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A64888 The history of the government of France, under the administration of the great Armand du Plessis, Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu, and chief minister of state in that kingdome wherein occur many important negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time : with politique observations upon the chapters / translated out of French by J.D. Esq.; Histoire du ministere d'Armand Jean du Plessis, cardinal duc de Richelieu, sous le regne de Louis le Juste, XIII, du nom, roy de France et de Navarre. English Vialart, Charles, d. 1644.; J. D. (John Dodington) 1657 (1657) Wing V291; ESTC R1365 838,175 594

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number and that they wanted several necessaries for a long siege rendered themselves upon composition The Sieur d' Harcourt Marshall of the Camp was sent by the Marquis to make himselfe master of Chiavenue whilest himself was at Travone which he forced after a long siege so that there only remained the Fort of Rive toward which he advanced the Armie but it was expedient first to passe by Campo where the Spaniards had taken up their Quarters and to force them out of it The resolution was taken to fight them and orders given accordingly which the Spaniards perceiving they clapt some Regiments into Campo to fortifie it and seeing our men come on they sallyed out about 200. paces from their workes and received them with all the markes of a resolute courage but without any advantage for that ours assaulted them so strongly and couragiously that without longer holding the businesse in suspence they forced them to retire in disorder and being desirous to prosecute the point of their victory they would still have gone on but were met with by fresh Spaniards who beate them back to the foot of the mountaine but with little successe too for ours being presently seconded killed many of them put the rest to flight and followed them 500. paces on the other side of Campo The Marquisse who knew his men were used to pillage and that victories ought not to keep an Army in negligence and security presently sent de vaux Ayde de Camp to rally the French together who were dispersed up and down but this could not be done so soon but that the Spaniards being ashaned of their flight return'd and fell upon them killed some and put the rest into disorder However it is true this advantage lasted not long for our men fought so stoutly that the Spaniards lost more men then wee and resolved to quit Campo the day following and to retire themselves to Rive Their successes were very happy and they who would know the true cause of them must understand that though a very great share may be attributed to the good conduct of the Marquiss and to the valour of his souldiers yet the Cardinal deserved the greatest prayse who advised to this enterprise who contrived the meanes and removed all obstacles and began it in such a time when all the Emperors and King of Spaines forces were before Breda and who were perswaded wee would not have attempted any thing upon these Forts they being in the Popes hands with whom the Spaniard had so wrought that he should not part with them either by terrifying him that they would relaps into the power of the Grisons who were Hereficks or by giving hopes that in the conclusion there would be some means of accommodation found out but all was to keep them in their own power Politique observation HE who guides and directs great enterprises by his Councils hath more share in the glory of them then they who execute and act them It is Prudence which prevents an enemy and taketh him at unawares which diverts his Forces and which knoweth how to fight and with such advantage that he is easily overcome Hereupon Guicciardin saith in his History that the Prudence of one great Personage in a State doeth more then all the Arms of the world and Philosophie teacheth us that counsel is the most heavenly thing in all the world that is it which renders men most like the Deity whose property it is as the Apostle saith to do all things by the Counsel of his will T. Livy being much of the same mind saith he hath often heard it reported among Souldiers that who so knoweth best to command deserveth the first place and who so to obey the second place It cannot be denied but that there is as much need of executing as giving good advices because if there were no one to put them into action good Counsels would be to no purpose but withal it must be concluded That Counsel is so much the more excellent in that it is the Child of the first and chiefest vertue which is Prudence whereas action the effect of it is the Child only of force which is much beneath it The Sea-men indeed are in continual motion in their Ships to given order for several things somtimes labouring to turn about their Sayles and Cords and anon mounting up into the Bound-house to discrie the enemy by and by to stop some leak in the Ship where the water breaks in and thus they have much more labour then the Pilot whose mind though is in more agitation then their bodies he working in his thoughts and judgment to keep all safe from the storms and Rocks to guide her home without being wraked by those operations of his which are so much the more noble