Persons to Ecclesiastical Dignities Promotions and Benefices belonging to his Majesty and divers of the Nobility Clergy and others and hath taken upon him the Nomination of Chaplains to the King by which means he hath preferred to his Majesty's Service and to other great Promotions in the Church such as have been Popishly affected or other wise Vnsound and Corrupt both in Doctrine and Manners I did never wittingly abuse the Power or Trust which His Majesty reposed in me Nor did I ever intrude upon the Places of any great Officers or others to procure to my self the Nomination of Persons Ecclesiastical to Dignities Promotions and Benefices belonging to His Majesty the Nobility or any other And though here be no Particular named yet I guess at that which is meant and will clearly set down the Truth His Majesty some few Years since assumed to himself from the Right Honourable the Lord Coventry the Lord Keeper that then was and from my Lord Cottington then Master of the Court of Wards the disposing of all such Benefices as came to the King's Gift by Title of Wardship of what value soever they were The Reason which moved His Majesty to do this was The Lord Keeper and the Lord Cottington became humble Suitors to him to end a Contention between them about the giving of those Benefices both for their own Quiet and the Peace of other His Majesties Subjects For the Course was when any thing fell void in the Gift of a Ward he of these two great Officers which came first to know of the avoidance gave the Living This caused great and oft-times undue Practising among them which were Suitors for the Benefices And many times the Broad-Seal and the Seal of the Court of Wards bore Date the same Day And then the Bishop which Clerk soever he Instituted was sure to offend the other Lord. And these Lords too many times by the earnest putting on of Friends were not well pleased one with another in the Business Upon this Suit of their own His Majesty gave a Hearing to these Lords and in Conclusion of it took the Disposal of all such Benefices into his own Hands and for ought I know with both their liking and content In the disposing of these Benefices to such Men as had served His Majesty at Sea or otherwise I was trusted by the King and I served him in it faithfully but proceeded no farther nor otherwise than he directed and commanded me But I never took the Nomination of any one to my self or my own disposing And the Truth of this as His Majesty knows so I am Confident my Lord Cottington who is yet living will Witness For the Nomination of Chaplains to the King if I had done it I think the work was as proper for the Arch-Bishop as for any Man Yet because by Ancient Custom it was conceived to belong in a great part to the Lord Chamberlain who was then the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembrook I never Named any to His Majesty but I did fairly acquaint the Lord Chamberlain with it and desired his favour But in all my time I never was the means to prefer any Man to His Majesties Service as a Chaplain or to any Promotion whom I knew to be Popishly affected or any way Corrupt in Doctrine or Manners 9. He hath for the same Trayterous and Wicked intent chosen and employed such Men to be his own Domestical Chaplains whom he knew to be Notoriously disaffected to the Reformed Religion grosly addicted to Popish Superstition and Erroneous and unsound both in Judgment and Practice And to them or some of them he hath committed Licensing of Books to be Printed By which means divers false and Superstitious Books have been Published to the great Scandal of Religion and to the seducing of many of His Majesties Subjects I never chose any Man to be my Chaplain who I knew or had good Cause to suspect was Popishly affected Nor any that was unsound in Judgment or Practice Nor did I commit the Licensing of Books to any such but to those only who I then did and do still believe are Orthodox and Religious Divines and Men of very good Judgment for that Necessary and great Service And if they or any of them have by negligence or otherwise suffered any Erroneous and Dangerous Books to pass the Press they must answer both the Church and the State for whatsoever they have done amiss in that kind for it is not possible for the Archbishop to perform all those Services in Person And in the committing of them to my Chaplains and other Divines of Note I have done no new thing but that which my Predecessors have done before me This I am sure of I gave often and express and strict Command to all and every of them that they should License nothing that was contrary to the Doctrine and Discipline Established in the Church of England or might Personally or otherwise give Offence or Distaste And I hope they have Obeyed my Directions If not they must Answer for themselves 10. He hath Trayterously and Wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome And for the effecting thereof hath Consorted and Confederated with divers Popish Priests and Jesuits and hath kept secret intelligence with the Pope of Rome And by himself his Agents and Instruments treated with such as have from thence received Authority and Instruction He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom By all which Trayterous and Malicious Practices this Church and Kingdom have been exceedingly indangered and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See The Article is now come of which I spake before and in my Answer to which I promised to set down the substance of that which I spake in the Parliament House to the Lords when this General Charge was brought up against me and I shall somewhat inlarge it yet without any Change of the Grounds upon which I then stood And now I shall perform that Promise And I shall be of all other least afraid to answer all that is here said concerning Religion For my Heart I bless God for it is sound that way to the uttermost of my Knowledge and I think I do well understand my Principles And my Old Master Aristotle hath taught me long since that Qui se bene habent ad divina audaciores sunt they which are well and setledly composed in things pertaining to God that is in Religion are much the bolder by it And this not only against Slanders and Imputations cast upon Men for this but in all other Accidents of the World what ever they be And surely I may not deny it I have ever wished and heartily Prayed for the Unity of the whole Church of Christ and the Peace and Reconciliation of torn and divided Christendom But I did never desire a Reconciliation but such as might stand
with Truth and preserve all the Foundations of Religion entire For I have Learned from a Prime School-Man of their own That every Vnion doth not perfect the true Reason or Definition of that which is good but that only upon which depends Esse perfectum Rei the perfect Essence of that thing So that in this particular if the substance of Christian Religion be not perfected by any Vnion that Vnion it self cannot have in it Rationem boni the true Being and Nature of Good And therefore I did never desire that England and Rome should meet together but with forsaking of Errour and Superstition especially such as grate upon and frett the Foundations of Religion But were this done God forbid but I should Labour for a Reconciliation if some Tenets of the Roman Party on the one side and some deep and imbittered Disaffections on the other have not made it impossible as I much doubt they have But that I shou'd practice with Rome as now it stands and to that end should confederate with Priests and Jesuits or hold secret intelligence with the Pope or treat with him or any Instruments Authorised by him or by any Agents is utterly untrue As I hope may fully appear by that which follows vid. init libri And First in hope that they which have observed my Life in times past will give me Credit in this time of my Affliction I do here make my solemn Protestation in the Presence of God and this great Court that I am Innocent of any thing greater or less that is charged in this Article or any part of it And I do here offer my Corporal Oath Please it the Lords to give it me in the strictest form that any Oath can be conceived that I am wholly Innocent of this Charge And let nothing be tendred against me but Truth and I do challenge whatsoever is between Heaven and Hell to come in and Witness whatsoever they can against me in this Particular For all that I have feared in all this Charge against me is not Guilt but Subornation of Perjury Against which Innocency it self cannot be safe And I have found the deadly Hatred of some Men against me to be such as that though I cannot suspect the House of Commons of such an Irreligious Baseness yet I have great Cause to suspect some particular Men which I see make no Conscience of the Way so they may compass their End Secondly Should I practice be it with whom you will to superinduce Romish Tyranny and Superstition over the true Religion established in England I have taken a very wrong way to it For I have hindred as many from going to the Roman Party and have reduced as many from it and some of great Quality and some of great Learning and Judgment as I believe any Divine in England hath done And is this the way to bring in Romish Superstition to reduce Men from it Or is this the Reward from the State which Men must look for that have done these Services Thirdly The Book which I have Written against Mr. Fisher the Jesuit must of Necessity either acquit me of this Calumny or proclaim me a Villain to the World And I hope I have so lived as that Men have not that Opinion of me sure I am I have not deserved it And had this Book of mine been written according to the Garb of the Time fuller of Railing than Reason a Learned Jesuit would have Laughed at it and me and a Learned Protestant might have thought I had Written it only to conceal my self and my Judgment in those Difficulties But being Written in the way it is I believe no Romanist will have much Cause to Joy at it or to think me a Favourer of their Cause And since I am thus put to it I will say thus much more This Book of mine is so Written by God's great blessing upon me as that whensoever the Church of England as they are growing towards it apace shall depart from the Grounds which I have therein laid she shall never be able before any Learned and disingaged Christian to make good her Difference with and her Separation from the Church of Rome And let no Man think I speak Pride or Vanity in this For the Outrages which have been against me force me to say it and I am confident future times will make it good unless Profaneness break in and over-run the whole Kingdom which is not a little to be feared Fourthly I must confess I am in this Particular most unfortunate For many Recusants in England and many of that Party beyond the Seas think I have done them and their Cause more Harm than they which have seemed more fierce against them And I doubt not but I shall be able to prove that I have been accounted beyond Sea the greatest Enemy to them that ever sat in my Place And shall I suffer on both sides Shall I be accounted an Enemy by one part for opposing the Papist and accused for a Traytor by the other for Favouring and Complying with them Well If I do suffer thus 't is but because Truth usually lies between two Extreams and is beaten by both As the poor Church of England is at this day by the Papist and the Separatist But in this and all things else in despight of all Malice Truth shall be either my Protection from Suffering or my Comfort while I suffer And by God's gracious assistance I shall never depart from it but continue at the Apostle's Ward 2 Cor. 13. Nihil possum contra veritatem I can do nothing against the Truth and for it I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer any thing Fifthly If I had practised with the Pope or his Agents for the alteration of Religion in England surely I must have used many great and dextrous Instruments to compass my end And in a business of so great Consequence Difficulty and Danger to all that should have a Hand nay but a Finger in it no Man would venture to meddle without good pay And 't is well known that I have filled no Purse nor laid up any store to set ill Instruments on work upon that or any other unworthy design Sixthly I am a Man in Years great Years for a Man so loaded with business as I have been all my Life And it cannot be long before I must go to give God Almighty an account of all my Actions And whatsoever the Malignity of the Time may put upon me yet they which know me and my ways will easily believe that I have not so little Conscience or care of my Soul as to double with God to my very Death Nay could I have doubled thus I could easily have seen a way through all this difficulty and how to have been as gracious with the People as any even the worst of my Predecessours But I have ever held that the lowest depth of Baseness to frame Religion to
Witness I laboured nothing but the Settlement of the Decent External Worship of God among us which whatever some other Men think I know was sunk very low and if in labouring this I did err in any Circumstance for in matter of Substance I am sure I did not that may be forgiven me for Humanity sake which cannot free it self from Error But that which brought all these Distractions both upon Church and State was the bringing in of the Scots and the keeping of them here at a vast charge only to serve Turns and those very base ones And to the debasing and dishonour of this whole Nation as well as the King And how far this Lord had his Hand or his Head in this Treacherous Business he best knows Sure I am his Lordship is thought one of the chief Moulders of this Leaven of the Pharisees But my Lord thinks himself safe enough so he can cry me up among the Rabble to be the Author of all And not content with this he insults farther upon me as follows Yet to magnifie his Moderation presently after the breaking of the last Parliament he told a Lord who sits now in my sight that if he had been a Violent Man he wanted no occasion to shew it For he observed that the Lord Say never came to Prayers and added that I was in his knowledge as great a Separatist as any was in England What ever it was I said was not to magnifie my Moderation Nor do I remember that ever I spake these words Yet First if any Lord will say upon his Honour that I did say these very Words I will bear him and the Peerage of the Realm that Honour as that I will submit and believe his Testimony against my own Old now and Weak Memory Next upon enquiry made by some Friends of mine I find that the Words I should speak are said to be these that if I listed to take any advantage against this Honourable Lord I had as much exception to him as to any Separatist in England These Words are neither so Bold nor so Vncivil as those in the Charge and perhaps I might speak these though I remember it not For during the last Parliament not so few as Ten or a Dozen several Lords came to me of themselves as I sat there and complained grievously of this Lord's absenting himself from the Prayers of the Church and some of them wondred he was not questioned for the Scandal he gave by it And if any of them would be so mean as to urge me to speak by speaking Broad themselves and then carry the Tale to this Noble Lord he did that who ever he were which I hope was not the Noblest of his Actions and if I did say these latter Words of this great Lord I must and do say them again and I heartily beseech God that this Sin be not laid to my Charge that I questioned him not when the Times were calmer For had I done that I had done my Duty and if I had not cured him perhaps I might have prevented so much common danger to this Church as his Lordship hath procured since that time both by his Example his Counsel and his Countenance And for the Words I doubt not but he himself will be found to have made them good before I have done examining this Speech of his Lordship In the mean time my Lord proceeds My Lords how far he hath spit this Venom of his against me I am not certain but I may well fear where it might do me greatest Prejudice I shall therefore intreat your Lordships Favour and Patience that I may give you in these things which so nearly concern me a true account of my self which I shall do with Ingenuity and Clearness and so as that if I satisfie not all Men yet I hope I shall make it appear I am not such a one as this Waspish Man was willing to make the World believe I have spit no Venom against his Lordship much less have I spit any thing far For this Report which is here called Venom is common through the Kingdom And I have already told you what divers Lords said to me during the last Parliament And that is no more than hath been avowed unto me by very many others and some of very good Quality so the spreading was to me not from me But yet my Lord fears I spread it where it might do him greatest Prejudice I know not what my Lord means by this unless it be that I should spread it to his Majesty And if that be his meaning I will tell his Lordship truth what I know therein I was present when I heard some Lords more than once tell the King that the Lord Say was a Separatist from the Church of England and would not come at her Common-Prayers And one of these Lords afterwards told me he did conceive it was a great danger to this Kingdom when Noblemen should begin to separate in Religion and that his Majesty had need look to it To this last which was spoken to me in private but I will depose the Truth of it I could not but assent And to the former I then said I had heard as much as was then told his Majesty but I was not certain of it And I doubt not but these Lords sit in his Lordship's sight as well as that Lord who told him the other of me And not in his Sight only but in his Affections also as things go now But however they carry it with him now this they said of him then Nor will I here pick a Thanks to tell this Lord what Service I did him to his Majesty when he was thought to be in danger enough though I was chidden by a Great one that stood by for my Labour I shall therefore intreat the Christian Reader 's Favour and Patience that having hitherto given him a most true and clear Account of that which my Lord charges me with and doth nearly concern me So I may proceed to the rest which I do with all Ingenuity and Truth And so as that if I satisfie not all Men yet I hope I shall make it appear that I am not such a Waspish Man as my Lord would fain render me to the World But if I have been a Wasp in any Court wherein I have had the Honour to sit yet his Lordship should not have called me so considering what a Hornet all men say he is in the Court of Wards and in other Places of Business Where he pinches so deep that discreet Men are in a doubt whether his Aim be to sting the Wards or the Court it self to Death first For no Man can believe 't is for the good of the King And if I fail in this endeavour of mine to clear my self I must desire the Courteous Reader to ascribe it not to my Cause which is very good against his Lordship but to the narrowness of my Comprehensions and my Weakness compared with his
apply this term unto are the Brownists as they call them by another Name and they know their Tenents The truth is they differ with us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth I know Here then my Lord is 〈◊〉 to say that all that he hath hitherto said is so far from making him the greatest Separatist in England that it cannot argue him to be any at all For my part I would to God it were so But let 's examine whether it be so or not First then this I humbly conceive is certain That he whoever he be that will not Communicate in Publick Prayers with a National Church which serves God as she ought is a Separatist But the Church of England as it stands established by Law serves God as she ought Therefore my Lord by his general absenting himself from her Communion in Prayers is a Separatist And this is by his own confession For he says a little before and that expresly that this is a Separation which every Man must make that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins And I cannot doubt but his Lordship hath made that which he says he must make All that can be said for my Lord herein is this First That my Lord Charges the Church of England with Corruptions in the Worship of God and such Corruptions as he must Separate from her But is it sufficient for a Separation for a particular Man barely to say there are such Corruptions in the Liturgy when he doth neither prove them to be such nor so much as name them what they are Surely no. And I think these Gnats which his Lordship strains at may be swallowed without any Offence to God or Man So far are they from being a just Cause of Separation Therefore for all this my Lord is a Separatist Yea but my Lord charges upon the Church of England that she injoyns her Liturgy upon all Men by a certain Number of Men usurping Authority to themselves and imposing this Injunction under the name of the Church I have made answer already to this Power of the Church to compose a set Form for publick Service and I hope made it manifest that this Authority is not usurped And then that can be no just Cause of a Separation Nay I must doubt whether if such Authority were usurped by some Church-Men in any National Church the injoyning of the Service after it is made supposing always that it contain no Idolatry or Fundamental Error be for the Injunction alone a sufficient Warrant to my Lord or any other to Separate Therefore my Lord 's forsaking the publick Service of the Church upon no better Grounds than these makes him a Separatist by his own Confession without any Man calling him so As for his Lordship's being the greatest Separatist in England I have at the beginning of this Tract clearly related to the uttermost of my Memory what and upon what occasion I spake of his Lordship in this kind But whether I said it or not my Lord for ought I see will hardly escape being so For he is the greatest Separatist from the Church that absents himself with most will and least cause And this if I mistake not is my Lord's Case for he separates with most will that says Men must and ought to Separate And upon least Cause because as yet he hath Named none at all but Corruptions in general which any Man may say and the Injunction of a set Form which is no cause Therefore for ought I yet see it may truly be said of his Lordship that he is the greatest Separatist in England Especially if you add to this how busie and active his Lordship is and for many Years hath been to promote this Cause of Separation And I have some very good grounds to think that his Lordship hath been and is the great Cause and enlarger of all the Separation that now is in Church Affairs And of all the Disobedience thereby bred or cherished against Soveraign Power Next my Lord appeals to my Lords the Bishops and tells them that they know that they whom they usually apply this Name Separatist unto are the Brownists as they call them by another Name I know not all things which the rest of my Learned Brethren the Bishops know Yet I think both they and I know this that the Name Separatist is a common Name to all Hereticks or Schismaticks that separate for their Opinions sakes either from the Catholick or from any particular Orthodox Church And if my Lord himself who it seems is well acquainted with them or any of my Lords the Bishops do know that this Name is usually applyed to the Brownists be it so That I am sure is not material unless it be for that which my Lord closes this passage withal Namely that my Lords the Bishops know the Tenents of the Brownists and that the truth is they differ from us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or Saving Truth that his Lordship knows I doubt not but my Lords the Bishops know the Tenents of the Brownists so far forth at least as they be Tenents and not varied from and so far as they are their General Tenents to which all or most of them agree And so far as they are plain and univocal Tenents and not such as shall equivocate with the very Faith it self But such Tenents of the Brownists as these are it may be all my Lords the Bishops know not Now if the Truth be as my Lord says it is for ought he knows that the Brownists differ from us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth Then out of all doubt Majus peccatum habent their Sin and my Lord 's too is the greater that they will so Uncharitably and with so great Heat and setled Violence and to the great scandal of Religion first separate themselves from and now labour utterly to overthrow that Church which by my Lord 's own Confession here differs not from them in any Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth For sure if they differ not from us we differ not from them But this is only Argumentum ad Hominem and is sufficient to convince this Lord I think in his own way But I doubt the Truth is quite another thing Namely that the Church of England is very Orthodox and that the Brownists or Separatists call them as you will do Separate upon false and unchristian Opinions And that besides Matters of Opinion and breach of Charity they do differ from us in some Fundamental Points of Doctrine and saving Truth My Lord a little before tells us of Corruptions in the Liturgy of the Church but names none And should I charge the Brownists with difference from the Church in Fundamental Points of Doctrine and yet name none I should run into the same fault for which I there taxed my Lord I shall therefore give some Instances of some of their Opinions and then leave the indifferent Reader to judge whether
Answer and assures me that by his care and vigilancy they shall all be rectified and that out of hand My Lord informs me that in his Predecessor Bishop Whites absence he living most commonly at London being your Majesty's Almoner there was cut down and wasted above a Thousand Loads of Wood. For all other businesses they are in good condition within that Diocess saving that my Lord the Bishop humbly craves leave hereby to represent a great grievance to your Majesty which concerns the Bishoprick the Dean and Chapter and all other Clergy Men or indeed rather all your Majesty's Liege People inhabiting within the Isle of Ely In this Diocess the Bishop found out one Jeffryes who commonly Administred the Blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist being either not in Holy Orders at all or at least not a Priest So soon as he was discovered he slipt out of the Diocess and the Bishop thinks that he now serves in a Peculiar under the Dean and Chapter of Wells I will send thither to know the certainty and see the abuse punished if I can light upon the Person The Bishop further Certifies me that there are very many within that small Diocess who stand Excommunicate and divers of them only for not payment of Fees And again that many of these are not able to pay them I think it were not amiss that once every Year in Lent the Chancellor were commanded to take an Account of all the Excommunicats in the Diocess and to cause all to be Absolved that shall be fit for Absolution and particularly to see that no Man be suffered to continue Excommunicated where nothing but Poverty hinders the payment of Duties or other Fees The Bishop likewise informs me that Monuments even of obscure and mean Persons are grown very common in those Parts and prejudicial both to the Walls and Pillars and Liberty of Churches which the Bishop opposes as much and as fairly as he can But all is too little There were in this Diocess the last year but two Refractory Ministers known to the Bishop Mr. Wroth and Mr Erbury The former hath submitted but the other would neither submit nor satisfie his Parishioners to whom he had given publick offence so he resigned his Vicarage and hath left thereby the Diocess in peace For this Diocess the Bishop humbly craves your Majesty's Pardon for his longer stay in London than ordinary and professes his Excuse formerly made to your Majesty to be most true viz. That he was forced to it by extremity of Sickness falling upon him in those parts and forcing his change of Air. That Diocess hath been a little out of quiet this year by some Mens medling with those nice Questions which your Majesty hath forbidden should be commonly preached in the Pulpit But the Relation being somewhat imperfect I shall inform my self farther and then give your Majesty such Account as I receive In this Diocess the Bishop Certifies me two considerable things and both of them are of difficult Cure The one concerns his Bishoprick where every thing is let for Lives by his Predecessors to the very Mill that Grinds his Corn. The other concerns the Diocess in general where by Reason of the Poverty of the Place all Clergy-Men of Hope and Worth seek Preferment elsewhere And he tells me plainly some weak Scholars must be Ordained or else some Cures must be left altogether unsupplied My Lord of Glocester confesseth he hath been absent from his Diocess a good part of this Year being kept from his Dwelling-Houses by the Infection at Glocester which just Cause of Absence he humbly submits to your most gracious Majesty Concerning that Diocess the Bishop speaks not much more But the Arch-Deacon at his Visitation finding the Clergy conformable gave them this grave and fitting Admonition viz. That no Man should presume his conformity should excuse him if in the mean time his Life were Scandalous Which was very necessary for that Place and these Times And the Arch-Deacon certifies farther that there are divers which as far as they dare oppose Catechising and but for fear of losing the Livings would almost go as far as Burton and Bastwick did which is his own expression under his Hand My Lord the Bishop there complains much of the Decay of his Houses and the impoverishing of that Bishoprick by some of his Predecessors And this partly by letting of long Leases before the Statute restrained it and partly by a coarse exchange of some Lands in former times This latter cannot now be helped but for the decay of his Houses if he pursue that faculty which I granted to his immediate Predecessor he may help a great part of that decay without much charge And this God willing I shall put him in mind to do and give him the best assistance that I can by Law For the Churches in that Diocess which are very many my Lord acknowledges that they are in very decent and good order generally The only thing which he saith troubles his Diocess is that the People have been required to come up and receive at the Rail which is set before the Communion-Table and that heretofore many have been Excommunicated or Suspended for not doing so For the thing it self it is certainly the most decent and orderly way and is practised by your Majesty and by the Lords in your own Chappel and now almost every where else And upon my knowledge hath been long used in St Giles his Church without Cripplegate London with marvellous Decency and Ease and yet in that Parish there are not so few as Two Thousand Communicants more than within any Parish in Norwich Diocess And when your Majesty had the Hearing of this Business in the now Bishop of Ely's Time you highly approved it And therefore I presume you will be pleased to command that the present Bishop continue it and look carefully to it And whereas they plead that many stood suspended for it the Bishop of Ely in whose Time it was doth assure me that in above One Thousand Three Hundred Parishes there were not Thirteen either Excommunicated or Suspended for refusing of this In this Diocess the Bishop gives a fair Account to all your Majesty's Instructions so that I have cause to hope that that Diocess is in reasonable good Order Only he complains that his Predecessors have Leased out part of his House at Lichfield which puts him to very great Annoyance But he is entring into a Legal way for redress of his Abuse in which I presume your Majesty will give him all fair and just Assistance if he shall be forc'd to crave the same My Lord the Bishop came but lately to this See and hath not as yet found much amiss The Bishop of that Diocess is Dead and no other yet setled so I can have no Account from thence this Year These Four Bishops Certifie that all things are orderly and well
shortly to follow and therewith give to the Publick what farther Account of them I shall then judge necessary The Originals both Diary and History I intend at my Death to leave to St John's Colledge in Oxford where the Authour the Arch-Bishop was bred to which place he ever bore so great a Love and where his Body now remaineth Which Intention of mine I chose here to mention that the 〈◊〉 and Fellows of that Colledge may hereafter if they shall think so 〈◊〉 demand them from my Executors To conclude although Private and Personal Matters or Affections ought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be admitted to accompany a Work of such a publick Nature yet I cannot forbear to say that it is an inexpressible satisfaction to me that in the Edition of this Work I have been able to serve the Illustrious Author of it and my most Reverend Deceased Patron and the Church of England at the same time And more particularly that I account it the most Fortunate Transaction of my whole Life to have contributed herein to the vindication of the Memory and the Cause of that most Excellent Prelate and Blessed Martyr to whom I have always paid a more especial Veneration ever since I was able to form any Judgment in these matters as firmly believing him to have taken up and prosecuted the best and most effectual Method although then in great measure unsuccessful through the malignity of the Times and to have had the Noblest the most Zealous and most sincere Intentions therein towards Re-establishing the Beauty the Honour and the Force of Religion in that part of the Catholick Church the Church of England to the Service of which I have entirely devoted my Life my Labours and my Fortunes Feb 2. 1693 4. Hen. Wharton THE CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME ARch-Bishop Laud's Diary of his Life wrote by himself and published from the Original Pag. 1 His Account of matters of Piety and Charity projected to be done by himself 68 His large History of his own Troubles and Tryal divided into CHAPTERS 71 CAP. I. An Account of his first Accusation and Commitment 73 CAP. II. Of the Original Causes and Occasions of his Troubles 75 CAP. III. The Articles exhibited against him to the Parliament by the Scottish Commissioners with an Answer to them 87 CAP. IV. The Additional Charge of the Scots exhibited against him with an Answer to it 137 CAP. V. An Account of what passed in relation to him or his Cause from his Commitment to Febr. 26. 〈◊〉 144 CAP. VI. An Account of what Passed at the Bar of the House of Lords when the Commons brought up their Charge against him 148 CAP. VII The first Articles of the Commons exhibited against him with an Answer to them 〈◊〉 CAP. VIII An Account of his Commitment to the Tower and what passed 〈◊〉 thence to March 13. 〈◊〉 174 CAP. IX Of what passed from thence to May 1. 1641. Pag. 176 CAP. X. Of what passed from thence to September 23. 1641. 181 CAP. XI Of what passed from thence to January 4. 〈◊〉 183 CAP. XII Of what passed from thence to February 24 〈◊〉 187 CAP. XIII Of what passed from thence to March 6 〈◊〉 190 CAP. XIV Of what passed from thence to March 24. 〈◊〉 192 CAP. XV. Of what passed from thence to May 16. 1642 194 CAP. XVI Of what passed from thence to January 6. 〈◊〉 196 CAP. XVII Of what passed from thence to May 27. 1643. 200 CAP. XVIII Of the Search made upon him in the Tower and his Papers taken away from him May 31. 1643. 205 CAP. XIX Of what passed from thence to October 3. 1643. 207 CAP. XX. Of what passed from thence to March 9. 1643 4. 211 CAP. XXI An Account of the Preliminaries and Preparation to his Tryal which began March 12 〈◊〉 216 CAP. XXII An account of his First Day 's Tryal March 12. 1643 4. 220 CAP. XXIII Of the Second Day 's Tryal March 13 〈◊〉 229 CAP. XXIV Of the Third Day 's Tryal March 16. 〈◊〉 242 CAP. XXV Of the Fourth Day 's Tryal March 18. 1643 4. 244 CAP. XXVI Of the Fifth Day 's Tryal March 22. 1643 4. 260 CAP. XXVII Of the Sixth Day 's Tryal March 28 1644. 270 CAP. XXVIII Of the Preparation to the Seventh Day 's Tryal 280 CAP. XXIX Of the Seventh Day 's Tryal Apr. 16. 1644. 282 CAP. XXX Of the Eighth Day 's Tryal May 4. 1644. 292 CAP. XXXI 〈◊〉 the Ninth Day 's Tryal May 16. 1644. 301 CAP. XXXII Of the Tenth Day 's Tryal May 20. 1644. 310 CAP. XXXIII Of the Eleventh Day 's Tryal May 27. 1644. Pag. 317 CAP. XXXIV Of the Twelfth Day 's Tryal June 6. 1644. 329 CAP. XXXV Of the Thirteenth Day 's Tryal June 11. 1644. 338 CAP. XXXVI Of the Fourteenth Day 's Tryal June 14. 1644. 347 CAP. XXXVII Of the Fifteenth Day 's Tryal June 20. 1644. 354 CAP. XXXVIII Of the Sixteenth Day 's Tryal June 27. 1644. 390 CAP. XXXIX Of the Seventeenth Day 's Tryal July 5. 1644. 366 CAP. XL. Of the Eighteenth Day 's Tryal July 17. 1644. 374 CAP. XLI Of the Nineteenth Day 's Tryal July 24. 1644. 389 CAP. XLII Of the Twentieth Day 's Tryal July 29. 1644. 400 CAP. XLIII The Arch-Bishop's Recapitulation of his Defence made at the Bar of the House of Lords Sept. 2. 1644. 412 CAP. XLIV The Plea or Defence made for the Arch-Bishop by his Councel at the Bar of the House of Lords Octob. 11. 1644. 422 CAP. XLV The Arch-Bishop's Defence of himself at the Bar of the House of Commons Novemb. 11. 1644. 432 CAP. XLVI An Account of what passed from thence in both Houses to his Condemnation Jan. 4. 〈◊〉 441 A short Account of the Arch-Bishop's Condemnation Suffering taken from Mr. Rushworth's Collections 443 A larger Account of the same and of the manner of his Suffering taken from Dr. Heylin's Life of him 444 The Arch-Bishop's Speech made upon the Scaffold Jan 10 〈◊〉 with his Prayers and behaviour there 447 The Arch-Bishop's Last Will and Testament 454 Nine Passages taken out of the Arch-Bishop's Conference with Fisher the Jesuit referr'd to in the preceding History 458 Twelve Passages out of other Printed Books referr'd to in the preceding History and Tryal 461 The Arch-Bishop's large Answer to the Speech of the Lord Say and Seal touching the Liturgy Pag. 470 The Arch-Bishop's Annual Accounts of his Province presented to the King with the King 's Apostils or Marginal Notes upon them 515 The King's Instructions sent to Arch-Bishop Abbot in the Year 1629. 517 Arch-Bishop Abbot's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1632. 519 The Kings Instructions sent to Arch-Bishop Laud in the Year 1634. 520 A Memorial of the Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1635. 523 A Note of Arch-Bishop Sancroft and a Letter to him about the same 524 Arch-Bishop Laud's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1633. 525 His Account for the
