Spring which issuing from its undefiled Fountaine would not onely water with his favours such as had deserved well of His House but would make them bud forth by the opulency of his rewards That Hee was sorry Hee could not fully expresse Himselfe upon this occasion since the Dutchesse of Yorkes reputation was therein concerned as well Mother to the Protectour whom hee feared to offend as to King Edward but necessity had enforced him to say more then willingly Hee would have done He referr'd himselfe therein to what the Preacher had said the preceding Sabbath day at Pauls Crosse whose integrity was not to be contradicted hee being a Messenger of the Word of God so wise intelligent and indowed with so much worth as it would not suffer him to say any thing especially upon such an occasion and in such a place which was not certaine truth that great was the efficacy of truth which had opened his Mouth formerly shut up by the way of circumspection that Hee had fully layd open the claime which the Protectour Duke of Gloucester had to the Crowne since Edwards Children being illegitimate as the issue of an unlawfull Marriage the Kingdome fell to him the which being maturely considered and therewithall the Valour and Worth of so gallant a Prince the Nobility and Commons especially them of the Northerne parts being resolved not to be governed by Bastards they had resolved humbly to Petition Him that He would vouchsafe to take upon Him the Government of the Kingdome which by Nature and by the Lawes belonged unto Him For his part he knew not whether he would Accept of it or no for being free from all manner of Ambition and sufficiently acquainted with the troubles of Government he was affraid he would refuse it Howsoever the necessity of the Kingdome being great King Edwards Children not onely excluded by the Lawes but very Young hee hoped that the threats of the holy Scripture Woe be to the Kingdome whose King is a Child would move him to condescend to the generall supplication of the State which needing a Prince of mature age who might be Wise and of Experience would never cease to call upon him till they were heard in what they desired That he had taken upon him the charge of delivering the Petition but considering it might be the more graciously accepted if the Citizens of London would joyne with him therein hee was come to intreat them that weighing the Publique good and their owne particular advantage they would be the first that might doe it and that their forwardnesse herein would make him more favour the City then all the preceding Princes had done His Speech being ended and expecting when the people applauding his discourse should cry up Richard King he was amazed to finde the contrary he found he was abused in his hopes of the Lord Majors having prepared them for it so as drawing neere unto the Major he asked him what might be the reason of the peoples so great Reservednesse and silence who not knowing what to say answered hee thought his Grace was not well understood whereupon believing that that might be the cause of their silence and that his eloquence might yet prevaile with them he in a lowder tone and in other words repeated all he had said before whereat all that heard him marvelled for he could not have spoken better though he had penned it and gotten it without Booke But for all this the people altered not their silence He then would have had the Recorder of London to repeat once more what he had said wherein he desired to be excused as being but lately entered upon the Office and not having as yet had any occasion to speake unto the people but the truth was he did not like the businesse thinking it to be unjust Yet notwithstanding the Major urging him and alleaging that the Dukes too eloquent and Court-like Speech was not well understood he unwillingly obeyed interposing ever and anon this Parenthesis He saies to the end they might not believe his Vote went with it But the people still more deafe then formerly the Duke said unto the Major He never met with so obstinate a silence and preparing to speake a third time he said He was come hither to perswade them to concurre in a businesse wherein peradventure their assistance would not be requisite for the Nobility and Commons of the other Provinces would doe it without them but that he bearing a particular affection to that Noble City did not desire it should be done without them but rather would have them have the first part therein Hee desired them to say whether in conformity with the rest of the Kingdome they would name the most Noble Prince Richard Duke of Gloucester at the present Protectour of the Kingdome for their King To the which though no man answered yet was not the silence so great as before for one whispering in anothers eare a noise was heard much like the noise of a Hive of Bees but in the lower end of the Hall where were many servants and shop-boyes who in the crowde were gotten in they began to cry aloud the Dukes servants being the Ring-leaders Long live King Richard throwing their Hats up but the Citizens turning about to see what the matter might be continued their former silence The Duke wisely making use of this disorder and being seconded by the Major said Hee was much overjoyed to heare that with so much conformity and without one Negative voice they had desired this Noble Prince for their King hee would acquaint him with it so as it should redound to their advantage He wished them to be ready for the next morning he would present him with their supplication to the end that the Pròtectour might be perswaded to accept of the Kingdome so much desired by Them and by the Kingdome Which being said he went away few or none appearing well pleased The next morning the Major assembled all the Aldermen and chiefe of the Common-Counsell of the City into Pauls Church from whence they went to Baynards Castle the place where the Kings of England had formerly kept their Courts where the Protectour now lay and where according to appoinment made came the Duke of Buckingham accompanied with a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen who sent word to the Protectour that a great many men of great account were ready there to waite upon his Grace in a businesse of great importance The Protectour seemed unwilling to come downe the staires and give them admittance as if the businesse had been New unto him feyning as though their unexpected comming the cause not knowne why had made him somewhat jealous Buckingham by this His refusall strongly argued the Protectours integrity as being farre from imagining what the businesse now in hand was Hee sent him word againe that the businesse was not to be imparted to any save Himselfe securing him in so humble and submissive a way as was sufficient to have
at liberty they contented themselves with such sufficient security as he gave them Thirteen men were afterwards chosen who under the King should take upon them the government of the Kingdome of the which number were the two Uncles of Yorke and Gloster and the Earle of Arundell An Oligarchy at all times dangerous in a Monarchicall government and which first instituted in the reigne of Richard was afterwards as harmfull repealed But examples are not sufficient to ground Lawes upon when the injustice of the Prince is such as it receiveth Lawes from the subject when their injustice springs from their weaknesse and when their weaknesse proves the nerves of strength and veines of justice to the people whether being arrived commanding they are blind in doing of offence whilst being commanded they were Arguseyd in receiving offences every man cries out Liberty a pleasing thing and according to nature but to bring others into servitude is a vice in nature more in reason The tyranny of the Decemviri in Rome was more insupportable then that of Tarquin and the short government of these thirteen more inexorable then all Richards reigne so as if wee consider things aright we shall finde that evils have almost alwayes had just beginnings but contrary proceedings and ends hatred envie and revenge unmasking those vices which covered by the deceitfull cloake of Common-good were beleeved to be vertues The last businesse and the onely one which gave satisfaction to the King was the assigning over to the Duke of Ireland the thirty thousand markes paid in by the Admirall Clisson for the ransome of Iohn of Brettony Count of Pointivers his sonne-in-law This Iohn together with his brother Guy was taken prisoner by Iohn Shandois in the battell of Antroy the yeare 1364. The French seconding Charles of Bloys father to the two young brethren who died in that battell and the English Iohn Montford both of them pretenders to the Dukedome of Bretanny they gave unto him this money in colour that he should goe into Ireland to take possession of such lands as the King had there given him but in effect to separate him from him barring him of all delay they prefixt unto him Easter for his departure from England This was the price at which they thought to have purchased his absence but neither did he see Ireland nor was the King likely to lose his company if Fortune did not deprive him of it This Parliament ended with the giving of one Subsidy which was alotted to Richard Earle of Arundell to be spent at sea where having done considerable actions accompanied with the Earle of Nottingham he gave to the Duke and others further occasion of hatred whereby to suppresse those vertues which in well-governed Common-wealths use to be rewarded so to incite others to the service of their Countrey by the bait of emulation and honour a dismall signe of corruption the bringer in of vice and forerunner of ruine The Parliament was no sooner ended but the King returned to London retooke the Earle of Suffolke to his former favour who as one condemned ought not to have been permitted to have seene the King nor have come where he was he anuld all that was decreed against him conniving onely at this that the office of Chancellor should remaine in the Bishop of Ely upon whom it was conferred And to the end that matters of scandall might never be wanting to the favorites and that their insolencies might witnesse to the world the supreame power they had over him he suffered the Duke of Ireland to do one act of scandall the which distasted all men The Duke amongst the chiefest of his honours married Phillep the daughter of Ingram Guisnes Lord of Consi and Isabel daughter of Edward the third cosen to the King a great and noble Lady by her owne deserts as well as birth not moved thereunto by any inciting cause but his owne pleasure he resolved to repudiate her that hee might marry one Ancerona a Bohemian a Carpenters daughter who came into England in the Queens service It is to be beleeved that he had not taken her had not Richard adhered to him and the dispensation of Vrban the sixth had not been obtained without the Regall countenance there being no lawfull cause for the putting her away although it was the easilier gotten for that the Dutches Phillep being a Frenchwoman adhered to the schisme of Clement of Avignion So that it is no wonder if the King were not generally beloved of his people since that to second the Dukes unlawfull humours hee put no valuation upon himselfe The Duke of Gloster was herewithall soundly netled neither did he cloake his anger though to declare himselfe therein was not agreeable to the rules of wisedome for an open enemy puts himselfe to too much disadvantage Easter the prefixed time for the journey into Ireland was come and gone the world was to be satisfied He delayed the time under the colour of making preparations but not able to put it off any longer he departed and together with him the King who went as hee gave out to accompany him to the Sea side Being come to Bristow they did not put to Sea but leaving it on the left hand passed forward into Wales as if the people had forgotten the journey to Ireland Trickes and devices the more scandalous and unseasonable for that they argued some strange alteration The authoritie of the governours troubled his quiet and the advantage that they had got upon Regall authority threatned his ruine they coveted to secure themselves from them for neither did the Duke intend to goe into Ireland nor the King to part with him nor the Archbishop of York to stand the shock of universall hatred nor the Earle of Suffolk to return to the censure of the Parliament nor Trisillian nor Bambre to give an account of their past actions Whereupon finding themselves in great danger they agreed that it was impossible for them to subsist without ridding them out of the way who were onely able to undoe them A wicked resolution but now necessary since they were come to that passe as nothing but extreams could worke their safety The difficulty of the businesse lay in the making away of Gloster Arundell Warwicke Nottingham and Darby eldest sonne to the Duke of Lancaster who hitherto hath not been named though the first subject of our Story They had likewise proscribed many others with whom they might not have done amisse to have temporized but all delayes were to them dangerous and treacheries framed formerly against Gloster made it impossible for them to compasse their ends by the same meanes The law was thought the safest way and the more masked the safer Many there were who had followed the King not so much out of respect and to claw the favourite as for that the aire of London under the blast of the thirteene not tempered by the propitious breath of Regality was thought pestilentiall They all seemed to make
of warre with that Nation and likely that not ensuing to raise a warre at home To which the Count with a sad brow replied That the birth and bloud of such subjects allowing them more authority then stood with the Kings safety was dangerous that to temporize in cures made the malady greater But that as one poyson was antidote to another so dangers could not but by dangers be salved yet with this advantage that the former being certaine 't was a question whether the others would prove so or no That clemencie when 't was the off-spring of weaknesse and feare was alwayes subject to ingratitude and neglect never to thankfulnesse and acknowledgement So as Princes who wanted the Ballance to weigh offences and the power to counterpoise them by condigne punishments might account themselves as already lost These or the like words gave the definitive sentence against Glosters life for they were fast rooted into Richards minde as proceeding from one that was wise a Friend and an Ally and who was void of interest He now wavered no longer neither in respects nor delayes hee firmly resolved to put him to death but had not pitched upon the manner As soone as the Count was gone from England he acquainted the Earle of Huntington and of Nottingham with his designe and having with them agreed upon what was to be done he went out of London one night about Supper time and rid all night accompanied by a great many armed men who lying in ambush not farre from Plashey the Dukes house the King sent Huntington to acquaint him with his comming The message was no sooner delivered but by the sound of trumpets notice was given of the Kings arrivall The Duke who was then in bed threw his night gowne about him and came downe to meet his Majesty taxing Huntington of unkindnesse for not having given him earlier notice But these complementall quarrels were soone appeased by the Kings smiling aspect who desired him to goe make himselfe ready for that he must presently upon some urgent occasion goe along with him to London The Dutchesse in her night cloathes entertained the King whilst her husband did on his apparrell who not having leasure to take his usualll traine along with him got on horse-backe followed by some few and giving order for the rest to follow him As soone as they were come to the place of ambush Richard spur'd on and the Marshall comming from where hee was conceald tooke the Duke prisoner 't was bootlesse for him to call upon the King who seeming as if he heard him not pursued on his way The unfortunate man was brought to the Thames there imbarked and carried to Callis a fort under the command of the said Marshall where hee was shortly after strangled or as many will have it stifled between pillowes A businesse which clearly demonstrates unto us that their number is but small who falling into extravagancies upon confidence in the people have not come to miserable ends And though errors were committed on both sides it cannot notwithstanding be denied but that Princes are provoked unto tyranny more by the insolencies of particular men then of their owne disposition For it being dangerous to proceed by the ordinary course of Law with a priviledged man as was Gloster it behoved Richard to doe that by force which he was not sure to effect