Bishops book scorches them without a firebrand to the very bones torments them in an inuisible mysticall racke his words his matter his forme his substance all vexes them and wrings them and they dare not say how but the teares stand in their eies and they pretend by-matters they cauill with his style I come to particulars § 55. The first instance Because Supremacie is said to be no article of faith I answer in one word The perswasion of it is most wholesome but the raunge is not properly within the raunge of the Creeds or the pale of faith Whereas articulus ab arctatione quasi quid arctatum sayes their owne Altenstag Lexico Theolog. V. articul And the word of faith is both propè and breue that Rom. 10. 8. this Rom. 9. 28. Yea 2. Tim. 1. 13. we haue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doubly distinguished in ip sit terminis not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not onely of faith but of loue and charitie or dutifull obseruance Such is the Supremary S. Paul himselfe may witnesse for vs who 1. Tim. 6. 2. calls obedience to infidels euen to infidell masters how much more to Princes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of the wholesome words of our Sauiour Christ the Commenters thinke he respects to that word Date Casari quae Caesaris sunt yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For if it be Christs it binds howsoeuer whether it be of faith or of loue and in Christo Iesu saies the Apostle in both places both 2. Tim. 1. 13. and the 1. Tim. 6. 2 he fetches it from Christ Yet the Adioynder thinks that we are free to all things if they be not of faith that we may choose whether we will conforme to them or no though the morality that they imply be neuer so ghostly What then saies he of not stealing of not committing adultery of doing no murther and diuerse such like For Idolatry I thinke they acknowledge none it is so promiscuous in Popery Are not these things morum and not fidei Themselues so distinguish them at other times Bellarmine by name de Port. Rom. lib. 4. cap. 5. Decreta fidei and Praecepta morum are two with him Also Valentia quoting Thomas for it will haue haeresie it selfe to be in certaine propositions which crosse not with the Creed but with other truthes of Diuinity notwithstanding How then if the subiection that we owe to Princes be but as safe and sacred as one of these and grounded vpon the Law first either morall or iudiciall as Honorapatrem Honour thy father much more patrem patriae the father of the whole Countrey My children saith Ezekias speaking to his subiects and not the worst of them but to the Priests themselues 2. Chron. 29. 11. though it appeares not among the articles of the Apostles Creed Doubtlesse we may say Non est omnium fides 2. Thess 2. 3. and not onely subiectiuely but obiectiuely it beeing one thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 another thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Bishop most accurately and most profoundly distinguished howsoeuer our shuttle-pated Adioynder thinke of it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are not al one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in our Church I say in ours for with the Papists euery thing is come now to be de fide either what their Church once ventes that same
in any sense with Christ The Adioynder throwes dirt but it will not sticke pag. 425. 426. 159. About the Reward and against the Merit of good works The reuerend Bishop farre from praeuaricating Their rage against him shewes his integrity and sincerity in the cause They that hold of merit hold of Iudas Iscariot by S. Hieromes Etymologie of the name to whome the Scripture allots 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prooues not merit Iustice prooues not merit Vasquez and others how farre they goe in auouching merits beyond that which the Adioynder pretends to bee the vltimum in the doctrine of Poperie à pag. 426. ad 438 160. God is honoured in his seruants if they be honoured intra praescriptum Els not honoured but dishonoured in them The Adioynder is earnest for his kissing-deuotion and namely towards Relliques where as kissing Baal is worshipping of Baal in the language of the holy Ghost 1. Reg. 19. 