trouble at all that is to say That The Scripture quoted in that Letter is out of St. Hieroms Translation which came more then a hundred years after Unless it can be prov'd with all as I think it cannot the Hierom followed not in those texts those old Translations which were before receiv'd and used in the Western Churches Less am I mov'd with that which follows viz. That this letter not appearing till a thousand years after the death of Pope Eleutherius might probably creep out of some Monkâ— Cell some four hundred years since Which allegation being admitted the Monks Cell excepted it makes no more to the discredit of the letter which we have before us then to the undervaluing of those excellent Monuments of Piety and Learning which have been recovered of late times from the dust and moths of ancient Libraries Such Treasure like money long lockt up is never thought less profitable when it comes abroad And from what place soever it first came abroad I am confident it came not out of any Monks Cell that generation being then wholly at the Popes devotion by consequence not likely to divulge an Evidence so mâ—nifestly tending to the overthrow of his pretensions The Popes about four hundred years since were mounted to the height of that power and Tyranny which they claimed as Vicars unto Christ. To which theâ—e could not any thing be more plainly contrary then that passage in the Popes letter where he tells the King That he was Gods Vicar in his own Kingdom vos estis Vicarius Deâ— in Regno vestro as the Latine hath it Too gâ—eat a secret to proceed from the Cell of a Monk who would have rather forg'd ten Decretals to â—phoâ—d the Pâ—pis◠〈◊〉 over Soverain Princes then published one only whether true or false to subvert the same Nor doth this Letter only give the King an empty Title but such a Title as imports the exercise of the chief Ecclesiastical Power within his Dominions For thus it followeth in the same The people and the folk of the Realm of Britain be yours whom if they be divided ye ought togather in concâ—rd and peace to call them to the faith and law of Christ to cherish and maintain them to rule and govern them so as you may reign everlastingly with him whose Vicar you are So far the very words of the letter as our Author rendereth them which savour far more of the honest simplicity of the Primitive Popes then the impostures and supposâ—titious issues of the â—atter times Our Author tells us fol. 9. that he had ventured on this story with much aversness and we dare believe him He had not else laboured to discredit it in so many particulars and wilfully that I say no worse suppressed the best part of the Evidence in the words of Beda who being no friend unto the Britans hath notwithstanding done them right in this great business And from him take the story in these following words Anno ab iâ—carnatiâ—ne Domini 156 c. In the 156. year after Christs Nativity Marcus Antonius Verus together with Aurelius Commodus his Brother did in the fourteenth place from Augustus Caesar undertake the goveâ—nment of the Empire In whose times when as Eleutherius a godly man was Bishop of the Church of Rome Lucius King of the Britans sent unto him Obsecrans ut per ejus mandatum Christianus essiceretur intreating by his means to be made a Christian whose vertrious desire he ein was granted and the faith of Christ being thus received by the Britans was by them kept inviolate and undefiled until the time of Diocâ—tian This is the substance of the story as by him delivered true in the main though possibly there may be some mistake in his Chronology as in a matter not so canvassed as it hath been lately Now to proceed unto our Author he tells us fol. 10. out of Ieffery of Monmouth That at this time there were in England twenty eight Cities each of them having a Flamen or Pagan Priest and three of them namely London York and Caer-Lion in Wales had Archflamens to which the rest were subjected and Lucius placed Bishops in the room of the Flamens and Archbishops Metropolitans in the places of Archflamens concluding in the way of scorn that his Flamines and Archflamines seem to be Flams and Archflams even notorious falshoods And it is well they do but seem so it being possibly enough that they may seem Falshoods to our Author even notorious Falshoods though they seem true enough to others even apparent truths And first though Ieffery of Monmouth seem to deserve no credit in this particular where he speaks against our Authors sense yet in another place where he comes up to his desires he is otherwise thought of and therefore made the Foreman of the grand Inquest against Augustino the Monk whom he enditeth for the murther of the Monks of Bancor And certainly if Ieffery may be believ'd when he speaks in passion when his Welch bloud was up as our Author words it as one that was concerned in the cause of his Countreymen he may more easily be believ'd in a cause of so remote Antiquity where neither love nor hatred or any other prevalent affection had any power or reason to divert him from the way of truth And secondly though Ieffery of Monmouth be a Writer of no great credit with me when he stands single by himself yet when I finde him seconded and confirmed by others I shall not brand a truth by the name of falshood because he reports it Now that in Britain at that time there were no fewer then eight and twenty Cities is affirmed by Beda Henry of Huntington not only agrees with him in the number but gives us also the names of them though where to finde many of them it is hard to say That in each of these Cities was some Temple dedicated to the Pagan Gods that those Temples afterwards were imploy'd to the use of Christians and the Revenues of them assign'd over to the maintenance of the Bishops and other Ministers of the Gospel hath the concurrâ—nt testimony of approved Authors that is to say Maâ—thew of Westminster out of Gildas Anno 187. Rodolph de Diceto cited by the learned Primaâ— of Armach in his Book De Primordiis Eccles. Brit. cap. 4. Gervaso of Tilbury ibid. cap. 6. And for the Flamines and Archflamines they stand not only on the credit of Ieffery of Monmouth but of all our own Writers who speak of the foundation of the antient Bishopricks even to Polydor Virgil. Nor want there many forain Writers who affirm the same bginning with Martinus Polonus who being esteemed no friend to the Popedom because of the Story of Pope Ione which occurs in his Writings may the rather be believ'd in the story of Lucius And he agrees with Ieffery of Monmouth in all parts of the story as to the Flamines and Archflamines as do also many other
am that it continued and the money was duly paid into the Exchequer for many years after the true cause thereof was taken away the Queens displeasure against Pilkington ending either with his life or hers and all the Garrisons and forces upon the Borders being taken away in the beginning of the Reign of King Iames. So true is that old saying Quod Christus non capit fiscus rapit never more fully verified then in this particular The Sixth Book Containing the History of Abbeys THis Book containing the History of Abbeys seems but a Supplement to the former but being made a distinct book by our Author we must do so likewise In which the first thing capable of an Animadversion is but meerly verbal viz. Fol. 266. Cistercians so called from one Robert living in Cistercium in Burgundy The place in Burgundy from whence these Monks took denomination though call'd Cistercium by the Latins is better known to the French and English by the name Cisteaux the Monks thereof the Monks of Cisteaux by the English and Lesmoines de Cisteaux by the French and yet our Author hath hit it better in his Cistercians then Ralph Brook York Herald did in his Sister-senses for which sufficiently derided by Augustin Vincent as our Author being so well studied in Heraldry cannot chuse but know Fol. 268. But be he who he himself or any other pleaseth brother if they will to St. George on Horseback â— Our Author not satisfying himself in that Equitius who is supposed to be the first Founder of Monks in England makes him in scorn to be the Brother of St. George on Horseback that is to say a meer Chimera a Legendary Saint a thing of nothing The Knights of that most noble Order are beholding to him for putting their Patron in the same Rank