by justice since that his danger was more to be feared in the tolerating of such presumptions then in the violating of the Lawes And so it had certainly fallen out had he not done worse But evils fruitfull in themselves produce multitudes of their like And honesty in any one affaire once forsaken quite banisheth all shame in all succeeding actions After the Count Saint Pauls departure the King had received many distasts which wounding his reputation had confirmed him in his resolution of putting the Duke to death Brest a Fort of great consequence in Brettany was by the Duke thereofpawned for a great summe of money to Edward the third upon condition of being rendred when the moneyes should bee paid It was a place which had formerly fitted England for accommodations of warre in these parts And if Richard had had the same designes his predecessors had as he had not it may bee hee would not so punctually have observed conditions but as matters now went having received the monies he restored it to the owner without further dispute The Duke of Gloster who no whit abated his blaming of the Kings actions did in bitter manner twit him in the teeth with his restitution as done to the prejudice and dishonour of the State the King who thought he had not well understood him so outragious was his language willed him to speak it over againe and he not changing the sense but saying the very self same words over again did so much incense his Majesty as after having shewed him that he had done nothing which without infamy he could have forborne to have done he seemed to his other Uncles to be much greeved thereat who though they confessed him to be over violent did yet excuse him affirming him to be as void of malice as jealous of the honour of the kingdome the which he was in so high a degree as that he could not suffer the least diminution thereof how just soever Afterwards when any discourse concerning the King was offered hee spoke of him as of one degenerate and without courage that being unfit for government the greatest favours that could be done him were to allot livelihood unto him in some commodious prison Whereupon his brethren despairing of his amendment and fearing lest their presence might adde to his boldnesse retired themselves to their Countrey-houses beleeving that being left alone he would be more reasonable But so far was he from this as that he fell upon a resolution which if it were not the cause was the last pretence of his death he had as well plotted the Kings ruine as the King his Hereupon a randesvous was made in Arundell Castle where a resolution was taken of ceasing upon the Kings person of imprisoning the Dukes of Lancaster and Yorke to the end that they might not disturbe the businesse and of hanging the greatest part of all the Privie Councell The chiefe conspirators were the Earle of Darby Arundell the Marshall and Warwicke and of Prelates the Archbishop of Canterbury the Abbot of Saint Albons and the Prior of Westminster This conspiracie is thus reported by a certaine Historian but I cannot beleeve it to be true for reasons which shall hereafter bee alledged The Earle Marshall discovered the plot unto the King and the King unto the Councell which perswaded him to retaine the Duke the which being done Arundell and Warwicke were forthwith imprisoned And to shun the danger of a popular insurrection publicke proclamation was made that the fore named persons were imprisoned not for any former fault but for fresh treasonable offences to be made knowne the next Parliament where
growne to that height that Richard in case he should dye without issue desired to leave the Kingdome to him it was impossible for them so farre to alter their affections as that they did not preferre danger before security The severall opinions of this conspiracy are so various as that they may admit of doubt but for my part I rest assured that this variety proceeded from the not knowing of true particularities and that through the inveloping of secrets the common people have fashioned their story whereupon that hath happened which will alwayes happen that many true cases have no circumstances which are not or false or very uncertaine Having tyed up all in a bundle I will give you the opinion of Writers King Henry when he was young had let some words fall perhaps out of inconsiderate vivacity of spirit or else out of ambition to be thought a States-man tending to this purpose That Princes in consideration of their degree and expence had but small revenewes and that the Clergie in regard of their calling and occasion had too great incomes To which speech Richard afterwards alluding said That if the Earle of Darby came to the Crowne he would be no great favourer of the Clergy Having now obtained it and the memory remaining of what he had said and the other had judged the Clergy had some reason to suspect since such like words as these were not let fall by chance but at such time when as snares being laid for the Clergie because of their wealth there were divers who had given such particulars of their estates to the Parliament as that the two Archbishops were forced to protest against any Act which should be made against Ecclesiasticall liberty or immunity and though I beleeve that these suspitions were vaine mens mindes changing by yeeres and experience and he not having in all his reign shewed any such inclination yet he who shares in a beleeved danger doth not wait the comming of it but prevents it which was the onely cause that made the Abbot of Westminster doe what he did This man was religious by profession but by practice a Courtier his learning and experience had won him reputation especially with Richard who tooke him along with him in his last journey into Ireland being then firmely of opinion that the King who had profest himselfe no friend to the Clergie would for ever continue the like he thought the best way to prevent this danger would be by Henries death and because the grounds of this his imagination were either true or likely he suffered himselfe to be perswaded to a likelihood of effecting his desires wherein hee had not beene deceived if fortune had not failed him He considered that Henries preferment was occasioned rather out of hatred to Richard then any love to him that such effects change with the change of fortune that the one being deposed the other was no more so much desired who was onely coveted to exclude the other this being effected that his first love and applause was turned into envie and hatred that the people were fickle greedy of what they have not cloyed with what they have that his neerest kin were his enemies his brother brother in law and cousin being censured in Parliament that usurpation is hatefull both to God and man that a lawfull King was unlawfully deposed the lawfull heires contrary to reason disinherited that he was favoured by the Nobility as by the house of Percy for interest by that of Yorke for feare that the envy to him ward and compassion towards Richard were Rams able to beat downe whatsoever well built wall All of them considerations of much weight but counterpois'd by the Kings fortune light beyond comparison Hatred and treason are false ballances wisedome is the onely just scale which if the Abbot had used he had saved his owne life with the life of Richard and the lives of others who drawne by a rash confidence perished in the praecipice of a too bold and heady resolution for God doth seldome suffer never assist bad actions The first care in this businesse was to finde persons fitly appropriated to the businesse since of the welwillers thereunto these were only usefull when by birth or retinue were void of exception faithfull faith being then most to be relyed upon when most interessed and interest being the chiefest causer of our affections Not herewithall contented he would have them oppositely affected with love and hopes towards Richard with hatred and feares towards Henry so as without more adoe these considerations pointed out unto him what choice he was to make The Dukes of Exeter and Surrey were most neerely concerned in Richard and under him their greatnesse was safe which under Henry was doubtfull and supprest though Exeter had married his sister a thred too weakely spun to with-hold suspitions which in what concerned the Kingdome befell his brother in law meere shadowes indangering him and forcing upon him a necessity of impossible circumspection for the preservation of the State as it now was was the onely gaine which was to be aimed at In the Duke of Aumerle were more weighty considerations none at all for what concern'd his blood he was in the like relation cousin to both but it being an ordinary thing to repay unuseful kindred with disrespect and with hatred such as bereave us of our good fortune or are a crosse to us therein by Richard he had beene remunerated by Henry cut short of part of his honours and livelihood but that which of all other his distastes he was most sensible of was that he could not suffer the being cut off from the Crowne by his younger brother the Earle of Cambridge who had married Anne to whom when Edmund Earle of March should dye the right to the Crowne did belong Iohn Montaigne Earle of Salisbury who had beene an abusive medler in the breach of the match betweene Henry and the daughter of Berry had reason to presume him his irreconcileable enemy Hugh Spencer Earle of Glocester preferd by Richard supprest by Henry ally'd moreover to the house of Yorke by his match with Constance the daughter of Aumerle could not aspire to higher hopes Iohn Bishop of Carleil though with the height of clemencie freed from imprisonment at Saint Albons was notwithstanding by his persevering in a preposterous zeale fast linked to the love of the one and hatred of the other Magdalun Chaplaine to King Richard to boot with the common interests and obligations of the above-named did naturally so much resemble Richard as that there was no separating of him from his party These and divers others not named were by the Abbot invited to a great feast which being done they fell to private conference wherein having deplored the miseries of the time the imprisonment of a King to whom by nature oath and particular favours they were obliged as likewise their owne losse in his fall they resolved to re-establish Richard by the death of Henry presuming
Sterling in the Church of the Dominicans with the title of King of England Henry had great good fortune so happily to acquit himself of this conspiracy otherwise in likelihood hee might have beene oppressed by evills which on three sides hung over him for during all his life his fortune was through dangers to arrive at happinesse and at safety by the Rockes of precipice France had made great preparations of man and shipping to succour Richard with intention to come for England relying upon his partakers upon the envy contracted by the new King and upon the inconstancy of popular affection their former hatred was changed into compassion They were all in Picardy under the command of Count St. Paul ready to take shipping when together with advertisement of the conspiracy came newes of the unhappy successe thereof which amazed them all To proceed farther under colour of revenge which brought along with it suspicion of invasion had now beene rashnesse since they were dead in whom they did most affie Greater preparations were to be made for the invasion of England these not being sufficient without some correspondency from within the Land And as the home conspiracy gave the last blow to Richards life so did the forraigne preparations confirme Henry in that resolution which he would not have willingly taken without these sharpe provocations so as that which was intended for his liberty caused his death The forces in France were all disbanded Charles upon good advice desired onely the restitution of his daughter a just request and not to be had but by civill meanes the which hee obtained sending over Embassadours to that purpose who were graciously received but the King referred his answer to certain commissioners who were to go to Callis to treat together with this of other affairs which neerely concerned both the Crownes Charles sent thither the Duke of Bourbon and Henry Edward Duke of Aumerle who by the late death of his father did now succeed in the title and inheritance of the Duke of Yorke together with whom hee sent Henry Earle of Northumberland Bourbon required the restitution of the Queene which they denyed not but desired that by the approbation of France she might yet remaine in England since by birth and yeares she was a fit match for the Prince of Wales as wife for whom they did desire her But Charles not willing to consent to this having conceived an opinion that the aliance with England would prove unfortunate for France a perpetuall peace was propounded by Yorke This being likewise found a difficult businesse France being resolved not to quit what it was possest of the English Edmund endevoured to bridle his insolency The battell was on both sides manfully fought Glendor had two advantages the number of men and his being their Captaine By these meanes hee proved victor obedience and good order having wonne him the Lawrell The Herefordshire men on the other side fewer in number and led by the Earle onely in regard unto his quality obeyed many and sometimes none doing what they listed so as distracted and not resolved what to do they made good the field till night rather out of an obstinate resolution then any reason or order At last they yeelded but fled not for none did pursue them Glendor was contented that he had overcome for finding himselfe in an enemies Countrey the night being darke many of his men slaine and the rest or weary or wounded hee forbare to pursue the victory Two thousand were left dead in the field the Earle was taken prisoner and kept in the bottome of a Tower no respect being had to his person neither did the King though by many much importuned indevour his liberty for he thought this his imprisonment to bee one of the happiest things that ever befell him Let me here bee permitted to relate a Story of the Welsh Women the like to which I have not met withall in any other history They ran like so many Bacchanals to the place of battell they cut off the noses and privities from as many as there they found dead they put the privie members which they had cut off into the mouthes of the dead with the testicles hanging out and the noses into their posteriors nor would they suffer their bodies to be taken away without ransome An action wherein eagernesse dishonesty cruelty and avarice were equally seene and were it to bee disputed which of these foure were most abusive whosoever should give his opinion in favour of any of them might lawfully feare the being thought unjust each of them having arguments to plead for the priority of mischiefe but if I were to be Judge herein I should beleeve that avarice were not to bee pleaded For though it bee a vice naturall to that Sex yet in what belongs to their houshold government it may bee accounted a vertue I should absolve them of cruelty as not an absolute cause but an effect of the fiercenesse of their nature And I would free them from dishonesty because no dishonesty being without delight this action was thereof incapable so as fiercenesse would win the plea were it not that the inveterate hatred which they bare unto the English had been the onely thing which made them fierce dishonest avaritious and cruell Glendor kept on his course sacking and spoyling the confines These two victories had made him bee esteemed by his owne men and feared by his enemies there was none the King being busied about more weighty affaires who withstood him but good fortune is like the flowing of the Sea which ebbes againe for a full sea is alwayes followed by an ebbe The Scots had at this very time taken their best advantage of the alterations in England they readily made use thereof and Northumberland was the place wherein they laid their first Scene The truce continued of force betweene the two kingdomes and because warre was not publickly proclaimed the truce was not esteemed broken for disorderly incursions are pardoned between nations at continuall enmity Nor was King Robert to be blamed herein unlesse it were for conniving The Scots having ransacked the countrey betooke themselves to doe mischiefe at sea and to endammage the fishing businesse But the English were not wanting unto themselves for having sacked the Ilands of the Orcades they met with the enemies Fleet who under the command of Robert Logon went to encounter them in fight they tooke many of them An action of small consequence and onely worthy of the name of Reprisall but occasions of open hostility ensuing hereupon Henry was unwillingly enforced to undertake a warre The King of Scotland had contracted a match between the daughter of George Dumbar Earle of the Marches and Prince David his eldest sonne the Earle having readily paid in a great summe of money by the way of portion Archibald Earle Douglas a high spirited man not able to endure this addition of power in any one much lesse in Dumbar who was of himselfe great and