18. Origen against this fancie Christs spouse must not be too franke in entertaining his mates though we should allow him sodales Cant. 1. 7. as the Iesuites doe socios and socias very promiscuously or participes Psal 45. 7. but prae quibus incomparabiliter ipse vnctus est p. 438 161. The Adioynder allowes the same relligious worship to God and to the Saint in all respects so the intention doe but make the oddes By which reason we may also sacrifice and build Temples to Saints two things which themselues reserue as proper to God at other times p. 429 162. From the Bishops most aduised graunt that Relliques may finde honour with vs the Adioynder rashly reasons that we may therefore yeeld them corporall reuerence yea any corporall reuerence p. 440 163. Processions ibid. 164. Of Miracles latè a pag. 440. ad 447. The summe is 1. That neither are Miracles requisite now of which point see M. Sand. l. 1. c. 12. de claue Dauid that SIGNA CESSARVNT alledging it for areasoÌ„ why the Pope caÌ„not destroy with bare word of mouth but onely with sword as Peter did Ananias and Sapphira though fondly they fain that his authority is the same viz. because miracles are now no more stirring in the Church 2. And that if they were needefull wee haue our part in them Insomuch as certaine Iesuites in the time of Queen Elizab. beeing boarded at Sea by one of the Queenes shippes set out for that purpose and they hauing letters of treason about them they tare them into peices as small as they could and flung them into the Sea the wind also then beeing very high purposely to abolish them Which afterwards beeing recollected and set in order againe by the industry of the Queenes agents disclosed their designes So as finally one of the principall of that confederacie confessed to the Lords at his Examination that it was not without miracle non sine miraculo c. See Mr. Cambden hac dere Annal. rerum Anglic. Hibernic regnante Elizab. 165. S. Austens miracles done at the Tombs of Martyrs if they were any yet inferre no worshipping of them neither in the nature of the thing nor in S. Austens iudgement Also meliores Christiani did not then as the many p. 448 166. The Adioynders Poperio no way consequent to the Bishops principles p. 449. 450 167. Of Monkes and Monasteries from p. 450. to 459. To whome because the Adioynder challengeth such perfection adde we to the rest the testimonie of Gelasius Aduersus * Andromachum Senatorem caeteros qui Lupercalia retinebant prout extat apud Binnium Tom. 2. Concil Age modò quid vis dete Numquid quià in Monasterio sacro non es in plebe sacra non es The Plebs is sacra to Gelasius Yet he addes An ignoras totam Ecclesiam SACERDOTVM vocitatam All the faithfull are Priests 168. Euangelicall Counsells Vowes Monkish perfection c. à pag. 460. ad 469. 169. The name Catholike What vertue is in names The Adioynders obiections and authorities answered à p. 470. ad 484. Oppone Athenag Apolog. pag. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vbi scil non respondet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et pag. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb etiam vt citatur antè opera Iustini Martyris citans ipse Iustinum lib. contrà Marcionem qui iam quidem non extat Quòd à Marcione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 invasere nomen Christianorum Sed quomodo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vt scil videas quatenus nominibus fidendum cum Pontificijs nostris 170. The English Clergie wants no lawfull Ordination à pag. 484. ad 494. 