Year 1634. 529 His Account for the Year 1635. 535 His Account for the Year 1636. 538 His Account for the Year 1637. 546 His Account for the Year 1638. 553 His Account for the Year 1639. 558 A Pamphlet published against the Arch-Bishop by Will. Pryn entituled Rome's Master-piece with the Arch-Bishop's Notes upon it 〈◊〉 Two Letters of the Arch-Bishop's then Chancellor of the Vniversity of Oxford to the Vice-Chancellor there charging him to enquire after prevent and punish the Practices of some Romish Emissaries in that Place 609 The Arch-Bishop's Letter to Sir Kenelm Digby upon the News of his Reconciliation to the Church of Rome 610 The Testimony of Mr Jonathan Whiston concerning the Joy expressed at Rome upon the News of the Arch-Bishop's Death 616 The Testimony of Mr John Evelyn concerning the same 616 AN INTRODUCTION To the Following HISTORY Containing the DIARY OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD LORD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury EXTENDING From His Birth to the middle of the Year MDCXLIII Being the Seventieth Year of His Age. Faithfully and Entirely Published from the Original Copy Wrote with His own Hand The Latine part rendered into English and adjoined LONDON Printed for Ri Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St Paul's Church-Yard 1694. AN INTRODUCTION To the following History CONTAINING THE DIARY OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 1573. NATUS fui Octob 7 1573. Redingi In infantiâ penè perii morbo c. I WAS born Octob 7 1573. at Reading In my Infancy I was in danger of Death by Sickness c. Anno 1589. I came to Oxford July 1589. Anno 1590. I was chosen Scholar of St John's June 1590. Anno 1593. I was admitted Fellow of St John's June anno 1593. Anno 1594. My Father died April 11 1594. die Mercurii I proceeded Batchelour of Arts June 1594. Anno 1596. I had a great Sickness 1596. Anno 1597. And another anno 1597. Anno 1598. I proceeded Master of Arts July 1598. I was Grammar Reader that Year and fell into a great Sickness at the end of it Anno 1600. My Mother died November 24. 1600. I was made Deacon 4. Januar. 1600. comput Angl. Anno 1601. I was made Priest April 5. 1601. being Palm-Sunday both by Dr. Young Bishop of Rochester Viz. Both Orders were conferred by him Anno 1602. I read a Divinity Lecture in St. John's College anno 1602. It was then maintained by Mrs. Maye I was the last that read it Queen Elizabeth died at Richmond March 24. 1602. comput Angl. Anno 1603. I was Proctor of the University chosen May 4. 1603. I was made Chaplain to the Earl of Devonshire Septemb. 3. 1603. Adjecta est spes mea de A. H. Jan. 1. 1603. Which after proved my great happiness Incaepi sperare Januar. 21. 1600. comp Angl. Hope was given to me of A. H. Jan. 1. c. I first began to hope it Jan. 21. c. Anno 1604. I was Batchelour in Divinity July 6. being Friday 1604. Anno 1605. My cross about the Earl of Devon's Marriage Decemb 26 1605. die Jovis Anno 1606. The Quarrel Dr Ayry picked with me about my Sermon at St. Mary's Octob. 21. 1606. Anno 1607. I was inducted into the Vicaridge of Stanford in Northamptonshire November 13. 1607. Anno 1608. The Advowson of North-Kilworth in Leicestershire given to me April 1608. My acquaintance with C. W. began I proceeded Doctor in Divinity in the Act anno 1608. I was made Chaplain to Dr. Neile then Ld. Bishop of Rochester August 5. 1608. After my unfortunateness with T. whose death was in July 1604. the first offer in this kind that I had after was by M. Short June 1606. then by P. B. not accepted Anno 1609. My first Sermon to King James at Theobalds Septemb. 17. 1609. I changed my Advowson of North-Kilworth for West-Tilbery in Essex to which I was inducted Octob. 28. 1609. to be near my Ld. of Rochester Dr. Neile My next unfortunateness was with E. M. Decemb. 30. being Saturday 1609. A stay in this Anno 1610. My Ld. of Rochester gave me Cuckstone in 〈◊〉 Maii 25. 1610. I resigned my Fellowship in St John's Colledge in Oxford Octob 2 1610. and left Oxford the 8th of the same Month. I fell Sick of a Kenish Ague caught at my Benefice Novemb 5 1610. which held me two Months In the midst of this Sickness the Suit about the Presidentship of St John's began I left Kuckstone and was inducted in Norton Novemb 1610. by Proxy The Lord Chancellor Elsmere's Complaint against me to the King at Christmas 1610. He was incited against me by Doctor Abbot Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Elect. Anno 1611. My next unfortunateness was by S. B. Feb 11 1611. It continued long I was chosen President of St John's May 10 1611. The King sat in Person three hours to hear my Cause about the Presidentship of St John's at Tichburne Aug 29 1611. It was Dies Decollat S Johannis-Bapt The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was the Original Cause of all my Troubles I was Sworn the King's Chaplain Novemb 3. 1611. Anno 1612. My next unfortunateness was by S. S. June 13 1612. It ended quickly My next with A D which effected nothing and ended presently Septemb 1612. My great Business with E. B. began Januar 22 1612. It setled as it could March 5 1612. comp Angl It hath had many changes and what will become of it God knoweth Anno 1614. My great misfortune by M. S. began April 9 1614. A most fierce salt Rheume in my left Eye like to have indangered it Dr Neile then Bishop of Lincoln gave me the Prebend of Bugden April 18 1614. Anno 1615. Dr Neile the Bishop of Lincoln gave me the Archdeaconry of Huntingdon Decemb 1 1615. Anno 1616. The King gave me the Deanry of Gloucester Novemb 1616. I resigned my Parsonage of West-Tilbery I set forward with the King toward Scotland March 14 1616. Stilo nostro and returned a little before him 1617. My acquaintance began with W Sta. March 5 1616. comp Angl Anno 1617. .... Cum E. B. July 28 1617. Die Lunae primè St John's Colledge on fire under the stair-case in the Chaplain's Chamber by the Library Septemb 26 1617. die Veneris Both these days of Observation to me I was inducted to Ibstock in Leicestershire Aug 2 1617. in my return out of Scotland and left Norton Anno 1618. Lu. Bos. B. to E. B. May 2 1618. Et quid ad me My ill hap with E. Beg. June 1618. The great Organ in St. John's Chappel set up It was begun Febr. 5. 1618. comp Angl. Anno 1619. I fell suddenly dead for a time at Wickham in my return from London April 2. 1619. Anno 1620. I was Installed Prebendary of Westminster Januar. 22. 1620. comp Angl. having had the Advowson of it Ten Years the November before Anno 1621. The King 's Gracious Speech unto me June 3. 1621. concerning my
sadness I was much concerned at the Envy and undeserved Hatred born to me by the Lord Keeper I took into my Hands the Greek Testament that I might Read the portion of the day I lighted upon the XIII Chapter to the Hebrews wherein that of David Psal. 56. occurred to me then grieving and fearing The Lord is my helper I will not fear what man can do unto me I thought an Example was 〈◊〉 to me and who is not safe under that Shield Protect me O Lord my God Januar. 31. A Commission passed under the Broad Seal of England constituted me among others a Judge Delegate in a Suit of Dilapidation between the Rev. Father in God Richard Neile Lord Bishop of Durham and Francis James Son and Heir of his Predecessor I attended the Execution of this Commission from Two to Five a Clock in the Afternoon on Saturday in the great Chamber at Doctors Commons Februar 1. Sunday I stood by the most Illustrious Prince Charles at Dinner He was then very merry and talked occasionally of many things with his Attendants Among other things he said that if he were necessitated to take any particular Profession of Life he could not be a Lawyer adding his Reasons I cannot saith he defend a bad nor yield in a good Cause May you ever hold this Resolution and succeed most Serene Prince in Matters of greater moment for ever prosperous Februar 4. Wednesday my Conference held with Fisher the Jesuit May 24. 1622. and put in writing at the Command of King James having been before Read to the King was this day put into the Press being Licensed by the Bishop of London I had not hitherto appeared in Print I am no Controvertist May God so Love and Bless my Soul as I desire and endeavour that all the never to be enough deplored distractions of the Church may be composed happily and to the Glory of his Name This day I waited on the Duchess of Buckingham That Excellent Lady who is Goodness it self shewed me a Form of Devotions which another Woman unknown to me had put into her Hands I Read it All was mean in it nothing extraordinary unless that it was more like to Poetry Febr. 6. Friday my Lord Duke of Buckingham told me of the Reconciliation the day before made with the Lord Keeper Febr. 10. Shrove-Tuesday at the Commons Sentence in my Lord of Durham's Case Febr. 12. Thursday the Parliament was to begin but was put off to Monday the 16 of February Febr. 15. Sunday I Assisted at the Consecration of Dr Harmer Bishop of St. Asaph Febr. 16. Dies Lunae erat Dux Richmondiae subitâ Paralysi correptus mortuus est Hoc fatum rejecit Parliamentum in 19 Februarii Febr. 16. Munday The Duke of Richmond being seized suddenly with the Palsie died This accident put off the Parliament to the 19 of February Februar 18. Wednesday my Lord Duke of Buckingham told me of the Reconciliation and Submission of my Lord Keeper and that it was confessed unto him that his Favour to me was a chief Cause Invidia quo tendis c. At ille de novo foedus pepigit Februar 19. Thursday The Parliament began Februar 20. Friday The Convocation began Februar 22. Will. Fulwell Mr. of Arts of Qu. Coll. in Cambridge made Deacon Februar 24. Tuesday The Duke of Buckingham's Relation of the Negotiation with Spain about the Prince's Marriage to both Houses of Parliament Febr. 29. Sunday In the Evening the Duke of Buckingham's Coach overthrown between Exeter-House and the Savoy The Spanish Embassador lay there No Omen I hope more than that they thought to Soyl him Secretary Conway was in the Coach with him Mr. Bond came into the help and told it me March 7. Mid-Lent-Sunday I Preached at White-Hall March 14. Passion-Sunday I Preached at Westminster March 17. Lord Keeper his Complementing with me Will. Fulwell made Priest March 22. Munday Dismal day The Accident of my Lord of Rutland giving Not Content to the Form consented to in the Parliament House being the only Voice dissenting March 23. Tuesday The Censure of Morley Waterhouse and the Printer about the Petition against my Lord Keeper That Afternoon the King declared to the Committee that he would send a Messenger presently into Spain to signifie to that King that his Parliament advised him to break off the Treaties of the Match and the Palatinate and to give his Reasons of it and so proceed to recover the Palatinate as he might Bonfires made in the City by the forwardness of the People for Joy that we should break with Spain O quoties tenuit me illud Psal. LXVII 31. Dissipa gentes quae bella volunt Sed spero quia coacti March 24. Wednesday Initium Regis Jacobi The Earl of Oxford practising a Tilt fell and brake his Arm. That Night inter horas 6. 7. a great Eclipse of the Moon March 25. Thursday The Recess of the Parliament for a Week Anno 1624. March 26. Good-Friday Viscouut Mansfeild running at Tilt to practice with the shock of the meeting his Horse weaker or resty tumbled over and over and brake his own neck in the place the Lord had no great harm Should not this day have other Imployment March 27. Saturday Easter-Even my Speech with my Lord Duke of Buckingham about a course to ease the Church in times of Payment of the Subsidy now to be given His Promise to prepare both the King and the Prince March 28. Easter-day Richard Earl of Dorset died being well and merry in the Parliament House on Wednesday the 24. Quà m nihil est vita Hominis Miserere nostri Deus His Grand-father Thomas Earl of Dorset died suddenly at the Council-Table His Grand-mother rose well and was dead before Dinner His Father Robert lay not above two days And now this Man Sir Edward Sackvill ...... March 29. Easter-Munday I went and acquainted my Lord Keeper with what I had said to my Lord Duke He approved it and said it was the best Office that was done for the Church this Seven Years And so said my Lord of Durham They perswaded me to go and acquaint my Lord's Grace of Canterbury with what I had done I went His Grace was very angry Asked what I had to do to make any Suit for the Church Told me never any Bishop attempted the like at any time nor would any but my self have done it That I had given the Church such a wound in speaking to any Lord of the Laity about it as I could never make whole again That if my Lord Duke did fully understand what I had done he would never indure me to come near him again I answered I thought I had done a very good Office for the Church and so did my Betters think If his Grace thought otherwise I was sorry I had offended him And I hoped being done out of a good Mind for the support of many poor Vicars abroad in the Country who must needs sink under Three
wished it had fallen upon that same day when I Consecrated the Chappel However I was pleased that I should perform that solemn Consecration at least on the Eve of that Festival For upon that day his Majesty King James heard my Cause about the Election to the Presidentship of St. John's Colledge in Oxford for three hours together at least and with great Justice delivered me out of the hands of my powerful Enemies Septemb. 4. Sunday The Night following I was very much troubled in my Dreams My Imagination ran altogether upon the Duke of Buckingham his Servants and Family All seemed to be out of order that the Dutchess was ill called for her Maids and took her Bed God grant better things Septemb. 11. Sunday I Preached at Carmarthen the Judges being then present The same Night I Dreamed that Dr Theodore Price admonished me concerning Ma 3. and that he was unfaithful to me and discovered all he knew and that I should therefore take heed of him and trust him no more c. Afterwards I dreamed of Sackville Crow that he was dead of the Plague having not long before been with the King Septemb. 24. One only Person desired to Receive Holy Orders from me and he found to be unfit upon Examination Septemb. 25. I sent him away with an Exhortation not Ordained It was then Saturday Septemb. 26. Sunday That Night I dreamed of the Marriage of I know not whom at Oxford All that were present were cloathed with flourishing green Garments I knew none of them but Thomas Flaxnye Immediately after without any intermission of Sleep that I know of I thought I saw the Bishop of Worcester his Head and Shoulders covered with Linnen He advised and invited me kindly to dwell with them marking out a place where the Court of the Marches of Wales was then held But not staying for my Answer he subjoyned that he knew I could not live so meanly c. Octob. 8. Saturday the Earl of Northampton President of Wales returned out of Wales taking his Journey by Sea Octob. 9. Sunday I Preached at Carmarthen Octob. 10. Munday I went on Horseback up to the Mountains It was a very bright day for the time of Year and so warm that in our return I and my Company dined in the open Air in a place called Pente-Cragg where my Registrary had his Country-House Octob. 30. Sunday Sir Thomas Coventry made Lord Keeper Novemb. 11. Friday I began my Journey to return into England Novemb. 17. Thursday Charles the Duke of Buckingham's Son was born Novemb. 20. Sunday I Preached at Honye-Lacye in Herefordshire Novemb 24. Thursday I came to the House of my great Friend Fr. Windebank There the Wife of my Freind for himself was then at Court immediately as soon as I came told me that the Duke of Buckingham then negotiating for the Publick in the Low-Countries had a Son born whom God bless with all the good things of Heaven and Earth Decemb. 4. Sunday I Preached at Hurst I stayed there in the Country until Christmas Decemb. 14. Wednesday I went to Windsor but returned the same day Decemb. 25. Sunday I Preached at Hurst upon Christmas day Decemb. 31. Saturday I went to the Court which was then at Hampton-Court There Januar. 1. Sunday I understood that I was Named among other Bishops who were to consult together on Wednesday following at White-Hall concerning the Ceremonies of the Coronation I was also at the same time informed that the bigger part of the Bishop of Durham's House was appointed for the Residence of the Ambassadour Extraordinary of the King of France Januar. 2. Munday I returned to Hains-Hill For there not then knowing any thing of these Matters I had left my necessary Papers with my Trunk When I had put these in order I went to Sir Richard Harrison's House to take leave of my Friends There if I mistake not I first knew what F. H. thought of me I told my mind plainly c. I returned Januar. 3. Tuesday I came to London and fixed my self at my own House at Westminster For the week before Christmas I had sent my Servant who had brought all my things out of the House of my good Friend the Bishop of Durham with whom I had abode as a Guest for Four Years compleat to my own House save only my Books the removal of which I unadvisedly put off till my own coming For the coming of the French Ambassadour forced me to make over-much haste and the multitude of business then laying upon me made it requisite that I should have my Books at hand In the Evening I visited the Duke of Buckingham Januar. 4. Wednesday We met at White-Hall to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation I sent my Servant to bring my Books who brought them That Night I placed them in order in my Study And it was high time For while we were in consultation about the Ceremonies the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold to his Majesty came from the King to us and delivered to me the King's Order to be ready against the sixth day of February to Preach that day at the opening of the Parliament Januar. 6. Friday Epiphany day We met again to consult concerning the Ceremonies and gave up our Answer to the King Januar. 16. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury made known to me the King's Pleasure that at the Coronation I should supply the place of the Dean of Westminster For that his Majesty would not have the Bishop of Lincoln then Dean to be present at the Ceremony It was then Munday The same day by the King's Command a Consultation was held what was to be done in the Cause of Richard Montague There were present the Bishops of London Durham Winchester Rochester and St. Davids Januar. 17. Tuesday We gave in our Answer in Writing Subscribed this day This day also the Bishop of Lincoln deputed me under his Hand and Seal to supply the place for him which he as Dean of Westminster was to Execute in the Coronation of King Charles Januar. 18. Wednesday The Duke of Buckingham brought me to the King to whom I shewed my Notes that if he disliked any thing therein c. The same day by the King's Command the Arch-Bishop of Cant. and the Bishops of London Durham Winchester Rochester and St. Davids consulted together concerning a Form of Prayer to give Thanks for the decrease of the Plague Januar. 23. I had a perfect Book of the Ceremonies of the Coronation made ready agreeing in all things with the Kings Book It was Munday Januar. 29. Sunday I understood what D. B. had collected concerning the Cause Book and Opinions of Richard Montague and what R. C. had determined with himself therein Methinks I see a Cloud arising and threatning the Church of England God of his Mercy dissipate it Januar. 31. Tuesday The Bishops and other Peers before nominated by the King to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation that
not by Reports April 30. Sunday I Preached before the King at White-Hall May 1. Munday The Earl of Bristol was accused in Parliament of High Treason by the King's Attorney Sir Robert Heath the Earl then and there preferred 12. Articles against the Duke of Buckingham and therein charged him with the same Crime and other Articles also against the Lord Conway Secretary of State The Earl of Bristol was committed to the Custody of James Maxwell the Officer in Ordinary of the House of Peers May 4. Thursday Arthur Lake Bishop of Bath and Wells Died at London May 8. Munday At Two a Clock in the Afternoon the House of Commons brought up to the House of Peers a Charge against the Duke of Buckingham consisting of 13. Articles May 11. Thursday King Charles came into the Parliament House and made a short Speech to the Lords concerning preserving the Honour of the Nobility against the vile and malicious Calumnies of those in the House of Commons who had accused the Duke c. They were Eight who in this matter chiefly appeared The Prologue Sir Dudly Digges the Epilogue John Elliot were this day by the King's Command committed to the Tower They were both dismissed thence within few days May 25. Thursday The Earl of Arundel not being sent back to the House nor the Cause of his detainment made known the House of Peers began to be jealous of the breach of their Priviledges and resolved to Adjourn the House to the next day On which day May 26. They Adjourned again to June 2. resolving to do nothing until the Earl should be set free or at least a Cause given c. May 25. On which day these Troubles first began was the Feast of Pope Vrban and at this time Vrban VIII sitteth in the Papal Chair to whom and to the Spaniard if they who most desire it would do any acceptable service I do not see what they could better devise in that kind than to divide thus into Parties the great Council of the Kingdom June 15. Thursday After many Debates and Struglings private Malice against the Duke of Buckingham prevailed and stopped all publick Business Nothing was done but the Parliament was dissolved Junij 20. Tuesday His Majesty King Charles named me to be Bishop of Bath and Wells And at the same time commanded me to prepare a Sermon for the Publick Fast which he had by Proclamation appointed to be kept on the 5th of July following July 5. A Solemn Fast appointed partly upon account of the Pestilence yet raging in many Parts of the Kingdom partly on account of the Danger of Enemies threatning us I Preached this day before the King and Nobility at White-Hall It was Wednesday July 8. The King commanded me to Print and Publish the Sermon It was Saturday July 16. Sunday I presented that Sermon which was now Printed to his Majesty and returned July 26. Wednesday The King signed the Conge d' Eslire empowering the Dean and Chapter to elect me Bishop of Bath and Wells July 24. Thursday In the Morning Dr. Feild Bishop of Landaff brought to me 〈◊〉 Letters from the most Illustrious Duke of Buchingham The Letters were open and wrote partly in Characters The Duke sent them to me that I should consult one Named Swadlinge mentioned in those Letters as one who could read the Characters I was also named in them as to whom that Swadling was known having been educated in S. John's Colledge in Oxford at what time I was President of that Colledge Aug. 1. Thomas Swadlinge came to me whom from his leaving the Colledge to that day for almost 8. Years I had not once seen He bestowing some pains at length read the Characters and Aug. 4. Friday I and he went to the Duke He read them They were certain malicious things The Duke as was fit despised them We returned Aug. 16. I was elected Bishop of Bath and Wells being Wednesday the Letter D. Aug. 25. Friday Two Robin-red-breasts flew together through the Door into my Study as if one pursued the other That sudden motion almost startled me I was then preparing a Sermon on Ephes. 4. 30. and Studying Septemb. 14. Thursday Evening the Duke of Buckingham willed me to form certain Instructions partly Political partly Ecclesiastical in the Cause of the King of Denmark a little before brought into great streights by General Tilly to be sent through all Parishes Certain heads were delivered to me He would have them made ready by Saturday following Sept. 16. I made them ready and brought them at the appointed hour I read them to the Duke He brought me to the King I being so commanded read them again Each of them approved them Sept. 17. Sunday They were read having been left with the Duke before the Lords of the Privy-Council and were thanks be to God approved by them all Sept. 18. Munday My election to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells was confirmed Sept. 19. Tuesday At Theobalds I swore Homage to his Majesty who there presently restored me to the Temporalties from the death of my Predecessor What passed between me and the Lord Conway Principal Secretary to the King in our return Sept. 21. Munday about four a Clock in the Morning Died Lancelot Andrews the most worthy Bishop of Winchester the great Light of the Christian World Sept. 30. Saturday The Duke of Buckingham signified to me the King's Resolution that I should succeed the Bishop of Winchester in the Office of Dean of the Chappel-Royal Octob. 2. Munday The Duke related to me what the King had farther resolved concerning me in case the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury should die c. Octob. 3. Tuesday I went to Court which was then at Hampton-Court There I returned Thanks to the King for the Deanry of the Chappel then granted to me I returned to London Octob. 6. I took the Oath belonging to the Dean of the Chappel in the Vestry before the Right Honourable Philip Earl of Montgomery Lord Chamberlain Stephen Boughton the Sub-Dean Administring it It was Friday Novemb. 14. Or thereabout taking occasion from the abrupt both beginning and ending of Publick Prayer on the fifth of November I desired his Majesty King Charles that he would please to be present at Prayers as well as Sermon every Sunday and that at whatsoever part of the Prayers he came the Priest then Officiating might proceed to the end of the Prayers The most Religious King not only assented to this Request but also gave me thanks This had not before been done from the beginning of K. James's Reign to this day Now thanks be to God it obtaineth Decemb. 21. I dreamed of the burial of I know not whom and that I stood by the Grave I awaked sad Decemb. 25. Christmas-day Munday I Preached my first Sermon as Dean of the Chappel-Royal at White-Hall upon S. John 1 14. part 1. Januar. 5. Epiphany-Eve and Friday In the Night I dreamed that my Mother long since dead stood by my
After they had continued at York till Octob. 28. the King and the Lords returned and the Parliament sate down Novemb. 3. Great Heats appear'd in the very beginning On Wednesday Novemb. 10. Tho. L. 〈◊〉 Earl of Strafford was accused by the House of Commons of High Treason and Committed by the Lords to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the House And upon general Articles sent up He was upon Wednesday Novemb. 25. committed to the Tower It is thought and upon good Grounds that the Earl of Strafford had got Knowledge of the Treason of some Men and that he was preparing to accuse them And this Fear both hastned and heated the proceedings against him And upon Dec. 4. being Friday his Majesty at the great Importunity of some Lords of his Council gave way that his Council should be examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case and I with others was examined that very Day There were great Thoughts of Heart upon this Business and somewhat vapoured out at Mens Tongues but the thing was done Now at and after the breaking up of the late Parliament Sir Hen. Vane at the private Committee concerning the Scotch Affairs before mentioned instead of setting down the Heads of the several Businesses then Treated of Writ down what every Man said at the Committee though it were but Matter of deliberation and debate Afterwards by a cunning conveyance between his Son who had been Governour in New-England and himself this Paper or a Copy of it was delivered to some Members of the House of Commons and in all probability was the Ground of that which was after done against the Lord Strafford my self and others and the Cause why the King was so hard pressed to have the Lords and others of his Council examined was that so Sir Henry Vane might upon Oath avow the Paper which his Son had seen and shewed and others be brought to witness as much had Truth and their Memories been able to say as much as his Paper After the examination of me and others concerning these Particulars there arose great and violent Debates in the House of Commons against the Bishops and particularly their Votes in Parliament After that Decemb. 16. 1640. they Voted against the late Canons as containing in them many Matters contrary to the fundamental Laws and Statutes of the Realm to the Rights of Parliaments to the Property and Liberty of the Subject and matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequences I was made the Author of all and presently a Committee put upon me to inquire into my Actions and prepare a Charge The same Morning in the Upper-House I was Named as an Incendiary in an Accusation put in by the Scottish Commissioners For now by this Time they were come to that Article of the Treaty which reflected upon me And this was done with great noise to bring me yet further into Hatred with the People especially the Londoners who approved too well the Proceedings of their Brethren the Scots and debased the Bishops and the Church Government in England The Articles which the Scots put into the Upper House by the Hands of their Lords Commissioners against me Decemb. 15. were read there Decemb. 16. I took out a true Copy as it follows here And though I was to make no answer then till the House of Commons had digested them and taken as much out of them as as they pleased to fill my intended Charge withall yet because I after found that the House of Commons insisted upon very few of these particulars if any I thought my self bound to vindicate my Innocency even in these Particulars which shall now appear in their full strength against me if they have any in Wise and Learned Mens Judgments CAP. III THe Novations in Religion which are universally acknowledged to be the main Cause of Commotions in Kingdoms and States and are known to be the true Cause of our present Troubles were many and great besides the Books of Ordination and Homilies First some particular alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon us without Order and against Law contrary to the Form established in our Kirk Secondly a new Book of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical Thirdly a Liturgy or Book of Common-Prayer which did also carry with them many dangerous Errours in matters of Doctrine Of all these we challenge the Prelate of Canterbury as the prime Cause on Earth I shall easily grant that Novations in Religion are a main Cause of Distempers in Commonwealths And I hope it will be as easily granted to me I am sure it should that when great Distempers fall into Kingdoms and Common-wealths the only way to ingage at home and get Credit abroad is to pretend Religion which in all Ages hath been a Cloak large enough to cover at least from the Eyes of the Many even Treasons themselves And For the present Troubles in Scotland Novations in Religion are so far from being known to be the true Cause as that it is manifest to any Man that will look upon it with a single Eye that Temporal Discontents and several Ambitions of the great Men which had been long a working were the true cause of these Troubles And that Religion was call'd in upon the bye to gain the Clergy and by them the Multitude For besides that which was openly spoken by the right Honourable James then Earl of Carlile that somewhat was a brewing in Scotland among some discontented there which wou'd break out to the Trouble of this Kingdom 't is most apparent there were many discontents among them Some whereof had no relation at all to Religion and were far antienter than the Troubles now began and were all Legally proved against the Lord Balmerino who was condemned of high Treason before any of these Stirs began For there were Grievances as they said propounded in the Convention Anno 1628. about Coyning and their black Money which they say were slighted again in the Parliament held 1633. Murmuring also there was as if the Articles and Parliament were not free Great Clamour likewise was there against the Bishops Power in choosing the Lords of the Articles though that Power belonged unto them by the fundamental Laws of that Kingdom As much against the Act of Revocation and the Taxations which yet were voluntarily offer'd and miscalled on purpose to edge the People As also for Applying as they said these Taxations to wrong uses With all which and more Religion had nothing to do Nay this discontented Party grew so High and so Bold that a very Base and Dishonourable Libel was made and spread against the King Anno 1633. by these and the like Pretences to alienate the Hearts of the People from him Of this Libel if one Hagg were the Authour Balmerino was the Divulger and so prov'd And though it be true that then also some things were to be done against the Church-government yet their