with St. Equitius of whose existence on the Earth he can finde no Constat But I would have him know how poorly so ever he thinks of St. George on Horseback that there hath more been said of him his Noble birth Atchievements with his death and Martyrdom then all the Friends our Author hath will or can justly say in defence of our present History Fol. 270. So they deserve some commendation for their Orthodox judgement in maintaining some Controversies in Divinity of importance against the Jesuites Our Author speaks this of the Dominicans or preaching Fryers who though they be the sole active managers of the Inquisition deserve notwithstanding to be commended for their Orthodox judgement How so Because forsooth in some Controversies of importance that is to say Predestination Grace Free-will and the rest of that link they hold the same opinions against the Iesuites and Franciscans as the Rigid Lutherans do against the Melanchthonians and the Rigid or Peremptory Calvinists against the Remonstrants As powerful as the Iesuites and Franciscans are in the Court of Rome they could never get the Pope to declare so much in favour of their Opinion as here our Author out of pure zeal to the good Cause declares in favour of the Dominicans It was wont to be the property or commendation of Charity that it hoped all things believed all things thought no evill and in a word covered a multitude of â—ins But zeal to the good cause having eaten up Charity so far ascribes unto it self the true qualities of it as to pass over the sins and vices of such who have engaged themselves in defence thereof And he that favours the good cause though otherwise heterodox in Doctrine irregular in his Conversation as bloudy a Butcher of the true Protestants as these Preaching Fryers shall have his imperfections covered his vices hidden under this disguise that he is Orthâ—dox in judgement and a true Professor Otherwise the Dominicans had not â—ound such favour from the hands of our Author who would have drawn as much bloud into their cheeks with his pen as they have drawn from many a true Protestant by their persecutions Fol. 300. We will conclude with their observation as an ominous presage of Abbies ruine that there was scarce a great Abbey in England which once at least was not burnt down with lightning from Heaven â— Our Author may be as well out in this as he hath been in many things else it being an ordinary thing to aâ—scribe that to Lightning or fire from Heaven which happened by the malice or carelesness of Knaves on Earth of which I shall speak more hereafter on occasion of the firing of St. Pauls sâ—eeple in London lib. 9. Now only noting by the way that scarse any and but thirteen for our Author names no more which were so consumed hang not well together If only thirteen were so burnt and sure our Author would have nam'd them if they had been more he should have rather chang'd his style and said that of so many Religious Houses as suffered by the decayes of time and the fury of the Danish Wâ—â—s or the rage of accident I fires scarse any of them â—â—d been striken by the hand of Heaven Fol. 313. Hence presently arose the Northern Rebellion wherein all the open undertakers were North of Trent c. Not all the open undertakers I am sure of that our Author telling us in the words next following that this commotion began first in Lincolnshire no part whereof except the River Isle of Axholm lies beyond the Trent Concerning which we are instructed by Iohn Stow that at an Assise for the Kings Subsidie kept in Lincolnshire the people made an insurrection and gathered nigh twenty thousand persons who took certain Lords and Gentlemen of the Country causing them to be sworn to them upon certain Articles which they had devised For which Rebellion and some other practises against the State 12 of that County that is to say 5 Priests and 7 Lay-men were not long after drawn to Tyborn and there hang'd and quarteâ—ed By which we see that all the open undertakers in the Northern Rebellion were not North of Trent nor all the principal undertakers neither some Lords and Gentlemen of that County though against their wills appearing in it and amongst others Sir Iohn Hussey created Baron not long before by King Henry the eighth and shortly after punisht by him with the loss of his head for being one of the Heads of this Insurrection Fol. 316. Where there be many people there will be many offenders there being a Cham amongst the eight in the Ark yea a Cain amongst the four Primitive Persons in the beginning of the world In this our Authors Rule is better then his Exemplification For though there where but eight persons in the Ark whereof Cham was one yet in all probability there were more then four persons in the world at the Birth of Abel reckoning him for one For though the Scripture doth subjoyn the Birth of Abel unto that of Cain yet was it rather in relation to the following story wherein Abel was a principal party then that no other children
the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and to all and every thing in them contained And furthermore we do not only by our said Prerogative Royall and Supreme Authority in causes Ecclesiasticall ratifie confirme and establish by these our Letters Patents the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and all and every thing in them contained as is aforesaid but do likewise propound publish and straightly enjoyne and command by our said Authority and by these our Letters Patents the same to be diligently observed executed and equally kept by all our loving Subjects of this our Kingdom both within the Province of Canterbury and York in all points wherein they do or may concerne every or any of them according to this our Will and Pleasure hereby signified and expressed No other Power required to confirme these Canons or to impose them on the people but the Kings alone And yet I â—row there are not a few particulars in which those Canons do extend to the property and persons of such Refusers as are concerned in the same which our Author may soon finde in them if he list to look And having so done let him give us the like Precedent for his Houses of Parliament either abstractedly in themselves or in cooperation with the King in confirming Canons and we shall gladly quit the cause and willingly submit to his â—er judgement But if it be Obâ—ected as perhaps it may That the Subsidies granted by the Clergy in the Convocation are ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament before they can be levied either on the Granters themselves or the rest of the Clergy I answer that this makes nothing to our Authors purpose that is to say that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament For first before the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the 8. they granted Subsidies and other aids unto the King in their Convocations and levied them upon the persons concerned therein by no other way then the usuall Censures of the Church especiall by Suspension and deprivation if any Refuser prove so refractary as to dispute the payment of the sum imposed And by this way they gave and levied that great sum of an Hundred thousand pounds in the Province of Canterbury only by which they bought their peace of the said King Henry at such time as he had caused them to be attainted in the Praemunire And secondly there is a like Precedent for it since the said Submission For whereas the Clergy in their Convocation in the year 1585. being the 27 year of Queen Elizabeth had given that Queen a Subsidy of four shillings in the pound confirmed by Act of Parliament in the usual way they gave her at the same time finding their former gift too short for her present occasions a Benevolence of two shillings in the pound to be raised upon all the Clergy by vertue of their own Synodical Act only under the penalty of such Ecclesiastical Censures as before were mentioned Which precedent was after followed by the Clergy in their Convocation an 1640. the Instrument of the Grant being the same verbatim with that before though so it hapned such influence have the times on the actions of men that they were quarreld and condemned for it by the following Parliament in the time of the King and not so much as checkt at or thought to have gone beyond their bounds in the time of the Queen And for