then theirs by how much the acts of the Soul surpasse those of the Body Who can without injustice ascribe more honour to those who execute an enterprise then to him who by the fulness of his Soul first contrived it digested it by his Prudence found out means by the power of his judgment to set it on working removed by his ingenuity all such obstacles as might oppotse it foresaw all difficulties in it and gave necessary orders for the carrying of it on to a happy successe To speak truly it cannot be without robbing him of that which justly belongs unto him But who can doubt of this truth after he who amongst Kings was accompted the wisest and whose Pen was guided by the Holy Ghost the Author of Truth hath said it Wisdome is more to be esteemed then force and a wise man deserves more honour then he who is esteemed valiant The Pope seemes to the Cardinal de la Valette the Sieur de Bethune to be very angry that the King should attempt upon the Forts in the Valtoline which were in his keeping THE Pope was very much troubled at the first news which he heard of those succours given to the Grisors by his Majesties Armes leagued with those of Venice and Savoy for recovery of the Valtonine The Sunday following he was seen in his Chappel to be very mellancholy and cloudy he made heavy complaints to the Cardinal de la Vulette that those Forts in his Custody should be assaulted being garded by his Ensigns testifying to him a great desire he had to see the Sieur de Bethune that he might tell him how much he resented it The Sieur de Bethune hearing of it sent to demand audience not so much to give any satisfaction to his grievances as to discover his disposition which anger would lay open sooner then any thing and to fortifie him against such discourses wherewith the Partakers of Spain would endeavour to exasperate him As soon as the Pope saw him he told him he could never have imagined that the Arms of France would have fallen upon those of the Church but his Holiness was not long unanswered the Sieur de Bethune telling him That the King his Master was
entred without any resistance but he having first given the Allarum to the Town he who commanded the Fort had the leisure to put himself into a Posture of defence and to shut the Gate but the Sieur de Soubize did not long keep the Town in his power for the Duke of Vendosm then Governour of Brittain hearing of it presently sent to all the Nobility of the Province with order to bring all the men they could every one of which came with great diligence The Duke of Vendosm comming Post found that the Sieur de Querrollin entred into the Fort with store of Souldiers Victuals and Ammunition The Duke of Rets and Brissac came at the same instant of time as also those Gentlemen who were in a condition thereabouts and the chief amongst them being in Counsel together it was concluded to build a new Fort just over against the old one with intent to batter the Ships of the Sieur de Soubize and to sink those with more ease which he should attempt to carry out of the Port as also to assault the Town in six several places The Fort was finished in a trice and a Battery presently Planted but as soon as ever the Town should have been assaulted both he and his Souldiers forsook the place Withall to bring the design to a good passe they played with their shot day and night upon the Ships where he was and the Cannon did such execution that he was forced to hoise Sail which he did by the help of a dark night and a strong wind which carried him over the Cables that were overthwart the Port though the Cannon indeed sunk the best of the Duke of Nevers Ships and forced four of the greatest on Shore at the mouth of the Port which were taken and in fine he sled towards Rochel who were not behind hand as also the whole body of the Hugonots to disown it by their Deputies and by their Declarations which they sent the King Politique Observation IT is a dangerous Deficiency in Governours of Provinces not to keep good watch and ward in times of Peace upon places of importance especially on the Sea-Coast and such States as are subject to be agitated with Civil Wars For what neglect is committed in this point doth much help and assist those who would imbroyl things and who may come by Sea upon a sudden to surprize them Holy Writ tels us That they of the Tribe of Dan being informed that the Inhabitants of Laish were secure and suspected nothing went assaulted them took their Town without resistance put them all to the Sword and burned their City Did not Francis the first upon his expedition into Italy and by the surprize of Villa Franca teach all Governours of all Places that there is no consideration whatever can exempt them from alwaies being upon their Guards and that it is without reason that they think themselves secure either by the strength of their Fortifications or by the far distance of their enemies For Prospero Collonna who commanded that Town and making merry without the least suspicion upon confidence that the King was far enough off from him was surprised by the Sieur de Palisse which he heard not of before he saw him in his Quarters It is true he himself might be excused in regard his Sentinels were taken and that some of the Inhabitants held Intelligence with the Sieur de la Palisse but however the