the respect of the King now living All the above-named were like so many paunes at Chesse which advancing too rashly were lost whilst the great men alike inconsiderately endeavouring to mate the King met with the like fortune There was not one in the whole Nobility who did not now desire a change of government but few that did resolve to endevour it For events founded upon the uncertainty of fortune are for the most part of certaine inevitable ruine Hatred as all things else hath its degrees he who is in the last degrees cares not much to hazard himselfe till such time as happy successe is of little use and unhappy successe of inevitable danger But who is in the first degrees of hatred and therein bathed in his own bloud hath bolder resolves revenge being an intense passion and an indefatigable egger on of the spirits in offended veines The Earle of Northumberland who had lost his brother and his son the Archbishop of Yorke who had lost his brother and Maubery Earle Marshall who had lost his father an exiled man in Venice all enemies to the King in highest degree conspired his ruine taking for their colour the ordinary pretence of reformation and ease of the people oppressed with strange taxes as if to represse the attempts of France Scotland and Wales in which service they were imployed had not beene necessary as indeed it was not according to their tenets for such repression did preserve authority and did establish together with the common good the reputation and awe of a Prince which they would have oppressed and undone though to the undoing of the kingdome The Lord Hastings Falconbridge Bardolf and many others did joyne in this conspiracy the order they therein tooke was to meet all at an appointed time with their forces at Yorke under the command of the Earle of Northumberland but the Archbishops impatiency broke this designe for being returned to Yorke together with the Earle Marshall hee thought to facilitate the enterprise by honesting it so as having framed certaine articles and sent copies of them into other countries he caused them be set upon the Church doores thereby inviting the people to take armes to reforme abuses introduced by the ill administration of the present government The Archbishop was of a pleasing countenance well read and indued with much vertue so as having till this present led a blamelesse life he was free from being thought to have any evil intentions but t is usual for man to fall back from well doing and hereupon at his first becke 20000. men came flocking to him an unseasonable diligence for his confederates as likewise for himself The King was informed of all that had past and not failing in diligence in his owne affaires he had at the first noyse of this rebellion levied 30000. fighting men giving order to the Earle of Westmerland to whom he joyned a sonne of his owne very young to goe before him into these parts and to governe himselfe as occasion should require Being come to Yorke he found that the Archbishop had placed his campe forth of the city and perceiving that it was not his best to give him battell for he was much inferiour in forces he encamped himselfe over against him And changing the Lyons skin into the Foxes he sent him word that he wondred to find a man of his profession in the posture hee found him since hee could not finde any reason why he should arme the Kings people contrary to the Kings peace to the which the Archbishop answered that he so was far from infringing the Kings peace as that all that he did tended to the preservation thereof Whereupon entring upon the occasions of discontent with him that was sent unto him he shewed him the Articles and for the Earles better satisfaction hee sent them unto him by a Gentleman of his own He who had determined to do what hee did seemed to rest satisfied but that a businesse of this high nature being in question it was requisite they should meet together to treat thereof which might easily be done each of them bringing a like number of men betwixt the two campes There is no net so secure as that which is spread in the commendations of hîm who is to be deceived for the Archbishop hearing his actions applauded by him who was sent to oppose him confident to bring him over to his side made no difficulty to give him meeting And which is more brought the Earle Marshall along with him though with much adoe and contrary to his will who had in vaine used all the meanes hee could to disswade him from it Being met together with equall numbers betweene the two campes Westmerland after some short discourse seemed to bee perswaded professing that in so just a quarrell he would fight to the utmost of his life whereupon shaking hands in the fight of both armies wine was called for and given about in token of friendship and agreement a ceremony which not soone to bee ended the Earle said to the Archbishop that their differences being ended in a joynt consent it was not expedient to detain any longer so many people with such incōmodity from their houses and shops but that suddenly disbandoned it was reason they should together with them enjoy the fruits of the established reconciliation the Archbishop believed the Earle and his people him who returned to the City aboundantly content the cups went this while merily about whilst those of the Kings party gathering one by one together grew to such a multitude as that there being now no more cause of feare the Earle did at the same time arest the Archbishop and Earle Marshall plighting his faith unto them the same as hee had formerly done that they should not suffer in their lives and meeting the King at Pomfret who made what haste hee could to Yorke hee brought along with him the prisoners who much commiserated and bemoaned were adjuged to dye and were forthwith beheaded Some doe report that the Archbishop obtained of the headsman to cut off his head at five blowes in the honour of our Saviours five wounds and that the King being at dinner was at the same time by an invisible hand strucke as often in the necke remaining afterwards a Leper A thing possible to him whom all things are possible but God doth not alwaies worke according to his omnipotency for the King did neither receive these blowes neither did hee remaine a Leper to prove the falshood whereof the Archbishops tombe being devoutly flocked unto as to the tombe of a Martyr hee by publique prohibition forbad the recourse thereunto the which hee would not have done if he had beene miraculously strucke in manner aforesaid and for what concerns the name of Martyr his cause did not deserve it for he being a Pastor misled his flocke from spirituall pastorage to rebellion and to the shambles and since the judgements of the Almighty touching the falling of the just is not
squadrons It was conducted by the Counts Omalle Marle Dammartin Fouchingburg and Louray Captaine of Ardres so as not reckoning the reereward the Vanguard and the maine battell were composed of 20800. horse and 11000. archers and crosse-bow men the three squadrons seemed to be seven times as many as were the English King Henry seeing hem troubled in the ordering of themselves and that they did not presently set upon him as he expected gave order that his souldiers should eate before they should be put into battell aray and because they were so farre inferiour in number to the enemy as that of thirteene thousand archers and two thousand men at armes a great many were sicke insomuch as to divide the remainder into severall squadrons were to make them very small ones he resolved to put them all into one body placing the archers in the front defended as if it were by pikes by certaine stakes sharpened at both ends and set bending forwards in the ground which he himselfe had caused be cut out of the woods by the way as he marched of the men of armes he made two wings placing them on the flanks and in a field hard by fenced by a bancke he placed two hundred archers in ambush with directions that they should not shoote till the signe were given The French men had beene a full houre in order not having advanced one foot and it was about tenne of the clock when the English expecting to be set upon and impatient to attend any longer did advance themselves and after having made a little haste Sir Thomas Herpingham an ancient man and long experienced in war threw a trunchion into the aire which was the signe of falling too The souldiers shooting aloud and the 200. of the ambush answering them began to let flie at the Vanguard so as the enemies horse being wounded in the fall of arrowes and their riders troubled to governe them they came not to the charge as they should have done Duplex noteth three errors committed by the French in this encounter The first that when the English advanced themselves they did not likewise advance but stood still though much the stronger an error which Cesar observed in Pompey in the battell of Pharsalia first motions give courage whereas standing still takes from courage for wounds which are received whilst men stand still by wounding to the quicke doe infuse fear whereas the sense abstracted by motion hath lesse sense of wounds and the spirits remaining intire doe strengthen the arme and makes it give the first blow The second that standing so immoveable and bowing downe their heads to the end that the arrowes might not enter through the sight holes of their helmets they made themselves a firmer But to hit The third that of 800. horsemen led by Monsieur Sanenses 120. went onely to give the charge and those but sluggishly so as their Captaine not seconded was by their arrowes beaten downe and slaine Their horses being thus wounded strength dexterity and the bit not able to governe them in stead of going forward they recoyled backe and in shocking and justling together fell one upon another so as the English leaving their bowes and laying loade on them with their hatchets and swords made great slaughter of them whilst passing from the first file to the last they came to the maine battell the which either disheartened by the sight of so cruell an execution or beaten back by so unexpected an assault or that being too close pressed and straightned within themselves they had not meanes to manage their swords was in a short space rooted the English receiving no harme at all save that some of them were trodden under foote by the horse Here the Duke of Brabant putting himselfe forward and not followed by his men was slaine Many who fell or were beaten from horsebacke found meanes to escape being assisted by their servants whilst the English being but few in number minded not those that escaped or fled away This meane while the King giving on with his horse which were fresh and well ordered drove those of the maine battell which yet remained in order backe upon the reareward which being composed of new and unexperienced people ran away making small or no resistance The archers crosse-bow men and foote did nothing in this daies worke but runne away On the contrary side many Noblemen and Gentlemen lost their lives through too much courage The Duke of Alencon gave on upon the squadron royall where he slew the Duke of Yorke wounded and bore to ground the Duke of Gloster and hurt the King himselfe upon the head whilst he stooped to raise up his brother but being strucke at on all sides and beaten downe as he held up his hand and cried to the King t is Alencon that yeelds himselfe he was slaine before the King could have time to save him The Counts Omale and Marle and divers other Gentlemen did by force keepe 600. horse together with whom they were all or taken prisoners or slaine Others stucke together with the like successe being either slaine or discomfited Robert Brovocille and Izembert Agencourt were the onely two who comming with an intention to steale and not to fight being followed by sixe hundred horse entred the English campe wherein was none but servants and sicke folkes whom they put all to the sword and bore away from thence a very rich booty the which the King understanding and beleeving that the enemy had reunited themselves fearing to bee set upon againe hee made it bee proclaimed that as many as had any prisoners should kill them the number of the prisoners being lesse then were those that tooke them whereupon those two as having beene cause of so wofull an effect bewailed by the actors themselves were afterwards long kept in prison by the Duke of Burgony and it was thought that a sword richly set with jewells which they had taken amongst the Kings stuffe and given to Count Caralois that he might protect them saved their lives which had not served their turnes if the Dolphin had lived But no more people appearing the victory was ended by taking of more prisoners and adding fresh numbers to the dead The heate of this battell continued three houres and three houres longer did they continue to fight till such time as there was no more neither to kill nor take so as about foure in the afternoon a retreate was sounded and by the Prelates and Chapplins Te Deum was sung and the Psalme In exitu Israel de Aegypto and at the verse Non nobis Domine non nobis sed nomini tuo da gloriam all threw themselves upon their knees The campe and tents of the French served for lodgings to the victors in recompence of their owne campe which they had lost The next day Monijoy the King of armes of France came accompanied with foure other Heralds to know the number of prisoners and to obtaine leave to bury the dead The King calling
Scots very few and almost all of the meaner sort That others doe beleeve that Alexander Macelselan was he who kild the Duke having sold the Duke of Clarence Coronet to Iohn Stewart for five hundred pound which was afterwards pawned by him to Robert Vstonne for two thousand five hundred pound That the Scots had the greatest share of glory in this businesse and that for this cause the Dolphin made the Earle Bouhan Constable rewarding the other commanders according to their deserts From these expositions may easily be gathered that Dupleis the latest of all other Writers doth falsly accuse the English Historians Monstrelet witnesseth the Duke was fewer in number where he saies he tooke but part of his forces the Chronicle that he did not tarry for his men Gaguinus and Buchanan that leaving the foote he tooke onely along with him the horse that they taxe him of rashnesse to rob the honour from the French Monstrelet saies that he was abused by information that he was to make a difficult passage and that the enemy was advertised and provided for him Paulus Emilius that he set upon them carelesly as if he did despise them that he would take onely the horse along with him beleeving that the French were already as good as lost Serres that his imagined victory was the cause why hee lost his life the Chronicles that he set upon the enemy disorderly and Buchanan that he onely made use of the horse that they have lessened the losse they confesse 2000. Serres faith but 1500. none but Monstrelet names them to bee betweene two and three thousand an undeterminated number Buchanan about 2000. hee likewise undeterminates Paulus Emilius and Guaginus speake not hereof at all That any French troopes were with the Duke neither English nor French author of as many as I have met withall himselfe excepted mention any such thing for what remaines if it were not true that the bastard of Clarence came in unto his rescue the Dukes body could not have beene recovered that it was recovered Monstrelet and the Chronicles of Normandy doe take away all dispute and as Monstrelet saith the Earle of Salsbury was he who recovered it were it at the same time or afterwards to say afterwards is absurd for flying from the defeat he must with danger of his life have tarried somewhere till the enemy was gone or else have returned with new forces from Normandy and to no purpose since they might have taken his body away he tarried no where for the English in their flight according to the French writers tooke their white crosse for their owne safeties and caused the bridge of Umena to be reedified lest they might be againe set upon neither did he returne for being come to Normandy he could not at the same time have made this voiage and that of Alanson therefore if the bastard recovered the body the Duke fought without his bowmen and if the Earle it was at the same time but not unlesse he were Master of the field the which after such a defeate he could not be without a strong succour