the ratifying of their Bill by Act of Parliament it came up first at such times after the Submission before mentioned as the Kings of England being in distrust of their Clergy did not think fit to impower them by their Letters Patents for the making of any Synodical Acts Canons or Constitutions whatsoever by which their Subsidies have been levied in former times but put them off to be confirmed and made Obligatory by Act of Parliament Which being afterwards found to be the more expedite way and not considered as derogatory to the Churches Rights was followed in succeeding times without doubt or scruple the Church proceeding in all other cases by her â—â—tive power even in cases where both the person and property of the Subject were alike concerned as by the Canons 1603 1640. and many of those past in Q. Elizabeths time though not so easie to be seen doth at full appear Which said we may have leisure to consider of another passage relating not unto the power of the Church but the wealth of the Churchmen Of which thus our Authoâ— Fol. 253. I have heard saith he that Queen Elizabeth being informed that Dr. Pilkington Bishop of Durham had given ten thousand pounds in marriage with his Daughter and being offended that a Prelates daughter should equal a Princesse in portion took away one thousand pounds a year from that Bishoprick and assigned it for the better maintenance of the Garrison of Barwick In telling of which story ouâ— Author commits many mistakes as in most things elâ—e For first to justifie the Queens displeasure if she were displeased he makes the Bishop richer and the Portion greater then indeed they were The ten thousand pounds Lib. 9. fol. 109. being shrunk to eight and that eight thousand pound not given to one Daughter as is here affirmed but divided equally between two whereof the one was married to Sir Iames Harrington the other â—nto Dunch of Berk-shire Secondly this could be no cause of the Queens displeasure and much lesse of the Courâ—ieâ—s envy that Bishop having sat in the See of Durham above seventeen years And certainly he must needs have been a very ill Husband if our of such a great Revenue he had not saved five hundred pounds per annum to prefeâ— his Children the income being as great and the charges of Hospitality lesse then they have been since Thirdly the Queen did not take away a thousand pound a year from that Bishoprick as is here affirmed The Lands were left to it as before but in regard the Garrison of Barwick preserved the Bishops Lands and Tenants from the spoil of the Scots the Queen thought fit that the Bishops should contribute towards their own defence imposing on them an annuall pension of a thousand pound for the better maintaining of that Garrison Fourthly Bishop Pilkington was no Doctor but a Batchelor of Divinity only and possibly had not been raised by our Author to an higher Title and Degree then the University had given him but that he was a Conniver at Non-conformity as our Author telleth us Lib. 9. fol. 109. Lastly I shall here add that I conceive the Pension above mentioned not to have been laid upon that See after Pilkingtons death but on his first preferment to it the French having then newly landed some forces in Scotland which put the Queen upon a necessity of doubling her Guaâ—ds and increasing her Garrisons But whatsoever was the cause of imposing this great yearly payment upon that Bishoprick certain I
Fellow of this Colledge whose Book entituled The Religion of Protestants a safe way to Salvation written in deâ—ence of Dr. Potters Book called Charity mistaken commended by our Author Lib. 3. fol. 115. remains unanswered by the Iesuites notwithstanding all their brags beforehand to this very day Which Book though most ridiculously buried with the Author at Arundel get thee gone thou accursed Book c. by Mr. Francis Cheynel the usu fructuary of the rich personage of Peâ—worth shall still survive unto the world in its own just value when the poor three-penny commodities of such a sorry Haberdasher of Small Wares shall be out of credit Of this Pageant see the Pamphet call'd Chillingworthi Novissima printed at London Anno 1644. Fol. 41. But now it is gone let it go it was but a beggerly Town and cost England ten times yearly more then it was worthâ— in keeping thereof Admit it be so yet certainly it was worth the keeping had it cost much more The English while they kept that Town had a dore open into France upon all occasions and therefore it was commonly said that they carried the Keyes of France at their Girdles Sound States-men do not measure the benefit of such Towns and Garrisons as are maintain'd and kept in an Enemies Countrey by the profit which they bring into their Exchequer but by the opportunities they give a Prince to enlarge his Territories Of this kinde was the Town of Barwick situate on the other side of the Tweed upon Scottish ground but Garrison'd and maintain'd with great charge by the Kings of England because it gave him the same advantage against the Scots as Calice did against the French The government of which last Town is by Comines said to be the goodliest Captain ship in the world so great an Eye-sore to the French that Mounsieur de Cordes who liv'd in the time of Lewis the eleventh was used to say that he would be content to lie in Hell seven years together upon condition that Calice were regain'd from the English and finally judged of such importance by the French when they had regain'd it that neither the Agreement made at the Treaty of Cambray nor the desire to free New-haven from the power of the English nor the necessities which Henry the fourth was reduc'd unto could ever prevail upon them to part with it But it is dry meat said the Countrey fellow when he lost the Hare and so let Caliâ—e pass for a Beggerly Town and not worth the keeping because we have no hope to get it ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Ninth Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of Queen Elizabeth THe short Reigns of King Edward the sixth and Queen Mary being briefly past over by our Author he spends the more time in setting out the affairs of the Church under Queen Elizabeth not so much because her Reign was long but because it was a busie Age and full of Faction To which Faction how he stands affected he is not coy to let us see on all occasions giving us in the very first entrance this brief but notable Essay viz. Fol. 51. Idolatry is not to be permitted a moment the first minute is the fittest to abolish it all that have power have right to destroy it by that grand Charter of Religion whereby every one is â—ound to advance Gods glory And if Soveraigns forget no reason but Subjects should remember their duty Our Author speaks this in behalf of some forwardâ— Spirits who not enduring the laâ—inesse of Authority in order to the great work of Reformation fell beforehand to the beating down of superstitious Pictures and Images And though some others condemned their indiscretion herein yet our Author will not but rather gives these Reasons for their justification 1. That the Popish Religion is Idolatry 2. That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all that have power to do it 3. Which is indeed the main that if the Soveraigns do forget there is no reason but Subjects should remember their duty This being our Authors Master-piece and a fair gâ—â—â—ndwork for Seditious and Rebellious for the times ensuing I shall spend a little the more time in the examination of the pâ—opositions as before we had them And 1. It will be hard for our Author to prove that the Romish Religion is Idolatry though possible it is that some of the members of that Church may be proved Idolaters I know well what great pains Dr. Reynolds took in his laborious work entituled De Idololatria Ecclesiae Romanae and I know too that many very learned and moderate men were not thâ—oughly satisfied in his proofs and Arguments That they are worshippers of Images as themselves deny not so no body but themselves can approve them in it But there is a very wide difference betwixt an Image and an Idol betwixt the old Idolateâ—s in the state of Heathenism and those which give religious worship unto Images in some paâ—ts of Chrisâ—endom And this our Author being well stâ—died in Antiquity and not a stranger to the 〈…〉 of the present times cannot