whole misfortune was laid in his dish though he was a brave Commander yet he was much blamed it being not permitted to a man of that condition to say I did not think I was in any danger For this very reason it was that Iphicrates one of the Athenians most renowned Captains would have his Army alwaies upon their guard or in a posture to fight during times of Peace in the same manner as if in the heat of War and he answered some who misliked his curiosity that one ought alwaies to suspect who would not be surprized Indeed vigilance is one of the most necessary qualities for a Governour of a Place he ought to esteem that the honour which he hath in commanding to be but a glorious servitude That in Commanding all he is bound to watch for all that he remember Governments are called charges and that the name of Charge which he hath ought to teach him that it is a burthen committed to his Prudence and that the place which is intrusted with him is not barely recommended to him but he to the place to be guarded and conserved with his best care Anno Dom. 1625. EVERY one takes delight in the Spring time to consider the Face of the World when as the hand of God guides the Sun a little nearer to us to behold that fair Star establishing a serenity and calmnesse in the ayr before troubled with Tempests to see the Earth replenished with a thousand Ornaments of Beauty before languishing and quite decayed by the bitternesse of Winter and to view Plenty introduced in the room of Barrennesse which the Hoar Frosts and Snows had left behind them But how much more delightfull was it to look upon France presently after it had pleased his Majesty to advance the Cardinal to the Government of Affairs who like a Sun which should be the greatest instrument of his glory began to re-assume his ancieat Splendour and to dispel by little and little those causes of Civil Wars which did every year renew themselves in the State to set bounds to the ambition of strangers and to establish such an order under the Kings authority which is not onely the happiest but most Illustrious of all other Kingdomes The increase of glory which his Majesty every day gave to this Minister did serve to augment his courage and raised new lights in his Soul subtilized his Prudence and furnished him with occasions to demonstrate to the World that he was amongst those Ministers of whom History gives us such commendations to be as the Cedar amongst the Hysop He could not be enough admired seeing his whole life was nothing but a Publick imployment and who absolutely renouncing the idle voluptuousnesse of several other Favourites who seem to think on no other thing then to indulge themselves with those favours which fortune presents to them had his mind without any intermission still affixed upon high designs tending to the glory and Grandure of his Master He knew that immoderate unseasonable delights did rob Ministers of State of a thousand fair opportunities That it is impossible to serve the Publick and injoy the pleasures of this life he made open profession he had none but such as were necessary for an honest diversion and certainly if pleasures could not bewitch him interest nor profit could never Charm him or get any power over his Will Honour was the chief aim which he proposed in all his actions which he sought for in his Masters glory and he scorned all profit which did keep him off from it But that
to fight gave the signal and fell upon them the Seamen were so dexterous that they got the wind of them in lesse then two hours there were above two thousand shot made and though the night came on yet the Fight ended not for the Duke perceiving nine of the greatest Ships retiring towards Rochel pursued them with such good successe that hee came up with them about day break and two others of their biggest Ships were not able to get off for want of water and so stuck on ground but long they did not so continue before they were taken It is true those of the Army who were got upon the Orelop and having killed all they met with the Souldiers who were in the Hold set fire to the Powder and blew up all above with such force that the Splinters of it were carried a quarter of a League off three of the Kings Ships were burned with it and above three hundred men lost amongst which were the Count of Vauvert the Sieur de Ville Neufeu and Veilon a Captain of Holland This accident did much take off from the content of the Victory yet it cannot be denied but that it was glorious enough for the happinesse of France in reducing the Rebels to that passe that they could not any more make any attempts by Sea Thus the rest of their Vessels which were of no great consequence retired some to Rochel and some into other places according as the Wind did drive them but never durst afterwards appear any more These things thus ended the Duke of Montmorancy landed at Oleron where he met with no resistance the Sieur de Soubize having withdrawn himself into England so that the whole Province was setled in quiet both by Sea and Land of all which his Majesty was very certainly informed who received the newes with much joy Politick Observation WHatever joys or delights Fortune insinuateth into those who revolt yet it is usually seen that all their designs end in ill success Experience hath made it often