171. The SVPREMACIE of KINGS both in Temporall matters and Ecclesiasticall Defence of our Acts of Parlament as not exceeding the due proportion in their allotting of Supremacie of the reuerend Bishop also as not defectiue therein à pag. 494. ad finem vsque For CONCLVSION of this point and in behalfe of both Nations now blessedly VNITED whoÌ„ the Adioynder here seuerally and surly taskes for their iudgement about the Supremacie hearken what Mr. Cambden in his Annales reports a sufficient Author against them though he be ours first for the Scotchmen anno 84. which is three yeares later then that which the Adioynder here cauilleth them by that we may not doubt with the reuerend Bishop but they waxed and waxe daily yet more and more conformable c. Regia authoritas hoc anno in omnes subditos tam Ecclesiasticos quà m Laicos in perpetuum confirmata Regem sc consiliarios idoneos esse iudices in omnibus causis qui autem iudicium declinarent laesae Maiestatis teneri c. And for the English whome he challenges as enlargers of the Supremacie too far the Scotchmen too little in comparison of them Anno 59. p. 39. edit Lond. in fol. Cum calumniantia ingenia Reginam sugillarent quasi titulum SVPREMT CAPITIS ECCLESIAE ANGLICANAE authoritateÌ„ sacra in Ecclesia celebrandi arrogarit illa edito scripto declarat se nihil aliud arrogare quà m quod ad Coronam Angliae iam olim iure spectavit scilicet se sub Deo summam supremam gubernationem potestatem in omnes regni Anglici ordines siue illi sint Ecclesiastici siue Laici habere quòdque nulla extranea potestas vllam in eos iurisdictionem vel authoritateÌ„ habeat aut habere debeat And this is either that which Socrates saith Praefat. lib. 5. histor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adeòque Synodi atque eae vel maximae or which Concil 6. Gen. Constantinop Alloc ad Iustin Imper. Quòd POST SVPERNVM MOMENTVM as Hervetus translates it summum humani generis suscepisset gubernaculum Sed manum de tabula Πάντοτε δόξα Θεῷ 1. King 2. Hoc etiam turpiùs aâ—… ctatur Respub quòd ne ab co quidè vexatur vt tanquam fortis in pugna vir acceptis à forti aduersario vulneribus c. Lament 5. 〈◊〉 * Iam.
reprooue them The like doth Con. Aneyr. Can. 19. And Eâ—aâ— Sa verb. Ornatus makes it veniall for a Nun to decke beutifie her selfe though it be with danger of pleasing a yong mans fancie Yet inducens in periculum contrahendi mortalis mortale est saith the same Sa verb. Curiositas Therefore Nuns marriages are not so damnable How much lesse then are others sith these are counted among the most dangerous e Baron in Martyrolog Rom. Martij 7. Seconda 〈◊〉 qu. 88. art 10. Cap. 1. num 7. Adioynd The fellonious Edition of S. Ambrose at Lyons Hieron ad Pammach de obitu Paulin. Primus erat sed inter primos So Decem-primi apud Ciâ—er And Multioriâ—â— in Euang multiâ— postremi Ioh. 11. Serm. In Cath. Petri. cap. 14. De praescrip Heb. 7. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bellarm. calls it blasphemie to say the holy Ghost is Christs vicarius a Tractatu de ordin Epil investituta Laic Edit lat Sirm. Iesuita p 418. Sed Aquinas coâ—â—n Heb. 13. Dicit aâ—teÌ„ Christum Pastorem magnum quod omnes alq sunt â—…arij eius c. Vnde 1. Pet. 5. PRINCIPS PACTORVM vocatur Mâ—…n Iob. 21. Qui disputat cui agnos potius quà m ones Christus vocet suos quasi distinguens inter haec duo videat ne doctis hominibus risum praebeat Nihil discriminis est in re sed in voce tantùm * Exercit. 16. c. 133. ad Annal. Baron August contr Faust l. 19. c. 11. Caesareum caput quod caput orbis erat Ovid. de Trist 2 Adioynd c. 1. num 12. c. * In retortió to the Cardinalls words Vbi nemo negare potest S. Petrum factuÌ„ esse pastorem omnium fi lolium ipsorum etiam Apostolorum nisi 〈◊〉 has vtrosâ—â—…sse 〈◊〉 Christi 〈◊〉 The Archbishop of Roane was of another minde for Bishops castles Chron. Angl nostrae sub Rege Stephano Exod. 32. 21. v. 18. Opinio haec est Rabbi Moysis laudatur à Lyrano in locum In 8. Num. quaest 21. a Hector Pintus comment in cap. 3. Nalium ad illa verba Doâ—â—it auerunt pastores tui Rex Assur exponit pastores per confiliarios duces iudices omnes qui temp gubernandam sui cipiunt Citansque aliqunt loca in eam sententiam vt Esa 63. Esa 44. Ier 10. item Ier. 22. concludit inquiens Vides principes gubernatores consiliarios appellari PASTORES Videant hi. Hegesip de exâ—id Hieros l. 2. c. 5. Pilatus Christum nihil aliud docentem nisi quo primum deo deinde Imperatoribus populos faceret obedientes cruci suffixit * Epist 50. a His wordes are For in the booke of Kings we read what pains godly Iosias tooke to bring the kingdome giuen him of God to the true worship of God c. Not that we compare our selues with his holines but that WE SHOVLD ALVVAIES IMITATE SVCH EXAMPLES OF THE GODLY Alwaies saies he as if the force neuer expired b Vide Acta Concilij Sozom. l. 7. c. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is God by aracle instructing the King Of Theodosius choosing Nectarius to be Archbishop of Constantinople Prov. 30. 31. d S Maximus Hom in Litanijs de Ieiun Ninivit Mira res dum se Regem hominum non meminit incipit Rex es 〈◊〉 Iusticiae Et Siue ferro siue iusticiâ pro ciuium salute primus invigilat Et Non perdidit imperium sed mutauit Obtinet nunc coelestium disciplinaruÌ„ principatum e Parallel part 4. de Paradoxis Chalcedon in Actis Ibid. in Actis Herods panick feare Non eripit mortalia qui regna dat coelestia Sedul a Lib. de pastor c. 10. b Lib. 1. epist 4. S. Chrysost Homil. de Pseudoproph Ne mirere etsi Pastores transcaÌ„t in lupos Item Serm. apud Georg. Alexan. in vitâ Chrysost Crucifigit Caiphas coÌ„fitetur Latro. Denique Occidêre Sacerdotes adorauere Magi. See his Epistles for it was his owne case He professes that the Bishops were his heauiest enemies in the cause of God and his truth â—…ues timore 〈◊〉 So Psal 2. Dabotibi gentes hare ditatem tuam possessionem tuim terminos terrae is ioyned with Et nunc reges intelligite c. as the ende with the meanes Deut. 17. Iste locus vel à simili vel à maiori debet etiam intelligi de PP Christianis * Vrbanus 7. may seeme to haue been of another mind whose chiefe care after he came to be Pope was to prouide victualls good store his ground was because he was called to Pasâ—e oâ—â—s meas as he said Cicarella in vitâ Vib. 7. Head of the Church is said in a threefold respect 1 2 3 Theodor. de eurand Graec. affect Chemnic in locis com part 2. de Paupert Espenc in c. 3. Ep. ad Titum opponit eum impio Quasi reputet pium Et Diuinitùs seruatum discimus Nisi referat hoc ad salutem modò corporis * Multo antequaÌ„ nascereris Hieron Annis 210. ante impletam prophetiam Espenc Prov. 14. 4. Tom. 12. in Ep. Pauli p. 251. De iustaÌ„ Ecclesiae author 3. Num 20. Adioynd a Adioyn Num. 21. If the Pope's primacie may be called a temporall primacie for this cause c. then may the Bishop or Pastor be iustly called a corporall B shop and a pecuniarie Pastor because he doth punish men sometimes in his spirituall court not only in their bodies but also in their purses c. Iâ—l Front lib. 4. stratagem c. 7. Cap. 3. huius Comm. in c 1. ad Philip. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ethico Num. 21. * Epist ad Cardinal Bellarm. a Covar part 2. p. 504. Navar. alibi citat ibid à Covar Binsfield Alan De vinc Anathem Comment in Luc 22. Phil. 〈◊〉 Venantius Fâ—…natus de Niceta Treuerensi a pud Baron tom 7. anno 529 XVII Col. 181. Orat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Lib 6. Ep. 1. Hilat. can 30. in Matth. Petrus pro fidei suae calore Quasi Christs dicta efficienda non essent So â—â—oate that he thought Christ might be in the wrong himselfe in the right Petrus alios praevenicbat Petrus feruens ardore Isidorus Pelusiota Ep. 103. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Idem habent Cirillus duo Theodori Heraâ— leota Mopsuestenus Leontius Theophylactus Maximus August Beda Nic phoruâ—… Ambrosius So as Maldonat in Ioh. 21. Viâ— author vllus est qui non dicat c. Iob. 36. 7. Prou. 27. 24. Edit Concil â—…ian p. 251. * De auctor Concil l. 2. c. 17 Vâ—des Dominum reseruare oeconomum suo sol â—…dicio ex Luc. 12. Idem etiam docet vsu omnium â—aâ—…rum Et Serut hoc nec solâ— possunt nec congregati Sâ—il punire vel expellâ—re â—…conomum Id enim ad solum Dominum 〈◊〉 â—tus familiae pertinet Esa 49. Kirsten Not. Matth. 16. Anton. Fussul quoted by F. T. â—p 1. ad Sympt Bono vnitatis A
wee shewed before out of S. Austen as well as in Peter the others were included that allowed his confession And truely if it be good arguing from the prerogatiues of Peter and Iohn in Nazianzene the one to be called a rocke another to leane vpon our Sauiours bosome I see not but Iohn excelled Peter herein For his honour was reall Peters verball hitherto though I knowe that Christ makes all good in the ende which he promises Peters doubtfull and subiect to expositions Iohns cleare euident and ocular Peter you say was the first stone in the foundation after Christ but Iohn wee see immediately leaned vpon his breast which breast if it be as certenly it is the