Novations now spoken of were not then on Foot So that it is evident enough to any Man that will see that these Commotions had another and a higher cause than the present pretended Innovations And if his Majesty had played the King then he needed not have suffered now Besides they are no Fools who have spoken it freely since the Act of Oblivion for the Scottish Business was passed that this great League before mentioned between the discontented Party of both Kingdoms was Consulted on in the Year 1632. and after the King 's being in Scotland Anno 1633. it went on till they took occasion another way to hatch the Cockatrice Egg which was laid so long before But they say these Novations were great besides the Books of Ordination and Homilies So the Books of Ordination and Homilies were great Novations Had they then in Scotland no set Form of Ordination I promise you that 's next Neighbour to no Ordination and no Ordination to no Church formal at least And therefore if this be a Novation among them its high time they had it And for the Homilies if they taught no other Doctrine than was established and current in the Church of Scotland they were no Novations and if they did contain other Doctrine they might have Condemned them and there had been an end Howsoever if these Books be among them in Scotland they were sent thither in King James his Time when the Prelate of Canterbury neither was nor could be the prime cause on Earth of that Novation The other Novations which they proceed unto are first some particular Alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon them without Order and against Law To this I can say nothing till the particular Alterations be named Only this in the general be they what they will the Scottish Bishops were to blame if they pressed any thing without Order or against Law And sure I am the Prelate of Canterbury caused them not nor would have consented to the causing of them had he known them to be such The two other Novations in which they instance are the Book of Canons and the Liturgy which they say contain in them many dangerous Errours in Matter of Doctrine To these how dangerous soever they seem I shall give I hope a very sufficient and clear answer and shall ingenuously set down whatsoever I did either in or to the Book of Canons and the Liturgy and then leave the ingenuous Reader to judge how far the Prelate of Canterbury is the prime cause on Earth of these Things ART I. AND first that this Prelate was the Author and Vrger of some particular Things which made great disturbance amongst us we make manifest first by Fourteen Letters Subscribed W. Cant. in the space of two Years to one of our pretended Bishops Ballatine wherein he often enjoyns him and our other pretended Bishops to appear in the Chappel in their Whites contrary to the Custom of our Kirk and to his own Promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edinburgh at the Coronation That none of them after that Time should be more pressed to wear those Garments thereby moving him against his Will to put them on for that time Here begins the first Charge about the Particular Alterations And first they Charge me with Fourteen Letters written by me to Bishop Ballantyne He was then Bishop of Dunblain and Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal there He was a Learned and a Grave Man and I did write divers Letters to him as well as to some other Bishops and some by Command but whether just fourteen or no I know not But sure I am their Love to me is such that were any thing worse than other in any of these Letters I should be sure to hear of it First then They say I injoyned wearing of Whites c. surely I understand my self a great deal better than to injoyn where I have no Power Perhaps I might express that which His Majesty Commanded me when I was Dean of his Majesty's Chappel here as this Reverend Bishop was in Scotland And His Majesty's Express Command was that I should take that care upon me that the Chappel there and the Service should be kept answerable to this as much as might be And that the Dean should come to Prayers in his Form as likewise other Bishops when they came thither And let my Letters be shewed whether there be any Injoyning other than this and this way And I am confident His Majesty would never have laid this Task upon me had he known it to be either without Order or against Law Next I am Charged that concerning these Whites I brake my Promise to the Bishop of Edinburgh Truly to the uttermost of my Memory I cannot recall any such Passage or Promise made to that Reverend and Learned Prelate And I must have bin very ill advised had I made any such Promise having no Warrant from his Majesty to ingage for any such thing As for that which follows that he was moved against his will to put on those Garments Truly he expressed nothing at that time to me that might signifie it was against his Will And his Learning and Judgment were too great to stumble at such External Things Especially such having been the Ancient Habits of the most Reverend Bishops from the descent of many Hundred Years as may appear in the Life of St. Cyprian And therefore the Novation was in the Church of Scotland when her Bishops left them off not when they put them on In these Letters he the Prelate of Canterbury directs Bishop Ballantine to give Order for saying the English Service in the Chappel twice a day For his neglect shewing him that he was disappointed of the Bishoprick of Edinburgh promising him upon his greater care of these Novations advancement to a better Bishoprick For the direction for Reading the English Service it was no other than His Majesty Commanded me to give And I hope it is no Crime for a Bishop of England by His Majesties Command to signifie to a Bishop in Scotland what his pleasure is for Divine Service in his own Chappel Nor was the Reading of the English Liturgy any Novation at all in that place For in the Year 1617. I had the Honour as a Chaplain in Ordinary to wait upon King James of Blessed Memory into Scotland and then the English Service was Read in that Chappel and twice a Day And I had the Honour again to wait upon King Charles as Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal here at his Coronation in Scotland in the Year 1633 And then also was the English Service Read twice a Day in that Chappel And a strict Command was given them by His Majesty that it should be so continued and Allowance was made for it And none of the Scots found any fault with it at that time or after till these Tumults began And for Bishop Ballantyn's missing the Bishoprick of Edinburgh and my promising him
another upon his better Care of his Majesties Commands I gave him both the Answers and the Reason and the Promise which His Majesty gave me and Commanded me to write to him It follows That I taxed him that is Bishop Ballantine for his boldness in Preaching the sound Doctrine of the Reformed Kirks against Mr. Michell who had taught the Error of Arminius in the Point of the Extent of the Merit of Christ. They should do well to shew my Letter and then I will answer punctually to any thing in it In the mean time I do not know that ever Mr. Michell Preached Arminianism For that Christ died for all Men is the Universal and constant Doctrine of the Catholick Church in all Ages and no Error of Arminius And are the express words of Scripture it self in more places than one And the Synod of Dort called purposely about the Errours of Arminius allows this for Orthodox Christum Mortuum esse pro omnibus And for my part I wish with all my heart that this had been the greatest Error of Arminius But yet whether I taxed that worthy Prelate for this or no I know not This I know that if I did tax him he deserved it And for Bishops even of divers Churches to write one to another about Points of Divinity yea and sometimes to tax one another too as their Judgments lead them hath been usual in all Times and Places The next Charge is That I bid him send up a List of the Names of the Counsellors and Senators of the Colledge of Justice who did not Communicate in the Chappel in a Form which was not received in our Kirk And that I commended him when I found him Obsequious to these my Commandments telling him that I had moved the King the Second time for the Punishment of such as had not received in the Chappel Here I must desire again that this Letter of mine may be produced For I have cause enough to suspect some material Change in the Matter or Form of my Words Howsoever if they be justly set down I answer That if this be one of the Things which made great Disturbance amongst them they would be greatly disturbed with a very little For first I writ nothing in this but what I was expresly Commanded by His Majesty And I have His Majesties Warrant under His Hand to keep a Correspondence with that Bishop of Dunblain that from time to time he might receive His Majesties Direction by me for the Ordering of all those Things And howsoever the thing it self is no more than as if His Majesty should Command all his Counsellors and Judges here once in the Year at least to receive the Communion in his Chappel at White-Hall And if you say 't is more because it was to Communicate in such a Form as was not received in the Church of Scotland under Favour that is not so neither For this Form here spoken against was to receive it Kneeling And to receive the Sacrament Kneeling was an Article of the Synod of Perth made in a General Assembly and Confirmed by Act of Parliament Both then in force when my Letters were written And therefore either this Form was received in their Kirk which is here denied Or else there was little Obedience in their Kirk and Kirk-Men either to General Assembly or Parliament As for that which comes fluttering after That I commended him when I found him Obsequious I had reason to do it For whatsoever is said here it was to the Kings Commands not to mine And the Reason why I writ that I had moved the King a Second time for the Punishment of such as disobeyed was because the Bishop had written unto me that if some were not Checked or Punished none would obey And 't is true too that I took occasion once and a second time but upon Second Letters of his to the same effect to move the King But only by shewing His Majesty what was written by him that was upon the place and trusted with the Office Nor did I ever meddle farther in those Businesses than by laying before His Majesty what was written to me to that end Leaving the King as it became me to Judge both of the Motion and the Person that made it as in his Princely Wisdom he thought fit The next thing is that in these Letters I did upbraid him Bishop Ballantine that is that in his First Synod at Aberdeen he had only disputed against our Custom in Scotland of Fasting sometimes on the Lord's Day And that I did Presumptuously Censure their Kirk that in this we were opposite to Christianity it self and that amongst us there was no Canon at all More of this stuff may be seen in the Letters themselves And my humble desire is that the Letters may be seen For whatsoever account is made of this Stuff it was once and in far better times of the Church valued at a better rate And I shall not be ashamed of any Stuff contained in any of my Letters to this Bishop or any other let them be produced when they please But what then is this Stuff 'T is that I upbraid this worthy Prelate about their Custom in Scotland of Fasting sometimes on the Lord's Day And censure their Church presumptuously as opposite herein to Christianity Surely I do not use to upbraid meaner Men than the Bishop is much less presumptuously to censure a Church If I thought as I do that 〈◊〉 in an Errour for only disputing against that which he should have reformed I conceive it was no upbraiding As for the Custom in Scotland of Fasting on the Lord's-Day It is not only sometimes as is here expressed but continually when they have any Solemn Fast the Lord's-Day is the Day for it And if I did Write that that was opposite to Christianity it self I doubt it is too true For it is against the Practice of the whole Church of Christ And that which is so must oppose Christianity it self And this I find That as Apostolical Universal Tradition settled the Lord's-Day for Holy and Publick Worship So from the very Apostles times the same general Tradition hath in all times accounted it unlawful to Fast upon that Day And if an Ordinary Fast were not Lawful upon that Day much less was a Solemn Nor is there any thing more clear in all Antiquity For in the Canons of the Apostles which if they be not theirs are very antient If a Priest did fast upon the Lord's day he was to be deposed and if a Layman he was to be Excommunicated And S. Ignatius tells us if any Man fast upon the Lords Day he is Christ's Interfector a Murtherer of Christ And that I am sure is against Christianity it self Tertullian professes 't is altogether unlawful The Council of Gangra held An. 324. decreed against it and set an Anathema upon it and that not only when it is done in contempt of the Day
ready made That which was mine is here confessed to be but Interlinings and Marginals and Corrections and at most some Additions And they would be found a very small Some were the Original Book seen And yet it must be Evident that no Hand but mine did this by my Magisterial way of Prescribing in an Interlining or a Marginal Excellent Evidence Secondly they have another great Evidence of this But because that is so nervous and strong I will be bold to reduce it to some Form that it may appear the clearer though it be against my self There was they say a new Copy of these Canons all written with S. Andrews own Hand and according to the former Castigations and Directions sent to have the King's Warrant to it which was obtained Therefore these Interlinings and Marginals c. were done by no other than Canterbury Most Excellent Evidence and clear as Mid-Night The plain Truth is contrary to all this Evidence For by the same Command of His Majesty the Reverend Bishop of London was joyned with me in all the view and Consideration which I had either upon the Book of Canons or upon the Service-Book after So it is utterly untrue that these Interlinings or Marginals or Corrections or call them what you will were done by no other than Canterbury For my Lord of London's both Head and Hand were as deep in them as mine And this I avow for well known Truth both to the King and those Scottish Bishops which were then imployed and this notwithstanding all the Evidences of a Magisterial way and a New Copy And yet this General Charge pursues me yet farther and says The Kings Warrant was obtained as is said to these Canons but with an Addition of some other Canons and a Page of New Corrections according to which the Book of Canons thus Composed was Published in Print The inspection of the Books Instructions and his Letters of Joy for the success of the Work and of other Letters from the Prelate of London and the Lord Sterling to the same purpose all which we are ready to exhibit will put the Matter out of all debate Yet more ado about nothing Yet more noise of Proof to put that out of all debate which need never enter into any For if no more be intended than that I had a view of the Book of Canons and did make some Interlinings and Marginals and the like I have freely acknowledged it and by whose Command I did it and who was joyned with me in the Work So there will need no Proof of this either by my Letters or the Prelate of Londons or the Lord Sterlings Yet let them be exhibited if you please But if it be intended as 't is laid that this was done by no other than Canterbury then I utterly deny it and no Proof here named or any other shall ever be able to make it good As for the Addition of some other Canons and Pages of New Corrections according to which the Book of Canons is said to be Composed and Published Truly to the utmost of my Memory I know of none such but that the Copy written by my Lord of S. Andrews own Hand and sent up as is before mentioned was the very Copy which was Warranted by His Majesty and Published without any further Alteration But if any further Alteration were it was by the same Authority and with the same Consent And for my Letters of Joy for the Success of the Work let them be exhibited when you please I will never deny that Joy while I live that I conceived of the Church of Scotland's coming nearer both in the Canons and the Liturgy to the Church of England But our gross unthankfulness both to our God and King and our other many and great Sins have hindred this great Blessing And I pray God that the loss of this which was now almost effected do not in short time prove one of the greatest Mischiefs which ever befel this Kingdom and that too This is the General Charge about the Canons Now follow the Particulars Beside this General Charge there be some things more special worthy to be adverted unto for discovering his Spirit First the Fourth Canon of Cap 8. For as much as no Reformation in Doctrine or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church Therefore it shall and may be Lawful for the Kirk of Scotland at any time to make Remonstrances to His Majesty or his Successours c. Because this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations he writes to the Prelate of Ross his Prime Agent in all this Work of his great Gladness that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain And his great desire that this Canon might be Printed fully as one that was to be most useful Now come the Particulars worthy to be adverted unto for the discovery of my Spirit And the first is taken out of the Fourth Canon of Cap. 8. The Charge is that this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations First I conceive this Accusation is vain For that Canon restrains all Power from private Men Clergy or Laye nay from Bishops in a Synod or otherwise to alter any thing in Doctrine or Discipline without Authority from His Majesty or his Successours Now all Innovations come from private assumption of Authority not from Authority it self For in Civil Affairs when the King and the State upon Emergent Occasions shall abrogate some Old Laws and make other New that cannot be counted an Innovation And in Church-Affairs every Synod that hath sate in all times and all places of Christendom have with leave of Superiour Authority declared some Points of Doctrine condemned other-some Altered some Ceremonials made new Constitutions for better assisting the Government And none of these have ever been accounted Innovations the Foundations of Religion still remaining firm and unmoved Nay under favour I conceive it most necessary that thus it ought to be And therefore this Canon is far from holding a Door open for more Innovations since it shuts it upon all and leaves no Power to alter any thing but by making a Remonstrance to the Supream Authority that in a Church-way approbation may be given when there is Cause And therefore if I did write to the Prelate of Ross that this Canon might be Printed fully as one that was to be most useful I writ no more then than I believe now For certainly it is a Canon that in a well-governed Church may be of great use And the more because in Truth it is but Declaratory of that Power which a National Church hath with leave and approbation of the Supream Power to alter and change any alterable thing pertaining to Doctrine or Discipline in the Church And as for that Phrase said to be in my Letter that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain it was thus occasioned My Lord the Bishop of Ross writ unto me from the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews that no words might
Tyranical Power he went about to establish in the Hands of our Prelates over the Worship of God and the Souls and Goods of Men overturning from the Foundation the whole Order of our Kirk and how large an entry he did make for the grossest Novations afterward which hath been a main Cause of this Combustion This is the last Shot against these Canons and me for them And I conceive this is no great thing For Arbitrary Government is one thing And 't is quite another that wheresoever there is no Penalty expresly set down it is provided that it shall be Arbitrary as the Ordinary shall think fittest which are the words of the Canon For since no Law can meet with all particulars some things must of necessity be left Arbitrary in all Government though that be perfectest and happiest that leaves least Nor is it an unheard of thing to find something Arbitrary in some Canons of the Church which are very antient As in the Council of Eliberis the Punishment of him who was absent from the Church three Sundays was that he should be Abstentus and barred from the Church for some small time that his negligence in the Service of God may seem to be punished But this small Time being not limited is left to Arbitrary Discretion So likewise in the Council of Valence An. 374. The giving of the Sacrament to such as had vowed Virginity and did afterwards Marry was to be deferr'd as the Priest saw Reason and Cause for it and that sure is Arbitrary The like we find in the third Council of Carthage where the Time of Penance according to the quality of the Sin is left to the Discretion of the Bishop And these Councils were all within the fourth Century By all which it is apparent that in Church as well as in State some things may be left Arbitrary and have been in Better and Wiser Times than these of ours Nay 't is confest by one that Writes almost as well as Junius Brutus that there is an Arbitrary Power in every State somewhere and that no Inconvenience follows upon it And the Council of Ancyra inflicting Censures upon Presbyters first and then Deacons which had fallen in time of Persecution yet gives leave to the Bishop to mitigate the Penance at his Discretion Again 't is manifest by the care taken in the preceeding Canons that here 's little or nothing of moment left Arbitrary And then the Ordinary will fall into an Excess more dangerous to himself than his Arbitrary Punishment can be to him that suffers it if he offer to Tyrannize For this Clause wheresoever it is inserted in Canon or Statute as it is in the Statutes of very many Colledges stands but for a Proviso that Disorderly persons may not think they shall escape Punishment if they can cunningly keep off the Letter of the Law And yet so that the Arbitrary Punishment be Regulated by that which is expressed in the Canons or the Statutes for Omissions or Commissions of like nature And therefore that which is inferred upon all this Charge and the Particulars in it Namely That I went about to establish a Tyranical Power in the Hands of their Prelates either over the Worship of God or the Souls and Goods of Men is utterly false and cannot be proved to follow out of any of the Premises Not over the Goods of the People For no Prelate not invested with Temporal Power can meddle with them so that were there any Canon made for that it would be void of it self Nor over the Souls of Men for they are left free in all things save to commit Sin and Disorder which to repress by Canons is and hath been the Church way Much less over the Worship of God For these Canons have laboured nothing so much as to Honour and Establish that in Decency and Uniformity And as for that which follows That these Canons over-turn from the Foundation the whole Order of their Kirk 'T is more than I believe will be proved that they have over-turned any good Order in their Church much less Foundations Though it may be thought by some and perhaps justly that there is so little Order in their Church and that so weakly founded that it may be over-turned with no great stress And for the large Entry made for the Gross Novations afterwards you see what it is And when you have considered the Gross Novations which are said to come after I hope you will not find them very Gross nor any way fit to be alledged as a main Cause of this Combustion Now follows ART III. The third and great Novation which was the Book of Common-Prayer Administration of Sacraments and other parts of Divine Service brought in without Warrant from our Kirk to be Vniversally received as the only Form of Divine-Service under the highest pains both Civil and Ecclesiastical Now we are come to the Arraignment of the Liturgy and the Book of Common-Prayer and this they say was brought in without Warrant from their Kirk If this be true it was the fault of your own Prelates and theirs only for ought I know For though I like the Book exceeding well and hope I shall be able to maintain any thing that is in it and wish with all my Heart that it had been entertained there yet I did ever desire it might come to them with their own liking and approbation Nay I did ever upon all Occasions call upon the Scottish Bishops to do nothing in this Particular but by Warrant of Law And farther I professed unto them before His Majesty that though I had obeyed his Commands in helping to Order that Book yet since I was ignorant of the Laws of that Kingdom I would have nothing at all to do with the manner of introducing it but left that wholly to them who do or should understand both that Church and their Laws And I am sure they told me they would adventure it no way but that which was Legal But they go on And say this Book Is found by our National Assembly besides the Popish Frame and Forms in Divine Worship to contain many Popish Errors and Ceremonies and the Seeds of manifold and gross Superstitions and Idolatries and to be repugnant to the Doctrine Discipline and Order of our Reformation to the Confession of Faith Constitutions of General Assemblies and Acts of Parliament Establishing the true Religion That this was also Canterbury's Work we make manifest This is a great Charge upon the Service-Book indeed But it is in Generals and those only affirmed not proved And therefore may with the same case and as justly be denied by me as they are affirmed by them And this is all I shall say till they bring their Proofs And though this be no more Canterbury's Work than the Canons were yet by their good will I shall bear the burden of all And therefore before they go to prove this great Charge against the Service-Book
maintained and Practised in all other Reformed Churches unless these Men be so strait Laced as not to admit the Churches of Sweden and Denmark and indeed all or most of the Lutherans to be Reformed Churches For in Sweden they retain both the Thing and the Name and the Governours of their Churches are and are called Bishops And among the other Lutherans the Thing is retained though not the Name For instead of Bishops they are called Superintendents and instead of Archbishops General Superintendents And yet even here too these Names differ more in sound than in sense For Bishop is the same in Greek that Superintendent is in Latin Nor is this change very well liked by the Learned Howsoever Luther since he would change the Name did yet very wisely that he would leave the Thing and make choice of such a name as was not altogether unknown to the Ancient Church For St. Augustine mentions it as plainly and as fully as any of these As for the Eminency which they say their Kirk of Scotland had amongst them I envy it not but God bless it so that it may deserve Eminence and have it And now we are come to the close of all in which their desire is expressed This also we represent to your Lordships most serious Consideration That not only the Fire-brands may be removed but the Fire may be provided against that there be no more Combustion afterwards Decemb. 15. 1640. Ad. Blayer Their request is That not only the Bishops whom they are pleased to call the Fire-brands which indeed themselves and their Adherents are but the Office or Episcopacy it self which they call the Fire may be provided against That there may be no combustion after This I as heartily wish as any Man can but see as little cause to hope for For what hope can there be against after-Combustion while the Fire which they themselves have kindled while they call other Men Incendiaries burns on still and is like to fasten upon the very Foundations to the eating of them out Yet I desire here that the Justice and the Indifferency of these Men may be well considered and that in two things The one in the Cause it self For Episcopacy is settled by Law here Nay it is many ways woven into the Laws and Customs of this Realm And their great Complaint is that their Presbyteries which they say are established by their Law were offer'd to be supprest So they are angry that their Presbyteries should be touch'd against their Law but Episcopacy must be destroyed though it be never so much against our Law The other piece of their Justice is Personal to me For here at one and the same time and in this one and the same Charge they do by Consequences lay load on me as if I had invaded their Laws while they invade ours avowedly and dare present this their Invasion as well as that by Arms in full and open Parliament of England to have their Will in the one and their Reward for the other Now if these two Forms of Ecclesiastical Government by Episcopacy and by Presbyteries be inconsistent under one Monarch as they themselves here confess then I were I at liberty would humbly beseech the Lords to consider First whether these men have any shew or colour of Justice in this their demand Secondly whether that Form of Church-Government which hath come down from the Apostles continued to this Day is established by the Laws and usage of this Kingdom ever since it was Christian be not fitter for them to embrace and settle than that Form which is but of Yesterday and hath no acquaintance at all with our Laws nor is agreeable with Monarchy And lastly when the Bishops are taken away and a Parity the Mother of confusion made in the Church and the Church-Lands Sacrilegiously made a Prey which I have long feared is not the least Aim of too many whether then the Temporal Lords shall not follow after And whether their Honour will not then soon appear too great and their Means too full till a Lex Agraria will pass upon them and lay them level with them whom some of them Favour too much And when these things are considered God Bless them whom it most concerns to lay it to Heart betimes if Time be not slipped already Here having answer'd to all which the Scots have laid in against me I would have the Scotch Service inserted and Printed The Book lyes by me very exactly translated into Latin And so I hope this Tract shall be CAP. V. AND now having answered and I hope sufficiently to all the Particulars in the Charge of the Scots against me I must return to the History again as I left it Where I told you the House of Commons were very angry with the late Canons and joyning this Accusation of the Scots to such Articles as they in their Committee had framed against me upon Decemb. 18. 1640. they accused me of High Treason †as is before expressed and I was committed to Custody to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the Vpper House When they had lodg'd me here I was follow'd with sharpness in both Houses upon all Occasions of any Complaint made against the proceedings at Council-Table Star-Chamber High-Commission or any place or thing in which I had ought to do Nothing omitted by some cunning Agents which might increase the Rage and Hatred of the People against me The chief Instruments herein were the Brownists and they which adhered unto them who were highly offended with me because I hindred and Punished as by Law I might their Conventicles and Separation from the Church of England And though I pitied them as God knows from my very Heart yet because necessity of Government forc'd me to some Punishment their Malignity never gave me over Among and above the rest there were three Men Mr. Henry Burton a Minister Benificed in Friday-street in London Dr. John Bastwick a Phisician and Mr. William Pryn a Common Lawyer who were censured Junii 14. 1637. in the Star-Chamber for notorious Libels Printed and Published by them against the Hierarchy of the Church They were then and there Sentenced to stand in the Pillory and lose their Ears and because they should not stay farther to infect London they were sent away by Order of that Court Mr. Burton to Garnsey Dr. Bastwick to Silly and Mr. Pryn to Jersy In the giving of this Sentence I spake my Conscience and was after commanded to Print my Speech But I gave no Vote because they had fallen so personally upon me that I doubted many Men might think Spleen and not Justice led me to it Nor was it my Counsel that advised their sending into those remote Parts The Brownists and the preciser Part of the Kingdom were netled at this and the Anger turned upon me tho' I were the Patient all along For they had published most venomous Libels against me and I did but shew such as came
Tyrannical Government contrary to Law I could not endeavour this my knowledge and judgment going ever against an Arbitrary Government in comparison of that which is settled by Law I learned so much long ago out of Aristotle and his Reasons are too good to be gone against And ever since I had the honour to sit at the Council Table I kept my self as much to the Law as I could and followed the Judgment of those great Lawyers which then sat at the Board And upon all References which came from His Majesty if I were one I left those freely to the Law who were not willing to have their business ended any other way And this the Lord Keeper the Lord Privy Seal and the Councel Learned which attended their Clients Causes can plentifully witness I did never advise His Majesty that he might at his own Will and Pleasure levy Money of his Subjects without their Consent in Parliament Nor do I remember that ever I affirmed any such thing as is Charged in the Article But I do believe that I may have said something to this effect following That howsoever it stands by the Law of God for a King in the just and necessary defence of himself and his Kingdom to levy Money of his Subjects yet where a particular National Law doth intervene in any Kingdom and is settled by mutual consent between the King and his People there Moneys ought to be Levied by and according to that Law And by God's Law and the same Law of the Land I humbly conceive the Subjects so met in Parliament ought to supply their Prince when there is just and necessary cause And if an Absolute necessity do happen by Invasion or otherwise which gives no time for Counsel or Law such a Necessity but no pretended one is above all Law And I have heard the greatest Lawyers in this Kingdom confess that in times of such a Necessity The King 's Legal Prerogative is as great as this And since here is of late such a noise made about the Subversion of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and Mens Lives called this way in question 't is very requisite that these Fundamental Laws were known to all Men That so they may see the danger before they run upon it Whereas now the Common Laws of England have no Text at all In so much that many who would think themselves wronged if they were not accounted good Lawyers cannot in many points assure a Man what the Law is And by this means the Judges have liberty to retain more in Scrinio Pectoris than is fitting and which comes a little too near that Arbitrary Government so much and so justly found fault with Whereas there is no Kingdom that I know that hath a setled Government but it hath also a Text or a Corpus Juris of the Laws written save England So here shall be as great a punishment as is any where for the breach of the Laws and no Text of them for a Man's direction And under favour I think it were a work worthy a Parliament to Command some prime Lawyers to draw up a Body of the Common Law and then have it carefully Examined by all the Judges of the Realm and thoroughly weighed by both Houses and then have this Book Declared and Confirmed by an Act of Parliament as containing the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom And then let any Man go to Subvert them at his Peril 2. He hath for the better accomplishment of that his Trayterous Design advised and procured divers Sermons and other Discourses to be Preached Printed and Published in which the Authority of Parliaments and the force of the Laws of this Kingdom are denied and an Absolute and Vnlimited Power over the Persons and Estates of his Majesties Subjects is maintained and defended not only in the King but also in himself and other Bishops above and against the Law And he hath been a great Protector Favourer and Promoter of the Publishers of such false and pernicious Opinions I have neither advised nor procured the Preaching Printing or Publishing of any Sermons or other Discourses in which the Authority of Parliaments and the force of the Laws of this Kingdom are denied and an Absolute and Unlimited Power over the Persons and Estates of his Majesty's Subjects maintained and defended Nay I have been so far from this that I have since I came into place made stay of divers Books purposely written to maintain an Absolute Power in the Kingdom and have not suffered them to be Printed as was earnestly desired And were it fit to bring other Mens Names in question and expose their Persons to danger I have some of those Tracts by me at this present And as I have not maintained this Power in the King's Majesty so much less have I defended this or any other Power against Law either in my self or other Bishops or any other Person whatsoever Nor have I been a Protector Favourer or Promoter of any the Publishers of such false and pernicious Opinions knowing them to be such Men. 3. He hath by Letters Messages Threats Promises and divers other ways to Judges and other Ministers of Justice interrupted and perverted and at other times by the means aforesaid hath indeavoured to interrupt and pervert the course of Justice in his Majesty's Courts at Westminster and other Courts to the Subversion of the Laws of this Kingdom whereby sundry of his Majesty's Subjects have been stopped in their Just Suits and deprived of their Lawful Rights and subjected to his Tyrannical Will to their utter Ruin and Destruction I have neither by Letters Messages Threats nor Promises nor by any other Means endeavoured to interrupt or pervert the course of Justice in his Majesty's Judges or other Ministers of Justice either to the Subversion of the Law or the stopping of the Subjects in their Just Suits Much less to the ruin or destruction of any one which God forbid I should ever be guilty of The most that ever I have done in this kind is this When some poor Clergy-Men which have been held in long Suits some Seven Nine Twelve Years and one for Nineteen Years together have come and besought me with Tears and have scarce had convenient Clothing about them to come and make their address I have sometimes underwritten their Petitions to those Reverend Judges in whose Courts their Suits were and have fairly desired Expedition for them But I did never desire by any Letter or Subscription or Message any thing for any of them but that which was according to the Law and Justice of the Realm And in this particular I do refer my self to the Testimony of the Reverend Judges of the Common Law 4. That the said Arch-Bishop hath Traiterously and Corruptly sold Justice to those that have had Causes depending before him by Colour of his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as Arch-Bishop High-Commissioner Referree or otherwise and hath taken unlawful Gifts and Bribes of his