manifest that such Crimes seldome go unpunished and that Heaven hath used to sacrifice them to example They cannot more properly bee likened to any thing then to those high Mountains the points of whose Rocks seem to hreaten Heaven and which sending forth store of Clouds out of their Bosomes seem to obscure the light of the Sun though at last they are all dissipated by that fair Planet of the day who making those very same Clouds into Thunder-bolts causeth them to fall down upon them for to chastise their Insolency And is it not the same thing with Grandees who revolt and Rebell After they have made some attempts upon the Authority of their Soveraign are they not in fine ruined and brought into extremities by the Power of his Armes who takes occasion to crush them to peeces with that Power which they would have usurped themselves and did not of right belong unto them History abounds with exemplary Proofs of this Truth the many that are would spoil the design of quoting two or three onely But for the greater illustration of it I shall say thus much the injustice of a Cause is almost an infallible sign of an ill successe seeing Heaven doth commonly confound what Man hath wickedly built If at any time they shall become so powerfull as to secure themselves from the hazards of Battels yet they can never obtain a remission from Heaven They who attempt to grow great by unjust means will in fine meet their utter ruine God doth peradventure suffer them for the punishment of States to obtain advantages for some time but at last the violences which they Act fall upon themselves and they become a just subject for their Soveraigns Revenge The Arrival of Cardinal Barbirini in France as Legate from the Holy Chaire for the Affaires of the Valtoline WHilest the Fire of this Civil War was burning up of Languedoc The Cardinal Barbarini Legate from the Pope arrived in France and came to Marseille where he was received with great honour as also at Lyon according to the Orders sent by the King He came to Paris the one and twentieth of May and his Majesty caused his entrance to be made with the most Pomp that hath been seen for a person of his condition I shall not need insist on the relating that he is bound by the Laws of the Kingdome before he Officiate the Function of a Legate to present the Brief which the Pope hath given him for the imployment to the Parliament of Paris which is a Custome so ancient that I shall omit speaking any more of it but I shall observe that the Pope having ommitted in the Brief to give the King the Title of King of Navar which could not be denied to him without Injustice the Parliament refused to acknowledge it and obliged him not to make any further procedure in the businesse untill it were amended The Legate comming to Paris alighted at St. James de Haut-pas where the Clergy of the City the concourse of the Court and other Officers to the number of twelve thousand went to salute him and receive his Benediction After this the Prelates of Paris came to do their respects to him there was a little dispute in what habit they should appear before him the Legate desiring they should be in their Rockets and Camail covered over with a Mantlet as a mark that they had no power in his presence but the Prelates not being able to stoop to this Order by reason it was contrary to the Rules of the French Church it was concluded in the middle way between both to give some satisfaction to the Legate that they should go so habited to salute him and that they should accordingly accompany him in the Cavalcade to Nostre-Dame where being come they were to take off their Mantlets but all was done under a Proviso of saving their ancient right The King sent the Duke of Nemours the Sieur de Bonnevil the Introductor of Embassadours and several other Lords of great quality to receive him at his first arrival At night Monsieur the Kings Brother waited on him with a great number of Lords and saluted him with extraordinary respects and one his entrance accompanying him gave him the right hand The same day he had Audience from the King where nothing passed onely Complements but the next day he proposed what the Pope had given him in charge hee exhorted the King in general terms to Peace he urged his Majesty to restore things in the Valtoline to their former State as they were before the Army of the confederated Princes entred into it and beseeched him to grant a Cessation of Arms in Italy His Majesty answered to these three Propositions that he was ever inclined to Peace and that he would still be induced to it provided it were for the Publick safety and honourable for him and his Allies That as to what concerned the Valtoline the Treaty of Madrid made but a few years before