chuse but know thoâ—gh zeal to the good cause and the desire of being coâ—stanâ— to himself drew this pâ—â—â—age from him The Châ—istian faith delivered in the hâ—ly Gospels succeeded over the greatest part of the then known woâ—â—d in the place of that Idolatrous worship whiâ—h like a Leprosie had generally overspread the whole face thereof And therefore that the whole Mass of Wickliffes Heâ—erodoxies might be Christned by the name of Gospel our Author thinks it necessary that the Popish Mass and the rest of the Superstitious of that Church should be call'd Idolatry 2. That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all them that have power to do it I shall easily grant But then it must be understood of a lawful power and not permitted to the liberty of unlawful violence Id possumus quod jure possumus was the rule of old and it held good in all attempts for Reformation in the elder times For when the Fabrick of the Jewish Church was out of order and the whole Worship of the Lord either defiled with superstitions or intermingled with Idolatries as it was too often did not Gods servants carry and await his leisure till those who were supreme both in place and power were by him prompted and inflamed to a Reformation How many years had that whole people made an Idol of the Brazen Serpent and burnt â—â—cense to it before it was defaced by King Hâ—zekiah How many more might it have longer stood undefâ—ced untouched by any of the common people had not the King given order to demolish it How many years had the seduced Israelites adored before the Altar of Bethel before it was hewn down and cut in pâ—eces by the good King Iosiah And yet it cannot be denyed but that it was as much in the power of the Iews to destroy that Idol and of the honest and religious Israâ—lites to break down that
secrets of the heart of man Interest tenebris interest cogitationibus nostris quasi alteris tenebris as Minutius hath it The man here mention'd had been in the Confeâ—sion of our Aâ—thor himself Archbishop of Spalato in Dalmatia â— dignity of great power and reputation and consequently of a fair Revenue in propoâ—tion to it He could not hope to mend his Fortunes by his coming hither or to advance himself to a more liberal entertainment in the Church of England then what he had attain'd unto in the Church of Rome Covetousness therefore could not be the motive for leaving his own estate of which he had been possessed 14 years in our Authors â—eckoning to betake himself to a strange Countrey where he 〈◊〉 promise himself nothing but protection and the â—â—eedom of conscience Our Author might have said with more probability that covetousness and not consâ—ience 〈…〉 cause of his going hence no bâ—it of proâ—â—t or preferment being laid before him to invite him 〈◊〉 â—s they were both by those which had the managing 〈…〉 him hence He had given great 〈◊〉 to the Pope by his defection from that Church and no 〈◊〉 councenance to the Doctrine of the 〈◊〉 Churches by his coming oâ—er unto ouâ—s The 〈◊〉 of â—o great a 〈…〉 of that Church was not like to stand And yet he gave greater blows to them by his Pen then by the defection of his Person his learned Books entituled De Republica Ecclesiasticâ being still unanswered In which respect those of that Church bestird themselves to disgrace his person devising many other causes by which he might be mov'd or forc'd to forsake those parts in which he durst no longer tarry But finding little credit given to their libellous Pamphlets they began to work upon him by more secret practises insinuating that he had neither that respect nor those advancements which might incourage him to stay that the new Pope Gregory the fifteenth was his special friend that he might chuse his own preferments and make his own conditions if he would return And on the other side they cunningly wrought him out of credit with King Iames by the arts of Gondomar and lessened his esteem amongst the Clergy by some other Artifices so that the poor man being in a manner lost on both sides was forc'd to a necessity of swallowing that accursed bait by which he was hook'd over to his own destruction For which and for the rest of the story the Reader may repair for satisfaction to this present History Fol. 96. Besides the King would never bestow an Episcopal charge in England on a foreiner no not on his own Countrey-men the Scots This must be understood with reference to the Church of England King Iames bestowing many Bishopricks upon his Countrey-men the Scots in the Realm of Ireland And if he did not the like here as indeed he did not it neither was for want of affection to them nor of confidence in them but because he would not put any such discouragement upon the English who looked on those preferments as the greatest and most honourable rewards of Arts and Industry Quis enim virtutem exquireret ipsum Proemia si â—ollin Fol. 100. All mens mouthes were now 〈◊〉 with discourse of Prince Charles his match with 〈…〉 Infanta of Spain The Protestants grieved thereat fearing that this marriage would be the Funerals of their Religion c. The buâ—â—ness of the match with Spainâ—ath â—ath already been sufficiently agitated between the Authoâ— of the History of the Reign of King Charles and his Observator And yet I must adde someâ—hing to let our Author and his Reader to understand thus much that the Protestants had no cause to fear such a Funeral They knew they liv'd under such a King who lov'd his Soveraignty too well to quit any part thereof to the Pope of Rome especially to part with that Supremacy in 〈◊〉 matters which he esteemed the fairest Flower in the Royal Garland They knew they liv'd under â—â—ch a King whose interest it was to preserve Religion in the same state in which he found it and could not fear but that he would sufficiently provide for the 〈◊〉 of it If any Protestants â—eared the funeral of their Religion they were such Protestants as had been frighted out 〈…〉 as you know who us'd to call the Puritans 〈…〉 under the name of Protestants had â—ontriv'd themselves into a Faction not only against Episcopacy but even Monarchy also And to these nothing was more 〈◊〉 then the match with Spain fearing â—nd perhaps 〈◊〉 fearing that the Kings 〈◊〉 with that Crown might aâ—m him both with power and counsel to suppress those practices which have since prov'd the Funeral of the Church of England But as it seems they 〈…〉 fear was our Author telling us fol. 112. that the 〈…〉 State had no minde or meaning of a match and that this was quickly discovered by Prince Charles at his coming 〈◊〉 How so Because saith he Fol. 112. They demanded 〈…〉 in education of the 〈…〉 English Papists c 〈…〉 nothing For thus the argument seems to stand viz. The Spaniards were desirous to get as good conditions as they could for themselves and their Party Ergo they had no minde to the match Or thus The demands of the Spaniards when the business was first in Treaty seem'd to be unreaâ—onable Ergo they never really intended that it should proceed Our Author cannot be so great a stranger in the shops of London as not to know that Trades-men use to ask many times twice as much for a commodity as they mean to take and therefore may conclude as strongly that they do not mean to sell those wares for which they ask such an unreasonable 〈◊〉 at the first demand Iniquum petere ut aequum obtineas hath been the usual practice especially in driving Sâ—aâ—e-bargains of all times and ages And though the Spaniards at the first spoke big and stood upon such points as the King neither could nor would in honour or conscience consent unto yet things were after brought to such a temperament that the marriage was agreed upon the Articles by both Kings subscrib'd a Proxie made by the Prince of â—ales to espouse the Infanta and all things on her part prepared for the day of the wedding The bâ—each which â—ollowed came not from any aversness in the Court of Spain though where the fault was and by what means occasioned need not here be said But well â—are our Author for all that who finally hath absolv'd the Spaniard from this breaâ—h and laid the same upon King Iames despairing of any restitution to be made of the Palatinate by the way of Treaty Ibiâ— Whereupon King James not only broke off all Treaty 〈◊〉 pain but also called the great Councel of his Kingdom together By which it seems that the breaking off of the Treaty did precede the Parliâ—ment But multa apparent quae non sunt Every thing is not as it seems The Parliament