of the said pretended Canons enjoyned to be taken by all the Clergy and many of the Laity of this Kingdom I Composed no Book of Canons The whole Convocation did it with unanimous Consent So either I must be free or that whole Body must be guilty of High-Treason For in that Crime all are Principals that are guilty Accessory there is none Neither did I publish or put in Execution those Canons or any of them but by Lawful Authority And I do humbly conceive and verily believe there is nothing in those Canons contrary either to the King's Prerogative the Fundamental Laws of the Realm the Rights of Paliament the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects or any matter tending to Sedition or of dangerous consequence or to the establishment of any vast or unlawful Power in my self and my Sucessors Neither was there any Canon in that Convocation surreptitiously passed by any practice of mine or without due Consideration and Debate Neither was there any thing in that Convocation but what was voted first and subscribed after without fear or compulsion in any kind And I am verily perswaded there never sate any Synod in Christendom wherein the Votes passed with more freedom or less practice than they did in this And for the Oath injoyned in the sixth Canon as it was never made to confirm any unlawful or exorbitant Power over his Majesty's Subjects so I do humbly conceive that it is no Wicked or Ungodly Oath in any respect And I hope I am able to make it good in any learned Assembly in Christendom that this Oath and all those Canons then made and here before recited and every Branch in them are Just and Orthodox and Moderate and most necessary for the present Condition of the Church of England how unwelcom soever to the present Distemper 6. He hath traiterously assumed to himself a Papal and Tyrannical Power both in Ecclesiastical and Temporal Matters over his Majesty's Subjects in this Realm of England and other places to the Disinherison of the Crown Dishonour of his Majesty and Derogation of his Supreme Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters And the said Arch-Bishop claims the King 's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as incident to his Episcopal and Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom and doth deny the same to be derived from the Crown of England which he hath accordingly exercised to the high contempt of his Royal Majesty and to the destruction of divers of the King's Liege-People in their Persons and Estates I have not assumed Papal or Tyrannicl Power in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal to the least Disinherison Dishonour or Derogation of his Majesty's Supream Authority in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal I never claimed the King's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as incident to my Episcopal or Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom Nor did I ever deny that the exercise of my Jurisdiction was derived from the Crown of England But that which I have said and do still say concerning my Office and Calling is this That my Order as a Bishop and my Power of Jurisdiction is by Divine Apostolical Right and unalterable for ought I know in the Church of Christ. But all the Power I or any other Bishop hath to exercise any the least Power either of Order or Jurisdiction within this Realm of England is derived wholly from the Crown And I conceive it were Treasonable to derive it from any other Power Foreign or Domestick And for the Exercise of this Power under his Majesty I have not used it to the Contempt but to the great Advantage of his Royal Person and to the Preservation not the Destruction of his People Both which appear already by the great Distractions Fears and Troubles which all Men are in since my Restraint and which for ought I yet see are like to increase if God be not exceeding Merciful above our Deserts 7. That he hath traiterously endeavoured to alter and subvert God's true Religion by Law established in this Realm and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry and to that end hath declared and maintained in Speeches and Printed Books divers Popish Doctrines and Opinions contrary to the Articles of Religion established by Law He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies without any warrant of Law and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment and most unjustly vexed others who refused to conform thereto by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication Suspension Deprivation and Degradation contrary to the Law of the Kingdom I never endeavoured to alter or subvert God's true Religion established by Law in this Kingdom or to bring in Romish Superstition Neither have I declared maintained or Printed any Popish Doctrine or Opinion contrary to the Articles of Religion established or any one of them either to the end mentioned in this Article or any other I have neither urged nor injoyned any Popish or Superstitious Ceremonies without warrant of Law nor have I cruelly persecuted any Opposers of them But all that I laboured for in this particular was that the external Worship of God in this Church might be kept up in Uniformity and Decency and in some Beauty of Holiness And this the rather because first I found that with the Contempt of the Outward Worship of God the Inward fell away apace and Profaneness began boldly to shew it self And secondly because I could speak with no conscientious Persons almost that were wavering in Religion but the great motive which wrought upon them to disaffect or think meanly of the Church of England was that the external Worship of God was so lost in the Church as they conceived it and the Churches themselves and all things in them suffered to lye in such a base and slovenly Fashion in most places of the Kingdom These and no other Considerations moved me to take so much care as I did of it which was with a single Eye and most free from any Romish Superstition in any thing As for Ceremonies all that I injoyned were according to Law And if any were Superstitious I injoyned them not As for those which are so called by some Men they are no Innovations but Restaurations of the ancient approved Ceremonies in and from the beginning of the Reformation and setled either by Law or Custom till the Faction of such as now openly and avowedly separate from the Church of England did oppose them and cry them down And for the Censures which I put upon any I presume they will to all indifferent Men which will Understandingly and Patiently hear the Cause appear to be Just Moderate and according to Law 8. That for the better advancing of his Traiterous Purpose and Designs he did abuse the great Power and Trust his Majesty reposed in him and did intrude upon the Places of divers great Officers and upon the Right of divers his Majesty's Subjects whereby he did procure to himself the Nomination of sundry
the King and his People And I have ever been of Opinion and I shall Live and Dye in it That there can be no true and setled Happiness in this or any other Kingdom but by a fair and Legal as well as Natural Agreement between the King and his People and that according to the Course of England this Agreement is in a great proportion founded upon Parliaments Now Parliaments as I humbly conceive can never better preserve their own Rights than by a free and honourable way to keep up the Greatness and Power of their King that so he may be the better able against all Forreign Practices to keep up the Honour as well as the Safety of the Nation both which usually stand or fall together And if any particular Mens Miscarriages have distempered any Parliaments and caused or occasioned a Breach I have upon the Grounds before laid been as sorry as any Man for it but never contributed any thing to it And I hope it is not Criminal to think that Parliaments may sometimes in some things by Misinformation or otherwise be mistaken as well as other Courts This in conclusion I clearly think Parliaments are the best preservers of the Ancient Laws and Rights of this Kingdom But this I think too that Corruptio optimi est Pessima that no Corruption is so bad so foul so dangerous as that which is of the best And therefore if Parliaments should at any time be misguided by practice of a 〈◊〉 Party nothing then so dangerous as such a 〈◊〉 because the highest Remedy being Corrupted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sure Redress left at all And we had a lamentable 〈◊〉 of such a Parliament 〈◊〉 Hen. 4. was set up For that 〈◊〉 was the Cause of 〈◊〉 the Civil Wars and that great 〈◊〉 of Blood which followed soon after in this Kingdom God make us mindful and careful to prevent the like The said Commons do farther aver that the said William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury during the time in which the Treasons and Offences afore-named were Committed hath been a Bishop or Arch-Bishop in this Realm of England one of the King's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Matters and of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council And that he hath taken an Oath for his Faithful discharge of the said Office of Counsellor and hath likewise taken the Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance And the said Commons by Protestation saving to themselves the Liberty of Exhibiting at any time hereafter any other Accusation or Impeachment against the said Arch-Bishop and also of replying to the Answers that the said Arch-Bishop shall make unto the said Articles or to any of them and of offering farther Proof also of the Premises or any of them or of any other Impeachment or Accusation that shall be exhibited by them as the Case shall according to the Course of Parliaments require do pray that the said Arch-Bishop may be put to answer to all and every the Premises and that such Proceedings Examinations Tryal and Judgment may be upon every of them had and used as is agreeable to Law and Justice This is the Conclusion of these general Articles then put up against me and is added only for Form and so requires no Answer from me But in the Close they of the House of Commons make two Petitions to the Lords and both were granted as 't is fit they should The one is That they may add farther Accusations or farther Proof of this as the Course of Parliaments require And I refuse no such either Accusation or Proof so the due Course of Parliaments be kept The other is That there may be such Proceedings Examinations Tryal and Judgment as is agreeable to Law and Justice And such Proceedings my Innocency can never decline But whether the Proceedings hitherto against me be according to the Antient Proceedings in Parliament or to Law and Justice I leave Posterity to judge Since they which here seem so earnestly to call for Examinations Tryal and Judgment have not to this Day proceeded to any Tryal nay have not so much as brought up any particular Charge against me it being almost a full Year since they brought up this general Charge and called for Examinations and Tryal and yet have kept me in Prison all this while to the great Weakning of my Aged Body and Waste of my poor Fortunes And how much longer they mean to keep me there God knows Whereas all that I do desire is a Just and Fair Tryal with such an Issue better or worse as it shall 〈◊〉 God to give CAP. VIII WHen these Articles had been Read unto me in the Upper House and I had spoken to the Lords in a general Answer to them what I thought fit as is before expressed I humbly desired of the Lords this being upon Friday Feb. 26. that my going to the Tower might be put off till the Monday after that so I might have time to be the better fitted for my Lodging This I humbly thank their Lordships was granted I returned to Mr. Maxwell's Custody and that Afternoon sent my Steward to Sir William Balfore then Lieutenant that a Lodging might be had for me with as much convenience as might be On Munday March 1. Mr. Maxwell carried me in his Coach to the Tower St. George's Feast having been formerly put off was to begin that Evening By this means Mr. Maxwell whose Office tied him to attendance upon that Solemnity could not possibly go with me to the Tower at Evening as I desired Therefore Noon when the Citizens were at Dinner was chosen as the next fittest time for Privateness All was well till I passed through Newgate Shambles and entred into Cheapside There some one Prentice first Hallowed out more and followed the Coach the Number still increasing as they went till by that time I came to the Exchange the shouting was exceeding great And so they followed me with Clamour and Revilings even beyond Barbarity it self not giving over till the Coach was entred in at the Tower-Gate Mr. Maxwell out of his Love and Care was extreamly troubled at it but I bless God for it my Patience was not moved I looked upon a higher Cause than the Tongues of Shimei and his Children The same Day there was a Committee for Religion named in the Upper House of Parliament Ten Earls Ten Bishops and Ten Barons So the Lay Votes will be double to the Clergy that they may carry what they will for Truth This Committee professes to meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies and to that end will call some Divines to them to consider of and prepare Business This appears by a Letter sent by Dr. Williams then Lord Bishop of Lincoln now Lord Arch-Bishop of York to some Divines which were named to attend this Service The Copy of the Letter follows WIth my best Wishes unto you in Christ Jesus I am Commanded by the Lords of the Committee for Innovations in Matters of
terrifie Men of great Resolution and much Constancy they do in all Humility and Duty protest before your Majesty and the Peers of this most Honourable House of Parliament against all Votes Resolutions and Determinations and that they are in themselves null and of no effect which in their absence since the Twenty Seventh of this instant Month December 1641. have already passed and likewise against all such as shall hereafter pass in that most Honourable Assembly during such time of their forced and violented absence from the said most Honourable House Not denying but if their absenting of themselves were wilful and voluntary that most Noble House might proceed in all these Premises their absence and Protestation notwithstanding And humbly beseecheth your Most Excellent Majesty to command the Clerk of the House of Peers to enter this their Petition and Protestation in their Records They will ever pray God to bless and preserve c. Jo. Eborac Williams Geo. Hereford Coke Tho. Duresme Moorton Rob. Oxon Skinner Rob. Co. Lich. Wright Ma. Ely Wren Jos. Norwich Hall Godfr Glouc. Goodman Jo. Asaphen Owen Jo. Peterburg Towers Guil. Ba. Wells Pearce Mor. Llandaff Owen On Tuesday January 4. his Majesty went into the House of Commons some number of Gentlemen accompanyed him to the Door but no farther There he demanded the Persons of Mr. Denzil Hollis Sir Arthur Haselrigge Mr. Jo. Pymm Mr. Jo. Hampden and Mr. William Strode whom together with the Lord Kimbolton Sir Ed. Herbert his Majesty's Attorney General had the day before charged with High Treason in the Vpper House upon seven Articles of great consequence It seems they had information of the King 's coming and were slipt aside This made a mighty noise on all hands But the business was so carried that the House adjourned to sit in a Committee at Guild-Hall and after at the Grocer's-Hall Where things were so Ordered that within two or three days these Men were with great salutes of the People brought and in a manner guarded to the Committee and after to the House at Westminster and great stir made to and fro about the Accusation of these Men and the breach of the Priviledges of Parliament by his Majesty's coming thither in that manner Things were carried in a higher strain than ever before The King left the City and withdrew privately first to Hampton-Court after that to Windsor Many puttings on and puttings off concerning this and other great Affairs between the King and the House All which I leave to publick Records as not concerning this poor History Yet could not omit to say thus much in the general because much of the Church-business as well as the States and much of mine as well as the Churches will depend upon it CAP. XII UPon Thursday January 20. upon no Complaint that I know for I am sure I never deserved any in that kind there was an Order made in the Lords House to take away my Arms. They stood me in above Three Hundred Pounds I provided them for the Service of the State as Need might require I never employed any of them to any the least Disservice of it nor ever had thought to do Yet the Order is as follows both to my Disgrace to have them so taken from me and to my loss for though the Sheriffs of London be to take them upon Inventory yet of whom shall I demand them when they are out of their Office Die Jovis 20. Jan. 1641. IT is this Day Ordered by the Lords in Parliament That the Sheriffs of the City of London or either of them shall receive by inventory all such Ordnance and other Arms as belong to any private Persons which are to be kept to their Uses remaining now at Fox-Hall Canterbury-House the Arch-Bishop of York's House in Westminster and in the Bishop of Winchester's House a fit proportion of Arms being left at each Place for necessary Security thereof The said Sheriffs being to receive their Directions from a Committee lately appointed by the Parliament But the Intents of the Lords are and it is farther Ordered that such Ordnance and Arms as do belong to his Majesty shall be forthwith sent unto the King's Magazine in the Tower Upon Saturday Feb. 6. the Bill passed That the Bishops should have no Votes in Parliament nor have to do in Civil Affairs This was mightily strugled for almost all this Session and now obtained The Bishops have ever had this in Right and Possession ever since there was any use of Parliaments in England which the antientest Family of the Nobility which now sit there and thrust them out cannot say There was great Joy upon the Passing of this Bill in both Houses and in some Parishes of London Ringing and Bonfires The King gave way to this Bill and so that is setled And if it after prove that the King and Kingdom have Joy in it it is well But it may be that the Effects of this Eclipse may work farther than is yet thought on and the Blackness of it darken the Temporal Lords Power more than is yet feared And here I must tell you two Things The one that for the compassing of their ends in this Bill the nowbecome-usual Art was pursued and the People came in Multitudes and Clamour'd for the outing of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes so they were still joyned out of the House Insomuch that not the People of London only but Petitioners were brought out of divers Counties with Petitions either sent unto them or framed ready for them here against they came and they in every Petition for preservation of the Priviledges of Parliament desired the taking away of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes out of the House as if it were a common Grievance The other That now the Bishops have their Votes taken away by Act of Parliament you shall not see in haste any Bill at all Pass for taking away the Votes of the Popish Lords which will infer this as well as some other things That these were joyned together to make the Bishops more odious to the People as if they were Popishly affected themselves and to no other end The Court removed from Windsor to Hampton-Court and on Thurs-Day Febr. 10. The King and Queen came to Greenwich and on Friday Febr. 11. they went from thence toward Dover the Queen resolving to go into Holland with her young Daughter the Princess Mary who the Year before was Married to the Prince of Aurange his Son But the true Cause of this intended Journey was to be out of the Fears Discontents and Dangers as she conceived of the present Times And doubtless her Discontents were many and great and what her Dangers might have been by staying or may be by going God alone knows His Majesty while he was upon that Journey sent a Message to both Houses This was Printed Febr. 14. By this the King puts all
into the Hands of the Parliament His Words are concerning the Government and Liturgy of the Church his Majesty is willing to declare that he will refer that whole Consideration to the Wisdom of his Parliament which he desires them to enter into speedily that the present Distractions about the same may be composed But desires not to be pressed to any single Act on his part till the whole be so digested and setled by both Houses that his Majesty may clearly see what is fit to be left as well as what is fit to be taken away So here they are made Masters of all and in a time of great exasperation against the Clergy and the Bishops and their Votes being newly thrust out of the House So God bless the poor Church of England for I very much fear this can bode no good The same Day being Munday there came an Order from the Lords that the Twelve Bishops which were Committed Decemb. 30. might put in Bayl if they would and that they should have their Hearing upon Friday Febr. 25. They were glad Men procured their Bayl and went out of the Tower on Wednesday Febr. 16. This Order of the Lords was known to the House of Commons well enough yet they would take no Notice of it nor offer to stay the Bishops But on Wednesday after they were sure the Bishops were come forth and gone to their several Lodgings they sent a Message to the Lords that they desired the Bishops might be presently remanded to safe Custody or else they might and would Protest against their Lordships for Breach of the Priviledges of their House Because being Impeached by them the Lords had Bayled them without acquainting them first with it in a Parliamentary way This Message was very high and so delivered by Mr. Denzil Hollis The Lords yielded And the poor Bishops were brought back again to the Tower the next Morning Febr. 17. But with an Order that they should not pay new Fees and with a Promise that their Cause should be heard on Saturday Febr. 19. I will not so much as dispute any Priviledge of the House of Commons and I presume the Lords were not willing to break any This I am sure of that as this Business was carried though the Bishops had a great Indignity and Scorn put upon them yet that which was put upon the Lords was far greater and might certainly have been carried in a smoother way on all Hands On Saturday Febr. 19. according to appointment the Twelve Bishops were all at the House and at the Bar Mr. Glin pressed the Charge of High Treason against them in the Name of the House of Commons The Bishops said not much but their Counsel were very earnest that they might be presently Heard But they were not admitted to speak And so the Business was put off to Thursday Febr. 24. That Night when the Commons were returned into their own House there was a Motion made to proceed against the Bishops by Bill and not in the other Ordinary Way CAP. XIII ON Sunday Feb. 20. there came a tall Gentleman by the Name of Mr. Hunt to my Lodging in the Tower to speak with me I was then in my Bed-Chamber speaking with Mr. Edward Hide one of the House of Commons I went forth to speak with this Mr. Hunt When I came he professed that though he was unknown to me yet he came to do me service in a great Particular And Prefaced it farther that he was not set on to come to me by any States-Man or by any of the Parliament nor did expect any Reward but only was desirous to serve me I wondred what the matter should be Then he drew a Paper out of his Pocket and gave it me to read It contained four Articles fairly Written and drawn up against me to the Parliament All of them were touching my near Conversation with Priests and my endeavour by them to subvert Religion in England He told me when I had read them that the Articles were not yet put into the House They were subscribed by one Willoughby who he said was a Priest but now turned and come away from them I asked him what Service it was that by this he could do to me He said he left me to think on that but professed he looked for no advantage to himself I conceived hereupon this was some piece of Villany and bad him tell Willoughby from me that he was a Villain to subscribe such a Paper and for the Articles let him put them into the Parliament when he pleased Mr. Hunt desired me to take nothing ill from him for he meant me Service I reply'd that he came to me Civilly and used me in Speech like a Gentleman But Willoughby was in this as I had called him I left him and his Paper and returned to Mr. Hide into my Bed-Chamber There I told him and my Servant Mr. Richard Cobb all that passed And they were glad I gave him so short and so harsh an Answer and did think as I my self did that it was a Plot to intrap me After they were gone I sat thinking with my self and was very Sorry that my Indignation at this base Villany had made me so hasty to send Hunt away and that I did not desire Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower to seize on him till he brought forth this Willoughby I am since informed that this Hunt is a Gentleman that hath spent all or most of his Means and I verily believe this was a Plot between him and Willoughby to draw Money from me to conceal the Articles in which way had I complyed with him I had utterly undone my self But I thank God for his Mercy to me I am Innocent and defy in this Kind what any Man can truly say against me On Friday Mar. 4. the two Bishops which were at Mr. Maxwell's namely Thomas Moreton Bishop of Duresme and Robert Wright Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield having formerly Petitioned were present in the House of Commons to speak for themselves and they did so At the same time the Petition of the other ten Bishops which were in the Tower which was sent into that House upon the Example of the other two was read After this a Committee was named to draw up a Bill But what it shall contain is not yet known So herein they departed not from their former Resolution On Sunday Mar. 6. after I came from Sermon I walked in a large Room of which I had the use before I went to Dinner And after I had walked a pretty while expecting some Company upon the sudden as I walked on I heard a great Crack as loud as the Report of a small Dag to my thinking And the Noise being near me I had a conceit that one of the Boards brake under me but it was a Tendon of my right Leg which brake asunder God knows how For I was upon plain Boards and had no uneven step
nor slip not so much as a turning of my Foot aside upon any Chink This Tendon or part of the main Sinew above my Heel brake just in the same Place where I had unhappily broken it before Febr 5 1627. as I was waiting upon King Charles to Hampton-Court But I recovered of it and could go strongly upon plain Ground God be merciful unto me now that he is pleased to humble me yet farther and to take from me the use of my Limbs the only Comfort under him in the midst of my Afflictions And this Lameness continued two whole Months before I was able to go down Stairs to take any Air to refresh my self and long after before I received any competent Measure of Strength CAP. XIV ST Leonards Foster-Lane London is in the Gift of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster Mr William Ward the Incumbent had resigned and besides was Censured by a Committee in Parliament for Innovations and I know not what One Mr George Smith was tender'd it seems to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster How things were carried there I know not but they let their Living fall in Lapse to the Lord Bishop of London His six Months likewise were suffered to slide over and the Benesice was lapsed to me as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury about March the 〈◊〉 In all this time Mr Ward had not the Providence to seek to the King for remedy or to the Original Patrons whose Presentation at any time before the Bishop had filled the Church was as I am inform'd good in Law This Benefice being now in my dispose the Precise part of the Parish Petition the Parliament for the aforesaid Mr. George Smith and by the means of my Lord Kimbolton a great Patron of such Men obtain this Order following Die Jovis 17 Martij 1641. UPon the reading of the Petition of the Parishioners of St. Leonards Foster-Lane London it is Ordered by the Lords in Parliament that Mr George Smith elected and approved by the Dean of Westminster and the Parishioners of 〈◊〉 Leonards Foster-Lane be especially recommended to the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace from this House that the said Mr Smith may be forthwith Presented to the Parish-Church of the said St Lawrence John Brown Clericus Parliament This Order was brought me by the Church-Wardens and some of the Parish on Saturday March 19. I was sorry for the honest Incumbent's sake Mr Ward and troubled in my self to have such an Order sent me Especially considering that the Lords former Order though as I was informed against all Law yet was so moderate as to suffer me to Nominate to Benefices so that the Men were without Exception I put them off till Monday In the mean time I advised with my Learned Councel and other Friends All of them agreed in this That it was a great and a violent Injustice put upon me yet in regard of the Time and my Condition they perswaded me to give way to their Power and Present their Clerk On Munday Mar. 21. they repaired to me again I sent them to my Register to draw a Presentation according to the Order of Parliament and advised them while that was in drawing to send Mr. Smith to me One of them told me very boldly that it was not in the Order of Parliament that Mr. Smith should come to me and another told me that Mr. Smith would not come to me Upon this unworthy Usage of me I dismissed them again having first in Obedience to the Order Sealed and set my Hand to the Presentation ready for delivery when Mr. Smith came for it The next Morning these men repair again to the Lords House and on Wednesday Mar. 23. procure another Order strictly commanding me forthwith to deliver the Presentation to the Parishioners This Order being setled the Earl of Holland made a Motion and put the Lords in Mind that I lay under a heavy Charge and had long lain so That it would be Honourable for the Parliament to bring my Cause to Hearing that so I might receive Punishment if I were found to deserve it or otherwise have some end of my Troubles There was a great dispute among my Friends Quo Animo with what Mind this Lord moved it especially then when almost all my Friends in both Houses were absent Howsoever I took it for the best desiring nothing more than an end and therefore sent a Gentleman the next Day to give his Lordship Thanks for his Nobleness in remembring me And if he did it with an Ill Mind God forgive him and preserve me But whatsoever his Lordship's Intent was his Motion after some Debate begat a Message to the House of Commons to ripen my Business but it dyed again and nothing done The Order last above written concerning Mr. Smith the Parishioners brought to me the same Day in the Afternoon It happened that the Lord Primate of Armagh was then with me I shewed him the Order and he blessed himself to see it yet advised me to obey as my other Friends had done I farther desired him to stay and hear my Answer to them which was this That I knew not what Report they had made of me and my Obedience to the Lords and that therefore I would give their Lordships in Writeing an Account of my Proceedings but would deliver the Presentation to Mr. Smith when he came The Lord Primate cryed shame of them to their Faces So they went away On Thursday March 24. in an humble Petition I informed the Lords how ready I was to obey Only desired that Mr. Smith might come to me that I might see his Orders and examine his Sufficiency to both which I stood bound both in Conscience and by Law Upon reading of this Petition some Lords said Mr. Smith was an unmannerly Fellow not to come to me But the Lord Kimbolton told them he was a very worthy Man and that he might go to me afterward but it was fit their Order should be obeyed And the Earl of Warwick added that I desired Mr. Smith might come to me only that I might pick a Quarrel with him to frustrate the Order of the House Upon this there followed Instantly a Peremptory Order commanding me to present Obedience So Mr. Smith was left to come to me afterwards if he pleased and he came not at all which was as good as if he had come to have his Sufficiency examined for that which he had already in possession But how worthy and fit he proved I refer to all honest Men that heard him afterwards Upon this Order according to the former Advice of my Friends I delivered the Presentation to the Churchwardens and Parishioners and if any thing proved amiss in the Man as after did in a high Measure or hurtful in the thing it self I humbly besought God to have Mercy on me and to call for an Account of them who laid this pressure upon me CAP. XV. BEfore this time the Rectory of
's no Proof at all but his Belief Lastly here can be no Treason but against Dedham or Sherman that I can discover The next to Sherman comes in my great Friend Alderman Atkins and he Testifies That when he was brought to the Council-Table about the Ship-Money none was so violent against him as I was and that this Pressure for Ship-Money was before the Judges had given Sentence for the King And that at another time I pressed him hard to lend Money the King being present At which time he conceived that I favoured Alderman Harrison for Country sake because himself was Committed and not the other To this I must confess I did use to be Serious and Zealous too in his Majesty's Service but not with any the least intention to violate Law And if this here instanced were before the Judgment given for the King yet it was long after the Judges had put the Legality of it under their Hands And I for my part could not conceive the Judges would put that under their Hands to be Law which should after be found unlawful Therefore in this as I Erred with Honourable Company at the Council-Table so both they and I had as we thought sufficient Guides to lead us As for the 〈◊〉 which he puts upon me in preserving my Country-man Alderman Harrison from Prison First he himself durst not affirm it upon his Oath but says only that he Conceives I favoured him but his Conceit is no Proof Secondly if I had favoured him and done him that Office 't is far short of Treason But the Truth is Alderman Harrison gave a modest and a civil Answer but this Man was Rough even to Unmannerliness and so far as I remember was Committed for that And whereas he says I Pressed him hard to lend Money and that none was so violent as I he is much mistaken For of all Men in that Fraternity I durst never Press him hard for any thing least of all for Money For I knew not what Stuffing might fly out of so full a Cushion as afterwards 't is said did when being a Colonel he was pressed but not hard in a little Skirmishing in Finsbury-Fields Then it was urged that I aggravated a Crime against Alderman Chambers and told him that if the King had many such Chambers he would have never a Chamber to Rest in That in the Case of Tunnage and Poundage he laboured to take Bread from the King And that I Pressed upon him in the Business of Coat and Conduct-Money To this I gave this Answer That by the Affection Mr. Chambers then shewed the King I had some Reason to think he desired so many Chambers to his use that if the King had many such Subjects he might want a Chamber for himself or to that effect And the violence of his Carriage in that Honourable Assembly gave just Occasion to other Men to think so But as for the Business of Tunnage and Poundage and of Coat and Conduct-Money I conceived both were Lawful on the King's part And I was led into this Opinion by the express Judgment of some Lords present and the Silence of others in that behalf none of the great Lawyers at the Table contradicting either And no Witness to this but Alderman Chambers himself The sixth Particular was That I urged the business of Ship-Money upon Alderman Adams To this my Answer was That I never pressed the Ship-Money but as other Lords did at the Council-Table nor upon other grounds Nor doth Alderman Adams say any more than that he was pressed to this payment by me and others And to me it seems strange and will I hope to all Men else that this and the like should be a common Act of the Lords at the Council-Table but should be High-Treason in no body but in me And howsoever if it be Treason 't is against three Aldermen Atkins Chambers and Adams The Seventh Particular was that I was so violent about the slighting of the King's Proclamations as that I said A Proclamation was of as great force or equal to a Statute-Law And that I compared the King to the Stone spoken of in the Gospel That whosoever falls upon it shall be broken but upon whomsoever it falls it will grind him to powder And for this they brought three Witnesses Mr. Griffin and Tho. Wood and Rich. Hayles 1. This was in the Case of the Soap-business and the two Witnesses were Soap-boylers They and their Company slighted all the Proclamations which the King set out and all the Lords in the Star-Chamber were much offended as I conceive they had great Reason to be at the great and open daring of that whole Company And whatsoever Sentence passed upon them in that whole Business was given by the Court of Star-Chamber not by me For the Words First these Men have good Memories that can punctually being plain ordinary Men Swear Words spoken full Twelve Years since And yet as good as their Memory is they Swear doubtfully touching the time as that the Words were spoken in May 1632 or 33. 2. Secondly my Lords 't is impossible these Words should be spoken by me For I think no Man in this Honourable Presence thinks me so ignorant as that I should not know the vast difference that is between an Act of Parliament and a Proclamation Neither can these Gentlemen which press the Evidence think me so wilfully foolish so to speak considering they accuse me here for a Cunning Delinquent So God forgive these Men the Falshood and the Malice of this Oath 3. For the Words spoken of the Stone in Scripture 't is so long since I cannot recal whether I said it or no Nor have I any great Reason to believe these Angry Witnesses in their own Cause But if by way of Allusion I did apply that place to the King and them 't is far enough from Treason And let them and their like take heed lest it prove true upon themselves For seldom do Subjects fall upon their King but in the end they are broken and if it so happen that he falls upon them they are ground to powder And Salomon taught me this Answer where he says The Anger of a King is Death And yet I would not be mistaken For I do not conceive this is spoken of a King and his Natural Anger though it be good Wisdom to stir as little Passion in Kings as may be but of his Legal Anger According to which if the Stone roul strictly few Men can so Live but for something or other they may be in danger of grinding 4. And for these Soap-boylers they have little cause to be so vehement against me For if the Sentence passed against them in the Star-Chamber were in any thing illegal though it were done by that Court and not by me yet I alone so soon as I heard but muttering of it was the only means of resetling them and their Trade which none of all the Lords