homage in that form which should be thought reasonable and in the mean while to beseech him that he would excuse him for some little time He presented unto his Majesty a Kennel of as find hounds as could be seen which his Majesty kindly accepted of and yet to let him see that he looked upon hunting onely as a diversion when other important State affairs gave him some leisure time he hereupon made him a discourse which is not amisse to be observed in this place for the instruction of Soveraigns in what degree they ought to hold those recreations which tend to their pleasure Cozen said he I have left off hunting I must confesse I delight in it when other affairs give me leave but at present my thoughts are altogether taken up to show how affectinately I interest my self with my Allies after I shall have relieved the Duke of Mantua I may perchance return to my old recreations till some other of my friends may have occasion to make use of me And most certain it is his pleasures never withdrew him from theears of his State He would be informed very exactly of all affairs how mean soever neither would he allot any time for the recreations which other Princes used to allow themselves because his piety forbid him as knowing them to be contrary to the Laws of God Politique Observation HUnting is a kind of war not onely not misbeseeming but sometimes very comendable in a Prince It was Xenophons advice in his Cyropaedia It teacheth them saith he to rise betimes It inures them to heats and colds habituates them to riding and all other labours The resistance which salvage beasts make against them teacheth them to fight and to use their Weapons seeing they ought to observe a time when to beat them when to prevent them and to have the free command of their body to cast themselves to and fro when once they come up upon the pursuit Doth not the chasing of those who may endanger them accustome them not to fear any perils I have often observed that those Princes who are great hunters have been likewise esteemed very valiant History tells us so in the examples of Vlysses Pelopidas Pompei Alexander The Prince of Roman eloquence saith that a man at hunting useth a kind of military exercise Plinius Secundus thought it the more agreeable for Princes it being a solitary and silent exercise and giving them leisure to think on their State affairs to which give me leave to add one effect more which renders this recreation very commendable in Kings and that is it keeps them from vice It is reported that Hippolytus Theseus his Son did use this diversion to live chastly and avoid idlenesse the source of all vices and evills The Poets feigned that Diana spent most part of her time in that manner in the company of Arethusae Calista Cranae and divers other Nymphs who were all desirous to preserve their virginities each of them knowing that they were exposed to many Shipwracks by the divers companies with whom they conversed Plutarch observed upon the life of Pompey that this great conquerour imagined that Princes get no little honour by this exercise and after he had vanquished Domitius in Affricque and reduced all in those Countries to his power himself spent some dayes in hun●ing Lions and Elephants to the end quoth he that the stoutest beasts themselves might not be ignorant of the Romans good fortune and courage A Victory obtained by the Kings Forces against those of the Duke of Savoy upon the 14. of February 1629. THe King departing from Chaalons passed by Lyons but did not go into the Citie by reason of the sicknesse to Grenoble where he staid 7. or 8. dayes during which he oftentimes sent to the Duke of Savoy to acquaint him that he was come thither resolved to relieve Cazal and to demand passage through his States which he was obliged by Treaties to grant under assurance of not doing any acts of hostility or any other damage The Duke being engaged with the Spaniard and having promised them to assist them in the taking of Cazal as Comte Lou●s d'Ast one of his Residents at Rome had openly declared had recourse to his usual artifices and returned many complements and fairs words he beseeched his Majesty to give him leave to find out some expedient to dis-engage him of those promises he had made to the Spaniard The Duke proposed several overtures but so void of reason and Justice that it was no hard matter to discern his intent was onely to stay the King until Cazal was taken which as was well known could not hold out above dayes but it was all in vain for the King a person not to be delayed but with just reasons and who was well assured that Cazal would yet hold out in expectation of him two full moneths marched from Grenoble and by great Journies came to Oux a place bordering upon the Frontire and passage of Suze The Duke having but ill intelligence heard not of his Majesties advancing for indeed he made such haste that it was hardly credible but by them who were eye witnesses of it The Duke thoug●t he had been still at Grenoble when indeed he was not far off Suze But for fear of that storm which threatned him he resolved to send the Prince of Piedmo●t his Son to delay his Majesty by giving him some hopes of opening the passages not without expectation that Cazal would in the mean while be taken The Prince was hardly come to Chamberry but he heard the Kings Army was passed the Mount of Geneva this made him return directly to Chaumont where he found the Cardinal already arrived with the Vanguard He had at that place a long discourse with his Eminence who no lesse powerful in his words than arms entertained him with a great deal of addresse and pressed upon him such reasons that he at last promised to do whatever should be desired of him The Cardinal at first told him he was much astonished that notwithstanding the Treaties between France and Savoy that his Majesty and his Army should be denied to