of the Reformation here by law establisht But to say truth it is no wonder if he concur with otheâ—s in the condemnation of particular persons since he concurs with others in the condemnation of the Châ—rch it self For speaking of the separation made by Mr. Goodwin Mr. Nye c. fol. 209. he professeth that he rather doth believe that the sinful corruptions of the worship and government of this Church taking hold on their consciences and their inability to comport any longer therewith was rather the true cause of their deserting of their Countrey then that it was for Debt or Dangerâ— as Mr. Edwards in his Book of his had suggested of them What grounds Mr. Edwards had for his suggestion I enquire not now though coming from the Pâ—n of one who was no friend unto the Government and Liturgy of the Church of England it might have met with greater credit in our Author For if these men be not allowed for witnesses against one another the Church would be in worse condition then the antient Borderers Amongst whom though the teâ—â—imony of an English man against a Scot or of a Scot against the English in matters of spoil and depâ—edation could not finde admittance yet a Scots evidence against a Scot was beyond exception Lege inter Limitaneos cautum ut nullus nisi Anglus in Anglum nullus nisi Scotus in Scotum testis admittatur as we read in Camden We see by this as by other passages which way our Authors Bowl is biassed how constantly he declares himself in favour of those who have either separated from the Church or appear'd against it Rather then such good people shall be thought to forsake the Land for Debt or Danger the Church shall be accus'd for laying the heavy burthen of Conformity upon their Consciences which neither they nor their fore-fathers the old English Puritans were resolved to bear For what else were those sinful Corruptions of this Church in Government and Worship which laid hold of their Consciences as our Author words it but the Government of the Church by Bishops the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church here by law establisht which yet must be allowed of by our Author as the more true and real cause of their Separation then that which we finde in Mr. Edwards Nor can our Author save himself by his parenthesis in which he tells us that he uses their language only for using it without check or censure he makes it his own as well as theirs and â—ustifies them in the action which he should have condemn'd Fol. 214. Here Mr. Christopher Love gave great offence to the Royalists in his Sermon shewing the impossibility of an Agreement c. This happen'd at the Treaty at Vxbridge where he had thrust himself as the Commissioners affirm'd upon that attendance And for the words at which the offence was taken they were these viz. That the Kings Commissioners came with Hearts full of bloud and that there was as great distance between that Treaty and Peace as between Heaven and Hell For which though some condemn him for want of charity and others for want of discretion yet our Author seems more willing to have mens censures fall lightly on him because since he hath suffered and so saâ—â—fied here for his faults in this or any other kinde This Rule I both approve and am willing to practise and could wish our Author were so minded who will not let the Archbishop of Canterbury be at rest in his grave after all his sufferings notwithstanding the great difference between the persons and the impulsives to their deaths But Mr. Love was Mr. Love and Bishop Laud was but a Bishop to whom now we come Fol. 216. As appears by his own Diary which if evidence against him for his faults may be used as a witness of his good works The Diary which our Author speaks of was the Archbishops practical Commentary on those words of David viz. Teach me O Lord so to number my days that I may apply my heart unto wisdom No memorable passage hapned in the whole course of his life till the end of May 1633. when his Papers were seis'd on by Mr. Prin which he had not book'd in a Memorial by the way of a Diary or Journal Out of which though Mr. Prin excerpted nothing but that which he conceiv'd might tend most visibly to his disgrace and disadvantage and publish'd it to that end in pâ—int yet when it came to the perusal of equal and indifferent men it was so far from serving as an evidence of his faults as our Author words it that it shew'd him to be a Man of Exemplary Piety in himself unmov'd fidelity to his friend of most perfect loyalty to his Master and honest affections to the Publick He that shall look upon the list of the things projected to be done and in part done by him fol. 28 29. will finde that both his heart was set on and his hand engag'd in many excellent pieces of work tending to the great honour and benefit both of Church and State not incident to a man of such narrow comprehensions as some of his profest Enemies were pleas'd to make him Certain I am that as Mr. Prin lost his end so he could not get much thanks for that piece of service Fol. 217. He is generally charged with Popish inclinations and the story is commonly told and believ'd of a Lady c. Here is a charge of the Archbishops inclination unto Popery and the proof nothing but a tale and the tale of a Lady Quid vento Mulier Quid Muliere Nihil The substance of the tale is this that a certain Lady if any Lady may be certain who turning Papist was askt by the Archbishop the cause of her changing to which she answered that it was because she alwayes hated to go in a croud And being askt the meaning of that expression she replyed again that she perceiv'd his Lordship and many others making haste to Rome and therefore to prevent going in a press she had gone befoâ—e them Whether this tale be true or false though he doth not know yet he resolves to set it down and to set it down also with this Item that it was generally believ'd Be it so for once For not being able to disprove it I shall quit our Author with one story and satisfie the equal Reader with another First for my Author I have heaâ—d a tale of a Lady too to whose Table one Mr. Fuller was a welcome though a frequent guest and being asked once by her whether he would please to eat the wing of a Woodcâ—ck he would needs put her to the question how her Ladyship knew it was a Woodcock and not a Woodhen And this he pressed with such a troublesome impoâ—tunity that at last the Lady answered with some shew of displeasure that the woodcock was Fuller headed Fuller breasted Fuller thighed and in a word every way Fullâ—r Whether this tale
alwaies done where ever I am and therein I pray God still to bless us and preserve us all And now out of all this which I have faithfully related I trust that those who intend their ANIMADVERSIONS upon his History will have enough to say and insert in their own Stile for the vindication of SIR Your Affectionate most humble SERVANT J. C. You know Monsieur Dallê to be one of the greatest account and the best Deserts amongst the reformed Church-men in France It will not be amiss to let you know upon thiâ— occâ—sion what he wrote to a Schollar a Friend of his and an University-man in Cambridge for these were the words in his Letter Tuus Cosins imò noster intercedit enim nobis cum illo suavis amicitia atque familiaritas mihi admodùm probatur Bestiae sunt quidem fanatici qui eum de Papismo suspectum habent à quo vix reperias qui sit magis alienus c. Thus having laid before the Reader both the Bill and Answer I leave him to make Judgment of it by the Ruleâ— of Equity remembring him of that old Saying Videlicet Qui statuit aliquid parte in audita altera Equum licet statuerit haud Equus fuit FINIS Examen Historicum OR A DISCOVERY AND EXAMINATION OF THE Mistakes Falsities and Defects In some Modern HISTORIES Part. II. Containing some Advertisements on these following HISTORIES Viz. 1. The compleat History of Mary Queen of Scots and her Son and Successor King James the sixth 2. The History of the Reign and death of King James of Great Britain France and Ireland the first 3. The compleat History of the Life and Reign of King Charls from his Cradle to his Grave Terent. in Andr. Act. 1. Obsequium amicoâ— veritas caium pariâ— LONDON Printed