foundation of the Church is not this a type who hath the greater interest therein of the twaine But your way should haue beene if you had not been that fumbler to haue argued thus out of our graunts That all the Apostles were the foundations of the Church and Peter had the foundations committed to his charge as Nazianzene saies therefore Peter was made gouernour of the Apostles As if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were any thing but the exegesis of a rocke as I said ordained for building it selfe the foundation and carrying the foundations as you would say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an vsuall scheme Which was the cause that the Bishop medled not with that bile hauing said enough to it in the word Rocke before But suppose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made a distinct sense wil you say they were committed to him to bee gouerned Does the earth gouerne the heauens and all because they are in a manner founded vpon it What preposterousnesse is this or what faith is there in him that would so falsifie the very word of faithfulnesse it selfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I meane in his 8. numb where he deflects it to gouernement all too vnseasonably § 5. As for Chrysostome which is the next neuer any thing so ridiculous as he shewes himselfe there in defending the Cardinall Onely the Cardinall owes him so much the more for doing him seruice in so desperate a cause Tantò plus debes Sexte quòd erubui Homil. in Matth. 55. Cuius pastor caput homo piscator speaking belike of Peter and the Church that is to say whose Pastor and Head a fisherman is Though to be a Pastor of the Church is a small title in S. Peters style For first a pastor is a word of reproach and basenes if we beleeue S. Basil Orat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and yet transferred to Church-vses it is nothing singular but comprehends whome not both Apostles and others Dedit quosdam pastores Eph. 4. He gaue some to be Pastors and to what ende Not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to keepe them right that are once conuerted to the faith but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to gaine them that are without Aquinas so distinguishes them vpon the place which the Papists would make to be the Popes proper care to set men on worke to conuert the infidels and vnbeleeuers But here we see it is common to collegium pastorum to the many pastors not to vnus pastor onely Eccl. 13. or to the master of the assemblies Euen as Demetrianus of Alex. sent Pantaenus into India to conuert the Brachmanes into India Athanasius sent Frumentius Sozom. l. 2. c. 23. Meletius sent Stephanus into Germanicia S. Austen of his owne head writes to the Madaurenses to conuert them from Paganisme Epist 42. Victor Vticensis yields vs another example hereof lib. 1. de persecut Vandal which I will set downe somewhat at large because I am fallen into this argument Martinianus saith he Saturianus and two more brothers of them beeing sold by Gensericus that cruell tyrant tooke Capsur King of Mauritania keeping his Court in that place of the wildernes which is called Caprapicti what by their preaching what by their liuing and yet but lay-folke for so much as appeares by the storie and moreouer sold for bondslaues whereas the Iesuites thinke that pietie can finde no worke to doe in captiuitie but hath her armes and her legges chopt off as Salomon saies in another matter onely exercising her selfe in a pleasurable estate tali modo ingentem multitudinem gentilium barbarorum Christo Domino lucrauerunt so speakes Victor vbi anteà nulla fama Christiani nominis erat divulgata i. gained a great multitude of Gentiles and Barbarians to the Lord Christ where before the Christian name was not heard by fame And all this they effected afore they had helpe from Rome afterward they sought and found there as reason was TVNC DEINDE COGITATVR quid fieret c. So as Rome it selfe did not presently come into their minds for this matter but that other places might haue affoarded the same aide at neede and like enough vsually so they did This Victor But now as I was saying and to returne to the authoritie