be the Letters mentioned were sent down for Poole And if the Lord Keeper that now is then his Majesty's Solicitor could not or durst not meddle but gave back his Fee as was farther urged his Lordship is living to tell the Cause himself for here was none set down though it were urged as if he did it because I was a Referree And in the mean time this is but a bare Report concerning him If the thirteen Lords to whom it was after referred were of another Opinion that was nothing to us who without any touch of Corruption did as our Knowledge and Conscience guided us And my Lords it seems this Title was very doubtful for after all this it came into this Parliament was referred to a Committee where Mr. Rich was very willing to compound the Business And well he might for I was since certified by a Gentleman a Lawyer that understood well and was at the Hearing of that Cause that it was one of the foulest Causes on Rich's side that ever he heard And out of this I took the Summ of my Answer which I gave to Mr. Browne when he Summed up my Charge The Witnesses to this Charge were Mr. Rich his Brother and my good Friend Mr. Talboys But this latter witnesses nothing but that he heard me say that Poole's Behaviour was unfit so there I checked the one Party And that upon some words given me by Rich I should say do you throw dirt in my face And why might I not ask this Question if his words deserved it So upon the Matter here is Rich single in his Brother's Case and nothing throughout that looks like Treason Here I had a snap given me that I slighted the Evidence whereas they as 't was said did not urge these Particulars as Treason but as things tending to the violation of Law and should be found to make Treason in the Result The Truth is I did then think within my self that such Evidence might very well be slighted in an Accusation of Treason But I thought better to forbear and so in my continued patience expected the next Charge Which was Mr Foxlie's Imprisonment about Popish Books That he was tender'd the Oath ex Officio then brought before the Council and imprisoned again by a Warrant under my Hand and others and my Hand first to the Warrant his Wife not suffer'd to come to him till he was sick that the chief Cause of all this was the Impropriations because he desired to Name the Men for the Feoffment My Lords This Man confesses he was called in question about Popish-Books but expressing no more I cannot tell what to make of it nor can I tell how to Accuse him of Popish Books For I cannot tell which is least his Understanding of them or his Love to them And for tendring him the Oath ex Officio that was the usual proceeding in that Court When he was brought before the Lords of the Council he says the Warrant for his Imprisonment was under my Hand and others This was according to course So the Commitment of him was by the Lords not by me But my Hand was first so was it in all things else to which I was to set it And the restraint of his Wife from coming to him was by the same Order of the Lords And upon her Petition when her Husband was sick both of them confess she had admittance But whereas he says The chief Cause of his Commitment was the Feoffment he is much mistaken Himself says before it was about Popish Books This I am sure of the Feoffment was not so much as mentioned against him Though he freely confesses that he got twelve Men to undertake that Feoffment which was a great deal more power than he could take to himself by Law And his Wife speaks not one word to the Cause of his Imprisonment So he is single and in his own Cause and no Treason unless it be against Mr. Foxlye The next Charge of this day was Mr Vassall's Imprisonment And to save Repetition I shall weave all the circumstances of Aggravation and my Answer together First he is single in all both Substance and Circumstance Secondly he says that he conceives I was the cause of his Imprisonment But his Conceit is no proof He says again that I said at the Council-Table whither he was called Why sit we here if we be not able to Judge It may be my Lords I said so I remember not now but if I did say so it was of such things only as were fit and proper for that Honourable Board to judge of Then he Charged me that I should there say That he did eat the Bread out of the King's Childrens Mouths and that if he were in another Country he would be Hang'd for it I doubt this Gentleman has borrowed some of Sir Hen. Vane's Memory But I remember no such thing Yet if I did say it it was no Treason For if I did say he might be Hang'd for the like in some other Country it was because the Laws and Customs of other Countries and this of ours differ in many things So that by this Speech he was to thank the Law of the Land for his preservation notwithstanding his opposition against Majesty which where the Laws were not so favourable to the Subject would not be indured He says He was fain to deposite 300 l. into the Hand of Sir Abra. Dawes and that it was taken out the next day But he says withal it was done by a Decree at the Council-Board and I hope I shall not be held Author of all Decrees which passed there He says that I called him Sirrah A high Crime if I did so High Treason at least But sure this Gentleman's Spleen swell'd up Sir into Sirrah For that is no Language of mine to meaner Men than Mr. Vassal is The main of this Charge is Words and those if utter'd hasty not Treasonable And as M. Lepidus spake in the Case of C. Lutorius Priscus Vana à scelestis dicta à maleficiis differunt vain things differ from wicked and words from malicious deeds and let any Man else be sifted as I have been for all the time I have been a Bishop which is now upon the point of Twenty and three Years and I doubt not but as high Words as these will be heard fallen from him upon less occasion and of greater Personages than Mr. Vassal is Besides Mr. Vassal at the end of his Testimony desired the Lords he might have Reparation which altogether in Law infirms that which he Testified After this followed a Charge about a Grant passed from his Majesty to one Mr. Smith The difference was between Mrs. Burrill and him As far as I can recall it was thus The King had made a Grant to Mr. Burrill in his Life time of a Wharf or something else belonging to the Thames Mr. Smith conceals this and gets a Grant from his Majesty over the Head of the
Widow and her Children And as himself confesses His Majesty being informed that Mrs. Burrill was Sister to the Reverend Prelate Bishop Andrews being then dead should say that he would not have granted it to Mr. Smith had he known so much This was an Honourable Memory of his faithful Servant her Worthy Brother But whatsoever was done in this business was by Order of the Council-Board and not by me As was also the 250 l. which he says was paid in to Sir William Beecher by way of deposite as I conceive In which if he had any hard Measure the Law was open for his Right And in the whole business he is single and in his own Cause The next Charge was Sir Jo Corbett's which because it is expressed at large in the Article before recited I shall not here repeat but apply the Answer to it which I then gave Sir John says he was sent for about Reading the Petition of Right at a Sessions in the Country and that the Earl of Bridgwater should say he was disaffected to the King This concerns not me in any thing He says That for this he was Committed lay long in the Fleet and was denied Bail But he says it was denyed by the whole Board So by his own Confession this was the Act of the Council not mine And this Answer I gave to Mr. Browne when he put this part of the Charge into his Summ. In his Cause with Sir John Stonehouse about a Waste I cannot recal the Particulars But what-ever was done therein himself confesses was by Order at the Council-Table and His Majesty present April 18. 1638. For the I le built by the Lord Viscount Kilmurrye the Grant which I made was no more than is ordinary in all such Cases And 't is expressed in the Body of the Grant Quantum in nobis est de Jure possumus so there is nothing at all done to the prejudice of Sir John's Inheritance For if we cannot Grant it by Law then the Grant is voided by its own words And that the Grant was such and no other I shew'd the Deeds ready Attested out of the Office Besides had I wronged him there was an ordinary Remedy open by Appeal to the Delegates And this was well known to him for he did so Appeal from a like Grant against him by the now Lord Bishop of Duresme then of Lichfield and Sir John's Diocesan And whereas 't is alledged That I made this Grant without the consent of him the Patron or the then Incumbent Sir John acknowledges like a Gentleman that I sent unto him for his consent if it might have been had And this I foresaw also that if I had denyed the Lord Viscount that which was not unusual then the Complaint would have fallen more heavy on the other side that I made Persons of Quality in a manner Recusants by denying them that conveniency which was in my power to grant So I must be faulty whatever I do Then the business of the Tythes of London was raised up in Judgment against me And it was Read out of my Diary that I projected to give the Ministers assistance therein I had been much to blame having been Bishop of London should I have had other thoughts For their Case is very hard all their Offerings being shrunk a way into nothing but a poor Easter-Book The Ministers of London had often petitioned about some Relief long before my time And I did then and do still think it most just they should have it For they are now under the Taskmakers of AEgypt the Tale of Brick must be made they must Preach twice a Sunday get Straw where they can And yet I never thought of any thing contrary to Law had all been done which I desired For that was no more than that the Citizens would voluntarily yield to some reasonable addition where Right and Need appeared And this I am sure nor did nor could cross with the Act of Parliament concerning the Tythes of London And Mr. Moss who is their only Witness in this particular says no more against me but that I pressed this business much and often Which is most true I did and held it my Duty so to do but still in the way before mentioned After this came the great Charge as it was accounted concerning the Censure of Mr Pryn and Burton and Bastwick in the Star-Chamber and their Banishment as 't is called upon it The Witnesses produced in some Circumstances of that Cause were Mr Cockshott Tho Edwards William Wickens Mr Burton Mrs Bastwicke and Mr Pryn himself The Censure is known and urged to be against Law But so far as any Particular is put upon me my Answer is present to it 1. And first for Mr Cockshott he says Mr. Attorney Bancks sent him being then his Servant to give me an Account of that Business Hence 't is inferred That I took care of it This might have had some shew of Proof if I had sent to Mr. Attorney to give me an account of it But there 's no word of any such Proof And yet considering what relation their Cause had to the Church if I had sent and desired some Account of the Proceedings I humbly conceive my Place in the Church considered it could have been no great Crime 2. Then were Read certain Warrants One Febr. 1. 1632. for Commitment another of Febr. 2. 1636. to bar access to them These were Acts of the Lords sitting in Star-Chamber not mine Then was Read a third Order after Sentence given of May 13. 1634. for the seizing of his Books But this as the former was an Act of the Court not mine And 't is expressed in the Order as the Charge it self lays it down for the disposal of the Books according to Law Then the Warrant of their Commitment to the Islands Aug. 27. 1637. This Commitment was no Device of mine nor did I ever hear of it till it was spoken by others in the Star-Chamber Nor do any one of these Warrants prove any thing that can be call'd my Act And I humbly conceive that I ought not by Law nor can by Usage of Parliamentary-Proceedings be charged single for those things which were done in Publick Courts The last Order was November 12. 1637. about the Aldermen of Coventry and the Quo Warranto resolved upon against the Charter of that City only for supposed Favours shew'd to Mr. Pryn in his passage that way First 't is confessed in the Charge that this was an Act of the Lords Secondly that it was made at a full Board Thirdly 't is not urged that any one Man disliked it Fourthly the Complaint which caused it was that both Aldermen and their Wives and other Citizens were not content to shew Mr. Pryn kindness but they both did and spake that which was disgraceful to the Star-Chamber-Sentence But howsoever there is no Particular in that Order that is or can be Charged upon me 3. This for
he is a Juror And according to this I gave Mr. Browne my Answer And howsoever the Attachment goes of Course out from the Commission and not from me The second Charge of this Day was about the Censure which fell on the Inhabitants of Beckington in Sommersetshire about their refusing to remove the Communion-Table according to the Order of their Diocesan About which were produced three Witnesses to whose Evidence I shall Answer in order 1. The first was William Longe who says he was Foreman of the Jury when these Men were Indicted for a Riot and that as he conceives the Parson spake with the Judge about it which caused a sudden Verdict The Parson of the Place spake with the Judge and he conceives that produced a sudden Verdict First he doth but conceive so and that can make no Proof If it did make Proof 't is only against the Parson not against me And if the Parson speaking of it did say as Mr. Longe affirms he did That this Riot was like a Waldensian or Swisserland Commotion He must answer for his own Distempered Language me it cannot concern 2. The second Witness was George Longe He says The Bishop of Bath Commanded the Communion-Table to be removed and set at the upper end of the Chancel that the Church-Wardens refusing were Excommunicated But he says withal that they Appealed to the Arches and had remedy Then he adds farther that the Bishop proceeded again but the Church-Wardens would not remove it saying it was an Innovation and against Law But my Lords 't is neither And therefore these Church-Wardens were in a great Contempt against their Bishop to the ill Example of all that Country And that it is no Innovation against Law appears by the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth where it is Commanded Expresly to be set there The Words are The Holy Table in every Church not Cathedrals only shall be decently made and set in the place where the Altar stood Now all Men know that with us in England the Altar stood North and South at the upper end of the Chancel And to set it East and West had been cross the place where the Altar stood and not in it And this being Law in the beginning of the Reformation cannot now be an Innovation When they came to me again as they say they did if I then told them they deserved to be laid by the Heels for the Contempt of their Bishop under Favour my Lords I spake Truth And give me leave I beseech you to tell you this It began to be a General Complaint not of the Bishop of Bath only but of other Bishops also that they could do little or no Service in their several Countries by reason of the Inhibitions which issued out of my Courts to stay their Proceedings And I wanted no good Friends in Court to tell the King as much when any thing was complained of By this I was brought into great straights Deny Appeals I might not Frequent granting in my Courts destroyed in a manner the Bishops Jurisdictions In this difficulty seeing the wilfulness of these Men and knowing they had received full benefit by their Appeal once already in the same Case I did refuse to hear any more of it unless there were new Matter but yet left them free to Appeal to the Delegats For Mr. Hughes the Parson there if he gave ill Words or laid violent Hands on any of his Neighbours it concerns not me Let him answer for what he hath said or done 'T is farther said That Mr. Hughes was with me at Windsor and had Letters from me to the Lord Chief Justice Finch But this Witness delivers not this upon his own knowledge I sent no Letter by him nor did he see me send by any other So this is meerly a Report and he doth not so much as tell from whom Yea but then he says that Mr. Morgan a Man inward with the Judge told him that the Judge told him that the little Man had put a spoke in their Cart and thereupon as he conceives the Petty-Jury was Changed Here are if your Lordships mark them two great Proofs The one is the Witnesses Report of Mr. Morgan's Report that the Judge had said so of me But why is not Mr. Morgan produced to clear this The other is not the Knowledge but the Conceit only of the Witness He conceives which I am Confident cannot sway with your Lordships for a Proof Besides were Mr. Morgan never so inward with that Judge yet it follows not that he must know all And if that Judge did mean me for Name me he did not he did me the more wrong For I never desired any thing of any Judge him or other but what was according to Law Nay I so expressed my self as that if by mistake or misinformation I had desired any thing which was not according to Law I humbly desired my Motion might be as if it had never been made 3. The third Witness is Mr. Jo. Ash. That which this Gentleman says is That Sir John Lambe told that the Man which came about that Business could have no Appeal admitted without me and that if he would be so troublesome he should be laid by the Heels I have given your Lordships an Account why he could not have an Appeal without me He had had the benefit of an Appeal before in the same Cause And for this Witness he delivers no knowledge of his own but only he says the Man imployed related it to him So 't is a Relation no Proof He says the Penance was injoyned them in three Churches And truly my Lords their Disobedience to their Bishop was great but if the Penance injoyned were too heavy it was the Act of their own Bishop not mine Then he says that the Lord Finch told him another powerful Hand was upon him intimating me First this is no knowledge of the Witness but a Speech of the Lord Finch Secondly if the Lord Finch did say so of a powerful Hand he wronged me much but himself more to confess he could be drawn awry in Judgment Thirdly this Witness says not that he named me but that he Intimated me I pray your Lordships Judgment what a forward Witness this Man is that can upon Oath deliver what is Intimated and of whom He says farther That upon Petition to Sir William Portman for some Assistance the Bishop of Bath laid all upon me and that when himself came to me at the Tower since my Restraint I told him the Bishop of Bath did like an Obedient Bishop to his Metropolitan For this my Lords here is no Proof that the Bishop laid this Business upon me but Sir William Portman's Report Sir William is a worthy Gentleman why is not he produced Why is not the Bishop that is said to lay all upon me brought into the Court that he may clear himself and me if he said it not or that I may make him ashamed if he said it For 't is
and not follow it in his own Name himself confesses was made in open Court by Mr. Bierly and that from me he had no Instructions at all 2. The second Witness is Adams in his own Cause To the place of Scripture I have spoken already And the next that he says is That Sir Nath. Brent in my Visitation commanded the setting of the Communion Table at the upper end of the Chancel That upon his not blotting out the passage of Scripture he had an Action and that his Solicitor was Committed by J. Jones till he relinquished his Suit In all this there is not one word of any thing that I did And for that which Sir Nath. Brent did about placing the Communion Table 't is answered before He says also that when he saw that he must Prosecute his Suit against Commissary Dade in his own Name he left the Kingdom And surely my Lords if he would leave the Kingdom rather than Prosecute his Cause in his own Name 't is more than a sign that his Cause was not very good 3. The third Witness was Mr. Cockshot one of Mr. Attorney Banks his Servants He says that Adams moved him and he Mr. Attorney and that thereupon Mr. Attorney gave his Warrant against Dade By which your Lordships may see how active Mr. Cockshot was against a Church-Officer and in so foul a Scandal He says also that Mr. Dade came to Mr. Attorney and told him that I did not think it fit a Prosecution in such a Cause should be followed in Mr. Attorney's Name First 't is true I did not think it fit nor did Mr. Attorney himself when upon Mr. Bierlye's Motion he fully understood it Secondly the Cause being so scandalous to a Church-Officer I conceive I might so say to Mr. Dade or any other without offence But then thirdly here 's not one word that I sent Mr. Dade to Mr. Attorney about it He came and used my Name so Mr. Cockshot says but not one word that I sent him Lastly he says That Mr. Attorney told him that I blamed him for the business and that thereupon he chid this Witness and sent him to me and that I rebuked him for it but he particularly remembers not what I said Nor truly my Lords do I remember any of this But if I did blame Mr. Attorney for lending his Name in such a Scandalous Cause as this I did as I conceive what became me And if he chid his Man he did what became him And if I rebuked Mr. Cockshot when he was sent to me sure he deserved it and it seems it was with no great sharpness that he cannot remember any thing of it And so I answer'd Mr. Browne when he instanced in this 4. The last Witness was Mr. Pryn who says no Appeal was left him But that under Favour cannot be For if my Courts refused him which is more than I know he might have Appealed to the Delegats He says That he advised Adams to an Action of the Case that he blamed Lechford for deserting the Suit and that he advised him to go to Mr. Attorney So here 's no assistance wanting to Adams but the Church-Officer Mr. Dade must have none Yet I blame not Mr. Pryn because he says he did it as his Councel He says farther That when Adams was put to prefer his Bill in his owne Name that then the Excommunication was pleaded in Bar But he doth not say it was pleaded by me or my Advice nor do I hear him say it was unjustly pleaded And had not Adams been wilful he might have taken off the Excommunication and then proceeded as it had pleased him Then the Charge went on against me about the stop of Mr. Bagshawe the Reader of the Middle-Temple The Witnesses are two Lawyers which accompanied Mr. Bagshawe to Lambeth Mr. White and Mr. Pepys They say that Mr. Bagshawe insisted upon these two points First that a Parliament might be held without Bishops and Secondly that Bishops might not meddle in Civil affairs My Lords these things are now setled by an Act of this Parliament but then they were not And I conceive under Favour that Mr. Bagshawe the Crasiness of these Times considered might have bestowed his time better upon some other Argument And sure no Man can think that either my self or any Church-Governour could approve his Judgment in that Particular And whereas they say that the Lord Keeper Finch and the Lord Privy Seal told them that I was the Man that complained of it to the King and the Lords 'T is most true I did so and I think I had been much to blame if I had not done it And if when they came over to Lambeth about it they heard me tell Mr. Bagshawe as they also say they did that he should answer it in the High-Commission Court next Term I humbly conceive this no great Offence but out of all Question no Treason to threaten the High-Commission to a Reader of the Inns of Court The last Charge of this Day was concerning the Lord Chief Justice Richardson and what he suffered for putting down Wakes and other disorderly Meetings in Sommersetshire at the Assises there holden The single Witness to this is Edward Richardson a Kinsman of the Judges as I suppose He says That Complaints were made to the Judge of Wakes and Feasts of Dedication that his Majesty writ Letters about it to Sir Robert Philips and others They Certify a Command comes by the Lord Keeper to revoke the Order next Assises First 't is not done Then by Command from the Lords of the Council the Judge upon that second Command revokes it but as 't is Certified not fitly In all this here 's not one Word that concerns me Then he says That upon this last Certificate the business was referred to the Lord Marshal and my self and the Judge put from that Circuit I cannot now remember what Report we made But what e're it was the Lord Marshal agreed to it as well as I. Then a Letter of mine was produced of Octob. 4. 1633. But the Letter being openly read nothing was found amiss in it And under your Lordships Favour I am still of Opinion that there is no Reason the Feasts should be taken away for some Abuses in them and those such as every Justice of Peace is able by Law to remedy if he will do his Duty Else by this kind of proceeding we may go back to the old Cure and Remedy Drunkenness by rooting out all the Vines the Wine of whose Fruit causes it As for the Pretences which this Witness spake of they were none of mine as appears Evidently by the Letter it self As an Appendix to these was added a Letter of my Secretary Mr. Dell to Sir John Bridgman Chief Justice of Chester in a Cause of one Ed. Morris It was as I think it appears upon an Incroachment made in the Marches Court upon the Church In which Case I conceive by my Place
some known Bounds might be set to each Court that the Subject might not to his great Trouble and Expence be hurried as now he was from one Court to another And here I desired a Salvo till I might bring Arch-Bishop Parker's Book to shew his Judgment in this Point in the beginning of the Reformation if it shall be thought needful According to whose Judgment and he proves it at large there is open Wrong done to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Prohibitions The next Charge is about my undue taking of Gifts A Charge which I confess I did not think to meet here And I must and do humbly desire your Lordships to remember that till this Day I have not been Accused in the least for doing any thing Corruptly And if I would have had any thing to do in the base dirty Business of Bribery I needed not have been in such Want as now I am But my Innocency is far more to my Comfort than any Wealth so gotten could have been For I cannot forget that of Job That Fire shall consume the Tabernacles of Bribery And in the Roman Story when P. Rutilius a Man Summâ Innocentiâ of greatest Integrity was Accused Condemned and Banished 't is observed by the Story that he suffered all this not for Bribery of which he was not Guilty but Ob Invidiam for Envy against which when it Rages no Innocency no Worth of any Man is able to stand 1. But to come to the Particulars the first is the Case of Sir Edward Gresham's Son unhappily Married against his Father's will a Suit in the High Commission about it and that there he had but Fifty Pounds Damages given him That was no fault of mine my Vote gave him more but it was carried against me The Bond of two Hundred Pounds which was taken according to Course in the Court was demanded of me by Sir Edward to help himself that way and 't is confessed I granted it But then 't is Charged that in my Reference to Sir John Lambe to deliver him the Bond I required him to demand one half of the Forfeiture of the Bond toward the Repair of St. Pauls 'T is true I did so But First I desire it may be considered that it was wholly in my Power whether I would have delivered him the Bond or not Secondly That upon this gross Abuse I might have sued the Bond in my own Name and bestowed the Money upon what Charitable Uses I had thought fit Thirdly That I did nothing herein but what the Letters-Patent for Repair of St. Pauls give me power to do Fourthly That this is the third time St. Pauls is urged against me Which I am not sorry for because I desire since 't is once moved it may be sifted 〈◊〉 the uttermost And whereas to make all Ecclesiastical Proceedings the more odious it was urged that the Rubrick in the Common-Prayer Book mentions no License but asking of Banes That Rubrick is to be understood where no License is granted For else no License at all for Marriage without Banes-asking can be good which is against the Common both Law and Practice of the Kingdom 2. The second Particular was Charged by one Mr. Stone of London who said he sent into Lambeth two Butts of Sack in a Cause of some Chester-Men whom it was then in my Power to relieve and mitigate their Fine set upon them in the High Commission at York about Mr. Pryn's Entertainment as he passed that way And that this Sack was sent in before my Composition with him what should be mitigated and so before my return of the Fine mitigated into the Exchequer The Business my Lords was thus His Majesty having taken the Repair of the West End of St. Pauls to himself granted me to that end all the Fines in the High-Commission Court both here and at York and left the Power of Mitigation in me The Chester-Men which this Witness speaks of were deeply Sentenced at York for some Misdemeanours about Mr. Pryn then lately Sentenced in the Star-Chamber One or more of them were Debtors to this Mr. Stone to the value of near Three Thousand Pounds as he said These Men for fear of the Sentence kept themselves close and gave Mr. Stone to know how it was with them and that if he could not get me to moderate the Fine they would away and save themselves for they had now heard the Power was in me Upon this Mr. Stone to save his own Debt of three Thousand Pounds sends his Son-in-Law Mr. Wheat and Dr. Bailie Men that were bred in the College of S. John under me and had ever since good interest in me to desire my Favour I at first thought this a pretence and was willing to preserve to St. Pauls as much as fairly I might But at last upon their earnest pleading that the Men were not Rich and that Mr. Stone was like without any fault of his to be so much damnified I mitigated their Fines which were in all above a Thousand Pounds to two Hundred I had great Thanks of all Hands and was told from the Chester-Men that they heartily wished I had had the Hearing of their Cause from the beginning While Mr. Wheat and his Brother Dr. Bailie were Soliciting me for Favour to Mr. Stone He thinks upon sending Sack into my House and comes to my Steward about it My Steward acquaints me with it I gave him absolute Command not to receive it nor any thing from any Man that had Business before me So he refuses to admit of any Mr. Stone presses him again and tells him he had no Relation to the Chester-Men's Cause but would give it for the great Favour I had always shew'd to his Son-in-Law But still I Commanded my Steward to receive none When Mr Stone saw he could not fasten it he watches a time when my Steward was out of Town and my self at Court and brings in his Sack and tells the Yeoman of my Wine-Cellar he had leave to lay it in My Steward comes home finds the Sack in the Cellar tells me of it I Commanded it should be taken out and carried back Then Mr. Stone comes intreats he may not be so Disgraced protests as before that he did it meerly for my great Favour to his Son-in-Law and that he had no Relation to the Chester-Men's Business And so after he protested to my self meeting me in a Morning as I was going over to the Star-Chamber Yet afterwards this Religious Professour for so he carries himself goes Home and puts the Price of the Sack upon the Chester-Men's Account Hereupon they complain to the House of Commons and Stone is their Witness This is the truth of this Business as I shall answer it to God And whether this do not look like a thing Plotted by the Faction so much imbittered against me let understanding Men judge Mr. Wheat his Son-in-Law was present in Court and there avowed that he Transacted the Business
with me and that he went not out of Town till I had agreed to the Mitigation that in all that time there was no Tender of Sack or any thing else unto me and he and Dr. Bailie the only Men with whom I Transacted the whole Business And so much could Dr. Bailie also witness but that as the Times are I could not bring him from Oxford With Mr. Stone himself I never treated For my Steward he is dead three Years since who could have been my Witness clean thorough the Business And when I pressed Mr. Stone at the Bar with the Protestation which he made to me that he had no Relation herein to the Chester-Men he that remembred every Circumstance else said he remembred not that Then I offer'd to take my voluntary Oath of the Truth of it but that was not admitted Then it was pressed that this Bribe must needs be before the Agreement for he says the Sack was sent in to my House ......... and the Mitigation of the Fine into the Exchequer not till ...... But that is nothing For my Agreement was passed and I medled no more with it Yea but he says that Mr. Holford my Servant had Forty Pound more than I agreed upon before he would finish their Business Mr. Holford was the King's Officer for those Returns into the Exchequer And if after my Agreement made he either unduely delaid their Business or Corruptly took any Money from them he is living and must answer for his own Fault Me it cannot concern who did not so much as know of it Mr. Wheat having thus testified in open Parliament before the Lords was within a Day or two called before the Committee there re-examined in private and very strictly touching the time of my Agreement made Then not without some Harshness Commanded not to depart the Town till he heard farther from them This himself afterwards told me Hereupon I resolved to call him again for farther Evidence and if I saw cause to acquaint the Lords with this usage And I did call upon it divers times after but one Delay or other was found and I could never obtain it And such a kind of calling my Witnesses to a private afterreckning is that which was never offer'd any Man in Parliament And here Mr. Brown in summing up my Charge did me a great deal of Right For neither to the Lords nor in the House of Commons did he vouchsafe so much as to name this false base and unworthy Charge of which my greatest Enemies are ready to acquit me 3. The Third Particular was charged by one Mr. Delbridge Who says he was oppressed at the Council-Table by the Lord Keeper Finch That he was advised by Mr. Watkins to give my Secretary Mr. Dell Money to get my Hand to a Petition to the Lord Keeper who he said would not oppose me That Dell took of him One Hundred and Fifty Pounds and procured my Hand to his Petition I remember nothing of this Business and it lies wholly upon my Secretary who being my Sollicitor is here present in Court and desires he may answer the Scandal There 's no touch at all upon me but that he says my Secretary got my Hand to his Petition to the Lord Keeper This Petition of his was either just or unjust If just I committed no Fault in setting my Hand to it If unjust he must confess himself a Dishonest Man to offer to get my Hand to help to Boulster out his Injustice And yet if the Injustice of it were Varnished over with fair Pretences and so kept from my knowledge the Crime is still his own and nothing mine but an Error at most As for Mr. Watkins he did me much wrong if he sent any Man to my House on such an Errand Here my Secretary had leave to speak denied the whole Business and produced Mr. Hollys with whom it was said the Hundred and Fifty Pounds before named should be deposited who to my remembrance said he knew of no such thing 4. The Fourth Instance was A Bond for the Payment of Money as a Fine The Bond found in Sir Jo Lamb's Chamber with a Note upon the back of it for One Hundred Pound received and Sir John by my direction was to call for the rest And here it was said that I used the Name of St Pauls in an illegal way to get Money which might well have been spared For as is aforesaid I had a Broad Seal which gave me all Fines in the High Commission Court to the repairing of the West End of St Pauls and with Power to mitigate And the Fines are the Kings and he may give them by Law The Broad Seal is in the Hands of Mr Holford who is thereby appointed Receiver of all such Fines But is upon Record to be seen and if it be doubted I humbly desire a Salvo till the Record can be taken out and shewed But I presume these Gentlemen have seen it And Commutations for such Crimes as Sir James Price's was are according to Law and the Ancient Custom and Practice in this Kingdom especially where Men of Quality are the Offendors And the Power of Commuting is as Legal in that Court as any other And if that be doubted I humbly desire my Councel may Argue it 5. The Fifth Instance was a Charge concerning a Lease in Lancashire held in three Lives by Sir Ralph Ashton 'T is said by his Son Mr. Ashton the only Witness in the Cause That I by Power at Chester and York and the High-Commission here being Landlord in right of my Arch-Bishoprick did violently wrest this Lease of the Rectory of Whally in Lancashire out of his Hands against Law and made him take a Lease for Years and Pay a great Fine besides and other Fines besides toward the Repair of St Pauls and raised the Rent Sixty Pound Truly my Lords I am not any whit solicitous to answer this Charge I challenged this Lease as void and had great Reason so to do both for the Invalidity of the Lease it self and the unworthiness of the Tenant both to me and my See If in the Preparations for Tryal at Law the Judge at Chester altogether unknown to me and unlaboured by me did say as Mr. Ashton says he did That for higher Powers above he durst not he was the more unworthy And for York I needed no Power there for I resolved to have him called into the High-Commission here which was after done This Gentleman his Son came to me about the Lease I told him plainly it was void in Law and that I meant to overthrow it That if his Father would surrender I would renew it for Years at a reasonable rate but if he put me to Expence in Law I would secure my self as well as Legally I might He replyed That Mr. Solicitor Littleton for so then he was said he durst not be against me And there was good Reason for it he was my Councel and Feed in that Particular And what