for Henry Seal and R. Royston and are to be sold over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleet-street and at the Angel in 〈…〉 The PREâ—ACE to the follovving ADVERTISEMENTS THe former Animadversions being brought to an end I am in the next place to encounter with an easier Adversary In whom though I finde worâ— enough as â—o matter of Historical Falshoods â—et â— finde no malicious and dangerous untruths destructive to the Church of England or to the â—ame and â—o nor of the Prelates or the reâ—ular Clerâ—◠〈◊〉 have therefore given the Tulâ— oâ— Advertisements to the second part of this Eâ—â—men that â—eing as a gentler so a â—itter term 〈…〉 which is not onely to correct such 〈…〉 â—inde differing from the â—ruth but 〈…〉 the defects of our Author in 〈…〉 which I conceive his care or 〈◊〉 might have led him to Betwixt us both I â—ope the Râ—ader will be 〈◊〉 in the truâ—â—â—nduct of Aâ—â—â—urs as thâ—y come bâ—â—ore â—im And if the Author of the three Histories which I have in hand bring no less ingenuity and candor with him to the perusal of these Papers then I did to the writing of them there will be no need of any such sâ—urrilous unhandsom expressions as his Post-haste Reply c. is most guilty of but whether he do or not is to me indifferent being prepared before I undertook the business â—o endure chearfully all such Censures as my desires to vindicate the injured Truth and truly to inform the Iudgement of the equal Reader should expose me to And herewith I shall put an end to my correcting of the Errors in other mens Writings though I confess I might finde work enough in that kinde if I were so minded most of our late Scripturients affecting rather to be doing then to be punctual and exact in what they doe as if they were of the same mind with the Apeâ—Carrier in the History of Don-Quixot who eared not if his Comediâ—s had as many Errors in them as there are motes in the Sun so he might stuff his Purse with Crowns and get money by tâ—em The small remainder of my liâ—e will be better spent in looking back upon those Errors which the infirmities of nature and other humane frailties have made me subject to that so I may redeem the time because my former days were evil I shall hereafter be onely on the defensive side and study my own preservation if I shall causelesly be assaulted without provoking any by a fresh encounter and doing no otherwise I hope I shall be held excusable both by God and man Viribus utendum est quas fecimus was Caesars resolution when oppressed by an unjust Faction and may without offence be mine when I shall be necessitated thereunto by an unjust Adversary With the like hope I also entertain my self in reference to some freedom which I have made use of in laying down the conduct of such â—ffairs as may concern posterity to be truly informed in For though I neither hope nor wish to live under such a Government ubi â—entire quae velis quae sentias loqui liceat in which it may be lawful for any man to be of what Opinion he will and as freelâ— to publisâ— his Opinions yet on the other â—ide I hope â—t may be lawful for me in 〈◊〉 to memory the actions of the present or preceding times to make use of such a modest freedom as without partiality and respect of persons may represent the true condition of affairs in their proper colours For I conceive it no less necessary in a just Historian not to suppose that which he knoweth to be true ne quid veri non audeat as the old Rule was then it is for him to deliver any thing which he knows to be false or in the truth whereof he is not very well informed The present times had reaped no benefit by the Histories of the Ages past if the Miscarriages of great Persons and the errors by them committed in the managery and transaction of publick business had not been represented in them which having said I shall no longer detain the Reader from reaping that commodity which these Advertisements may afford him his satisfaction being the cause and his content the recompence of these undertakings ADVERTISEMENTS ON 1. The compleat History of MARY Queen of Scots and of her Son and Successor King James the sixth AND 2. The History of the Reign and Death of King James of Great Britain France and Ireland the first Enniusap Tâ—ll de Offic Homo qui â—rranti comiter monstrat viam Quasi lumen de lumine suo accâ—ndat facit ADVERTISMENTS On the Compleat HISTORY OF Mary Queen of Scotland AND King Iames the sixth IN the Preface to the following History we are told that on the composing of the French quarrels by King Hâ—nâ—y the eighth there followed the surrendry of Tourney and Overtures of a match between the Dolphin and Henries Sister To Rectifie which errour we are to know that betwixt â—he taking and surrendry of Tourney there were two acâ—ords made with the French The first between King Henryâ—nd â—nd Lewis the twelfth in which it was conditioned amongst
Commons in matters Doctrinally delivered without the least diminution of the Kings Authority in Ecclesiastical Causes there is nothing of the Presbyter or the Papist to be charged upon him as the Historian to create him the greater odium would fain have it to be Fol. 115. But how suddenly the Commons House 〈◊〉 upon the Lorâ—s liberties excluding the words the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in the very grant of the Bill of Subsidies c. And to say truth the Lords were but serv'd in their own kinde who having so unworthily joyn'd with the Commons in devesting the King from whom they deriv'd all their Honors of his just Prerogatives are now assaulted by those Commons and in danger of losing their own Rights which by the favor of the King or his Predecessors were conferr'd upon them which might have given them a sufficient warning but that there was a Spirit of Inâ—atuation over all the Land not to joyn with them any more in the like Designs against the King whose Authority could not be diminisht without the lessening of their own nor any Plot carried on toward his Destruction by which they would not be reduc'd to the same condition with the rest of the People But Quos Iupiter vult perdere dementat prâ—us so it prov'd with them Fol. 123. His body brought to York House and after sumptuously intombed at Westminster in St. Edwards Chappel The Church of Westminster was indeed founded by King 〈◊〉 the Confessour whom they called sometimes by the name of St. Edward the King 〈◊〉 that part of it that lies betwen the crosse Isle and the Chappel of King Henry 〈…〉 best known by the name of the Chappel of 〈◊〉 by reason of the many Kings and Queens which are there 〈◊〉 In a side Isle or inclosure whereof the Dukes body was Sumptuously interred with this glorious Epitaph which in honour of his invincible fidelity to his gracious Masters for I am otherwise a meer stranger to all his Selatious I shall here Subjoyn P. M. S. Vanae multitudinis improperium hic jacet Cujus tamen Hispania Prudentiam Gallia Fortitudinem Belgia Industriam Tota Europa mirata est Magnanimitatem Quem Daniae Sweciae Reges integerrimum Germaniae Transilvaniae Nassautiae Princip Ingenuum Veneta Reipublica Philobasileia Sahaudiae Lotharingiae Duces Politicum Palatinus Comes Fidelem Imperator Pacificum Turca Christianum Papa Protestantem Experti sunt Quem Anglia Archithalassum Cantabrigia Cancellarium Buckinghamia Ducem habuit Verùm siste viator quid ipsa Invidia Sugillare nequâ—t audi Hic est ille Calamitosae virtutis Buckinghamius Maritus redamatus Pater amaâ—s Filius obsequens Frater amicissimus Affinis Beneficus Amicus perpetuus Dominus Benignus Optimus omnium servus Quem Reges adamarunt optimates honorarunt Ecclesia deflevit Vulgus Oderunt Quem Iacobus Carolus Regum perspicacissimi intimum habuerunt A quibus Honoribus auctus negotiis onustus Fato succubuit Antequam par animo periculum invenit Quid jam Peregrine Aenigma mundi moritur Omnia fuit nec quidquam habuit Patriae parens hostis audiit Deliciae idem querela Parliamenti Quidum Papistis bellum infert insimulatur Papista Dum Protestantium partibus consulit Occiditur à Protestante Tesseram specta rerum humanarum At non est quòd serio triumphet malitia Interimere potuit laedere non potuit Scilicet has preces fundens expiravit Tuo ego sanguine potiar mi Iesu dum mali pascuntur meo Fol. 127. But the Religious Commons must reform Gods causâ— before the Kings nor would they