passe his Country to assist one of his Allyes Hee remonstrated to him how injurious this procedure was to the honour of a Prince it being contrary to his word and faith that his Majesties Arms marched in a just cause but that his did unjustly protect injustices That if he should have the advantage at any time to hinder his Majesty from entring into Italy which however he could not well hope for yet it would be as great a discredit to him to support an unjust oppression as the design of a protecting a Prince would be glorious to his Majesty withal that he did apparently deceive himself if he imagined to raise any advantage by assisting the Spaniard in the taking of Cazal that his hopes of sharing the Montferrat between them was vain and that they would suffer him to have no greater a part than in six
is not above one or two difficult places in a passage and it is impossible but that a great Army of resolute men should gain them In fine when they who defend them shall find an whole Army thundring in upon them it strikes a terror into them so that they are forced to fly and by that means destroyed for this reason the Romans would never put themselves to the trouble of keeping any passes unless they saw it necessary to expect the Enemy because they who were in the chief Stands should be alwayes assisted but it is not the same thing when a Garrison hath nothing to second it or where there are no reserves to assist those whom an Enemy shall first have routed The Duke of Mantua is delivered from the Spanish oppression by his Majesties Forces DOm Gonçales de C●rdua Governor of Milan who commanded the siege of Cazal upon his first hearing of this Treaty resolved to break up the Leager It had been concluded by one of the private Articles for the satisfaction of him That the Duke of Savoy should give him information how his Majesty upon the said Dukes assurance of him that the Spaniards had not any intention to despoile the Duke of Mantua of his Estates had been contented that there should be some Swisses put into Nice de la Paille who should declare they held it in deposit in the name of the Emperor but upon promise and assurance to restore it unto the Duke of Mantua or his Assigns at the end of one month whether the Emperor should by that time have invested him in the said Dutchee or not and that as to the rest his Majesty had not any design to fall upon any the Territories of his Brother in Law the King of Spain but did desire still to continue in friendship and a good Correspondency with him This was the leaf wherewith this Spanish Pill was guilded Dom Gonçales staid not long for any farther Illustration of this Article but raised the siege before his Majesty came neer him as doubting least his stay there would only serve for an addition of glory to the French Army which they had all ready got at Suze so he marched away about the fifteenth or sixteenth night leaving the City to rejoyce that they were now delivered from those miseries which for two months last past they had endured in which time they had eaten all the Horses Doggs and Ratts which they could lay hold on The Duke of Savoy relieved them with those Victuals which he had promised and thus his Majesty obtained all the Honor and successe in this enterprise that his heart could desire this Fortune and Courage seemed in emulation of each other to conspire his glory which indeed was a debt due to the Justice of his cause who though he might at that time have over-run all Italy and made himself master of it as was well known to every one yet he contented himself with the having delivered the Duke or Mantua from the Spanish Tyranie and oppression Politique Observation ALthough Prudence have a great share in good Successe yet the greatest Captains have held that Fortune hath no small part in it Prudence alone may indeed make some progresse towards it but Fortune is at last needful to be joyned with it towards the obtaining of the proposed end hence it was that Octa●ian making wishes for his little Son desired he might have the Gravity of P●mpey the Courage of Caesar and his own good Fortune For this reason likely it was that Seyravenaes a Persian as Plutarch in his Morals hath recorded it answered unto some who were admiring that his enterprizes should have such ill successe seeing in his discourse he seemed to be a very prudent and discreet man That he was onely Master of his Language but that Fortune was Master in Military Affairs And do we not for this reason likewise say that the discreet man is not obliged to render an accompt of those enterprises which depend as much on Chance as Conduct but onely of his Councels which is the onely thing that was in his power to dispose It is sometimes onely Fortune which raiseth a siege without a stroke it is Fortune which doth sometimes strike a terrour into an enemies Forces that they have hardly the courage to defend themselves Fortune it is which hath often opened the strongest places at the first Summons and it is Fortune which at the appearance of an Army hath caused many Provinces to stoop under their Power and Obedience But notwithstanding all this we must not conceive Fortune to be as the Heathens did a blind Goddesse who over ruleth Battels and giveth the Victory to what side she pleaseth no it is of the divine