quoted out of S. Chrysostome Whatsoeuer become of pastour which though we finde not where he quotes it in S. Chrys yet with all our hearts we ascribe to Peter I would he could keepe there God appeared to Moses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not contending but keeping sheep saies S. Basil where before but the Pope he hath left the one for the other yea and ecclesiae pastor pastour of the Church of the Catholique Church So Clemens makes all Bishops Constitut lib. 6. cap. 14. much more then an Apostle What saies he to caput that Peter is head of the Church which we finde not in the Greeke You shall heare his answer cum riseritis ineptias hominis then thinke as you list for my discourse will soone be at an ende I answer saies he that though they be not now in the Greeke copies which the Bishop hath seene yet it little importeth seeing that the Latin translatour found them as it is most probable in the Greeke copie which he followed and S. Chrysost saies as much in effect both there and in other places Number the absurdities First not now Belike then heretofore they were in Who tooke them out you shall heare his owne guesse num 18. Either the Grecians themselues in the time of their schisme from the Romane Church or perhaps some of our late hereticks who haue taken vpon them TAKEN VPON THEM to print the Greeke in these daies Perhaps saies he so doubtfully he speakes and perhaps neither But if the Printers of these daies haue pickt them out why shew ye not some ancienter copies at least that haue them Not any say you which the Bishop hath seene Hath any then trow that your selfe hath seene or that the Cardinall hath seene or any other If they haue why doe they not name them why not produce them Not onely none hath them that the Bishop hath seene but shew you which of all hath not beene seene by the Bishop that we may beleeue they are yet extant in some other
copies The rather because the Cardinall alleadging the same place in his controuersies de Rom. Pontif. lib. 1. c. 25. cries out by parenthesis as if he had cause to triumph Ecce nomen capitis Calvino inauditum behold the name of Head which Calvin neuer heard of And the Gentleman by the way as offended with our mens ambitious forwardnesse forsooth calls it taking vpon them to print the Greeke Fathers You take too much vpon you Moses and Aaron said they of old or as Dauids brethren We know thy pride For our defence would not be taken although we should say with Dauid Was there not a cause Belike they should haue tarried till F. T. would haue giuen the onset the signall to the battell as no man among the Persians might shoote the deare till the King had begun But how if the man be so modest that we should haue staied God knowes how long to our no small disaduantage ere he had presumed to venture vpon the worke Shall it notwithstanding be called arrogance or precipitation in our men or taking vpon them Crasse pudet me tui ô stultos Cottas c. I am sorie for Eton Colledge and my honourable and worthy friend Sr Henrie Savile that he vsed no more aduise afore his setting forth of Chrysostome but rashly so precipitated into a worke not for his mowing without the Popes leaue But this complaint comes all too late nowe And no force Yet the Latine translatour found them there as it is most probable you say in the auncient Greeke copies Why not you rather foisted them into his translation or what if he were false and partial to your side as you said euen now the Grecians were to theirs and so put them in where he found them not Shall we not therefore be iudged by the authenticall Greeke copies And yet alas poore Grecians well may I pitie them vpon whome as gardeners set rue by roses for these to purge all their venomous qualities vpon the other to whome such noysomnes is but naturall so now as if they serued for nothing else other mens faults and scapes must be deriued And shall that be called Chrysostome in the trying of the question betweene the King and the Cardinall which is no where to be seene now but in the Translatour of Chrysostome But the last excells Though it be not extant totidem verbis in the place quoted by the Cardinall yet in effect and substance it is to be found you say both in that Homilie and else-where Who euer heard such paltring as this The words must be brought and when they are not to be found the sense must serue So a man may say that the deposition of Kings and worse too is authorised by the Apostle Hebr. 7. 