be prescribed their Consultations but resolved to remit the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage at pleasure This is another new incroachment of the House of Commons that is to say the poasting off of the Kings businesse and the publick concernments of the State till they had either lessened his prerogative weakned the Authority of the Church or advanced the interest of the people Which resolution of not being prescribed their Consâ—ltations became at last so fixt amongst them that when the King had frequently recommended to them his Message of the 20. of Ianuary Anno 1641. So necessary for the setling of the peace of the Kingdome they returned answer at the last that it was an infringing of their Priviledges to be pâ—est with any such Directions Fol. 128. And King Iames commended them over to the Synod of Dort and there asserted by suffrage of those Doctors and were afterwards commended to the Convocation in Ireland Our Authour takes this Errour from the former Historian but takes no notice of the correction of it by the Observator though it â—ppears by his citation in the margin that he had consulted with those Observations in this very point And therefore I must let him know since otherwise he will not take notice of it that this is a strange Hysteron Proteron setting the Cart before the Horse as we use to phrase it The Convocation in Ireland by which the Articles of Lambeth were incorporated into the Articles of that Church was holden in the Year 1615. the Synod of Dort not held till three years after anno 1618. and therefore not to Dâ—rt first and to Ireland afterwards The like mistake in point of time we finde in our Authour fol. 134. where speaking of that wilde distemper which hapned in the House of Commons on the dissolving of the Parliament Anno 1628. he telleth us That the effects of those Malignities flew over Seas and infected the French Parliaments about this time where that King discontinued the Assemblies of the three Estates upon farre lesse Provocations Whereas he lets us know from the Observator within few lines after that those Assemblies of the three Estates in Francâ— were discontinued by King Lewis thâ— 13. and a new form of Assembly instituted in the place thereof Anno 1614. So that the malignity of those distempers which happened in the Parliament of England Anno 1628. could not about that time passe over the Seas and infect the French Parliaments which had been discontinued and dissolved 14. years before Fol. 133. This was ratiâ—ied by the Contract of this Nation which the Conquerour upon his admittance had declared and confirmed in the Laws which he published Our Author speaks this of an hereditary Freedom which is supposed to have been in the English Nation from paying any Tax or Tallage to the King but by Act of Parliament And I would fain learn so much of him as to direct me to some creditable Authour in which I may finde this pretended contract between the Norman Conquerour and the English Subject and in what Book of Statutes I may finde these Laws which were publisht by him to that purpose The Norman Conquerour knew his own strength too well to reign precariò to ground his Title on his admittance by the people or to make any such contract with them by which he might more easily win them
both Kingdoms and the payment of Advance-Money beforehand to the Sum of an hundred thousand pounds the Scots resolv'd not to stir a foot in their way towards England They knew in what necessity their dear Brethren in England stood of their Assistance and therefore thought it good to make â—ay while the Sun shiâ—â—d and husband that necessity to their best Advantage So that there was no Marching over Tine on the 13. of March Anno 164â— where our 〈…〉 it we must look for it in the Year next following if we mean to finde it And finding them there we shall finde this of them Fol. 669. 〈…〉 with a party of Horse to assault them in such places where they lay most open to advantage not doubting but to give a good account of his undertakings In all which 〈◊〉 and desires he is said to have been crossed by General 〈◊〉 an old experienced Soldier but a Scot by Nation whom hiâ— Majesty had recommended to the Marquess of Newcastle as a fit man to be consulted with in all his Enterprizes and he withal took such a fancy to the man that he was guided wholly by him in all his Actions Had this man been imployed in the Kings own Army he might have done as good Service as any other whatâ—oeverâ— But being in this Army to serve against the Scots 〈◊〉 own dear Countrey-Men he is said to have discouraged and disswaded all Attempts which were offered to be made against them giving them thereby opportunity of gaining ground upon the English till the Marquess his retreat towards York And those affections he is reported to have carried also with him in the Battle of Marston-Moor near York where he is said to have charged so faintly that he not onely lost all thâ—se Advantages which the Prince had gotten but gave the Enemy my opportunity to make head again to the loss of all which brings into my minde the politick Conduct of Eumenes once one of Alexanders meanest Captains but afterwards a great Commander in Asia-minor He had an Army compounded of the Greek and Barbarous Nations and being to fight with Craterus Alexanders great Favorite whilst he lived who had an Army made up of the like Ingredients he plac'd 〈◊〉 Asiatick Soldiers against the 〈…〉 Fol. 604. 〈…〉 Our Author speaks this of the Divines asâ—embled at Westmâ—â—ster by an Oâ—din of the Lords and Commons to be advis'd withal in matters which concerned Religion for the establishing whereof there was much pretended by them but little done These men besides their four 〈◊〉 per diem were either gratified with Lectures in and about London or 〈◊〉 in the Universities or the best Sequestred Benefices in the Countrey holding their own preferment still without sticking at such Pluralities in themselves which before they had condemn'd in others But though they did little work for their Wages yet they did moâ—e then our Author speaks of Ceâ—tain I am that they rose not without 〈◊〉 their intended Directory publisht in Print and Authorized by an Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament The â—itle of the Book runs thus viz. A Directory for the publick Worship of God throughout the three Kingdoms of England Scotland and Ireland c. Printed at London for the Company of Stationers The Ordinance bears Daâ—e on the third of January Anno 1644. and is thus Entituled viz. An Ordinance of Parliament for the taking away of the Book of Common Praâ—er and for the establishing and putting in Execution of the Directory for the publick Worship of God By which we see that their intended Directory was not onely finished but also Authorized and published before they roâ—e Though our Author speaking again of these Divines fol. 974. and in the year 1647. telleth us That the Prince Elector was 〈◊〉 by the Commons to sit amongst them for his 〈◊〉 in the Composure of the Directory which will come out one day The Directory was come out before and if the Prince 〈◊〉 sat not with them till 1647. as our Author 〈◊〉 it he must needs come too late to give them any assistance in that Composure 〈…〉 Fâ—elding was questioned and committed at Oxford and by a Councel of War sentenced to 〈◊〉 his Head c. But this I look upon as a Court Pageant onely to entertain the People and take off their edge against the man who certainly was a person of too much Honor Vaâ—or and Fidelity to betray the Town if he could possibly have held it Although the King knew well enough and knew withal how unable he was at that time to give him any â—it supplies or to â—aise the â—iege though it conâ—ern'd him for the reputatâ—on of his Cause to march in Person unto Reading and shew his willingness to relieve it But so great a fear fell on all those that were in Oxford and such a general Report there was of Fieldings Treachery that to appease their murmuâ—ings and compose their thoughts Fielding was called in question and condemned to die a Scaffold set up in the Castle Green for his Execution and a day appointed on which he was to be Beheaded Before which time the Earl of Essex not advancing and the â—it being over the Execution was â—eprieved till a further time and Fielding by degrees recovered as