Providence that I speak which is usually so called when any thing befalleth us above our expectation or beyond our hopes God is the first cause of all good successe and it is his onely gift he it is who blesseth Councels and it is by the favour of his influences that we see good fruits or follow sage resolutions Neither may we imagine that the Prudence of great men doth not contribute to an happy successe for they are the instruments of Gods power but not such as are dead and void of life or such as want motion and action to co-operate with the first cause As it may be said that Alexander was fortunate in all his enterprizes But this fortune was improved by Prudene conserved by cares preserved by Labours and seconded by Courages Most certain it is those extraordinary events which the vulgar attribute to hazard do for the most part arrive by the Prudence and Conduct of wise eminent men who operate by Springs which are the more esteemable by bein invisible to the vulgar yet such as procure no lesse glory in the minds of them who are able to judge aright of things though they fall not under the Rules and Laws of mean and ordinary understandings Prosecution of the History HIS Majesty in this Treaty had obtained as much advantage as could be desired against the Duke of Savoy yet he desired to let him see or at least some of his party who might relate it to him that he had power enough to have forced it from him if he had not done it by fair means His Majesty laid hold on the occasion upon Madam the Princesse of Piedmonts comming to Suze to visit him he entertained her with a great deal of kindness according to the particular friendship which he had alwayes for her and designed that the honour wherewith he treated her and the Prince of Piedmont then with him might learn him that he had no reason to ingage so easily with the enemies of France His Majesty went before her and causing part of the Army to follow him he placed the rest in Battalia by the way side in such places where they might best be seen that the Prince of Piedmont might with his own eyes behold that he ought not
Provinces were like so many petty Kings The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined and without any honour to the King The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies of whom the Kingdome stood in fear The case was now altered the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State In short the whole body of France heretofore sick and languishing began to recover strength with assurance of perfect health when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs All these things were so apparent that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them who are over-mastered with Passion as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their influences here beneath without causing of great alterations in the world so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country but they cause great troubles and disorders and in case there were any others in the State this were to remedy it by a worse a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence but a thing not much by them regarded so they could but overcome their Masters spirit that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired Politique Observation IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing then the Government of the Universe then true it is that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes especially when they are fallen from their first height and that there is a necessity to re-establish them This re-establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs next under the Authority of his Prince for he is in the State as the Sun in the World as the eye to the Body and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said the first is that a State being a society of free men who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects but not of being the onely producers of them and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring unlesse other causes did co-operate and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly then for the earth to bring forth weeds The second that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen into confusion Nature works slowly produceth the seed out of the grain the sien from the seed the tree from the sien the flower from the tree and at last the fruit Thus likewise a Minister of State how excellent soever he be cannot reduce confusion into order but by little and little and by setting his Engines on work one after another There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish which he would now restore and also that which hath been glorious for other States He ought to imitate good Physitians who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse use their art first to purge them out and then to bring their Patient to a good temper The principal causes of the ruine of a State are civil Wars disrespect of authority the too great Power of Princes of the Blood Strangers and Governours Factions negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders want of good Discipline among Souldiers and the oppressures of the people now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contrary It cannot be done but by time and labour nay