which was that which did dissipate the cloud of enemies which buried the dead which recovered the bodies of the Duke and the Lords and whereby he returned home voide of feare not cloathing himselfe with the white crosse but say that this recovery be false is it possible the French authors were it onely for triumphs sake should make no mention of it and if they deny not that it was carried into England would they not say how it was granted whether in change in gift or by ransome the English narration then unlesse it be the equivocall meaning of the Duke of Alanson wherein Iohn Speed erreth not and which hath nothing to doe with this our affaire is that which I shall judge the truest which being granted the Duke being but a few was overcome by many and not unrevenged for he was indebted to the enemy onely for 800. carcases he having lost 2000. the enemy 120. hee was a wise Prince but not at this time he preferred magnanimity before wisdome without which the former is as an unbridled horse which runnes upon precipices and ruines the rider so as if his authors have accused him of rashnesse they have done it justly not to rob the French of the honour as saith Dupleis rather writing as he doth he that robs it both from the English and the Scots for this act what ever it was was done under the happy guidance of Earle Bouhan their Generall The death of this Prince incouraged the enemy for Normandy wanting now a Generall they thought it weake to indure an incounter they besieged Alanson the Earle of Salsbury who did ill indure the losse of such a place gathered all the forces together he possibly could whilst the French who spied his waies expected his comming in good order intending to set on him but he who came to succour not to fight turned towards the Abbey of Bec losing in his retreat about 200. men an easie prize for the raising of the siege for the enemy having driven a way the succour retired to Anjou leaving Alanson free When King Henry heard of his brothers death he chose in his place endowed with the same authority Edmond Earle Mourton brother to the Earle of Somerset and calling a Parliament he had great assistance the Bishop of Winchester his uncle lent him monies till such time as the subsidies could be raised wherewithall he paied 4000. men at armes and 24000. archers which he caused to passe over to Callis conducted by the Earle of Bedford and followed himselfe in midmay the Dolphin did at this time besiege Shartres a place of importance defended by the bastard of Theime and some troopes which the Duke of Exceter had sent unto him from Paris whilst hee being weakned suffered much for want of victualls the City by reason of the multitude therein easily to be famished the reason of this scarcity was for the Dolphinists having made themselves Masters of Bonevalle and other forts thereabouts did command the field But the King being come to Callis dispatched away unto him the Earle of Dorset and the Lord Clifford with 1200. men by means whereof and by the newes of his passage he stopped the enemies excursions at Montreule he met the Duke of Burgony who was come thither the day before sicke of an ague they staied three daies together after which time the Duke departed to procure for him the passage over Some to Abeville and did obtaine it whilst the King marching that waies tooke in Fertes held by Monsieur de Harcourts people he placed there in a garrison of the Dukes souldiers when hee was past the bridge at Abeville he tooke his leave of him the Duke having promised to meet him againe within a few daies as he did when he was come to Bois du Saint Vincent assoone as he had saluted the King and Queene he resolved with the Duke of Exeter who
honour made him his deputy to celebrate the formality of espousall and to bring his bride over into England He went then and had with him his wife and a great many of Ladies and Gentlemen carriages and letters for her father who was rich in titles of imaginary kingdomes as of Scicily and Ierusalem had not meanes to send her to her husband so as all the charge which was very vast fell to Henries share being come to Tours hee married her in the name of his master in the presence of the King of France The Queene and a great number of Princes and Lords amongst which were the Dukes of Orleans Calabria Alanson and Brittany the marriage was solemnized with feasts and tilting after which with the like or better shee was married by Henry in England and crowned Queene Normandy lay openly exposed by the surrendring of the two Provinces Count Armignac was scandalized and shortly likely to revenge himselfe the kingdome was fallen into an Abisse from whence it was not to be raised but by the death of the King the ruine of the Queene the desolation of the house of Lancaster the destruction of the Nobility the rebellion of the people and the alteration of the State This seperation of Armes caused the Duke of Yorke and many other Commanders returne to England that they might consult of what provisions were to be made before the expiration of the truce to the end that Normandy being well fortified Charles might be brought to a well conditioned peace and if not that they might be able to make a powerfull warre But England did in this an evill mannager who having a house covered with Lead sells the Lead and then covers it againe with straw to the end that a sparke of Fire by reason of this new covering may be sufficient to set it on fire the given Provinces were the Lead sould and prodigally squandred the provisions for Normandy the thatching over with straw the two Provinces might have entertained the warre and being lost have advanced time which is the father of the changes of fortune for losse in warre doth seldom happen in one action and at one instant To this purpose a Parliament was called subsidies paid Souldiers raised and the Duke of Sommerset made a Regent of France in stead of the Duke of Yorke the Marquesse of Suffolke were it either to boast of his favours or that hee foresaw the future danger made a long speech in the upper house relating his ownemerits in the making of this truce and this match and advertising the Lords that since the truce expired the next Aprill and peace did not ensue they should doe well to take such order as that Normandy might not be endamaged for it was to be beleeved that the French finding it ill provided would make use of their advantage that having advertised the King thereof he did now the like to them to the end that if any evill did happen it should not be said to have beene for want of any good admonition he desired them in discharge of his innocency to thinke on this the same thing was done the next day in the lower house the Messengers whereof entreated the Lords of the upper house that by joynt consent of both houses this present action might be registred amongst the acts of Parliament hee obtained what he desired the favours of favorites being like to little Rivolets which easily glide into the current waters even of the greatest rivers they sent their Speaker to the upper house where the Lords who did likewise waver with the wind did on their knees beseech the King that in respect of great services done by the Marquesse he would vouchsafe him this and whatsoever other favour for that he could not bestow his graces upon a more worthy subject and the King who of himselfe was wonderfull prodigall of his favours to him and loved to be entreated thereunto as not willing to seeme to doe it of his owne inclination answered them in such a manner as every one might see he made him the haven of his favours and the object of other mens respects the action was registred but not with that successe as was hoped for to witnesse that the peoples and Princes favours are of short duration and oftentimes unfortunate hee shortly after created him Duke he gave him two rich wardships that of the countesse of Warwick and of Margaret the daughter of Iohn Duke of Summerset who was afterwards the mother of Henry the seventh hee likewise at his request created Iohn de Fois Count de Longaville and Captaine de Bus Count de Candale both of them Guascons all these favours served onely to make his downe-fall the more sudden which usually doth not faile being caused either by the hatred of private men or of the Prince for such mens insolencies encreasing with their authorities and their authorities growing greater by their favour they become insupportable and having once offended cannot support themselves but by new offences whereby begetting hatred and envie amongst private men and societie in Princes they must needs fall and be overthrowne either by the one or the other According to Articles of marriage all places belonging to Aniou and Mayne were already surrendred except Manns the which being of more importance then the rest Charles did beleeve they had no intention to deliver it up so as having raised a convenient Army he prepared to have it by force which when Henry understood he gave order that it should be forthwith surrendered unto him not so much for that he should not have just cause to breake the truce as that by justice he was to doe it But Chartier and Monstrellet say that the English held it till the yeare 1449. at which time Charles besieged it and that the Lord Privy Seale being chosen Bishop of Winchester caused it to be yeelded up unto him but how ever it were this cessation from Armes wrought the like effects in England as in a healthfull body the forbearing of moderate exercises doth which by filling it with bad humours bringeth infirmities upon it The natures of the late married couple were if not opposite sufficiently differing the husband was of a womanish inclination the wife of a manlike spirit the King was humbled evout spiritually given caring onely for his soules health the Queene was proud ambitious worldly given and not to be quieted till having brought the kingdome to be governed as shee pleased shee might see her selfe free from Rivals in the government The Duke of Glocester was no wayes pleasing to her as well for that he had opposed her marriage an injury not to be forgotten as likewise that her husband being long since out of his minority was still governed by him as formerly when he was under age the which being observed by such as did not love the Duke they let slip no occasion whereby they might worke his ruine The Marquesse of Suffolke for that he could not rise to
fortune of the one side is described nor the cowardise nor disorder of the other no man doubts but that 150. Spaniards may have defeated great armies of the Indians And t is no wonder the novelty of their horse the resistance of their armour the noise made by their muskets and field peeces made them bee beleeved to bee descended from heaven and were causes of their victories if Hallian had read the English historians hee would not have thought them so vaine gloriously light hee would there have feared the death of 800. French not of 10000. as hee saith however it was this defeate was the cause of the surrendring of many Townes this yeare which were neither beleaguered nor summoned and the next ensuing yeare 1451. was the decider of the generall disputes in Guascony which was by the sword taken from the English and given to the French The chiefe Commander in this enterprise was the Dunnesse Lieutenant generall to Charles hee was accompanied by his brother the Count de Angovelesme this being the first service hee did his King and Country after his imprisoment in England Monguione held out against him 8. dayes and then yeelded from thence hee went to Blaye to block up this Towne great forces were brought both by Sea and Land Iohn Bourchier generall of France brought thither great store of vessells loaded with men armes and victualls and finding five great English vessels there which had brought provision to the besieged hee fought with them forced them to weigh anchor and flie and gave them chase even to the haven of Burdeaux Messieurs de Bessiere de Chabanes and Count Pointever came thither by land a great breach being made they gave an assault wherein the City was taken about 200. English were slaine and taken prisoners Messieurs d'Esparre and d'Monferand both of them Guascons saved themselves within the Castle the which together with themselves they soone after yeelded up Bourg held out 6. dayes Libourne summoned by the herauld delivered up its keyes Whilest businesses proceeded thus in these parts men were not idle as els where every man of any account imployed himselfe about some thing or other foure Princes of the bloud Cleremont Angovelesme Vandosme and Eu did joyntly besiege Fronsac a place thought impregnable both by Land and Sea Count de Fois Lieutenant of Guienne beyond Garronne accompanied by many Gentlemen particularly by Messieurs d'Albret and Laurec bretheren by Tarras and Orvall sonnes to the former went before Arques and had it upon composition Count Armignac not forgetting his affront touching the marriage of his daughter went to besiege Rions Count Pointeverres besieged Castelon which yeelded to him as did likewise Melion where hee stayed and sent his troope to Fronsac which was the most important place of all the rest as hath beene said Charles had foure armies in the fields which were all at the same time busied in severall places so as it is no wonder if the English were enforced to yeeld since to boot with the mighty forces of the enemy the Townes whereof they were masters denyed to doe their duties in defending themselves being wrought upon either by inclination or feare Fronsac was a very strong place but likely in a short time to bee brought to extremity if not succoured foure armies did environe it so as if the English had beene in case to have kept the field yet would they not have beene able to succour it as well by reason of the besiegers great forces as likewise for that the two Rivers Dordonne and Darronne by reason of the very great encrease of waters were not navigable Being thus difficulted the defendants demanded a truce untill Saint Iohn Baptists-day upon these conditions that if they were not succoured before that time so as the Dunnesse should bee enforced to raise up siege they would surrender up the Fort and hee was to give safe conduct to whosoever would bee gone and to fit them with carriages and shipping for themselves and goods at their owne charges That the garrison should march forth with their horses and armes and leave their artillery behinde them that those who would sweare obedience to Charles and to bee his good and loyall subjects should enjoy their goods in whatsoever part of the Kingdome and bee pardoned for what was formerly past that such as would serve him in the warre whether Citizens voluntiers or of the garrison should have the like entertainement as the other souldiers that of the prisoners that were taken at Blaye Gaches Charnali and 6. other should bee set at liberty without ransome and that the like was to bee understood oâ—… Iohn Stafford who was taken prisoner at the Battell of Iermingi the 23. day of the Month being come and the besiegers not fought withall the City was yeelded up and the Castle the English oretired themselves to Burdeaux whither likewise the Dunnesse did immediately goe The English stories doe not mention the particulers of the surrendring of this Citie onely that finding it selfe abandoned it shared in like fortune as did Fronsac but those of France doe specifie that Burdeaux agreed to yeeld if Fronsac should yeeld and that they would expect it till then to pay the duty they ought to Henry and yeelded with the more honour to Charles I forbeare to speake oâ—… its long capitulations as likewise of those made by Gastonne de Fois Knight of the Garter and Bartrand de Monferanda the former not desirous to live in France disposed of his goods to his grandchild who bore the title of Count de Candalle a child of three yeares old who when she should bee of yeares was to sweare allegiance to Charles the second agreed to yeeld up the places he held to the French upon condition that when hee should have sworne Allegiance to Charles they should be againe delivered up unto him Burdeaux was easily brought to execute the agreement The Dunnesse made his entry thereinto the 29. of the same moneth and on the sixt of Aâ—…gust he besieged Baâ—…onne which held ouâ—… till such time as the Artillery being come up and a breach made so as it was in danger of being taken by assault it yeelded with power for the Garrison to retire and a penaltie layd upon the Citie to pay 40000. Crownes halfe of which was afterwards remitted by Charles Charter reports a miracle which hapned the next day after the surrender thereof he saith that the ayer being cleare a white crosse appeared in the skie for the space of halfe an houre at the sight whereof the inhabitants tooke from of their ensignes the red Crosse the badge of England saying that God by that white Crosse which was the badge of France did admonish them for the time to come to be good Frenchmen And because Hallian writes that this effect which proceeded from the clouds was ascribed to religion and prodigie Dupleix calls him a destroyer of all miracles pretending him to bee convinced no lesse by the serenitie of the