7. not that he speakes a word to that purpose but minor à maiori benedicitur this prooues the superioritie of Priests to Kings in a Iesuits construction and therefore interficitur or deturbatur and what not Is this to giue vs the sēse for the words the spirit for the letter quoth you or do you so maintaine godlines in the power of it Tit. 1 And yet supoose this were right where is the sense or the substance that you talke of If in other places of Chrysostome why are not those places quoted at the first why doe you choose to dwell vpon a counterfeit one Are you not ashamed to runne gadding thus vp and downe first from words to sense then from one place to another to make your lamps to shine with borrowed oile beg'd rather nay stolne apparantly after the thrones are set and the Iudge is come On the other side how direct is the Bishop in his proceedings how square as I may say and exact euerie way Hath hee not satisfied the Cardinall to the very last farthing and paied the score which he brought to conuince the King withall His MAIESTIE calls for the Fathers of such a compasse to disprooue him And you see howe they are brought not onely speaking by an interpretor and not the faithfullest neither whereas there should be no compromitting at all in so serious a canvase but no tinker in his kettleworke was euer more fowly foyled then he in avouching the Cardinals quotations Lysanders two skins to patch the one the other so he his words with senses nay one text with another is the most naturall representation of his dodging here In so much as if I should not answer a word more in the behalfe of the Bishop yet you see how he hath performed as much as he vndertooke namely to maintain the kings challēge against the Cardinal about the iudgement of the Fathers within such a space and this fellow cannot refute him without such shamefull shifts as lay him open to more disgrace Yet to two places I will say somewhat for the other are not worth the while § 6. Out of the Homily aforesaid Peter was a diamond Ieremy a brasen pillar or an iron wall And which meant Chrysost for the stronger of the two or did he meane to magnify one aboue the other at all yet you should speake to their authoritie and let their constancie alone Their vertue is one thing their place another howsoeuer how confound them Vnlesse you thinke that because with you place goes for vertue witnesse Hildebrande in Dictatis therefore with them vertue may inferre place too which is nothing so But let vs heare the rest Ieremy was set ouer one nation Peter ouer the whole world And what is this but the difference of the old testament and the new the field and the garden fons signatus Cant. 4. and fons patens or reclusus Zach. 13. the breaking downe of the partition-wall Eph. 2. the rending of the vaile c. I hope euery minister in the new testament not Peter onely hath not the land of Palaestine which might be Ieremies limitation but the latitude of the whole world to deale with Yea it is your owne doctrine c. 2. numb 50. and 52. that as farre as the Church reaches which at this day reaches through out the whole world the office and function of euery minister may extend But the Apostles specially betweene whome and Peter herein there was no ods whatsoeuer difference there might be in their prouinces as they parted them among themselues Yea but Peter might haue chosen Matthias Apostle without communicating with the rest for which you quote Chrysostome hom 3. in Acta Quid annon licebat ipsi eligere Licebat quidem maximè c. And againe in the same place Quà m est feruidus quà m agnoscit creditum à Christo gregem Might not he chuse yea verily he might Then How feruent is he how doth he acknowledge the slocke of Christ committed to his charge No doubt he regards the flocke of Christ in speaking first in the congregation about the choice of an Apostle which much concerned the Church at that time not to be destitute of a pastor