much estimation amongst those at Oxâ—ord as formerly he had attained to in the Court or Camp And to say truth the fear at Oxford was not 〈◊〉 when the News came of the taking of Reâ—â—ing the Town being â—o unfortified on the North side of it the King so 〈◊〉 at that time of necessary Ammunition to make good the place that it could not possibly have been deâ—ended i◠〈◊〉 had marched directly towards it and 〈…〉 Fol. 615. And brought to bed at Exceter of a Daughter the 16. of June named Henrietta Maria Not so but Henrietta only Maria is added by our Authour who was none of the Gossips and therefore should not take upon him to name the childe But such Misnomers are so frequent in him as might make a sufficient Errata at the end of his History were there none else in it Fol. 622. And so a New one was framed engraven thereon the picture of the House of Commons and Members sitting Reversed the Arms of England and Ireland â—rosse and Harp pale â— If so this new Seal could not so properly be called the Great Seal of England but the great Seal of the House of Commons represented in it who are so far from being the High Court of Parliament though were they such they could have no Authority for a Great Seal of their own that they are not so much as Members of the Great Councell Most true it is that the prevailing party in both Houses of Parliament conceived it necessary to have a Great Seal lying by them as well for the dispatch of such Commissions as they well to speed in in reference to the present War as for the sealing of such Decrees and processes as were to be
have read that he called in any of the Scyâ—hick Nations to assist him against the Saracens so there was no reason why he should The Saracens in his time had neither extended their Conquests nor wasted his Empire so far Northwards as to necessitate him to invite any such Rake-Hâ—ll Rabble of Scythâ—ans to oppose their proceedings By doing whereof he must needs expose as great a part of his Dominioâ—s to the spoil of the Scythians as had been wasted and in part conquered by the Saracens I read indeed That Cosâ—oâ—s one of the Kings of Persia the better to annoy Herâ—â—lius in those parts of the Empire which were dearest to him hired a compounded Army of Sâ—laves Avares Gepidâ— and others neighboring near unto them to invade Thrace and lay siege unto Constantinople the Imperial Seat to curb whose Insolencies and restrain their further progress into the heart of that Countrey Heraclius hired another Army compounded of the like Scythick Nations which in those days passed under the common name of the Chasnari and it was very wisely done For by that means he did not onely waste those Barbarous Nations all of them being his very bad Neighbors in warring one against another but reserved his own Subjects for some other occasions And as it was done wisely so was it done as lawfully also there being no Law of God or Man which prohibits Princes when they are either invaded by a foreign Enemy or overlaid by their own Subjects to have recourse to such helps as are nearest to them or most like to give them their Assistance Which point our Author prosecutes to a very good purpose though he mistake himselfe in the instance before laid down The Irish were then upon the point of calling the French unto their aid under pretence that their own King was not able to protect them against the Forces of those men who had conâ—iscated their Estates and were resolved upon their final extermination And had the King upon the first rising of the Scots poured in an Army of the Danes to waste their Countrey and fall upon them at their backs as Heraclius poured in the Câ—snari upon the Selaves Avares and the rest of that Rabble he had done his work and he had done it with half the charge but with more security then the bare ostentation of bringing an English Army to the Borders of Scotland did amount unto Which as he might have done with less charges so I am sure he might have done it with far more security The Danes being Lutherans fear nothing more then the grouth of the Calvinian party and therefore would have fought with the greater Zeal and the fiercer Courage on the very merit of the cause And having no confederacies or correspondencies with the Scots in order to Liberty or Religion as the Scots had with too many of the people of England the King might have relied upon them with a greater confidence then he could do on a mixt Body of his own in which the Puritan party being more pragmatical might have distempered all the rest Such aids were offered him by his Uncle of Denmark when the two Houses had first armed his people against him But he refused them then for fear of justifying a Calumny which cunningly had been cast upon him of admitting Foreign Nations into the Kingdom to suppress the Liberties of the people and to change their Laws Afterwards when he sought for them then the could not have them the Houses no less cunning hiring the Swedes to pick a Quarrel with the Danes the better to divert that King from giving assistance to his Nephew in his greatest needs But the consideration of this mistake in my Author about the Scythians hath ingaged me further in this point then I meant to have been I go on again Fol. 1002. But the Members were not well at ease unlâ—sse some settlement were made for them by Orders and Ordinances c. â— Nor were they at ease till they had made the like settlement for some others beside themselves Some sequestred Divines conceiving that all things were agreed on between the King and the Army had unadvisedly put themselves into their Benefices and outed such of the Presbyterians as had been placed in them by the Committee for Plandered Ministers or the Committees in the Countrey And on the other side divers Land-holders in the Countrey conceiviâ—g that those Ministers who had been put into other mens livings could not sue in any Court of Law for the Tythes and Profits of those Churches for want of a Legall Title to them did then more resolutely then ever refuse to make payment of the same For remedy of which two mischiefs the Independent Members having setlâ—d themselves by Orders and Ordinances concur with the Presbyterian Members to settle their Brethren of the Clergy in a better condition then before And to that end they first obtained an Ordinance dated the 9. of August Anno 1647. in which it is declared That every Minister put or which shall be put into any Parsonage Rectory Vicarage or Ecclesiasticall Living by way of Sequestration or otherwise by both or either the Houses of Parliament or by any Committee or other person or persons by Authority of any Ordinance or Order of Parliament shall and may sâ—e for the Recovery of his Tythes Rents and other duties by vertue of the said Ordinance in as full and ample manner to all intents and purposes as any other Minister or other person whatsoever This being obtain'd to keep in awe the Landholders for the time to come they obtained another Ordinance dated the 23 of the same Moneth for keeping the poor sequestred Clergy in a far greater awe then the others were by which iâ— was Ordered and Ordained That all Sheriffs Mayors Bayliffs Justices of the Peace Deputy Lieutenants and Committees of Parliament in the several Counties Cities and places within this Kingdom do forthwith apprehend or cause to be apprehended all such Minister as by authority of Parliament have been put out of any Church or Chappell within this Kingdom or any other person or persons who have entred upon any such Church or Chappell or gained the possession of such Parsonage Houses â—ithes and profits thereunto belonging or have obstructed the payment of Tithes and other profits due by the Parishioners to the said Ministers there placed by Authority of Parliament or Sequestrators appointed where no Ministers are setled to receive the same and all such persons as have been Aiders Abettors or Assisters in the Premises and commit them to prison there to remain until such satisfaction be made unto the severall Ministers placed by the said Authority of Parliament for his or their damages sustained as to the said Sheriffs Mayors c. shall appear to be just c. So little got the Sequestred Clergy by their Petition and Addresse to Sir Thomas Faâ—rfâ—x that their condition was made worse by it then it was before in that the Acts of the Committees