ayre then by the Testimoniall letters of the Count Dunnesse authenticated by his seale both which are very slender reasons The ayre ceaseth not to be tearmed cleare though some little cloud may appeare wherein may be formed the forenamed Crosse and for the testimoniall letters alleaged they might be beleeved had they beene written by some English Generall Factions are like Sexes the one doth not succeed unto the other especially when the one doth disagree within it selfe Hallian one of the same faction not beleeving that the Pucell of Orleans was sent from heaven was therefore reprehended and now not beleeving this Crosse his beleeving in the Crosse of Christ doth not exempt him from being reputed by Dupleix a bad Christian. We have the first and the second causes and ignorant people not able to give a reason for the second have recourse unto the first which is by all men knowne to cover their idiotisme with piety and religion but the learned though alleadge the second causes they omit not the first though they name it not supposing that no existence can be without it God in the creating of nature hath given her her orders to the end that without the name of Miracle though all his workes are wonderfull shee may operate accordingly So as if the earth yeeld not ' its fruites so abundantly one yeare as another and they alleadge for reason thereof the inequalitie of seasons some conjunction of unfortunate Plannets or some such like influence they forbeare notwithstanding to have recourse to God Almightie Knowing for certaine that he is able though contrary to the course of nature absolutely of himselfe to provide therefore noâ—… is there any so ignorant nor wicked body who doth not confesse this but in miracles 't is otherwise the Church must alwayes examine them Hallian denies not miracles nay I doe verily beleeve he beleeves them so much the better in that not admitting of them indifferently upon simple testimony hee according to true Pietie discernes betweene devotion and superstition as good Graine is discerned from Tares but pietie is not there simply required by Dupleix though hee make shew thereof hee useth it for a vehiculum he would make us swallow a falsehood wrapt up in religion with the same end hee had in the Pucells case which was to strengthen Charles his pretences by the meanes of miracle and in this case hee alleadges his testimonies with such seeming sinceritie at the businesse required The Dunnesse letters containe these words that the Crosse appeared in a cloud with a crucifix crowned with an Azure Crowne which afterwards changed to a Flower de Luce according to the relation of more then a thousand that saw this prodigie This was the end of the English government in Guascony which had ' its beginning in the yeare 1155. by the marriage of Ellinor Dutchesse of Aquitany with Henry the second King of England and came to its period after 296. yeares in the yeare 1451. in Henry the sixt his dayes and as William the father of Ellenor forsooke his stake the world and his daughter to undertake a pilgrimage and peacefully ended his life in an Hermitage and was canonized for a Saint So Henry the successour to two Williams the one a Guâ—…scoyne the other a Noâ—…man did not quit it but lost it for having too imperfectly imitated the sanctitie of the one and no whit at all the valour of the other and being opposite in nature to the Conquerour and in pietie not equall to the canonized Saint he came to a violent end with the reputation of being innocent but no Saint The Duke of Yorkes machenations were a chiefe cause of all these losses where withall the people being corrupted nothing was thought of but homebred rancour the praise worthy ambition of publique reputation which so long had warmed every mans heart was extinct the evill satisfaction given by the Queene augmented and Sommerset so much hated as that his house was broken open and ransack't every one detâ—…sted his actions envied his power and lay in Ambush for him as being the obstacle of their worst designes The Duke of Yorke who was in Ireland had notice given him of all these proceedings and because the Kentish sedition had had but an ill successe hee resolved to come for England his chiefe friends and Counsellors were Sir Iohn Mawbery Duke of Norfolke Richard Nevill who was stiled Earle of Salisbury in the behalfe of his wife daughter and heire to the valiant Thomas Montague who was slaine before Orleans Richard Nevill his son who was likewise Earle of Warwick in the right of his wife Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Edward Brooke Barron of Cobham all of them personages not inferior to any for their power followers and valour of these five the first two were drawne to forsake the allegiance they ought to Henry their King and kinsman by reason of their affinitie with the Duke of Yorke the rest were onely moved by Englands ill genius the Earle of Salisbury discended from Iane Beaufort daughter by the third wife to Iohn Duke of Lancaster Henries great grandfather so as being so neare a Kin unto him he had no reason to take part against him but the marriage of the Duke of Yorke with his sister Sicily was the reason why both he and his sonne for sooke their former duty Iohn Duke of Norfolke tooke part with the Earle of Salisbury as being the sonne of one of his daughters but more in the behalfe of his Father who was banished and of his Uncle who was beheaded at Yorke in the time of Henry the fourth I know not what moved Thomas Earle of Deuonshire who married the Daughter of Somerset first to side against him and afterwards to his misfortune to joyne with him the Lord Cobham had no other interest save his owne proper disposition alwayes enclined to actions of the like nature their resolution was for to cloake their first commotions as that they should not seeme to bee against the King but the people should bee prest under pretence of the publique good That the Duke of Somerset should bee their baite who was fit by reason of the bad successe in Normandy to colour the reason of this insurrection and consequently they intended his ruine without the which they could not hope to effect their ends since hee was the onely remaining Buckler for Henries defence and preservation Having taken this resolution hee went to raise people in Wales many flocking unto him from all parts under the plausible pretence of publique good with these hee marched towards London The King at first newes hereof had got together a good army to meete with him but hee shund him hoping to encrease his numbers and like fame to yet by going he would not hazard to trye his passage through London the deniall thereof might lessen his reputation but passing over the Thames at Kingston hee went into Kent and pitched his campea mile from Dartford some ten or
having sworne allegeance to both sides was before his death degraded from the Honour of Knighthood in this manner He had a Coat of Armes put on him reverst his gilt Spurs were by a Cooke hewed off his heeles and his Sword broken over his head a thing much more ignominious than death it selfe especially to a man of so Noble and Worthy a Family Edward having thus with a little water quencht a flame which was likely to have set all England on fire fortified all the Frontiers built Forts upon such parts of the Sea as were fittest for landing hee denounced heavie punishments against any who should favour or give receptacle to Henry Queen Margarite or any of their associates He forbare not to use the like care in the other parts of his Kingdome especially in the Southerne parts where landing was easiest for such as should come from Normandy In the places of the Earle of Northumberland and Earle of Pembrooke who were fled with Henry hee created Iohn Nevill Lord Montague Earle of Northumberland and the Lord William Herbert Earle of Pembrooke But Nevill soon after gave up this title to the King againe that he might restore it to Northumberland who had his pardon and in recompence he had the title of a Marquesse Henry together with his Wife and Sonne was now in Scotland where all men his conditions considered thought any fortune indifferent for him as his humour differing from the humour of other men made them believe a Kingdome and Cottage to be all one to him But wee may easily erre in our judgements not so much that we are altogether blind as by reason of the falshood of the objects which we propound unto our selves the which presumed to be permanent doe vary either because of the alterations of the humours of the body or by reason of the change of opinion proceeding from the inconstancy of imagination which together with the diversity of time doth diversifie the thought of our affaires King Henry were it either that his understanding was troubled or that he was impatient to live in this condition or that hee hoped by his presence to put life into his affaires which required another manner of man to worke such a miracle or that his Wife perswaded him thereunto went himselfe alone into England in disguise I rather believe his Wife was the cause thereof for that if it had sprung totally from him shee would not have suffered him to have put it in execution knowing how little was to be expected from his dexterity This resolution though it were rash and not to be done but by men of singular judgement and valour was hazzardous enough Desperate affaires require desperate resolutions The good King had no sooner set foot into England but he was known taken and with his legges tied underneath his horses belly sent to London and met by the Earle of Warwicke not out of any respect but that he might the more safely be brought to the Tower where hee was shut up and a good guard set upon him The Queen hearing of this misfortune all her hopes being frustrated went with her Son into France the Duke of Sommerset together with his brother Iohn went into Flanders where they lived miserably till being long after known by Charles Duke of Burgundy whose Father Philip died not till the yeare 1467 they had a small pension whereon to live conferred on them by him Charles was descended from the King of Portugall Son to Philippa sister to Henry the IIIl and therefore very affectionate to the house of Lancaster Philip Commines writes that hee hath seene a Duke following this Princes Court bare foot and bare legged begging from doore to doore not being knowne by any man that hee was the nighest a kinne of the house of Lancaster and Husband to a Sister of Edward the Fourth that being at last knowne hee had a small pension for livelyhood given him by Charles That the Duke of Sommerset and divers others were there likewise But he is deceived in his name hee in the margent calls him the Duke of Chester whereas there was never any such Duke the County of Chester belonging properly to the Princes of Wales since the time of Edward the black Prince to this very day The begger Duke who had to wife the sister of Edward the Fourth was Henry Holland Duke of Exceter who escaped in those parts and chose rather to begge his bread from doore to doore than to be knowen for feare of danger Amongst so many unfortunate men none did better outlive their calamities than did the Earle of Pembrook Brother by the Mothers side to Henry for though hee went a long time wandring up and downe full of feares and dangers yet he outlived his enemies hee saw the extirpation of the house of Yorke and that of Lancaster reestablished in the person of Henry the Seventh his Nephew and dyed peacefully in the eleventh yeere of his Reigne Earl of Pembrooke and Duke of Bedford Henries imprisonment his Wives and Sons being in France the flight and banishment of the chiefest of that faction did secure Edward and quieted the Kingdome for a while This calme afforded him occasion of reforming such disorders as by reason of civill dissention were sprung up in Courts of Justice in his Revenues in Monies and foraine correspondences and to shew his liberality and gratitude to those who had served him by distributing the confiscated goods which were very many as many they were who had merited reward wherein he dealt so fully as there was not any one unsatisfied By his affability he afterwards wonne the hearts of all men but with some observation of excesse for vertues when they part from their center doe usually insensibly passe from one denomination to another for if affability become familiarity it loseth its name not that familiarity accompanied with decency doth not become a Prince for if he desire to recreate himselfe no recreation can be had without some kind of domestiquenesse but that it is sometimes to be used not alwaies and therein choyce alwaies to be made of the best most vertuously given and those of the noblest sort for they being in next relation of greatnesse to the Prince they free him of indifferency which would make him be despised by all men Affability which is commendable consists in giving free accesse to such as demand Justice in listning to good counsell and in looking upon the people with a gratious eye all which may be done without that excesse which was observed in Edward To his affability he added clemency which did not slip like the other out of its naturall precincts for it being a difficult matter to pardon ones enemies he pardoned all those who in what manner soever had formerly opposed his greatnesse so as they would forsake further adhering to such as did yet persist in their aversenesse to him The part of a wise man for by this meanes hee got the hearts of those who were
hopes of gaining it being lost had it not been that out of ostentation he might say that the Emperour accompanied by all the Princes of the Empire as well Ecclesiastical as Secular could not make him raise his Siege though the Emperours Army was four times as great as his but seeing his Army consumed through long sufferings the death of 4000 of the best Souldiers he had the losse of Farrata the Dutchy of Luxenburg pillaged the Counties of Poictiers and Piccardy burnt the King of England so much desired by him and so hardly wrought thereunto at Calais expecting him and threatning to return he was content to raise it remitting Nuz to the Popes Legat to dispose thereof as the Apostolike Sea should think good Thus having sent the remainder of his people into Lorrein and Bar that by sacking them they might refresh themselves he himself with a very small attendance went to Calais where he was but coldly welcomed as one who was expected in a Warlike not in a Complemental posture They did notwithstanding follow him and were by him led by the way of Bullen to Peron whereinto he suffered but few of them to enter being jealous of the place as if they had been his enemies The Constable had sundry times promised Charles to give up unto him Saint Quintines but not having done it and meaning nothing lesse he now sent to him Lewis Creville with his excuse saying that if he should have delivered it up to him he should have done him a disservice by bereaving him of all belief of his service in France but that now seeing he was joyned with the King of England he durst do it He sent him likewise a Letter of Credit wherewithal to serve himself with the King and to assure him of his best assistance in his behalf this was accompanied with a Writing sealed up wherein he promised to assist and serve all the Confederates of Burgundy namely the King of England against any whosoever none excepted The Constable was by nature perfidious and full of falshood but no ways wise so as it is no wonder if notwithstanding all his cunning he was ruined for evil doings seldom end well especially when craft and treachery are used towards one more crafty and more powerful The Fox loseth all his wiles when in the Lions paws The Constable while he was but Count S. Paul had served Philip Duke of Burgundy and gained the good will of his son Charles whom he governed in all his ways the which Lewis observing he thought to win him over to his side by making him his Constable believing by this new obligation to corrupt his former ancient friendship whilst Charles was confident the Count would never abandon his Cause and both of them were deceived For though he might at the same time have kept his old Master pay'd all Duties to his new one and inhansed his deserts with the one and with the other yet would not his bad inclinations suffer him so to do for instead of being a means of peace and friendship between them he stirred