I hope your Lordships will not think that not to suffer the Printers to turn out a deserving Man at their pleasure is to exempt the Clergy from the Civil Magistrate The business my Lords was this This Corrector was principally entertained for the Latin and Greek Press especially which I had then not without great pains and some cost Erected They were desirous to keep only one for the English and him at the cheapest Among them their negligence was such as that there were found above a Thousand faults in two Editions of the Bible and Common-Prayer-Book And one which caused this search was that in Exod. 20. where they had shamefully Printed Thou shalt commit Adultery For this the Masters of the Printing-House were called into the High-Commission and Censured as they well deserved it As for this Corrector whom they would have heaved out they never did so much as complain of him to any that had power over the Press till this fell upon themselves for so gross an Abuse Nor did they after this proceed against him to make him appear faulty and till that were done we could not punish And for this Business of the Press he is single too And I have told your Lordships that which is a known Truth And Hunsford being bit in his Credit and Purse and Friends by that Censure for so gross an abuse of the Church and Religion labours to fasten his Fangs upon me in this way 2. The Second Witness is Mr. Bland But all that he says is that there was once a dismission of this Cause out of the Court and that though I disliked it yet I gave way to it because all Parties were agreed And no word of proof that I was any cause of bringing it back into the Court again What 's my fault in this 3. The Third Witness was Thorn in his own Cause And 't is plain by his own words that this Cause was depending in Court before my time And I believe were the Records of the Court here Mr. Lewis would not be found so great an Offender as Mr. Thorn would make him This I am sure of both the High-Commission and my self have been quick enough against all Ministers which have been proved to be debauched in their Life and Conversation And he says nothing against me but that I sided with his Adversaries which is easie to say against any Judge that delivers his Sentence against any Man But neither of these come home to Hunsford The next Charge is in the Case of one Mr. Tomkins about the Taxing of a Minister in a Case of Robbery and Repayment by the Country To this Mr. Newdigate is produced who says as he remembers that I should speak these words That Ministers were free from such Taxes and I hoped to see the Times in which they might be free again First this Gentleman is single Secondly he speaks not positively but as he remembers Thirdly this Tax I do humbly conceive is not by Law to be laid upon any Minister For no Man is subject to this Tax but they which are to keep Watch and Ward which Ministers in that kind are not bound unto And this I learned of the Lord Keeper Coventry at the Council-Table So I might well then hope to see Ministers free from all such Taxes by the right understanding and due Execution of our own Laws without assuming any Papal Power The last Instance of this Day was the bringing of Sir Rich Samuel into the High-Commission for doing his Office as Justice of the Peace upon some Clergy-Men First for this this Gentleman is single and in his own Case Secondly himself confesses that his bringing into the High-Commission was long after the Fact Therefore in all Probability not for that nor doth he say that I caused his bringing in He says farther That one Article for which he was called into the Commission was that he was an Enemy to the Clergy But he doth not say that I preferred these Articles against him Nor doth he tell or can I remember what the other Articles were which with this may be bad enough to merit what was there laid against him And whatsoever was done appears by his own Narration to be the Act of the High-Commission or the Council-Table and so not Chargeable upon me alone And whereas he says I blamed him much at the Council-Table Let him tell why and then I 'll give him a farther Answer And sure if I did blame him I had just Cause so to do Lastly he says I did use the Word Base to him when he came to me Sure I cannot believe I did It was not my Language to meaner Men. If it did slip from me it was in Relation to his Enmity to the Clergy not to his Person or Quality And I conceive 't is no Gentile part for a Man of Place and Power in his Country to oppress poor Clergy-Men which neighbour about him In which kind this Gentleman Pessimè Audiebat heard extreamly ill CAP. XXX THis Day thus ended I was ordered to appear again on Monday April 22. I came and my former Answers having taken off the Edge of many Men for so I was told by good Hands the Scorns put upon me at my Landing and elsewhere were somewhat a bated though when it was at best I suffered enough After I had attended the Pleasure of the House some Hours I was remitted without Hearing and commanded to attend again upon Thursday April 25. But sent back again then also and ordered to appear on Tuesday April 30. And when I came I was sent away once more unheard No Consideration had of my self or the great Charge which this frequent coming put me to I was then ordered to appear again on Saturday May 4. Then I was heard again And the Day proceeded as follows My Eighth Day of Hearing To raise up Envy against me Mr. Nicolas falls first to repeating the Titles which were given me in Letters from Oxford to which I gave answer the Day before From thence he fell again upon the former Charge My Endeavour to exempt the Clergy from the Civil Power And very loud he was and full of sour Language upon me To this General I answered with another more true That I never did attempt to bring the Temporal Power under the Clergy nor to free the Clergy from being under it But I do freely confess I did labour all I could to preserve poor Clergy-Men from some Lay-Mens Oppression which lay heavy on them And de Vi Laica hath been an old and a great and too Just a Complaint And this I took to be my Duty doing it without Wrong to any Man as sincerely I did to the best of my Knowledge And assuring my self that God did not raise me to that Place of Eminency to sit still see his Service neglected and his Ministers discountenanced nay sometimes little better than trampled on And my standing thus to the Clergy and their
just Grievances is not the least Cause of my present Condition In which my Case though not my Abilities is somewhat like Cicero's For having now for many Years defended the Publick State of the Church and the Private of many Church-Men as he had done many Citizens when he by prevailing Factions came into danger himself ejus Salutem defendit nemo no Man took care to defend him that had defended so many which yet I speak not to impute any thing to Men of my own Calling who I presume would have lent me their just Defence to their Power had not the same Storm which drove against my Life driven them into Corners to preserve themselves The First Instance was in Mr. Shervil's Case in which Mr. John Steevens tells what I said to the Councel Pleading in the Star-Chamber which was that they should take care not to cause the Laws of the Church and the Kingdom to clash one against another I see my Lords nothing that I spake was let fall nor can I remember every Speech that passed from me he may be happy that can But if I did speak these Words I know no Crime in them It was a good Caveat to the Councel for ought I know For surely the Laws of Church and State in England would agree well enough together if some did not set them at Odds. And if I did farther say to the then Lord Keeper as 't is Charged that some Clergy-Men had sat as high as he and might again which I do not believe I said yet if I did 't is a known Truth For the Lord Coventry then Lord Keeper did immediately succeed the Lord Bishop of Lincoln in that Office But though I dare say I said not thus to the Lord Keeper whose Moderation gave me no Cause to be so round with him yet to the Councel at the Bar I remember well upon just occasion given that I spake to this Effect That they would forbear too much depressing of the Clergy either in their Reputation or Maintenance in regard it was not impossible that their Profession now as high as ours once was may fall to be as low as ours now is If the Professors set themselves against the Church as some of late are known to have done And that the sinking of the Church would be found the ready way to it The Second Instance was about calling some Justices of the Peace into the High-Commission about a Sessions kept at 〈◊〉 1. The First Witness for this for Three were produced was Mr. Jo. Steevens He says That the Isle where the Sessions were kept was joyned to the Church If it were not now a part of the Chuch yet doubtless being within the Church-Yard it was Consecrated Ground He says That Sessions were kept there heretofore And I say the more often the worse He says That I procured the calling of them into the High-Commission But he proves no one of these Things but by the Report of Sir Rob Cook of Gloucestershire a Party in this Cause He says again that They had the Bishop's License to keep Sessions there But the Proof of this also is no more than that Sir Rob. Cook told him so So all this hitherto is Hearsay Then he says the 88. Canon of the Church of England was urged in the Commission Court which seems to give leave in the close of the Canon that Temporal Courts or Leets may be kept in Church or Church-Yard First that Clause in the end of the Canon is referred to the Ringing of Bells not to the Profanations mentioned in the former part of that Canon Nor is it probable the Minister and Church-Wardens should have Power to give such leave when no Canon gives such Power to the Bishop himself And were it so here 's no Proof offered that the Minister and Church-Wardens did give leave And suppose some Temporal Courts might upon urgent Occasion be kept in the Church with leave yet that is no Warrant for Sessions where there may be Tryal for Blood He says farther That the Civilians quoted an Old Canon of the Pope's and that that prevailed against the Canon of Our Church and Sentence given against them All those Canons which the Civilians urged are Law in England where nothing is contrary to the Law of God or the Law of the Land or the King's Prerogative Royal And to keep off Profanation from Churches is none of these Besides were all this true which is urged the Act was the High-Commissions not mine Nor is there any thing in it that looks toward Treason 2. The Second Witness is Mr. Edward Steevens He confesses that the Sentence was given by the High-Commission and that I had but my single Vote in it And for the Place it self he says The Place where the Sessions were kept was separated from the Isle of the Church by a Wall Breast-high which is an evident Proof that it was formerly a Part of that Church and continued yet under the same Roof 3. The Third Witness is Mr. Talboyes who it seems will not be out of any thing which may seem to hurt me He says The Parish held it no part of the Church Why are not some of them examined but this Man's Report from them admitted They thought no harm he says and got a License But why did they get a License if their own Conscience did not prompt them that something was Irregular in that Business He says he was informed the Sessions had been twice kept there before And I say under your Lordships Favour the oftner the worse But why is not his Informer produced that there might be Proof and not Hearsay Upon this I said so he concludes That I would make a President against keeping it any more If I did say so the Cause deserved it Men in this Age growing so Bold with Churches as if Profanation of them were no Fault at all The Third Instance concerned Sir Tho. Dacres a Justice of Peace in Middlesex and his Warrant for Punishing some disorderly Drinking The Witnesses the two Church Wardens Colliar and Wilson two plain Men but of great Memories For this Business was when I was Bishop of London and yet they agree in every Circumstance in every Word though so many Years since Well what say they It seems Dr. Duck then my Chancellor had Cited these Church-Wardens into my Court Therefore either there was or at least to his Judgment there seemed to be somwhat done in that business against the Jurisdiction of the Church They say then That the Court ended Dr. Duck brought them to me And what then Here is a Cause by their own confession depending in the Ecclesiastical Court Dr. Duck in the King's Quarters where I cannot fetch him to Testifie no means left me to know what the Proceedings were and I have good cause to think that were all the Merits of the Cause open before your Lordships you would say Sir Tho. Dacres did not all according to
Articles Which follow in haec Verba The Eighth Article 8. That for the better advancing of his Trayterous Purpose and Design he did abuse the great Power and Trust his Majesty reposed in him and did intrude upon the Places of divers great Officers and upon the Right of other his Majesty's Subjects whereby he did procure to himself the Nomination of sundry Persons to Ecclesiastical Dignities Promotions and Benefices belonging to his Majesty and divers of the Nobility Clergy and others and hath taken upon him the commendation of Chaplains to the King by which means he hath preferred to his Majesty's Service and to other great Promotions in the Church such as have been Popishly affected or otherwise Vnsound and Corrupt both in Doctrine and Manners The Ninth Article 9. He hath for the same Trayterous and Wicked intent chosen and imployed such Men to be his Chaplains whom he knew to be Notoriously disaffected to the Reformed Religion grosty addicted to Popish Superstition and Erroneous and Vnsound both in Judgment and Practice and to them or some of them he hath committed the Licensing of Books to be Printed by which means divers False and Superstitious Books have been Published to the great Scandal of Religion and to the 〈◊〉 of many of his Majesty's Subjects The Fourteenth Day of my Hearing At the ending of the former days Charge I was put off to this day which held The First Charge was concerning Mr. Damport's leaving his Benefice in London and going into Holland 1. The First Witness for this was Quaterman a bitter Enemy of mine God forgive him He speaks as if he had fled from his Ministry here for fear of me But the Second Witness Mr. Dukeswell says that he went away upon a Warrant that came to Summon him into the High Commission The Truth is my Lords and 't is well known and to some of his best Friends that I preserved him once before and my Lord Veer came and gave me Thanks for it If after this he fell into danger again Majus Peccatum habet I cannot preserve Men that will continue in dangerous courses He says farther and in this the other Witness agrees with him That when I heard he was gone into New-England I should say my Arm should reach him there The Words I remember not But for the thing I cannot think it fit that any Plantation should secure any Offender against the Church of England And therefore if I did say my Arm should reach him or them so offending I know no Crime in it so long as my Arm reached no Man but by the Law 2. The Second Witness Mr. Dukeswell adds nothing to this but that he says Sir Maurice Abbot kept him in before For which Testimony I thank him For by this it appears that Mr. Damport was a dangerous Factious Man and so accounted in my Predecessor's Time and it seems Prosecuted then too that his Brother Sir Maurice Abbot was fain being then a Parishioner of his to labour hard to keep him in The Second Charge was concerning Nathaniel Wickens a Servant of Mr. Pryns 1. The First Witness in this Cause was William Wickens Father to Nathaniel He says his Son was Nine Weeks in divers Prisons and for no Cause but for that he was Mr. Pryn's Servant But it appears apud Acta that there were many Articles of great Misdemeanour against him And afterwards himself adds That he knew no Cause but his refusing to take the Oath Ex Officio Why but if he knew that then he knew another Cause beside his being Mr. Pryn's Servant Unless he will say all Mr. Pryn's Servants refuse that Oath and all that refuse that Oath are Mr. Pryn's Servants As for the Sentence which was laid upon him and the Imprisonment that was the Act of the High-Commission not mine Then he says That my Hand was first in the Warrant for his Commitment And so it was to be of course 2. The Second Witness was Sarah Wayman She says that he refused to take the Oath Therefore he was not committed for being Mr. Pryn's Servant She says that for refusing the Oath he was threatned he should be taken pro Confesso And that when one of the Doctors replyed that could not be done by the Order of the Court I should say I would have an Order by the next Court Day 'T is manifest in the Course of that Court that any Man may be taken pro Confesso that will not take the Oath and answer Yet seeing how that party of Men prevailed and that one Doctors doubting might breed more Difference to the great Scandal and Weakning of that Court I publickly acquainted his Majesty and the Lords with it Who were all of Opinion that if such Refusers might not be taken pro Confesso the whole Power of the Court was shaken And hereupon his Majesty sent his Letter under his Signet to command us to uphold the Power of the Court and to proceed She says farther that he desired the sight of his Articles which was denyed him It was the constant and known Course of that Court that he might not see the Articles till he had taken the Oath which he refused to do 3. The Third Witness was one Flower He agrees about the business of taking him pro Confesso But that 's answerd He adds that there was nothing laid to his Charge and yet confesses that Wickens desired to see the Articles that were against him This is a pretty Oath There were Articles against him which he desired to see and yet there was nothing laid to his Charge 4. Then was produced his Majesty's Letter sent unto us And herein the King requires us by his Supream Power Ecclesiastical to proceed c. We had been in a fine case had we disobeyed this Command Besides my Lords I pray mark it we are enjoyned to proceed by the King 's Supream Power Ecclesiastical and yet it is here urged against me that this was done to bring in Popery An Excellent new way of bringing in Popery by the King's Supremacy Yea but they say I should not have procured this Letter Why I hope I may by all Lawful ways preserve the Honour and just Power of the Court in which I sat And 't is expressed in the Letter that no 〈◊〉 was done than was agreeable to the Laws and Customs of the Realm And 't is known that both an Oath and a taking pro Confesso in point of refusal are used both in the Star-Chamber and in the Chancery 5. The last Witness was Mr. Pryn who says That his Man was not suffered to come to him during his Soarness when his ears were Cropped This Favour should have been asked of the Court of Star-Chamber not of me And yet here is no Proof that I denyed him this but the bare Report of him whom he says he employed Nor do I remember any Man's coming to me about it The Third Charge followed it was concerning stopping of Book
Worthily Received Another passage taken out of my Speech was That due Reverence be given to God and to his Altar Hence Mr. Nicolas infers again This Reverence is one joint Act therefore 't is Divine to the Altar as well as to God and so Idolatry First the very next words in my Speech are that this Reverence to the Altar comes far short of Divine Worship What can prevent an Objection if such plain words cannot Secondly having thus plainly expressed it he may infer too if he will that I do not then Worship God For this Reverence is one joint Act but 't is confessed that 't is not Divine Worship to the Altar and therefore not to God But Thirdly this Gentleman by his Favour understands not the Mysteries which lye hid in many parts of Divinity In this for one For when this Reverence is performed 't is to God as to the Creator and so Divine But 't is only toward not to the Altar and so far short And though in outward performance it be one joint Act yet that which is not separated is and must be distinguished one from the other To make a good Work acceptable to God there must be both Faith and Charity They cannot be separated one from the other what shall they not therefore be distinguished He that speaks saith St. Aug. by one joint Act sends out his Voice and his Word separated they cannot be shall not they be distinguished therefore But I have lived long enough and taken pains to small purpose if Mr. Nicolas or any Lay-Man else at his by and leisure Hours from a busie Profession shall be able to Teach me in that which I have laboured all my Life And God bless the poor Bishops and Clergy of England if falling into a Storm as I now am they must have such Judges as Mr. Nicolas The Fourth Charge Is the Licensing of Sales and other Books which had Popery in them by my Chaplain Dr. Haywood 1. To this Mr. Pryn who is the single witness says That he tender'd a Bill to the then Lord Keeper against my Chaplain for Licensing this Book and that his Lordship refused it If the Lord Keeper Coventry refused his Bill I believe were he living he would assign just Cause why he did it But whatever Cause he had it concerns not me that he rejected the Bill Mr. Pryn says farther That this Book of Sales was Printed heretofore but purged first by Dr. James but Licensed now by Dr. Haywood not according to that Purgation but with all the Points of Popery in For this he produces Mr. Oaks whose Son printed it And says farther That his Correcter at the Press found fault with some passages and thereupon he was sent to Dr. Haywood who returned answer as they say That if he Licensed it he would justifie it And that his Son told him this First My Lords this Under-Testimony of Mr. Oakes produced by Mr. Pryn is nothing but a Hearsay from his Son who is now dead and cannot be Examined and while he was living ran away and would not be Examined Secondly this was a most notable piece of Villany practised against my Chaplain and thorough his sides against me It was thus My Lords Whether the Bill were rejected or no I cannot tell but the Complaint of Printing this Book came publickly into the Star-Chamber And then was the first time that ever I heard of it I then humbly desired their Lordships that Dr. Haywood might answer whatever he had done amiss either there or where they pleased The Court presently commanded Mr. Atturny Bankes to call all Parties before him examine them thoroughly and then give his Account what he found that the Court might proceed farther according to Justice Dr. Haywood appeared and shewed Mr. Atturney how he had Corrected Sales in all Popish Points before he Licensed it But young Oakes and he which brought Sales to be Licensed who was then thought to be some Jesuited Recusant and as I remember Lodged for that time of Printing in Oakes his House ran both away or hid their Heads and would not be found And this was a meer Plot of this Recusant if not Priest to have Sales Printed with all his Points of Popery in him to work mischief to my Chaplain and my self And young Oakes was in all likelihood well payed for his pains This Account Mr. Atturney brought into that Court and this Relation Dr. Haywood who I obtained might be after sent for attested at this Barr. One Circumstance my old decayed Memory mistook For I thought and so at first told the Lords that for this Clamor raised upon him in this way I did soon after dismiss him my House But after I found that he was gone out of my House before Howsoever I left him without any Mediation to the Justice of the Court. And here I may not forget that which I then observed to the Lords that whereas 't is urged that many Points of Popery have passed the Press 't is no wonder if such Art be used as was here to get out Sales And this farther is observable that all these Quotations of Popish Opinions mentioned here to fill up the noise are out of four or five Books at the most of which more are out of this Sales than all the rest And called in he was as soon as known Which Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge acknowledges 2. After Sales the next Instance was in a Book Intituled Christ's Epistle to the Devout Reader Four particular Points were urged out of this But neither I nor my Chaplains had ought to do with it For it was Licensed at London House by Dr. Weeks Nor was there ever any complaint brought to me to have it called in Nor was any such Proof so much as offer'd 3. The Third Instance was of a Book called the Female Glory where Mr. Pryn who is single again said that Dr. Heylin answered Mr. Burton and justified all the Passages in this Book And added that this was by my direction But upon my Motion at the Barr concerning the boldness of this Oath Mr. Pryn recalled himself and said that I appointed him to answer Mr. Burton But it is one thing to appoint him to answer Mr. Burton And another to direct him to justifie all passages in the Female Glory 4. The Fourth Instance was in a Letter sent to me from one Croxton a young Divine in Ireland He was bred in St. John's College in Oxford At the Lord Mount-Norris his Intreaty I sent Croxton into Ireland to be his Chaplain If he miscarried there I could not help it nor hinder his writing of a Letter to me nor preseribe what he should write in it But to my remembrance I never heard of any Miscarriage of his in matter of Religion And whether he be living or dead I know not That Letter indeed hath a Cross at the top of it But then was another Letter of his shewed without a Cross in which
thus That God would preserve the Prince in the true Religion of which there was cause to fear Could this Prayer have any other Operation upon the People than to make them think his Majesty was careless in the Education of the Prince especially in point of Religion And this was so Grievous and Graceless a Scandal cast upon a Religious King as nothing could be greater Upon the matter it was the shew of a Prayer for the Prince but was indeed to destroy the King in the Hearts of his People And had I not there consented to his Punishment I had deserved to be punished my self Mr. Brown when he repeated the Summ of the Evidence laid this Charge upon me but spake not one Word to my Remembrance of this Answer given to it The Ninth Charge That I did Extol Queen Mary's Days The Proof for it was taken out of the Preface to the Statutes of the Vniversity of Oxford I took a great deal of pains about those Statutes and might justly have expected Thanks for it not such an Accusation But as for the Preface it was made and Printed at Oxford I medled not with it I could trust the University with little if not with the making of a Preface If they have done any thing amiss in it let them answer it The Passage was about certain Offers made to amend those Confused Old Statutes both in Ed. 6. and Queen Mary's Days but no Effect came of the pains then taken Recruduit Labor says the Preface So that this I can answer for them There 's not a Word spoken of Religion but of Manners only and that as much in relation to the Times of Princes following as Hers. For the Words to my remembrance are Interim optandâ Temporum Foelicitate c. And that Interim cannot be restrained to Queen Mary's Days only but must include the whole Interim or middle distance of Time to that present in which I setled the Body of their Statutes that is all Queen Elizabeth's and King James his Days which I think no Man can deny was Optanda Temporum Foelicitas Here Mr. Nicolas confessed there was no down-right Proof against me That was his Phrase But he added that was not to be expected in such a Work of Darkness Then he produced a Paper found in my Study Printed at Rome So were divers of my Books Printed there What of this They may Print what they will at Rome I cannot hinder it And I may have and keep whatever they Print no Law forbidding it Then he shewed a Letter sent unto me from Mr. Graves The Gentleman is at this present Fellow of Merton College in Oxford a great Traveller and a Man of great Worth As far as I remember his Letter came to me from Alexandria It was fit to be sent and kindly received as by me it was I desired it might be read Then were mentioned Sir William Boswell's Letters and the Papers sent by Andreas ab Habernfeld about a great Plot to destroy the King and Religion and that I concealed these Papers I might have been amazed at the Impudence of this Charge above all the rest Diaboli Impudentia the Devils Impudence and no less as S. Augustin speaks in another Case Did I conceal these Papers First the same Day that I received them I sent them by an Express to his Majesty I had a speedy Answer from his Majesty and that I returned with equal speed to his Majesty's Agent Sir William Boswell as I was commanded And this Mr. Pryn and Mr. Nicolas knew For Mr. Pryn took all these Letters and Papers from me when he searched me at the Tower and out of them made his Book called Rome's Masterpiece Excepting the Slanders which he hath Jugled in of his own So soon as his Majesty came home I humbly besought him that he would be pleased to appoint a time and call some Lords to him to hear and examine the Business and this Examination continued till I was Committed What was after done I cannot account for Besides my Lords it appears by those Paprs that my Life was sought for because I would not give way to the Change of Religion and Mr. Pryn himself hath Printed this and yet now Mr. Nicolas from his Testimony presses these Papers against me But the King and the Lords and both Secretaries of State then present can witness that I took all the Care and Pains above-mentioned to have it sifted to the Bottom Notwithstanding all this Mr. Nicolas falls upon this Plot again upon the next Day of my Hearing as if nothing had been said unto it And was so shameless as to say that I followed this Business so long as I thought the Plot was against the Puritans But so soon as I found it was against the Papists I kept it secret till Mr. Pryn discovered it in his search of my Papers Where First there 's no one Word in all the Papers to make me or any Man think the Puritans were concerned in it And Secondly I did not sleep upon the Receipt of these Papers till I had sent them to his Majesty But I had reason to keep the Papers as safe as I could considering how much they justifie me against these foul Calumnies put upon me Then followed the Charge of Sancta Clara's Book alias Monsieur St Giles So they expressed it and I must follow the way they lead me First then they Charge that I had often Conference with him while he was writing his Book Intituled Deus Natura Gratia No he never came to me till he was ready to Print that Book Then some Friends of his brought him to me His Suit then was That he might Print that Book here Upon Speech with him I found the Scope of his Book to be such as that the Church of England would have little Cause to thank him for it And so absolutely denyed it Nor did he ever come more at me after this but twice or thrice at most when he made great Friends to me that he might Print another Book to prove that Bishops are by Divine Right My Answer then was that I did not like the way which the Church of Rome went in the Case of Episcopacy And howsoever that I would never give way that any such Book should be Printed here from the Pen of a Romanist and that the Bishops of England were able to defend their own Cause and Calling without calling in Aid from Rome and would in due time Maintenance he never had any from me nor did I then know him to be a Priest Nor was there any Proof so much as offered in contrary to any of this 2. Secondly they did specially except against a Passage in the Licenser and another at the end of the Book The Book was Printed at Lions where I could not hinder the Printing either of the whole or any part This might have been something had I Licensed it here But that I constantly denyed 3. Thirdly
promised to take all into Consideration And so I was dismissed Sine Die But here I may not go off from this Dream so since Mr. Pryn hath Printed it at the end of my Diary Where he shamelesly says This Dream was Attested from my own Mouth at my Tryal in the Lords House For I have set down all that pass'd exactly Nor did I then give any Attestation to it only before I could gather up my self to Answer the Earl of Pembroke in a fitting manner and not to hurt my self Mr. Nicolas fell upon me with that Unchristian bitterness as diverted me from the Earl to Answer him But once for all and to satisfie any Man that desires it That is all true which I have here set down concerning this Dream and upon my Christianity and hope of future Salvation I never had this Dream nor any like it nor did I ever tell it this Lord or any other any other way than in Relation to Badger and Pryn as is before related And surely if I had had such a Dream I should not have had so little Discretion as to tell it any Man least of all to pour it into that Sieve the Earl of Pembroke For that which follows and wherein his Charity and Words are almost the same with those of Mr. Nicolas I give him the same Answer and forgiving him all his most Unchristian and Insatiable Malice against me leave my self in the Hands of God not in his I Received an Order from the Lords that if I had a mind to make a Recapitulation as I had formerly desired of my long and various Charge I should provide my self for it against Munday next this Order came upon Friday and that I should give in my Answer the next Morning what I meant to do The next day in Obedience to this Order I gave in my Answer which was Humble Thanks that I might have liberty to make it referring the day to their Honourable Consideration with this that Munday next was a very short time for such a Collection Upon this Answer an Order was presently made that I should provide to make my Recapitulation upon Munday September the Second And about this time the certain day I know not it was Resolved in the House of Commons that according to my Plea I should enjoy the benefit of the Act of Oblivion and not be put to Answer the Thirteenth Original Article concerning the Scottish Business And truly I bless God for it I did not desire the benefit of that Act for any Sense of Guiltiness which I had in my self but in Consideration of the Times and the Malice of the now Potent Faction which being implacable towards me I could not think it Wisdom to lay by any such Power as might help to secure me Yet in the former part of this History when I had good Reason to think I should not be called to Answer such General Articles I have set down my Answer to each of them as much as Generals can be Answer'd And thereby I hope my Innocency will appear to this Thirteenth Article also Then came Munday Sept. 2. and according to the Order of the Lords I made the Recapitulation of my whole Cause in matters of greatest Moment in this form following But so soon as I came to the Bar I saw every Lord present with a New Thin Book in Folio in a blue Coat I heard that Morning that Mr. Pryn had Printed my Diary and Published it to the World to disgrace me Some Notes of his own are made upon it The first and the last are two desperate Untruths beside some others This was the Book then in the Lords Hands and I assure my self that time picked for it that the sight of it might damp me and disinable me to speak I confess I was a little troubled at it But after I had gathered up my self and looked up to God I went on to the Business of the Day and thus I spake CAP. XLIII My Recapitulation Mr. Lords my Hearing began March 12. 1643 4. and continued to the end of July In this time I was heard before your Lordships with much Honour and Patience Twenty Days and sent back without Hearing by reason of your Lordships greater Employments Twelve Days The rest were taken up with providing the Charge against me And now my Lords being come near an end I am by your Grace and Favour and the leave of these Gentlemen of the Honourable House of Commons to represent to your Lordships and your Memories a brief Summ of my Answers to this long and various Charge In which I shall not only endeavour but perform also all possible Brevity And as with much Thankfulness I acknowledge my self bound to your Lordships for your Patience So I cannot doubt but that I shall be as much obliged for your Justice in what I am innocent from Crime and for your Clemency in what the common Frailty of Mankind hath made me Err. And I Humbly desire your Lordships to look upon the whole Business with Honourable Care of my Calling of my Age of my long Imprisonment of my Sufferings in my Estate and of my Patience in and through this whole Affliction The Sequestration having been upon my Estate above Two Years In which notwithstanding I may not omit to give Thanks for the Relief which my Petitions found for my present necessities in this time of my Hearing at your Honourable Hands 1. First then I humbly desire your Lordships to remember the generality and by occasion of that the incertainty of almost every Article charged upon me which hath cast me into great streights all along in making my Defence 2. Next That your Lordships will be pleased to consider what a short space upon each Days Hearing hath been allowed me to make my Answer to the many Charges in each several Day laid against me Indeed some Days scarce time enough to peruse the Evidence much less to make and then to review and weigh my Answers Especially considering to my greatest Grief that such a Charge should be brought up against me from so Great and Honourable a Body as the Commons of England In regard of which and all other sad Occasions I at first did and do still in all Humility desire that in all Particulars concerning Law my Councel may be heard before your Lordships proceed to Sentence and that a Day may be assigned for my Councel accordingly 3. Thirdly I heartily pray also that it may be taken into your Honourable Consideration how I have all manner of ways been sifted to the very Bran for that what e're it amounts to which stands in Charge against me 1 The Key and use of my Study at Lambeth Books and Papers taken from me 2 A Search upon me at the Tower made by Mr. Pryn and One and Twenty Bundles of Papers prepared for my Defence taken from me and not Three Bundles restored to me again This Search made before any Particular Articles
short of Treasons the application to those Generals cannot make them Treasons We shall only single out Two Particulars and in those be very brief in that most which hath been said to the former Generals is appliable to them inasmuch as none of them is declared to be a Treason by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. or by any other Law enacted 1. The first of these in the 10th Original Article viz. That he hath Traiterously endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome Which if it be any Treason must be a Treason within the Statute of 5 Jac. Cap. 4. whereby is provided That if any Man shall put in practice to Reconcile any of his Majesty's Subjects to the Pope or See of Rome the same is enacted to be Treason which we conceive clearly is none of this Charge 1. First For that here only is Charged an Endeavour there a Putting in Practice 2. Here a Reconciling of the Church of England with the Church of Rome there a Reconciling some of his Majesty's Subjects to the See of Rome And a Reconciling with may as well be a Reducing of that of Rome to England as England to Rome The Second in the 7th additional Article for wittingly and willingly Receiving and Harbouring divers Popish Priests and Jesuits namely Sancta Clara and Monsieur St. Gyles Which Offence as to the Harbouring Priests and Jesuits born within his Majesty's Dominions by the Statute of 27 Eliz. Cap. 2. is made Felony not Treason and extends only to Priests English born which these are not charged to be My Lords We have now gone through those Articles wherein we conceive the Treasons Charged were intended and have endeavoured to make it appear That none of the Matters in any of the Articles Charged are Treason within the Letter of any Law And if not so then they cannot by Inference or Parity of Reason be heightned to a Treason It is true the Crimes as they are laid in the Charge are great and many Yet if the Laws of this Realm which have distinguished Crimes and accordingly given them several Names and inflicted Punishments raise none of these to a Treason That we humbly conceive will be worthy of your Lordships Consideration in this Case and that their Number cannot make them exceed their Nature And if they be but Crimes and Misdemeanours apart below Treason or Felony they cannot make a Treason by putting them together Otherwise the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. which we have so much insisted upon had been fruitless and vain if after all that exactness any Number of Misdemeanours in themselves no Treason should by complication produce a Treason and yet no mention made of it in that Law much less any Determination thereby that any Number or what Number and of what Nature of Crimes below Treason should make a Treason It is true my Lords That by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. there is a Clause in these Words It is accorded That if any other Case supposed Treason which is not therein specified doth happen before any Justices the Justices shall tarry without any going to Judgment of the Treason until the Cause be shewed and declared before the King and his Parliament Whether it ought to be judged Treason or Felony And that hereby might seem to be inferred That there should be some other Treasons than are mentioned in that Law which may be declared in Parliament But my Lords we shall observe 1. If such Declaration look only forward then the Law making it Treason preceeds the Offence and is no more than an Enacting Law If it look backward to the Offence past then it appears by the very Clause it self of 25 Edw. 3. it should be at the least a Felony at the Common Law and that a Crime or Crimes below a Felony were never intended to be by this Law to be declared or to be heightned to a Treason And we find not any Crime declared Treason with a Retrospect unless it were a Felony before And in the late Case of the Earl of Strafford Attainted by Bill there is a Treason within this Law charged and declared by the Bill of his Attainder to have been proved 2. Secondly We are not now in case of a Declaration of a Treason but before your Lordships only upon an Impeachment and in such case we humbly conceive the Law already established as it hath been so it will be the Rule Thus my Lords we have gone through that Part which belongs to us directed us by your Lordships viz. Whether in all or any the Articles exhibited before your Lordships there is contained any Treason by any established Law of this Kingdom without medling at all with the Facts or Proof made of them which together with our weak Endeavours we humbly submit to your Lordships great Judgment And for any Authorities cited by us are ready if so Commanded to produce them Here this Day ended and I had a few Days rest But on Tuesday October 22. being a Day made Solemn for Humiliation my Chamber at the Tower was searched again for Letters and Papers But nothing found After this there went up and down all about London and the Suburbs a Petition for the bringing of Delinquents to Justice and some Preachers exhorted the People to be zealous in it telling them it was for the Glory of God and the Good of the Church By this means they got many Hands of Men which little thought what they went about In this Petition none were named but my self and the Bishop of Ely so their Drift was known to none but their own Party and was undoubtedly set on foot to do me mischief Whose Design this was God knows but I have cause to suspect Mr. Pryn's Hand in it This barbarous way of the Peoples clamouring upon great Courts of Justice as if they knew not how to govern themselves and the Causes brought before them is a most unchristian Course and not to be endured in any well-governed State This Petition with a Multitude of Hands to it was delivered to the House of Commons on Munday Octob. 28. Concerning which I shall observe this That neither the Lord Mayor nor the Sheriffs made any stop of this Illegal and Blood-thirsty Course though it were publickly known and the People exhorted to set Hands to it in the Parish-Churches What this and such-like Courses as these may bring upon this City God alone knows whom I humbly pray to shew it Mercy CAP. XLV THis Day being All-hallan-day a Warrant came to the Lieutenant from the House of Commons to bring me to their Barr to hear the Evidence formerly summed up and given against me in the Lords House I knew no Law nor Custom for this for though our Votes by a late Act of Parliament be taken away yet our Baronies are not And so long as we remain Barons we belong to the Lords House and
not to the Commons Yet how to help my self I knew not for when the Warrant came to me the Lords House was risen and I was commanded to the House of Commons the next Morning before the Lords came to Sit So I could not Petition them for any Priviledge And had I done it I doubt it would have been interpreted for an Endeavour to make a Breach between the Houses And should I have under any Pretence refused to go Mr. Lieutenant would have carried me Therefore on Saturday Novemb. 2. I went according to the Warrant to the House of Commons So soon as ever I was come to the Barr Mr. Speaker told me There was an Ordinance drawn up to Attaint me of High Treason but that they would not pass it 'till they had heard a Summary of the Charge which was laid against me and that I was sent for to hear it also I humbly besought them that my Councel and my Solicitor who were always present with me in the Lords House might stand now by me But it would not be granted Then Mr. Brown by Order from the Speaker delivered the Collection and Sum of the Charge against me much at one with that which he formerly made in the Lords House Now I took Notes of it as exactly as I could He had no sooner done but Mr. Speaker pressed me to make Answer presently I humbly besought the House I might not be put to that the Charge being long and various but that I might have Time and that my Councel might be heard for Matter of Law I was commanded to withdraw And when I was called in again I received an Order peremptory to Answer the Munday sev'n-night after To such Things as the Reporter was mistaken in But not a word of Hearing my Councel I returned to my Prison This Wednesday Novemb. 6. I got my Prayer-Book by the help of Mr. Hern and Mr. Brown out of Mr. Pryn's hands where it had been ever since the last of May 1643. Munday Novemb. 11. I came to the House of Commons again and according to their peremptory Order made my Answer to the Summary Charge which Mr. Brown made against me But here I shall advertise the Reader That to avoid troublesom and tedious Repetition I shall not set down my Answer at large as there I spake it because there is nothing in it but what is in my former Answers the Beginning and the End only excepted But it was necessary for me then to make a whole and an entire Answer because the House of Commons had then heard no Part of my Defence But I presume the Charitable Reader will look upon my Answers in their proper place rather than be troubled a second time with the same thing Yet because Mr. Brown went a different way in his Summary from the Charge largely given I shall represent a Skeleton of my Answer with all the Limbs of it entire that it may be seen as it were together though I report nothing which hath been already said And thus I began Mr. Speaker I was here Novemb. 2. It was the first time that ever I came within these Doors And here then you gave me the most uncomfortable Break-fast that ever I came to namely That this Honourable House had drawn up an Ordinance against me of High Treason but that before they would proceed farther I should hear the Sum of the Charge which was against me which was the cause I was sent for then And to give my Answer to that which was then said or rather mistaken in saying and inferring is the cause of my coming now 1. And first Mr. Speaker I give Thanks to this Honourable House that they have given me leave to speak for my self 2. Secondly I do humbly desire if any Word or Thing should be mistaken or unadvisedly expressed by me which shall be sore against my Will I may have liberty to re-call and expound my self 3. Thirdly That you will favourably consider into what Straits I am cast that after a long and tedious Hearing I must now come to answer to a Sum or an Epitome of the same Charge which how dangerous it may be for me all Men that know Epitomes cannot but understand Mr. Speaker I am come hither to make a Brief of my Answer to a Sum of my Charge wherein I may receive as much Detriment by my own Brief for want of larger Expression as by the other of my Charge by omission or mistake Yet since your Command is upon me I shall without farther Preface which I conceive would be as tedious to you as to me troublesom address my self and with as much Brevity as the many Heads of the Charge will bear And that my Answer may be the clearer both to this Honourable House and to the Gentleman who reported the Charge I shall follow every thing in the same order he proceeded in So far forth at least as an old slow Hand could take them a heavy Heart observe them and an old decayed Memory retain them This worthy Gentleman hath pressed all things as hardly against me as the Cause can any way bear That was his Duty to this Honourable House and it troubles me not But his Carriage and Expressions were civil towards me in this my great Affliction And for this I render him humble and hearty Thanks having from other Hands pledged my Saviour in Gall and Vinegar and drunk up the Cup of the Scornings of the People to the very bottom This Gentleman began with four Generals which he said I complained of and I say I had cause so to do The first Complaint was That I had lain three Years in Prison before I was heard And this he said was my own fault because I delayed the putting in of my full Answer when I was called But herein he is quite mistaken For I could not answer till I was called and I was not called in three Years Nor then could I plead to more Articles than were put to me Nor did this delay Three Months of the Three Year Yet this Gentleman in his Reply said still it was my Fault because I did not Petition to be brought to Hearing But this under Favour is a Weaker Reason than the former For the condition of the Times considered neither my Councel nor my other Friends nor my self could think that a fit or a discreet way Besides it is well known that had I Petitioned I could not have been Heard my Business being in a manner cast aside till Mr. Pryn's Malice actuated by a Search into my own Papers undertook it The Gentleman said my Second Complaint was That my Papers were Seized But he said that was done by Authority And I never denyed that But that which he added is much mistaken namely that I ever Seized any Man's Papers without Authority or by my own Power but what was done in that kind was by the Joynt Authority of that Court in which I then sat Nor
any inclination to Popery with a perswasion of the which the Authors of the then present Miseries had abused the People and made them take up Arms against their Soveraign A Faithful Servant to the last By means whereof as it is said of Sampson in the Book of Judges That the Men which he slew at his Death were more than they which he slew in his Life So may it be affirmed of this Famous Prelate That he gave a greater Blow unto the Enemies of the Church and the King at the Hour of his Death than he had given them in his whole Life before But this you will more clearly see by the Speech it self which followeth here according to the best and most perfect Copy delivered by his own Hands unto one of his Chaplains and in his Name presented to the King by the Lord John Bellasis at the Court in Oxon. The Speech of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury spoken at his Death upon the Scaffold on the Tower-Hill Jan. 10. 1644. Good People THIS is an uncomfortable Time to Preach yet I shall begin with a Text of Scripture Heb. 12. 2. Let us run with Patience the Race which is set before us looking unto Jesus the Author and Finisher of our Faith who for the Joy that was set before him endured the Cross despising the Shame and is set down at the right Hand of the Throne of God I have been long in my Race and how I have looked to Jesus the Author and Finisher of my Faith he best knows I am now come to the End of my Race and here I find the Cross a Death of Shame But the Shame must be despised or no coming to the Right Hand of God Jesus despised the Shame for me and God forbid but that I should despise the Shame for him I am going apace as you see towards the Red-Sea and my Feet are now upon the very Brink of it an Argument I hope that God is bringing me into the Land of Promise for that was the way through which he led his People But before they came to it he instituted a Passover for them a Lamb it was but it must be eaten with Sour Herbs I shall obey and labour to digest the Sour Herbs as well as the Lamb. And I shall remember it is the Lord 's Passover I shall not think of the Herbs nor be angry with the Hand that gathereth them but look up only unto him who instituted that and governs these For Men can have no more Power over me than what is given them from above I am not in Love with this Passage through the Red-Sea for I have the Weakness and Infirmities of Flesh and Blood plentifully in me and I have prayed with my Saviour Vt transiret Calix iste That this Cup of Red Wine might pass from me but if not God's Will not mine be done And I shall most willingly drink of this Cup as deep as he pleases and enter into this Sea yea and pass through it in the way that he shall lead me But I would have it remembred Good People that when God's Servants were in this Boisterous Sea and Aaron amongst them the Egyptians which persecuted them and did in a manner drive them into the Sea were Drowned in the same Waters while they were in pursuit of them I know my God whom I serve is as able to deliver me from the Sea of Blood as he was to deliver the Three Children from the Furnace and I humbly thank my Saviour for it my Resolution is now as theirs was then they would not Worship the Image the King had set up nor will I the Imaginations which the People are setting up nor will I forsake the Temple and the Truth of God to follow the Bleating of Jeroboam's Calves in Dan and Bethel And as for this People they are at this Day miserably misled God of his Mercy open their Eyes that they may see the right way for at this Day the Blind lead the Blind and if they go on both will certainly fall into the Ditch For my self I am and I acknowledge it in all Humility a most grievous Sinner many ways by Thought Word and Deed I cannot doubt but God hath Mercy in store for me a poor Penitent as well as for other Sinners I have now and upon this sad Occasion ransacked every corner of my Heart and yet I thank God I have not found among the many any one Sin which deserves Death by any known Law of this Kingdom And yet hereby I charge nothing upon my Judges for if they proceed upon Proof by valuable Witnesses I or any other Innocent may be justly Condemned And I thank God though the weight of my Sentence be heavy upon me I am as quiet within as ever I was in my Life And though I am not only the First Arch-Bishop but the First Man that ever died by an Ordinance in Parliament yet some of my Predecessors have gone this way though not by this means For Elphegus was hurried away and lost his Head by the Danes and Simon Sudbury in the Fury of Wat Tiler and his Fellows Before these St. John Baptist had his Head Danced off by a lewd Woman and St. Cyprian Arch-Bishop of Carthage submitted his Head to a persecuting Sword Many Examples Great and Good and they teach me Patience for I hope my Cause in Heaven will look of another Dye than the Colour that is put upon it here And some Comfort it is to me not only that I go the way of these Great Men in their several Generations but also that my Charge as foul as it is made looks like that of the Jews against St. Paul Act. 25. 8. for he was Accused for the Law and the Temple i. e. Religion And like that of S. Stephen Act. 6. 14. for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave i. e. Law and Religion the Holy Place and the Temple ver 13. But you will then say Do I then compare my self with the Integrity of St. Paul and St. Stephen No far be that from me I only raise a Comfort to my self that these great Saints and Servants of God were laid at in their Time as I am now And it is memorable that St. Paul who helped on this Accusation against St. Stephen did after fall under the very same himself Yea but here is a great Clamour that I would have brought in Popery I shall answer that more fully by and by In the mean time you know what the Pharisees said against Christ himself if we let him alone all men will believe in him venient Romani and the Romans will come and take away both our Place and Nation Here was a causeless cry against Christ that the Romans would come And see how just the Judgment was they Crucified Christ for fear lest the Romans should come and his Death was it which brought in the Romans upon them God punishing them
that Business And this I did because in some things I did utterly dislike that Canvas and the Carriage of it At last some of the Senior Fellows came to me and told me That the College had been many Years without the Credit of a Proctor and that the Fellows began to take it ill at my hands that I would not shew my self and try my Credit and my Friends in that Business Upon this rather than I would lose the Love of my Companions I did settle my self in an honest and fair way to right the College as much as I could And by God's Blessing it succeeded beyond Expectation But when we were at the strongest I made this fair Offer more than once and again That if the greater Colleges would submit to take their Turns in Order and not seek to carry all from the lesser we would agree to any indifferent course in Convocation and allow the greater Colleges their full proportion according to their Number This would not be hearkned unto whereupon things continued some Years After this by his Majesty's Grace and Favour I was made Bishop of St. Davids and after that of Bath and Wells When I was thus gone out of the Vniversity the Election of the Proctors grew more and more Tumultuous till at the last the Peace of the Vniversity was like to be utterly broken and the divided Parties brought up a Complaint to the Council-Table The Lords were much troubled at it especially the Right Honourable William Earl of Pembroke Lord Steward and their Honourable Chancellour I had by that time and by the great Grace of his Now Majesty the Honour to be a Councellor and was present There I acquainted the Lords what Offers I had made during my time in the Vniversity which I did conceive would settle all Differences and make Peace for ever The Lords approved the way and after the Council was risen my very Honourable Lord the Earl of Pembroke desired me to put the whole Business in Writing that he might see and consider of it I did so His Lordship approved of it and sent it to the Vniversity with all Freedom to accept or refuse as they saw Cause The Vniversity approved all only desired the addition of a Year or two more to the Circle which would add a turn or two more to content some of the greater Colleges This that Honourable Lord yielded unto and that Form of Election of their Proctors was by unanimous Consent made a Statute in Convocation and hath continued the Vniversity in Peace ever since And this is all the carrying on of a Canvas for a Proctor's place which any Truth can challenge me withal And it may be my Lord is pleased to impute narrow Comprehensions to me because my Advice inclosed the choice of the Proctors within a Circle I am heartily sorry I should trouble the Reader with these Passages concerning my self but my Lord forces me to it by imputing so much Unworthiness to me But my Lord leaves not here but goes on and says worse of me Being suddenly advanced to highest Places of Government in Church and State had not his Heart enlarged by the Enlargement of his Fortune but still the maintaining of his Party was that which filled all his Thoughts which he prosecuted with so much Violence and Inconsiderateness that he had not an Eye to see the Consequences thereof to the Church and State until he had brought both into those Distractions Danger and Dishonour which we 〈◊〉 find our selves 〈◊〉 withal The next thing which my Lord charges me with is That I was suddenly advanced to highest Places of Government in Church and State This is like the rest And I dare say when my Lord shall better consider of it he will neither re-affirm nor avouch such an Untruth Suddenly advanced What does my Lord call Suddenly I was Eleven Years his Majesty's Chaplain in Ordinary before I was made a Bishop I was a Bishop Twelve Years before I was preferred to be Archbishop of Canterbury that Highest Place my Lord mentions When I was made Archbishop I was full Threescore Years of Age within less than one Month. Whereas my immediate Predecessor was not any one Month in his Majesty's Ordinary Service as Chaplain but far from that Honourable indeed but yet Painful and Chargeable Service and was made Bishop of Lichfield of London and of Canterbury within the compass of two Years he being at the time of his Translation to Canterbury but Forty nine Years of Age and yet never Charged as a Man suddenly advanced But my Advancement which it seems pleased not my Lord so well as his did was very sudden which I leave to the impartial Reader to judge Next being advanced to this High Place as my Lord calls it but now made low enough by his Lordship and other of the same Feather he says I had not my Heart enlarged with the Enlargement of my Fortune Sure my Lord is mistaken again For my Heart I humbly thank God for it was enlarged every way as much as my Fortune and in some things perhaps more But it may be my Lord meant that my Heart was not sufficiently enlarged because I could not receive those Separatists into it farther than to pray for them which would not suffer the open Bosom of the Church of England to receive them but neglecting their Father's Commandment forsook also their Mother's Instruction Nor did I maintain any Party but any Church-man or any Man else that loved Order and Peace in the Church was very welcome to me And I leave the World to judge by what they now see whether I or this Lord have practised or studied most the Maintenance and Advancement of a Party And as I did not maintain a Party so much less did it fill all my Thoughts as narrow as my Lord thinks them Nor did I prosecute these or any other my Thoughts either with Violence or Inconsiderateness Not with Violence for I can name many of whose Preferment under God and the King I was cause who yet went not with them which my Lord will needs miscal my Party Nor did I punish either more or more severely any that were brought before me in the Commission than were punished for the like Offences in any the same number of Years in my late Predecessor's Time As will manifestly appear by the Acts of the Court Nor with Inconsiderateness For I have many Witnesses that mine Eye was open and did plainly see and as freely tell where I then hoped there might have been remedy what was coming both upon Church and State though not as Consequences upon my Proceedings and I wish with all my Heart they were no more Consequences upon my Lord's Proceedings than they have been upon mine And my Lord is extreamly mistaken to say that I brought both into those distractions Danger and Dishonour with which they are now encompassed For 't is not I that have troubled this Israel of God For God is my
Sermons and Homilies and in such Cases they might very lawfully be heard But if some Men upon pretence to prevent Extravagant Preaching should take upon them to set forth a Book of Publick Common Sermons fit for all Times and Occasions and should enjoyn Ministers to conform to these and use no other Preaching at all but the Reading of those Common Sermons or Homilies so devised for Publick Worship this would make it utterly Vnlawful and to be Professed against as that which were the bringing in of a Humane Device and Injunction in the place and instead of God's Ordinance to the Exclusion thereof As the Pharisees to establish Traditions of their own made void the Commandments of God I hope my Lord will have no better success with this Instance under the Gospel than he had with that under the Law And yet whatsoever is Truth in his Instance I shall most willingly grant And therefore I do acknowledge that in the time of the Gospel God appointed the foolishness of Preaching 1 Cor. 1. to be a Means but not to be The Means if it be meant the only Means by which he will save those that believe I likewise confess that in the World's Account 't is made the Foolishness of Preaching And I would to God some Men much magnified in these Times did not give too often very just Cause to the World to account it not only the Foolishness but the Madness of Preaching such Preaching as is far from being a Means of Salvation I conceive also as well as my Lord that where there are no Gifts enabling Men to Preach as it falls out in too many Parishes in England and the true Cause is the smallness of the Living unable to Feed and Cloath Men and therefore cannot expect Men of Parts there not only might be but is a lawful and profitable use of Reading of Printed Sermons and Homilies and that in such Cases yes and in other Cases too they may very lawfully be heard And I think farther that if some Men not upon their own private Authority but lawfully meeting in a Synod or Convocation shall not upon pretence but truly to prevent Extravagant Preaching such as of late hath been and is too common in England should take upon them to set forth a Book of common Sermons such as might be fit for all Times and all Occasions which is not impossible to be done and should enjoyn Ministers to conform to these and use no other Preaching at all but the Reading of these common Sermons or Homilies so devised for publick Worship I must needs say it were a Cure not to be used but in Extremity to bar all other Preaching for the Abuse of some be it never so gross Yet if the Distempers of the Pulpit should grow in any National Church so high so Seditious so Heretical and Blasphemous so Schismatical and Outragious as many of them have been of late in this distracted Church of ours I say if such a Book of Sermons should be so set out by the Church direction and published by the Authority of King and Parliament as the Book of Common Prayer is When the Comparison is made thus even and my Lords Instance so brought home I do then think such a Book not devised for publick Worship but for publick Instruction for Sermons are not properly the Worship of God but as to teach us Faith and Obedience and how we are to pray and give Worship to him might be used with great profit yea and with far more than many Sermons of the present time which do in a manner teach nothing but Disobedience to Princes and all Authority under a false pretence of Obedience to God And for the Injunction which sticks so much with my Lord certainly in Cases of such Extremity as is above-mentioned and when nothing else will serve I conceive it might well and profitably be laid upon the Ministers and yet that such an Imposition would be far from making it utterly unlawful and to be professed against as that which were the bringing in of a Humane Device in the place and instead of God's Ordinance to the Exclusion thereof For 't is probable these Sermons my Lord speaks of would be Preached before they were Printed And the end of their being Preached was to publish Christ and his Gospel to the World And that also was or ought to be the end of Publishing the same Sermons in Print that the benefit of them might reach the farther and be of longer continuance So that upon the Matter the Printing of Sermons is but a large and more open Preaching of them still And then if Preaching be God's Ordinance Printing of Sermons is the publishing of God's Ordinance And therefore if there were an Injunction for a Book of Sermons as is mentioned it were but a more publick and durable divulging of God's Ordinance and not the bringing in of a Humane Device instead of it and to the Exclusion thereof As for that which follows that this is like the Pharisees who to establish Traditions of their own made void the Commandments of God This is but a Simile and is Answered in the former And you see that should any Necessity force the making of such an Injunction which God forbid it did help to publish God's Ordinance and not make void his Commandments Howsoever my Lord may take this along with him That that Party which he governs in this Kingdom are as well seen in this Art of the Pharisees as any Men in Christendom and will if they be let alone make void all the Service of God to bring in their Dreams against all Reason Religion and lawful Authority And this is most true whatever they think of themselves But my Lord desires farther consideration of his Instance Let it be considered what difference can be found between these but only this Vse and Custom hath inured us to that of Prayer not so in this of Preaching and therefore the Evil of it would easily appear unto us if so enjoined It is fit my Lord should have his desire in this that it be considered what difference can be found between these And out of all doubt my Lord acknowledges that some difference there is And were it this only as his Lordship would have it That Vse and Custom hath inured us to that of Prayer and not so in this of Preaching that might be Reason enough to continue our publick set Form of Prayer For if the Service have not fault in it but that 't is enjoyned And if the enjoyning of a good Service of God Almighty in which Christian People may consent and unanimously and uniformly worship him be no fault at all as most certain it is not 'T is neither wisdom nor safety to cast off such a Custom or Vsage and leave every Minister and perhaps other Men too to make what Prayers they please in the Congregation which doubtless would be many times such as no good understanding Christian could