them both up to war and hatred Sincerity and Candor were not merchandise for his Ware-house nor could he have made use of them had he been willing whilest he believed his present greatnesse could not be augmented nor yet preserved but by his nourishing Discord between these two Princes and causing all their actions to have a dependency on him by making himself the Needle of the Dyal which sometimes points to this sometimes to that side He was to blame to justle with two the one of which was not inferiour to him in craft to wit Charles the other surpassing him therein which was Lewis the former was indued wth little wisedom as was he the other with so much as he might have been therein master to them both 'T would be too tedious to number up his disloyalties it may suffice to say that he fomented the War between them that he might necessitate Charles to marry his daughter to the Duke of Guienne If he did it not he threatned him with ruine shewing uuto him Lewis his Forces and if he did it he promised him S. Quintines and to procure the Duke of Britanny and his son-in-law to declare themselves against Lewis whilst Lewis waging War with Charles and being by him egged on not knowing what he did made War against himself by enforcing him to implore their aid against him by a Marriage equally detested by them both The Duke of Guienne dying he continued their Discord lest if they should agree they might discover his evil Offices the one unto the other whereby that might befal him which indeed did and believing that in case of danger his refuge might be with lesse hazard to Charles then to Lewis the former not being so wary as the other he allured him by the promise of S. Quintines the which in time of peace and by the instigation of the said Constable was by Lewis taken from him together with the Town of Amiens He proposed surprisal for the way of delivering it up promising he would suffer it to be taken the which Charles having divers times offered at was continually mockt and deluded and those who went against it were treated ill whereat though Charles was scandalized yet was he forced to admit his excuses he made him believe he had sent to surprise it at an unfitting time that if he had suffered it then to be taken he should have lost all his credit with the King and with France to the losse and prejudice of the Duke of Burgundy Lewis knew part of this dissembling and saw even into his bosom but he knew not how to punish him unlesse he should make an agreement with Charles for the Constable being possest of S. Quintines and having much of his own Patrimonial Lands lying round about it being very well followed well ally'd and of great Revenue he feared he might lose the Fort if he should discover himself to be his enemy But the King of England's coming was his bane Edward believed that S. Quintines the other adjacent places might serve him for places of Gariosn the next Winter the Constables last promise the Writing which was sent and the credit given him by Charles would not suffer him to think otherwise Whereupon he marched towards it and Charles led on the way but when they were neer the place and some of Edwards Troops advanced themselves believing they should have been received in assoon as they were within sight of the Walls the Canon plaid upon them and they might see themselves charged by sundry Troops of Horse and Foot which slew two or three of them This made the King believe he was as indeed he was basely betrayed The Duke not knowing what to say to it went his way the next day for meer shame and left these new people unacquainted with the Countrey abandoned to Fortune in danger of not being able either to serve him or themselves and Edward
Torches and Candles The Duke of Gloucester that he might pay the dues of Civility went to visit him and returned presented with silver Plate and horses most richly caparison'd This King spared nothing where he might win those that might either be serviceable to him or harmful He met with two things at this Interview which displeased him the one Edwards inclination to come to Paris for being a Prince amorously given he might by falling in love with some Lady fall likewise in love with the Countrey and so perchance take an humour to tread in the footsteps of his Predecessor the other his having declared himself so passionate in the Duke of Britanny's interest He endeavoured to withdraw him from the later of these two he caused him to be sifted by two several persons as if they had casually faln upon this discourse but he perceiving their drift said the onely cause to make him passe the Seas again would be the molestation of the Duke of Bretaigne and therefore wished them to talk no more thereof Some of those that had to do in the Treaty of the Truce went to sup with Lewis at Amiens amongst which the Lord Howard was one who told him in his ear that if he pleased he would use some means to make Edward come and recreate himself with him at Amiens and perchance at Paris This discourse wounded Lewis his ears but smiling and putting a good face upon it without further answer he fell to wash his hands The Lord Howard did not notwithstanding forbear to talk of this with some others who formerly aware thereof answered 'T was impossible for the King to make any stay in any one place for such were Charles his insolencies as did enforce him to wage War But Howard conceiving them aright forbare the further pursuit Many of Edwards servants were displeased with this Agreement believing he had not considered his Honour therein One of them named Lewis de Bretailles a Guascoigner being with Commines and demanded in how many Battels Edward had been present replied In eight or nine and that he was victorious in them all except in this which you have made him lose for to return to England without fighting or losse will redound more to his dishonour then all his former won Battels will do to his honour Lewis being told of this answer swore according to his custom that this mans mouth must be stopped he caused him to be sent for to Dinner to him he made him many offers to draw him to his service but he not accepting of any he gave him a thousand Crowns he promised him to prefer his Brethren who were in France and he made Commines tell him in private that if he would endeavour the continuance of the good intelligence and friendship between the two Crowns to boot with the doing an office worthy of a man of Honour he should oblige the King of France to reward him These Artifices did Lewis use One day after Dinner being come into his chamber and laughing at Edward for having suffered himself to be caught with presents he turned himself round and saw at his back a Guascoigne-Merchant who lived in England and was come to beg leave for the transportation of certain Gascoigne-Wines without the paying of a certain Impost he was somewhat out of countenance perceiving he had heard all he had said he therefore granted his request and caused him to be brought to Bourdeaux where he gave him a good Office in that City to the end that he might not return for England and to that Office added a thousand Franks by means whereof he might send for his wife and children and would not suffer him to go himself for them but made him send his brother His having been too carelesse of his speech and his fear lest the Merchant should tell what he had heard forced this liberality and favour from him against his will One named Rapines a servant of the Constables was come to Amiens before Edward departed thence with Letters of Credence at the same time when Monsieur de Contay was likewise returned from Charles His businesse was to complain of his Masters misfortune who was subject to the misreports of wicked men whilst the King had no one servant more faithful nor more affectionate to his service then was he He made the same offer as formerly had been made in the Constables name To make the English in their return be set upon by Charles But being told this was not to be done since the agreement was concluded Lewis gave him a Letter written with his own hand to deliver to the Constable and made him read it before it was sealed up so as Rapines thought his dispatch was very gracious He in this Letter by way of trust made him a relation of what had past and added That he was so over-burdened with the present affairs as he stood in need of having by him such a head as was his A conceit which Rapines did not truely understand but Lewis explaining himself to some of his familiar friends that were about him said He stood in need of such a head but without the body to the end it might no more deceive him Assoon as Edward had received the Moneys agreed upon he went his way leaving with Lewis the forenamed Hostages and although in some of his passage he was way-laid by Charles his people yet he arrived safely at Callis It seemed strange to many that he having past the Seas with the fairest and most powerful Army that ever King of England did so small a sum of Money should make him return Commines believes that his avarice to pocket up the Moneys he had received from his people for this Enterprise was the cause thereof but he is deceived he had almost spent it all nor had he as yet though afterwards he did given occasion to be noted of this vice The true cause was the failing of the foundation of the Enterprise by the default and negligence of Charles and the Constable his cozenages Charles believed that when Edward was once in France he should be enforced to fight whether he would or no and that he would entertain Lewis whilst he might do his affairs elsewhere just as his father Philip did with the Duke of Bedford under Henry the sixth but the condition of affairs was altered Edward could not make War alone as did Bedford The English did then possesse in France all that lay between the River Loire and the Sea and a great part of Guienne now scarcely Calais Henry the sixth was born King and a King by Succession having then no Competitiours Edward a new King a stranger to the Crown perturbed with jealousies of the contrary Faction chiefly of the Earl of Richmond the head thereof who though at his request he were detained in Bretaigne yet did he not live free from fear of him The expences of those times besides that France did contribute thereunto it self what was by way of
what they could not do in person but whilst hee was taking order for so important an expedition he fell sick being sodainely struck with a great melancholy others say of a Surfeit and knowing he could not live he caused all the Lords to be sent for to him who by reason of the intended War were then in great number at Court He recommended to them the young Princes his Sonnes and together with them Peace shewing them that being young they would neede good Counsellors which in the distraction of private contentions would hardly be found that they having all a relation unto him some by blood some by affinity all by good will and duty they were to joyne in a reciprocall love one towards another to the end that the conformity of their mindes might beget the like in their actions and in their ends necessarily conducing to the service of an infant King to the good of the Kingdome and to the peace and quietnesse which he did chiefly desire amongst them hee put them in minde of the evills caused through civill dissensions he desired God of his goodnesse that no such might be hereafter but that this favour was not to be hoped for without the forgiving of past injuries which made him in the name of the same God and as the last comfort he should receive desire of them all forgivenesse of any injuries done by him All that were present wept and those who bare more rancour one to an other then did the rest shooke hands in token of their last obedience due unto him even to the last minute of his Life so as satisfyed with this their outward expression their inward minds unknowne he died the ninth of April 1483 in the 41 Yeare of his Life having Reigned 22 Yeares one month and five dayes and was buried in a Chappell built by him at Windsor He was a Prince who could not have had his like had he not been vitiated with the contagion of civill factions the gifts of minde and nature strove for priority in him He was of all men the handsomest and of all fortunate men the most valiant having in as many Battells as he fought alwayes had the Victory He had by his Wife three Sonnes and eight Daughters his third Son dyed an Infant we shall shortly heare of the compassionable end of the other two Of his Daughters Elizabeth was married to Henry the Seventh Cecily to Viscount Wells and after to another but had issue by neither Anne to Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke whose children dyed all young Bridget was a Nun in Dartford Mary promised to the King of Denmarke dyed before the Marriage Margaret dyed young Catharine was married to William Courtney Earle of Devonshire to whom she bare Henry Marquesse of Exeter and he had Edward E. of Devonshire who died without issue in Padua the Yeare 1556 and Elizabeth dyed young Besides these his legitimate children he left behind two Bastards Arthur Plantagenet Viscount Lisle and Elizabeth Arthur had three Daughters and of Elizabeth is come the L. Lomley The end of Edward the Fourths Life THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fift I Now should write the Life of Edward the Fift Son to the last deceased King as I have done the Lives of the rest but he being taken from this World in lesse then three Moneths by such cruelty as greater hath not been heard off I have not whereout to frame a History in lieu thereof I will write the Duke of Gloucester his wickednesses which are such as may raise a doubt whether cruelty be an habit of Nature in man or rather a raging fury since Nature in her operations doth nothing in vaine and such Beasts as live not by Rapine kill not other beasts for Preyes sake as hee to devoure the Kingdome slew his Nephewes But considering that there is not any Creature which is not in some sort addicted to this vice I believe it proceeds from two causes the one usefull and necessary which is Selfe-defence and wherein habit consists the other vaine and harmefull which is the coveting of superiority a passion more prevalent in men then in other creatures and this is fury whence if the World were void of ambition or other differing qualities it is not thereout to be averred that the strongest would not insult upon the weaker as alwayes they have done the which being manifest bruit beasts declaring it by their examples it is much more proved so to be when we take into consideration the inaequality of Fortune and Honour Many were the causes of the cruelty whereof we are to treate since practised in sundry manners War not cast into the account To kill Beasts to punish Malefactors are permitted and commanded by the rules of Government but what ariseth from private hatred is by the Lawes condemned though through the corruption of affection or frailty of humour executed by men Butchers and Hunters kill cattell and wild beasts which should they not do the beasts would devoure us and through the great increase of beasts and their destroying of the ground wee might be famished did not the Executioner put a period to the lives of such as are condemn'd our lives and livelyhoods would lie at the mercy of evill livers But the enemy which kills his enemy though in it selfe considered the fact be inexcusable rests yet excused Sodaine chances puntillioes of honour and injuries for which satisfaction is not to be given do so far incense men as humane nature may seeme somewhat to Analogize with cruelty since though it be absolutely to be abhor'd it is not absolutely condemned Now that Richard Duke of Gloucester a Prince by birth an unkle by nature and by the Lawes a protectour should become the Butcher the hangman the enemy of Edward the Fifth and of his Brother being his Nephewes is yet somewhat more which not falling under the capacity of humane fury befell him having disrobed himselfe of humanity and nature Of all execrable examples he is the onely one without parallel All cruelties mention'd of the Antients are in comparison of his meere inventions not true events Nature in the framing of such subjects doth usually transgresse her ordinary rules to put a difference betweene them and others to the end that having set a marke upon them wee may the better know how to be aware of them shee allots them aukward and disproportioned shapes thereby intimating unto us that being crooked and falsely shaped their workes are false and their inclinations crooked This Richard came into the World with his feet forward his Mother was cut up yet out-lived him shee brought him forth deformed insomuch as his brethren being the handsomest and most comely men of that age he was the most mis-shapen that those times produced Hee had a cloudy and a despitfull countenance he was of a low Stature one of his shoulders was greater then the other he was malitious envious injurious neither had hee