and my Lords at the Council-Board and humbly desired That they both of the French Italian and Dutch Congregations which are born Subjects may not be suffered any longer to live in such a Separation as they do from both Church and State And have according to that which I thought might best sort with your Majesty's Intentions commanded my Vicar-General when he was lately at Canterbury to begin fairly to call them to Conform with the English Church Which business I do hereby humbly beseech your Majesty to look upon with a provident Eye not here only but much more in London for the better settling of both Church and Commonwealth in that Particular And for your Majesty's Instructions I have for my own part punctually observed them The rest of the Diocesses which I visited this Year are Rochester Salisbury Bristol Bath and Wells Exeter and Lincoln For Rochester I found no eminent thing amiss but the Bishop himself fell into a Palsie and was thereby forced to go to the Bath and so to be longer absent from his Diocess than otherwise he would have been and he is now returned God be thanked much better though not perfectly well And for the Diocess I did not find in my Visitation any noted Breach upon any your Majesty's Instructions For Salisbury I found the Bishop had taken a great deal of Care about your Majesty's said Instructions and that they might be the better both known and obeyed he hath caused Copies of them to be sent to most of the Ministers in his Diocess which hath done a great deal of good And though it be not amongst your Instructions yet I am bold to signifie unto your Sacred Majesty that I find the greatest part of Wiltshire overgrown with the Humours of those Men that do not Conform and are as backward both Clergy and Laity towards the Repair of St. Paul's Church as any part of England that I have observed The Cathedral at Salisbury is much pestered with Seats and I have given Order to remove them which I hope your Majesty will approve as well as you did at York and Durham and add your Power if mine be not sufficient For Bristol I find in my Visitation that the Bishop there hath taken very good Pains and Care since his coming thither And that some Clergy-men in Dorsetshire which gave great cause of Suspicion have quit themselves in a better manner than was expected though all be not right in those Parts Concerning Bath and Wells I must needs return to your Majesty that which I would to God I could do of all the rest namely That all your Instructions are punctually observed and the Lectures as many as are in that Diocess read not by any particular factious Persons but by a Company of Learned neighbouring Ministers which are every way conformable to the Church For Exeter where according to many Complaints that had been made here above I might have expected many things out of Order I must do my Lord the Bishop this Right that for your Majesty's Instructions they have been carefully observ'd But a great Division there is between the Dean and Chapter I have twice set them at Peace yet it breaks out again And I doubt there being so many Brothers and Brothers-in-Law in that Chapter is not the least Cause of it the rest siding together for fear of Oppression I find also there hath been and is at this present a great Difference between the Dean and Chapter and the City about Burial within the Church-yard of the Cathedral I shall do my best to set Peace between them and if I cannot as I much fear it I shall be an humble Suitor to your Majesty to take it into your Princely Consideration lest it do more Prejudice to both Bodies than is yet thought of As for Lincoln it being the greatest Diocess in the Kingdom I have now reduced that under Metropolitical Visitation also and visited it this preceding Year My Visitors there found Bedfordshire for the bigness most tainted of any part of the Diocess And in particular Mr Buckley is sent to the High-Commission for Inconformity And in Leicester the Dean of the Arches Suspended one Mr Angell who hath continued a Lecturer in that great Town for these divers Years without any License at all to Preach yet took Liberty enough I doubt his Violence hath crackt his Brain and do therefore use him the more tenderly because I see the Hand of God hath overtaken him For Lincoln it self my Vicar General certifies me there are many Anabaptists in it and that their Leader is one Johnson a Baker and that in divers parts of that Diocess many both of Clergy and Laity are excessively given to Drunkenness That the Town of Boston which was a great Nursery of Inconformity is since the calling of some of the Magistrates into the High-Commission become very Orderly and setled to Obedience But the Town of Louth somewhat to blame At Kelstern dwells the wild young Gentleman Mr South concerning whom I have lately spoken and that often with your Majesty he hath committed a horrible Incest and gotten two Sisters with Child I have called him into the High-Commission against the next Term and I hope your Majesty will give me leave to make South blow West for St. Pauls At Kensworth in Hertfordshire and some other Places many gadd from their own Churches by Troops after other Ministers Which is a common fault in the South Parts of that Diocess where the People are said to be very giddy in matters of Religion The Cathedral of this Diocess is not well ordered either for Reparation or Ornaments but the Dean and Chapter to whom that Care belongs have promised speedy amendment For Eaton College within that Diocess I do not find but that the Provost Sir Henry Wotton hath carried himself very worthily The greatest things thought to be amiss in that Society are those which are referred to me by your Majesty upon the Complaint of Kings College in Cambridge to which I have no more to say till I see whether they of Eaton will decline the Reference or no. Thus far concerning the Diocesses which I have visited this Year In all which I find one great Complaint and very fit to be redressed It is the general grievance of the poor Vicars that their Stipends are scarce able to Feed and Cloath them And which is worse the Vicars in great Market-Towns where the People are very many are for the most part worst provided for But I humbly thank your Majesty some good hath of late been done for them and I shall pursue all just and fair ways to give them Relief Humbly beseeching you to give your gracious Assistance to me and them For Winchester I find my Lord Bishop there hath been very careful for all your Majesty's Instructions and that they are well observed through that Diocess save only that in two Parishes the Bishop finds some defect
about Catechizing in the Afternoon of which he will take great Care that it my be remedied And I find by his Lordship's return to me that there are divers obstinate Recusants in those parts which I presume are certified to your Majesty's Judges according to Law The Bishop of London visited his Diocess this Year the City and Middlesex in Person the rest by his Chancellour by reason of his necessary attendance upon your Majesty In this his Visitation he found divers complaints about Inconformity to the Church Discipline but the Proofs came home only against Four Three Curates and a Vicar The Vicar upon Submission hath time given him till the next Term to settle himself and reduce his Parishioners And two of the Three Curates did presently submit themselves and promise constancy in their Obedience to the Church The Third Curate one Philip Saunders of Hutton in Essex being Refractory was Suspended and hath since forsaken the Diocess It seems he means to settle himself where he may hope to find more Favour For Norwich the Bishop certifies that he hath put down some Lectures where Factious Men performed them and particularly that he hath Suspended one Bridges Curate of St Georges Parish in Norwich for transgressing your Majesty's Declaration in his Lectures but hath of late freed him from that Suspension upon humble submission made and promise not to offend hereafter And farther that he hath lately heard complaint of Mr Ward of Ipswich for some Words uttered in Sermons of his for which he is now called into the High-Commission He farther Certifies that he hath Suspended one Enoch Grey for unsound Doctrine Preached by him And that one Simon Jacob alias Bradshaw and Ralph Smith two Wanderers went up and down Preaching here and there without Place of Aboad or Authority And that upon his Summoning them to appear they are run out of that Diocess Your Majesty's Instructions in other things have as he certifieth been carefully observed both by himself and his Clergy The Bishop of Ely certifies that for any thing that hath been made appear to him all your Majesty's Royal Injunctions for the good of the Church have been carefully observed throughout his Diocess And he promises to carry a watchful Eye as he hath ever done concerning all such Lecturers as are or shall at any time be in his Diocess For St. Davids the Bishop is now gone and setled in his Diocess whence he hath not been absent two Months these two Years He promiseth to be very careful whom he Ordains The Lecturers in those parts are not many yet of late he hath been driven first to Suspend and afterwards to dismiss one Roberts a Welch Lecturer for Inconformity And one or two others that have with their giddiness offered to distemper the People he hath likewise driven out of his Diocess But his Lordship complains grievously and not without Cause that divers Impropriators in those parts have either pulled down the Chancels or suffered them to fall to the great debasing of their Churches and leaving them so open and cold as that the People in those mountainous parts must endure a great deal of hardness as well in the Churches as in their way to them The Bishop of St. Asaph professes he hath little to return And that it is a great part of his Comfort in that remote place that the whole Diocess in a manner is peaceable and obedient as well to your Majesty's Instructions as other things which concern the Church That they are not any where troubled with Inconformity But heartily wishes that they might be as well acquitted from Superstition and Prophaneness The Bishop of Landaff certifies That this last Year he Visited in Person and found that William Erbury Vicar of St. Maries in Cardiff and Walter Cradocke his Curate have been very disobedient to your Majesty's Instructions and have Preached very Schismatically and Dangerously to the People That for this he hath given the Vicar a Judicial Admonition and will further proceed if he do not submit And for his Curate being a bold ignorant young Fellow he hath Suspended him and taken away his License to serve the Cure Among other things he used this base and Unchristian passage in the Pulpit That God so loved the world that for it he sent his Son to live like a Slave and dye like a Beast He farther Certifies that one William Newport Rector of Langua in Monmouthshire hath pulled down the Partition betwixt the Chancel and the Church and sold part and disposed the rest to his own use with some other violences to the great prophanation of that place For which the Bishop desires leave to bring him into the High Commission The Bishop of Glocester Certifies That he is forced to Ordain some very mean Ministers in his Diocess to supply Cures as mean yet he professeth that to his knowledge he never gave Holy Orders to any unworthy Person And further he saith that he hath put down some Lecturers and set up othersome which he conceives he did without offence being done upon different occasions but saith that he doth neither know nor can probably conjecture that there is any one unconformable Man in all his Diocess Which if it be true is a great clearing of those parts which have of late been so much suspected This Bishoprick is void For the Diocess of Oxford I find the Bishop very careful and that he hath according to his Promise made to your Majesty built a House at Cuddesden a Vicarage in his own Diocess and Gift which he now holds in Commendam Which House he humbly desires by your Majesty's Favour may be annexed to the See of Oxford which never yet had any House belonging to it And for your Instructions they have all been observed within his Diocess save that he doubts some few Lecturers of whom he will make present Inquiry and hath already suppressed Two which were not performed as they ought viz. at Dadington and Woodstocke My Lord of Chichester Certifies all very well in his Diocess save only in the East part which is far from him he finds that some Puritan Justices of the Peace have awed some of the Clergy into like Opinions with themselves which yet of late have not broken out into any publick Inconformity The Bishop of Peterborough hath Visited his Diocess this last year and begun so well to look to all good Orders that I hope things will go very well there But I find he is beholding to his Predecessors who took very good care in former Years concerning your Majesties Instructions This is all the Return which I have this year to make to your Majesty having received no Accompt at all from these Bishops following viz. Worcester Coventry and Lichfield and Bangor So I humbly submit my Certificat W. Cant. The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1635. ACcording to your Royal Commands I
his Province to the King for the Year 1637. In Dei Nomine Amen May it please Your most Gracious Majesty ACcording to your Commands in your Instructions Published for the good of the Clergy and my bounden Duty I here present my Annual Account for the Province of Canterbury for the Year last past 1637. And First to begin with mine own Diocess I must give your Majesty to understand that at and about Ashford in Kent the Separatists continue to hold their Conventicles notwithstanding the Excommunication of so many of them as have been discovered They are all of the poorer sort and very simple so that I am utterly to seek what to do with them Two or three of their principal Ringleaders Brewer Fenner and Turner have long been in Prison and it was once thought fit to proceed against them by the Statute for Abjuration But I do much doubt they are so ignorantly wilful that they will return into the Kingdom and do a great deal more hurt before they will again be taken And not long since Brewer slipt out of Prison and went to Rochester and other parts of Kent and held Conventicles and put a great many simple People especially Women into great Distempers against the Church He is taken again and was called before the High Commission where he stood silent but in such a jeering scornful manner as I scarce ever saw the like So in Prison he remains In the Churchyard of the same Town a Butcher's Slaughter-House opened to the great Annoyance of that place which I have commanded should be remedied and the Door shut up At Biddenden I have Suspended Richard Warren the School-Master for refusing the Oath of Allegiance of Canonical Obedience and to Subscribe to the Articles Besides this precise Man will read nothing but Divinity to his Scholars No not so much as the Grammar Rules unless Mars Bacchus Apollo and Pol AEdepol may be blotted out The Strangers in Canterbury do not so much resort to their Parish-Churches as formerly they did at my first giving of my Injunctions But Visiting this Year I have given a publick and strict Charge that the Delinquents be presented and punished if they do not their Duty in that behalf There is one dwelling in Addisham a Married Man called by the Name of Thomas Jordan He was formerly called Thomas Mounton because he was found in the Church Porch of Mounton in Swadling Clothes left there in all likelyhood by his Mother who was some Beggar or Strumpet It is believed he was never Christned I have therefore given Order that he shall be Christned with that Caution which is prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer where the Baptism is doubtful About Sittingborn there are more Recusants than in any other part of my Diocess And the Lady Roper Dowager is thought to be a great means of the increase of them But I have given strict charge that they be carefully presented according to Law There is still a remainder of Schismaticks in Egerton and the Parishes adjacent But they are as mean People as those about Ashford and I am as much to seek what to do with them My Lord Treasurer complains that he hath little assistance of his Archdeacons and I believe it to be true and shall therefore if your Majesty think fit cause Letters to be written to them to awake them to their Duties His Lordship likewise complains of some inconformable Men which his Chancellor hath met with in this his last Visitation but they have received such Censure as their Faults deserved or else submitted themselves Only Mr. John Knolles a Lecturer at Colchester had forborn to receive the Holy Communion for two Years since he came to be Lecturer And being enjoyned to perform that Duty within a Month he was so zealous as that he forsook Lecture and Town and all rather than he would receive the Communion I find likewise in this Account 28 Ministers Convented before the Chancellor for some Inconformities And five for excess in Drinking But there is as good Order taken with them as could be The Lectures in this Diocess continue many But there is great care taken to keep them in order I find in the Diocess of Winchester divers Recusants newly pretended But whether they be newly perverted doth not appear by my Lord the Bishops Account to me There are some five complained of for not Catechising which I shall require of the Bishop to see remedied Here my Lord the Bishop Certifies that he is very careful and sees all things done according to your Majesty's Instructions My Lord the Bishop of this Diocess dyed before the time came that he was to give up his Accounts so that I can relate nothing upon certainty but shall give the succeeding Bishop Charge to be very careful because his Predecessor lay languishing and was able to look to little for three whole Years before his Death The Account from hence is very brief But my Lord is confident that his Diocess is clean through in good Order and I will hope it is so My Lord of Peterburgh hath taken a great deal of pains and brought his Diocess into very good order Only he saith there are three Lecturers in the same one at Northampton but that is read by the Vicar of the place one at Rowel which hath Maintenance allowed and a third at Daventree maintained by the Contribution of the Town And this last I think the Bishop had need take care of This Diocess appears by my Lord's Certificate to be in marvelous good order for all things and a great Reformation hath been wrought there by his Care and Industry For Popish Recusants the number of them is there much decreased neither are any newly presented for Recusancy My Lord the Bishop of Lincoln is not as your Majesty knows in case to make any Return for his Diocess And since the Jurisdiction thereof came by his Suspension into my Hands I have neither had time nor leisure to make any great Inquiry how conformable in Doctrine or Discipline Men in those parts are Yet this I find that both in Buckinghamshire and in Bedfordshire there are many too refractory to all good Order And there are a great number of very poor and miserable Vicarages and Curatships in many parts of this large Diocess and which are almost past all cure and hope of help unless by your Majesties Grace and Favour some may be had My Lord of Norwich hath been very careful of all your Majesty's Instructions And upon the 24th of September last being then in his Diocess and giving Orders he refused to admit five well Learned and well Mannered Men because they wanted a sufficient Title according to the Canon of the Church I find that there are in this Diocess six Lectures namely at Wimondham North-walsham East-Earling Norwich Linn and Bungay But they are all performed by Conformable and Neighbouring Divines and under
Time to write it again out of my scribled Copy but I dare trust the Secresie in which I have bound him To others I am silent and shall so continue till the thing open it self and I shall do it out of Reasons very like to those which you give why your self would not divulge it here In the last place you promise your self That the Condition you are in will not hinder me from continuing to be the Best Friend you have To this I can say no more than that I could never arrogate to my self to be your Best Friend but a poor yet respective Friend of yours I have been ever since I knew you And it is not your Change that can change me who never yet left but where I was first forsaken and not always there So praying for God's Blessing upon you and in that Way which He knows most necessary for you I rest Lambeth March 27 1636. Your very Loving Friend To serve you in Domino I have writ this Letter freely I shall look upon all the Trust that ever you mean to carry with me that you shew it not nor deliver any Copy to any Man Nor will I look for any Answer to the Quaeries I have herein made If they do you any good I am glad if not yet I have satisfied my self But leisure I have none to write such Letters nor will I entertain a Quarrel in this wrangling Age and now my Strength is past For all things of moment in this Letter I have pregnant places in the Council of Trent Thomas Bellarmin Stapleton Valentia c. But I did not mean to make a Volume of a Letter Endorsed thus with the Archbishop's own Hand March 27 1636. A Copy of my Answer to Sir Ken Digby's Letters in which he gives me an account of his Return to the Ro Communion The Testimony of the Reverend Mr Jonathan Whiston concerning the Opinion had of the Archbishop at Rome and with what Joy the News of his Death and Suffering was there received I Do remember that being Chaplain to the Honourable Sir Lionel Tolmach Baronet about the Year 1666. I heard him relate to some Person of Quality how that in his younger days he was at Rome and well acquainted with a certain Abbot which Abbot asked him Whether he had heard any News from England He answered No. The Abbot replied I will tell you then some Archbishop Laud is Beheaded Sir Lionel answered You are sorry for that I presume The Abbot replied again That they had more cause to rejoice that the Greatest Enemy of the Church of Rome in England was cut off and the Greatest CHAMPION of the Church of England silenced Or in Words to that purpose In witness whereof I have hereunto set my Hand this 28th Day of September 1694. Jona Whiston Vicar of Bethersden in Kent The Testimony of the Learned and Worthy John Evelyn Esq Fellow of the Royal Society concerning the same Matter I Was at Rome in the Company of divers of the English Fathers when the News of the Arch-Bishop's Suffering and a Copy of his Sermon made upon the Scaffold came thither They read the Sermon and commented upon it with no small Satisfaction and Contempt and looked upon him as one that was a great Enemy to them and stood in their Way whilst one of the blackest Crimes imputed to him was his being Popishly affected John Evelyn FINIS BOOKS Printed for RICHARD CHISWELL SCriptorum 〈◊〉 Historia Literaria a Christo nate usque ad seculum xiv facili 〈◊〉 Digesta Qua de Vita illorum ac Rebus Gestis de Secta Dogmatibus 〈◊〉 Style de Scriptis Genuinis Dubiis Suppositiis Ineditis Deper ditis Fragmentis Deque Variis Operum Editionibus perspicue Agitur Accedunt Scriptores Gentiles Christianae Religionis 〈◊〉 Cujusvis Seculi Breviarum Inseruntur suis Locis Veterum 〈◊〉 Opuscula Fragmenta tum Graeca tum Latina hactenus inedita Premissa denique 〈◊〉 quibus plurima ad Antiquitatis Ecclesiasticae Studium spectantia Traduntur Opus indicibus necessariis Instructum Authore Gulielmo Cave SS Theol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Windesoriensi Accedit Hen. Whartoni Appendix ab ineunte Secula xiv ad Annum usque MDX VII 〈◊〉 Disquisitiones Criticae de Variis per Diversa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bibliorum Editionibus Quibus Accedunt Castigationes Theologi Cujusdam Parisiensis ad Opusculum Is Vossii de Sybillinis Oraculis Ejusdem responsionem ad Objectiones nuperae Critica Sacra 4to Censura Celebriorum Authorum sive tractatus in quo Varia Virorum 〈◊〉 de Claris. Cuiusque Seculi Scriptoribus Judicia traduntur Unde Facilimo 〈◊〉 Lector 〈◊〉 queat quid in singulis quibusque istorum Authorum Maxime Memorabile sit qucnam in pretio apud Eruditos 〈◊〉 Habiti Fuerunt Opera Thomae Pope-Blunt Baroneti Fol V Cl Gulielmi Camdeni Illustrium 〈◊〉 ad G. Camdenum Epistolae cum Appendice Varii Argumenti Accesserunt Annalium Regni Regis Jacobi 〈◊〉 Apparatus 〈◊〉 de Antiquitate Dignitate Officio Comitis Marescali Angliae Premittitur G. Camdeni Vita Scriptore Thoma Smitho S T D Ecclesiae Anglicanae Presbytero 4to Jacobi Usserii Armachani Archiepiscopi Historia Degmatica Controversiae inter Orthodoxos 〈◊〉 de Scripturis Sacris Vernaculis nunc primum Edita Accesserunt ejusdem Dissertationes duae de Pseudo-Dionysii seriptis de 〈◊〉 ad Laodiceos antehac 〈◊〉 Descripsit Digessit notis atque auctario Locupletavit Henricus Wharton A M Rev in Christo Pat ac 〈◊〉 Archiepisc Cantuariensi a sacris Domesticis 4to 1690. Anglia 〈◊〉 sive Gollectio Historiarum Antiquitus Scriptarum de Archiepiscopis 〈◊〉 Angliae a Prima Fidei Christianae susceptione ad Annum 1540. in duobus Voluminibus per Henricum Whartonum Fol. 1691 Some Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of 〈◊〉 By Peter Allix D D Treasurer of Sarum 4to his Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of the Albigenses 4to Dr Burnet's now Lord Bishop of Sarum Vindication of the Ordinations of the Church of England 4to History of the Rights of Princes in disposing of Ecclesiastical Benefices and Church Lands 〈◊〉 8vo Life of William Bedel D D Bishop of Kilmore in Ireland together with the Copies of certain Letters which passed between Spain and England in matter of Religion concerning the general Motives to the Roman Obedience Between Mr James 〈◊〉 a late Pensioner of the Holy Inquisition in Sevil and the said William Bedel 8vo Some Passages of the Life and Death of John late Earl of Rochester 8vo A Collection of Tracts and Discourses from 1678 to Christmas 1689 inclusive In 2 Volumes 4to Examination of the Letter writ by the late Assembly-General of the Clergy of France to the 〈◊〉 inviting them to return to their Communion together with the Methods proposed by them for their Conviction 8vo Pastorall Letter to the Clergv of his Diocess concerning the
I confess to your Lordships I could never like that Seats should be set above the Communion Table If that be any Error in me be it so For the Words I did not speak them of Prohibitions in general but of such as I did conceive very Illegal as for ought I yet know this must have been And this was the Answer wich I gave Mr Brown when in Summing up the Charge he instanced in this against me To these Rouland Tomson adds new Words That I wondered who durst grant a Prohibition the High-Commission Court being above all But he confesses he knows not the time when this was spoken Let him look to his Oath for I am as Confident he knows not the thing And I farther believe that neither he nor any the rest of my Accusers think me so Ignorant as to say the High-Commission Court was above all 7. Francis Nicolas says that about Four Years since he delivered a Prohibition and was committed for it To this Quaterman comes in and says more than Nicolas himself For he says he delivered it in upon a Stick and was Committed for it First if he were Committed it was not for bringing the Prohibition but for his unmannerly delivery of it and to reach it into the Court upon a Stick to call the People to see it was no Handsom way of Delivery And one that brought a Prohibition whether this Man or no I cannot certainly say threw it with that violent Scorn into the Court that it bounded on the Table and hit me on the Breast as I sat in Court. Howsoever his Commitment was the Act of the Court not mine And for Quaterman he is an Exasperated Man against me and that Court as hath appeared to the World many ways 9. Mr Edwards was called up next and he says it was a common thing to lay them by the Heels which brought Prohibitions And they were commonly brought by bold impudent Men picked out of purpose to affront the Court. And then if the Court made their Imprisonment as common as they their Rudeness where 's the Fault And I pray mark this is still the Act of the Court not mine 10. Mr. Welden says That there was a Command given to lay hold of a Man which brought a Prohibition But more he says not Nor did he offer to make himself Judge of the Justice of the Court in that behalf And considering what Affronts have been put upon the Court of High Commission by the bringers of Prohibitions I hope it shall not be accounted a Crime to stay him that brings it till the Prohibition be seen and considered 11. The next Witness is Mr. Ward And he is an angry Witness for his Cause before-mentioned about Symony That which he says is That An. 1638 He that brought a Prohibition in a Cause of Mr. Foetroughts was laid by the Heels But he himself confesses the Court then declared that they were affronted by him And then he was Punished for that Misdemeanour in his Carriage not for bringing the Prohibition He says farther that I directed some Commissioners to attend the Judges about it and that the Party had no benefit by his Prohibition For my directing Attendance upon the Judges I think I did what well became me For there came a Rule before the Prohibition which required the Court so to do And Mr. Pryn objected because this was not done and now I am Accused because I gave direction to do it And if the Party had no benefit by his Prohibition it must needs follow that either the Judges were satisfied by our Information of the Cause or if not that they did Mr. Foetrought the wrong and not we 12. The last Witness about Prohibitions was Mr. Wheeler He says that in a Sermon of mine long since I used these Words They which grant Prohibitions to the Disturbance of the Churches Right God will prohibit their entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven And he says he writ down the Words that he might remember them If this Gentleman will tell me what Text I then Preached on I will look upon my Sermon if that with my other Papers be not taken from me and shew the place In the mean time with that Limitation with which he confesses I spake them I conceive there is no fault at all in the Words For it will be found no small fault in Judges to grant Prohibitions to the Disturbance of the Rights of the Church which no Law of God or Man warrants them to do So the words I spake must needs be understood of illegal Prohibitions For they which are Legal do only stop the Church from doing wrong but do no wrong to the Church by disturbing her Rights Mr. Browne charged this Sermon Note upon me also and I gave him this Answer Nevertheless I cannot but be sorry to hear it from Mr. Wheeler's own Mouth that he was so careful to write this Passage and so ready to come to witness it against me considering how many Years I have known him and how freely he hath often come to my Table and been welcome to me yet never told me this Passage in my Sermon troubled him It seems some Malignity or other laid it up against this wet Day Here having thus answered all Particulars I humbly craved leave of their Lordships to inform them some few things concerning Prohibitions As first that there was a great Contestation about them between my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Bancroft and the then Judges and this before King James and the Lords of the Council and Mr. Atturney Hobart Pleaded for the Church against them Sir Henry Martin gave me Copies of all those Papers on both sides No final End made that I could ever hear of This calling them all in Question was far more than ever was done by me or in my time and yet no Accusation at all much less any of Treason put up against Arch-Bishop Bancroft for this Secondly I have here Papers Attested of all the Prohibitions which have been admitted in my Courts of Arches and Audience And I find there are as many if not more admitted in my Seven Years time as in any Seven Years of my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot And these Papers I delivered into the Court. As for the High-Commission the Records are all taken from us else I make no doubt but it would soon appear by them that as many have been admitted there also Thirdly There is a great difference touching Prohibitions and the sending of them since the Times of Reformation and before For before the Bishops Courts were kept under a foreign Power and there were then weighty Reasons for Prohibitions both in regard of the King's Power and the Subjects Indempnity But since the Reformation all Power Exercised in the Spiritual Courts is from the King as well as the Temporal so that now there neither is nor can be so much Cause as formerly was And yet all that I did humbly and earnestly desire was that
Lordships great Abilities And now my Lord charges as hard as he can Thus For the first of these which he Charges upon me it may be he was willing to have it thought that I would not joyn in Prayer with your Lordships but refused such a Communion which is altogether false For I should most willingly joyn in Prayers with you And farther I will add that I do not think but some set Form of Prayers by some Men in some Cases may be lawfully used For this First I was not willing to have any thing thought of this Lord which is not true and if it be altogether false as his Lordship says it is that he will not joyn in Prayers with the rest of the Lords in Parliament but refuses such a Communion I would fain know why his Lordship doth not joyn in Prayer with them For most undoubtedly he may if he will And since it is most true that he hath not come to Prayers in the House with the rest of the Lords not so much as once either in the last Parliament or this I think it may reasonably be concluded without any Falshood that his Lordship will not joyn no not in such a Communion with them Where it is to be observed he says he refuses not such a Communion with them He refuses not yet he will not joyn And he refuses not such a Communion A Communion I have cause to doubt he doth refuse but not such a Communion as goes no farther than Prayers yet to these he comes not At the Sacrament I believe he will be more scrupulous of whom or with whom he receives that Indeed his Lordship adds that he would most willingly joyn in Prayers with their Lordships And though this be most strange that he should never do that which he would most willingly do an opportunity being offered him every Day Yet my Lord is pleased to add farther what his Judgment is of set Forms of Prayer And he tells you that he thinks some set Forms by some Men in some Occasions may be lawfully used Surely the Church of England is much beholding to this Lord very much and the State too For the set Forms of Prayer which she enjoyns were compiled by some of those who suffered no less than Martyrdom for the Reformation of Religion The same Form of Prayer was established by Act of Parliament and yet as if Church and State were all at a loss this Noble Lord who confesses some set Forms Lawful condemns this Form by his Actions at least in continual and professed abstaining from it Some Forms but not this by some Men but not these in some cases but not in God's Publick Service in the Church may be Lawfully used And yet for all these petty Somes of Restraint I know his Lordship's Parts so great that I dare not say as he says of me that his Lordship is of narrow Comprehensions But his Lordship will now tell us what that is in which he is not satisfied But this is that which I am not satisfied in that a certain number of Men should usurp an Authority unto themselves to frame certain Prayers and Forms of Divine Service and when that is done under the Name of the Church to enjoyn them upon all Persons in all Times and upon all Occasions to be used and no other And upon this Ground which makes it the worse because these come from the publick Spirit of the Church when the Bishop or his Chaplain shall frame them and others proceed from the private Spirit of this or that particular Man Now truly since my Lord does not think some set Forms of Prayer unlawful I am very sorry his Lordship is not satisfied that a certain Number of Men should frame these Forms of Divine Service For all Churchmen cannot possibly meet about that or any other Church-Affair nor can any Synod or Assembly be called but there must be some certain Number of them Nor do these Men usurp any Authority to themselves herein For in all Ages of the Church from Christ downward all set Forms of Prayer used in any Church have been either made by a certain Number of Men or approved by them when some Eminent Servant of God hath Composed them first and then tendred them to the Judgment of the Church And it is very necessary that it should be so Nor would the Church of Old admit any Prayers in the publick Service and Worship of God but such as were so made and so approved lest through Ignorance or want of Care and Circumspection something might slip in that was contrary to the Faith But I fear here 's Anguis in Herba And that my Lord is not satisfied not so much because these 〈◊〉 Forms are made by a set Number of Men as because they are Churchmen though he be 〈◊〉 to express it And if that be his meaning he must rest unsatisfied still For Churchmen and none but Churchmen must actually do Publick Church-Work according to their Calling and their Warrant And yet I hope Churchmen will never be so Proud but that if any Lay Religious Man of larger Comprehensions than themselves will offer in private any help to them they will lend an open Ear to it and after with a prudent Consideration do what is fit And as this Lord is not satisfied that a certain Number of Men should make these set Forms so much less is he satisfied that when this is done they should under the Name of the Church enjoyn them upon all Persons in all Times and upon all Occasions to be used and no other No set Forms that I know are enjoyned under the name of the Church but such as the Church in Synod hath approved or tolerated till a Synod may be called And when any National-Church in a Kingdom that is Christian hath approved a set Form yet that cannot be enjoyned upon all Persons till the Soveraign Power in that State hath weighed approved and commanded it But then though Framed by a certain Number of Men that and no other lays hold on all Persons and in all Times and upon all Occasions that are Publick if Men will live in Obedience to the Church and State I say Publick leaving all Persons at all Times free to use any Form of Prayer agreeable to the Foundations of Christian Religion which shall best serve their several private Occasions And therefore I conceive my Lord is in a great Errour in that which he adds next Namely that this Ground makes it the worse because these set Forms are said to come from the Publick Spirit of the Church I cannot think so hardly of my Lord as if he could like a set Form of Prayer the worse because it comes from the Publick Spirit of the Church And therefore I will take his Words in another Sense though they be in my Judgment very obscurely set down and perhaps that is his Lordship's meaning That it makes the matter the worse because these Forms of