The King had appointed to him for his Governour his Uncle the Earle Rivers Brother to the Queene a wise and valiant man he had likewise given him for his attendants almost none save such as were of Her kindred to the end that when he should die shee by their assistance might the better preserve her selfe against the Dukes authority and force A wise foresight too but which succeeded ill for this extraordinary preferment as it made them be hated and envy'd so was it the cause of their Ruine The Queene and her Brother Rivers had declared themselves enemies to the Lord Chamberlaine Hastings the Queene reputing him to be an instrument of her Husbands disorders and Rivers for that the King having promised unto him the Governours place of Callice had recalled his word to bestow it upon Hastings so as Edward doubting least these distastes might breed an ill effect in his Sonnes service though not the very bad one which it did produce did on his Death-bed make that exhortation to Peace which hath beene sayd at the which Rivers who was gone with the Prince into Wales not being present the Marquesse Dorset Son to the Queene by the first Husband did in his Unkles behalfe shake hands with Hastings both parties having the same end in this Act which was to satisfy the King but not to make a reall friendship for Hatred had taken formerly so great a rooting as there was no place left for true Friendshippe All these things made for Glocesters designes wherein not likely to prosper but by their ruine since in processe of time 't was likely they would be equally His enemies he thought that by seting them together by the eares they would undoe one another and that the one of them being borne downe would make way to the others overthrow But the sequell shewed that such fabricks of Government as are grounded on machinations are for the most part ruinous And if there were no other proofe of this to live free from suspition and to secure ones selfe from successive contentions within the Haven of a quiet life ought to weigh against whatsoever Ambition or Avarice can produce since They afford us nothing but injustice and the more they be practised the farther are they from God and Nature whose chiefest Law is the Peoples Safety and if humane mutability inamour'd on phantasticall opinions hath caused an eare to be lent to such as maliciously and ignorantly have taught the contrary consider that the Idea propounded by these Doctours is of such Princes as have come to ill ends not any one of them by their rules having had good successe I know that this my opinion will not be imbraced by Many it will suffice mee if by a Few so they be Good and if any man doe believe the World is not to be governed by Philosophy let him observe that Usurpation and Tyranny are the Foldes or Plyes of a more intricate philosophy and as the First arising from God and Nature doth by the meanes of Justice and other vertues leade us to live happily so the Second procreated by Force and Pride promise nothing to us but perturbations Injustice and her attendants producing onely such effects as are conformable to themselves The Duke might easily contrive his designe considering the hatred the chiefest Lords bare to the Queenes kindred so as treating thereof with those that were present and communicating his minde by writing to those that were absent hee shewed them How that the dangers were remedilesse if the Kings tender yeares were to be governed by those people that all Honours and places of Account would be conferred on them that Their authority would ecclipse the authority of all other men especially if the Sonne resembling his Father as by some signes already in him might be imagined he would should suffer himselfe to be governed by Them so as in stead of One King they should have many that old injuries are not apt to be forgotten that by the increase of authority remembrance thereof would be increased and that they would pretend offence if they were not more observed then formerly that the consideration of the Queenes no so great blood being onely made worthy of that degree because the King would have it so had not made them any whit the lesse proud the rather being come to the height of their presumptions while the King should be at their disposall they would become insufferable they would cloake their covetousnesse with the Royall Robe and the Crowne which the King wore onely for show served really to honour Them to the shame of Nobility and Scorne of the Blood-Royall and though their Birth and the Lawes did lesse priviledge Them then Others there being so many Lords both by Descent and Desert worthyer then They yet their unlawfull Authority was likely to cause such mischiefe as the deepest wisdome would not be able to Prevent it if they were suffered to continue in the same posture they now were in with the King Whether these perswasions tooke effect as being apparantly usefull or for that Envy was the cause thereof I know not The first that were hereunto perswaded was the Duke of Buckingham and Hastings the Lord Chamberlaine who though they were not very great Friends the likelier were they to joyn in Enmity against the Others They resolved to remove them from about the King if they could finde no other pretence as none other they had to declare that being their enemies they could not suffer them to be about His Majesty without apparant danger to their Owne persons They this meane while ignorant of their Practises put themselves in order to bring the King up to London and to the end that his traine might be answerable to his Regall dignity they got togither a great many men Whereat the Duke of Gloucester doubting that if hee should come so attended on hee should not without noyse be able to effect his wickednesse hee found meanes whereby to represent unto the Queene That so great an Assembly of men would be dangerous For the King not needing them it would stirre up jealousy in such who formerly having had some difference with those of Her bloud might believe it to be done against Them since the King by reason of his tender Yeares not being like ly to be the Authour of it it would be attributed to those that were about him and it would be believed that they did yet retaine the hatred pretended to be washt away at his Fathers death that her sonne was to meet with no oppositions for all the Lords strove who should shew him most affection and obedience so as to appeare armed and in an awfull manner would together with the memory of ancient fewdes raise so great jealousies as those who could not thinke themselves safe would take up Armes and disturbe the Peace the which if at all times it be to be desired certainly it is chiefely to be coveted in the succession of an Infant King These
this manner arrested the Protectour swore by Saint Paul hee would not dine before he saw him dead so as haste being to be made for the houre of dinner drew nighâ—… and the Protectour was too religious to breake Such an oath the Chamberlaine was forced to make a short confession to the first Priest could be found for the usuall forme would prove too long and being led from the Chappell to a greene Court he had his head strucke off and was afterwards buried at Windsor neere to King Edwards Tombe The rest of the Councell who in this uproare were kept lockt up in the Chamber were conveighed into severall places being reputed by the Protectour to be averse to his designes and more particularly the Lord Stanley A miraculous presage of this mis-fortune is related by which if it be true is seene what care the Heavens have over Us advertising us by dreames of imminent dangers which might be shunn'd if together with them we were endued with the spirit of Ioseph or Daniel to interpret them The night preceding this mischance the Lord Stanley dream'd that a wilde Poare had wounded both Him and the Chamberlaine in the head so as the blood ranne downe both their shoulders whereupon awaking hee thought this wilde Boare must be the Protectour the Wounds and Blood some imminent danger of their lives in this affright hee forthwith arose and sent to acquaint the Chamberlaine with his dreame who was fast asleepe resolving to be instantly gone it being but a little past midnight so that in the morning hee might be so farre from thence as to be in safety hee advised him to doe the like to the end that their danger being alike their safeties might be so too The Chamberlaine was not subject to melancholly and therefore not superstitious so as laughing at the message he answered the messenger that he wondered his Master should give beliefe to such follies hee bade him tell him from Him that Dreames were Dreames and suppose they were to be allowed as foretellers of future evils they were so uncertaine as they might no lesse harme then helpe Who could assure him that the danger that was to be feared might not consist as well in their Flight as in their Tarrying and if as they fled away they should be taken and brought backe as might very well happen would it not afford the wilde Boare an occasion of wounding them with his Tuskes for their flight could not but be imputed to an evill conscience and to some faults if not committed yet intended Hee desired him therefore to appease himselfe and feare nothing for there was no danger and if there were any they would rather be met withall by running away as he had said then by Tarrying that he was as sure of the man he doubted meaning the Protectour as of his owne Hand The Gentleman returned with this answer thereby making his Master forgoe his former resolution with lesse harme to himselfe who Feared so much then to the Chamberlaine that was so Confident Many things were observed before his death as he rode towards the Tower his horse stumbled twice or thrice under him even almost to the endangering of a fall A very vulgar observation for if all stumbling horses should presage misfortune the number of those who should perish would be very great As hee was making himselfe ready to goe thither a Gentleman of good quality came to him who was purposely sent by the Protectour to perswade him to come in case hee should not intend it this man seeing him tarry to speake with a Priest a friend of his as he was upon the way fearing least hee might come too late hastned him telling him the time passed and that as yet he needed not a Priest knowing that within two houres hee would have need of one Being come to the Tower he met a Pursuivant neere the place where hee was beheaded and calling to mind that hee had met him in the very same place whilst being prisoner by procurement of the Earle Rivers he much doubted his life he asked him whether hee did remember that hee had met him in that place in a time when hee was in great danger the Pursuivant answered Yes praising God that the authour of his affliction got not much thereby and that hee suffered no harme at all Thou wouldst say more replied the Chamberlaine if thou knewst as much as I know meaning that that very day Earle Rivers was to lose his head I was never so afraid as then matters are well amended mine enemies are now in danger as I was then as ere long thou shalt heare and I more joyfull and more secure then ever Oh the poorenesse of our confidence which ignorant of what is to come takes one thing for another and doth not thinke it selfe deceived Hee apprehended Death when hee was to Live and was confident of Life when he was to Lose it The Chamberlaine was apt to flatter himselfe and to be mistaken Those who are given to Pleasures are commonly free from Suspicion and from believing what themselves would not doe And if hee concurred to the evils that befell Rivers it was not in him either Malice or Treason having alwaies openly Profest himselfe to be his enemy nay had he imagined that his death would be cause of the like to the sonnes of his Master King Edward hee would have ransom'd them from death not onely by preserving Rivers alive but with his Owne Blood for his favouring them cost him both his Blood and Life the impossibility of alienating him from them was that which made the Protectour resolve his death the former affection he bare unto him being cancell'd by Ambition and Cruelty affections which at all times did superabound in him I observe that of all his plots and windings about there were onely two that can be said to savour of Wit his perswading the Queene to make her brother lay downe his Armes that so hee might seize on him unarmed and his making the Cardinall and the rest believe that his desire of having the Duke of Yorke was an effect of Charity and Love In other things the art hee used was of no availment it was as soon Discovered as Used so as if he had not wonne the reputation hee had by Valour which made him to be feared by the priviledge of his Blood and by Buckinghams favour hee assuredly had effected nothing by his Cunning. It behoved him to finde out some colour of Justice whereby to make good the Chamberlaines precipitated death not knowing how to do it otherwise after dinner he sent for some of the chiefest Citizens to the Tower Before they came hee and Buckingham had put on two old rusty Armours fitter for Ruffians then men of their quality for he thought should they have put on handsome Armes it might have beene imagined that time and commodity must have gone to their so going whereas the rusty ill-shaped Armes would argue a surpisall which being discovered
esteem amongst the Flemings she was the third wife to Charles Duke of Burgundy who being slain before Nanci left no Heir behinde him save Mary born to him by Elizabeth of Burbon his second wife who was married to Maximilian of Austria son to the Emperour Frederick the third to whom she bare Philip and Margaret which their mother being dead were brought up with much charity and affection by this window she doing for Them as she could have done had they been her Own children which caused the Subjects moved thereunto by her so great Charity to honour and obey her as if she had been their Naturally-reigning Princesse Her husband had left her a very great Dowry so as she having had no other occasion of Expence saving her frugal Domestick affairs she might by the Moneys she had gathered in so many yeers of her Self unassisted by any Other undertake this business She therefore willingly listened to the Embassie not that she was Ignorant of the Falshood of it for she knew her Nephew so strictly kept as he could not escape but that she might have an occasion to trouble Henry His marriage with her Neece which should have reconciled her to him did the more Incense her against him since it was the way to Establish him in the Kingdom and to take it from Her House without any Hope of ever Recovering it again whereupon she readily Promised Assistance and in it's due time Sent it more Readily The King when he heard of this Rebellion in Ireland was very much troubled being too-late aware he had done ill to leave that Nation under the Command of such as depended upon his Predecessor And though he could not have imagined such an accident as This yet was he not to be excused for Wisedom ought to foresee not onely Evident but Contingent dangers neither was it Contigency to trust Ireland in the hands of such as were Well-wishers to the Adverse party it was not to be believed that together with their Prince they would change their Inclinations for Hatred in inveterate Factions is seldome changed But having no ready remedie nor being able to exercise his own Valour upon this occasion as he had done upon Others by reason of the Sea's interposal he called his Council together to know their Opinions and to resolve upon what was to be done They propounded and concluded upon Three expedients First a General Pardon for All faults Treason against the Kings Person not excepted to all such as within a Prefixt time should Confesse themselves guilty a thing most Usual upon Other occasions but necessary at This time since Ordinary Treason which is usually pardonable was not Now treated of but treason grown to such a Height as makes the partakers therein Desperate even to the Uttermost Hazard their welfare being incompatible with the welfare of the Prince This Article was resolved on in consideration of Sir Thomas Broughton who had saved the Lord Lovel for being a powerful man in his Countrey he might have assembled many men who joyned to the rest might have done much harm and though there was no doubt of his Correspondency with the Irish yet it was Now no fitting time to proceed against him with Severity it was thought fittest for the Present Danger not to put him to Desperation not to Provoke him to Mischief and to shew him a way to save himself Secondly that Edward Plantagenet should be taken out of the Tower and shewn to the People to the end they might know he was not dead and that the supposed Plantagenet in Ireland was a meer Chimaera framed onely to trouble the State Thirdly that the Queen-mother should be confined to the Nunnery of Bermondsey and that her goods should be confiscated for that having promised the Princesse Elizabeth to the now-King whilst he was in Britanny she had contrary to the Articles of Agreement delivered Her and the rest of her sisters up to Richard The issue of these three Resolutions were Broughton bit not at this bait of Pardon Edward Plantagenet was led in Procession to Pauls being by the way discoursed withal by divers of the chief of the Nobility that knew him especially by such of whom the King had any Suspition to the end they might be convinc't in their reason The which though it availed in England yet did it no good in Ireland where the King was accused That out of an intent to rob Edward the Sixth of his Inheritance which he had Tyrannously enjoy'd he had shewed to the view of the People a young boy who was somewhat like him to the end they might believe a Falshood thereby cheating the World and by an unparallel'd Imposture profaning the Church and sacred Ceremonies The resolution concerning the Queen was that Alone which took Effect though not without Scandal for there being no other cause then what was alleadged the punishment savoured too much of Avarice and Cruelty of Avarice because the King got thereby her Confiscation which was very Great of Cruelty because the Weaknesse and Vanity of a Woman the Weaknesse caused by the Threats the Vanity by the Promises of a Tyrant and the Irksomnesse of a Sanctuary an End whereof she was Never to expect did not deserve so Severe a punishment Not but that her fault was very Great since she did what in Her lay to render the Kings return vain and to make those Lords for ever lose their Countrey and their Possessions who upon her promises were gone into Britanny but the Difficulty of so dangerous an enterprise under the conduct of a Young man without Forces against a powerful King a skilful Warriour together with the Example of the Duke of Buckingham who first began it with so Unfortunate Successe were able to have made a Stronger minde then Hers to have Waver'd the sufferings of her Body and Minde made her covet a Quiet which she could not hope for from a few Exil'd People and if This were her Onely fault wherefore was she not at first proceeded against before her daughter's Marriage and the Prince's birth in all which time the King shewed no distaste against her neither held her as a Delinquent But in my Opinion it is to be thought that the Kings nature though Covetous yet not Wicked did not move him to deal so injuriously with her rather that he was induced to these proceedings out of some Hidden cause and that those Forces above mention'd which made her guilty in the highest degree made him so exceeding Severe else he would have punisht her Before as in Justice he might have done But Princes Imaginations are not as manifest as their Actions This Queen was one of Fortune's greatest works whose Inconstancy in the enterchanges of her Felicity and Misery proved Constant from being a widow to a bare Knight she was made wife to a great King who being fled away deposed and banished she was enforced for the Safety of her Self and the Prince her son which she bare there to take
desirous of Peace knowing that Ursewick's pains would be to no purpose for the Duke of Britanny was not in case to rely upon his Own Judgement having indeed None at all and the Duke of Orleans would not hear of it for being injured by him it was not likely he should trust him He on the other side should by this means justifie himself to Henry since the making of peace stuck not at Him so as he should not have any occasion to enterprise ought against Him the fault in all appearance not being His. Ursewick being come to Britanny found the Duke so very ill as it was impossible for him to treat with him who had lost almost all the faculties of judgement it behoved him to treat with the Duke of Orleans whom he acquainted with the King his Master's desire and with the good inclination he found in the King of France thereunto so as there remained nothing to establish a good Agreement but to conclude upon the means to every one's satisfaction The Duke being far from any such thought knowing that Charles his intention was other then he made shew for and he himself thirsting to make war with Another man's purse and with the hopes of getting the Dutchy of Britanny answer'd He wonder'd that so Wise a King as Henry would suffer himself to be over-reached by so very Young a King as Charles and that those reasons to which he was bound by Honour and Gratitude bore no sway with him that he should do well to remember the Duke of Britanny had been in lieu of a Father tâ—… him from his Childhood till his promotion to the Crown to the which though Nature Birth and the Kingdom had play'd their parts he had Never attained had he not used that charity towards him which obliged Henry to do the like for Him that the present Mediation did not correspond with the businesse that it was Destructive but Useful for Charles who thereby would gain time to do that which otherwise he could not that Aid was expected from Henry worthy of the Greatnesse of his Minde of his Tye of Friendship and of the imminent Danger the fair Appearances of France were nothing but Fraud and Cozenage 't would be too Late Dangerous and Dishonourable to know it by the Event that if Henry would believe Charles to be of as Candid a minde as was He himself he might do well to believe it with his Sword in Hand so that if it should prove Otherwise he might be ready to Chastise him that had abused him by doing this he should acquit himself on All hands nor could any one have just cause to complain of him And if the reasons of Gratitude which were the same with those of Honour were not of force enough to perswade him he ought to do it out of reason of State and take upon him that defence in Time without Offending Any One which should he undertake Unseasonably would be offensive to All Three to France by opposing it in Open War to Britanny by giving it too Late succour and to England by permitting a Great King to Increase in Power State and Situation hurtful to that Kingdom who was set upon on all sides subject to the discretion of England upon whose pleasure he depended having Seas Ports Commerce and all that could accommodate or incommodate secure or endanger England Ursewick was ready to answer That Princes could not chuse but in some sort believe one another especially where an Obliged friendship plays the part of a Surety not that Wisedom may not have her Exceptions but that she should too largely dispose of her self if where there is Parity of Friendship and Obligation she should believe a friend to be what he ought not to be that Henry's obligations to France arose from Britanny's failing him which if it were not through any fault of the Duke 't was through the fault of Landois Fortune and Chance 'T was Chance that when fleeing from England he would have gone to France brought him into Britanny Fortune when he would have stay'd in Britanny brought him into France whither he would not have gone nor have had any obligation to the King thereof had it not been for danger of being sold to Richard by Landois He did not accuse the Duke of this but neither ought the Duke to accuse him if Fortune bore him to Divide between Two that obligation which was formerly due to Him alone He could not but confesse this without the mark of Ingratitude neither could he take One of them into his consideration and leave the Other neglected More time was requir'd to arm by Sea and Land then to send an Embassie the One did not hinder the Other That an Ambassadour served for a Soul to such businesses as were to be brought to Life no resolutions of importance being taken between Prince and Prince but by Mediation But Ursewick not being suffer'd to say This nor what more he would have said for the Duke arose from him and would not hear him he returned to Charles who told him He had rightly foretold that the Duke of Orleans would not un-enforced yeeld to any Pacification that he would endeavour to force him to it as his obstinacy required in the mean time he desired Henry not to desist from doing good offices for by continuation thereof that Peace would be effected which He desired to which he for his part would Never be Averse and that under such conditions as Henry should prescribe him Lewis the father of this Prince would never suffer this his son to be taught more Latine then Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare wherein he so well profited as not having his brains troubled with any Other lesson and being thought by reason of his rough nature to have but a blunt judgement he deceived all men especially Ursewick whereby the King his Master was likewise deceived Some think that Henry's credulity was but feigned that he might have an Excuse not to intricate himself in a War he Hated and which would be of great Trouble to him But if he were not Deceived he deceived Himself for hoping it would be hard for Charles to make any Progresse in this businesse being unable at the same time to beat the Forces of Britanny and Orleans his party it proved clean Otherwise The French Army being entred Britanny and brought in by the confederate Barons made them soon repent it The Articles greed upon between them were instantly broken Cities besieged taken and Sacked no difference being put between the grounds and territories of the Confederate and Not confederate whilst the Duke abandon'd by his Subjects and not assisted by his friends escaped narrowly being taken at Vannes from whence with much ado he got to Nantes where being besieged and destitute of hope he sent the Count of Dunois and Viscount Coteman to get aid from England who having ridden by night thorow Forests and desert places in great danger the Countrey being wholly possest
Present they had not backs to bear any More This contempt proceeded from the Love they bore to the House of York and their Hatred to the present King The Commissioners for the Assessing and Gathering of the Subsidies wanting means whereby to enforce them knew not what to do for all and every one of these Two Counties agreed in a joyn'd Negative to the Parliament's Decree They went to advise about it with the Earl of Northumberland who wrote thereof unto the King and received answer That the Subsidies were given by Parliament and pay'd by all the rest of the Kingdom and that he would have them of Them without the Abatement of one Peny The Earl calling together the prime Gentlemen of the Countrey acquainted them with the King's answer who believing he had framed it of his Own head broke into his house and slew him together with many of his Servants This being done they chose Sir Iohn Egremond for their Head and appointed Iohn à Chamber to him for Counsellour both which were Seditious men Their conceit was to meet the King and give him Battel in defence of their Liberties the which the King understanding he commanded Thomas Earl of Surrey lately before taken out of the Tower to compel them which he did by Discomfiting them and taking à Chamber prisoner Egremont fled into Flanders to the Dutchesse Margaret à Chamber was hanged upon a high Gallows at York and some others of the Chiefest of them were hanged round about him but somewhat Lower This was the end of this Rebellion Iames the Third King of Scotland and friend to Henry died this yeer who was brought to a miserable Period rather by evil Counsel then evil Nature He had naturally good inclinations but they were poison'd by the practice of a kinde of people which hath always been Ominous and Pestilential to Princes an inconvenience which always hath been and will be whilst the World lasts His thirst after Absolute Sovereignty was as great as is the thirst of one sick of a Burning Fever not to be quenched by all the water of Nilus He valued not Legal authority but sought for that which was not permitted by the Constitutions nor Laws of the Kingdom His ruine arose from hating Liberty in such as gave him Good Counsel and in loving Flattery in those who advised him Ill the which they did not to incur the danger of his Disfavour and so made him fall upon his Own Ruine Amongst the chiefest of his injuries to his Nobility was his breach of Faith so as they not believing any more in him nor trusting him there ensued a Rebellion and wanting a Head for a businesse of so great Consequence they thought to make use of the Prince a Youth of about Fifteen yeers of Age and under the shadow of the Son to send the Father to eternal Darknesse but the Prince being endued with much Worth would not accept so detestable a Charge whereupon they made him believe they would give themselves up to England deprive him of his Birth-right and possibly of his Life so as thus threatned he gave way to their Will Iames this mean while having made means to Pope Innocent the Eighth and to his Two Neighbour-Kings of England and France might have been succoured all in good time had he had patience to expect them in the Castle of Edenborough a safe place but he judging Strivelin to be a more convenient place to receive those in whom he enpected from the Northern parts of his Kingdom was in going thither fought withal and beaten whereupon retyring to a Water Mill with intention to save himself in certain Ships which were not far off he was miserably slain and Iames the Fourth his Son by way of Pennance girt himself with a Chain of Iron to which he added one Link every yeer as long as he lived Pope Innocent had dispatcht away Adrian de Corneto upon this occasion for Scotland a man of noble conditions who came to London Two days before the news of this unfortunate accident he thought presently to have returned but was detained by the King enamoured of his good parts which were by Morton Archbishop of Canterbury commended unto him Neither were they any whit deceived for being a man greatly Experienced in the affairs of the world to boot with his Learning Polydore gives him the attribute of the Restorer of the Latine tongue and the most Eloquent next Cicero he came to the highest degrees of Preferment The King gave him the Bishoprick of Hereford which he refusing he gave him that of Bath and Wells and made use of him in all his businesses depending at Rome which made him being promoted to be a Cardinal acknowledge his favours and give him continual Advertisements of the affairs of Italy This man afterwards through ambition of being Pope ruined his Honour his Fortune and Himself it being verified in Him that Learning is unprofitable if the End thereof be not how to lead a good life The reason of his ruine was that Cardinal Alphonso Petrucchio having together with certain other Cardinals his Confederates plotted the death of Pope Leo the Tenth there were Three that were not Of this Confederacy but Knew of it Riario Soderini and this Adrian who not medling in the businesse did notwithstanding Wish it might take Effect for each of them aspired to be Pope Paulus Iovius relating the causes which made Riario and Soderini hate the Pope when he comes to speak of Adrian says But Adrian not moved by Hatred but by a vain Desire of Rule wisht Leo's death because he had conceived a hope to be Pope by reason of the words of a Woman-Soothsayer who having long before this being asked by him told him many things touching his Own fortune and the Publike affairs of the World told him for a truth that if Pope Leo should die an unnatural death an old man call'd Adrian should succeed him famous for his Learning who building onely upon Vertue had without any Help from his Ancestors gotten the highest Ecclesiastical preferments and it seemed all this was found in Him For being born at Corneto a poor Village in Toscany of mean mechanical parentage he by his Learning had arrived at all the preferment of Holy Orders Neither did the Old woman foretel a Falsehood for one Adrian an old Dutch-man son to a poor Artificer famous for his Learning was by much good fortune made Pope after Leo. And a while after he says Soderini by voluntary Exile withdrew himself to the Territories of Fondi but Adrian being fearful and suspitious not trusting to Leo's clemency went from Rome in a Countrey-fellow's habit and not being pursued by any changed from place to place still seeking to hide himself till he died And Guicchiardine speaking more clearly of him says Adrian and Volterra were not any ways troubled save onely that they under-hand pay'd certain sums of money but neither of them daring to trust their Safeties in Rome as neither did