impossible if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War Lastly the Minister hath need of some time to reduce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health that neither the ayr nor any thing about him may be offensive to him and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull not onely that his neighbours may not injure him but that they may be serviceable to him He must keep a strict intelligence with his Allies not injuring them but assisting them in all occasions as the Romans did who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town to make a friendship with them and to divert them from the Carthaginians He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes whose strength by their uniting might become suspected whence it follows that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them nay some he is bound to foment as Lewis the Eleventh did to divert those storms which else would have fallen upon France These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes it is impossible totally to effect it unlesse after a long time and with extream care and diligence The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur THey of the Queen Mothers faction would by no means let slip Monsieur's retreat without making advantage of it They despaired of ever overcoming his Majesty considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals services They very well knew that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him so powerfully as Monsieur whereupon they did their utmost to breed a good understanding between them and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur they did at last work the Queen Mother to procure Marillac to be sent to him a person whom they knew to be fit for their design The Cardinal gave him his instructions as to what he should say from his Majesty which tended to remember him how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore to assure him he was not at all altered at that present That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure
sorts of wickednesses which are not powerful enough to entertain the minds of women especially when they believe that the subject they work upon would set bounds to their Authority and hinder them in their Governing according to their own Fancies The greediness of absolute command hurries them with a greater impetuosity to revenge then any other cause whatsoever without this consideration that God hath not created their Sex for Government and experience hath evidenced it upon many occasions that they are very unfit for that purpose But as Ambition is a blind Passion we do many times see great obstacles opposed to their Powers when they think to increase their Authorities and the greatest props of their Grandeur ruined whilest they use their greatest endeavours to render themselves more absolute The great Qualities of the Cardinal ALL the Artifices of the Queen mother made no other Impression upon his Majesty then to carry him to recollect and reiterate in his mind the Fidelity of the Cardinals services the great affection wherewith he had behaved himself in all occasions where his Majesties glory was concern'd the good success which accompanied his Conduct of his Armies the Incomparable Prudence wherewith he was endued with which he did penetrate into what was to come and foresaw effects in their Causes and accordingly prepared Remedies before they hapned the indefatigable vigilance which made him so intent both day and on the affairs of State that though he gave Orders in the greatest yet he never forgot the least and that prodigious promptitude which produc'd effects from resolution in Counsel before one knew whether it were resolv'd on or no These were those just considerations which the King recalled into his mind to oppugne the divers Artifices of the Cardinals enemies and one may say they did so fix his Majesty against those violences with which they would as it were shake him that to the end he might evade those perpetual instances which the Queen-mother hourly made to him he resolved to go to pass away some days at Verfilles In effect that was the cause of the King 's going from Paris and the Queen-mother could get no other satisfaction from his Majesty then that of Respect and hearty affection by his taking leave of her Politique Observation THe King well knew that the disgraces of a grand Minister are as dis-advantagious to a State as his services have been profitable and that in it a Prince receives as much blame as he had once gotten glory in drawing him neer to Person An excellent Workman never uses to throw away his Instruments wherewith he is accustomed to make rare pieces of his Art and a King doth much recede from a great Conduct if he doth drive from the Government of his State-affairs such a Minister whose admirable Genius is the principal instrument of his glory Undoubtedly the Counter-blow of such a stroke might rebound against his Authority He ought to know that it is easie to blame those who govern and to lament their Conduct and that many more find it very perfect and compleat seeing it doth not give them leave to do whatever they would in their own particular and that the Estate of Publick Affairs ought not to be judged by those of their own houses There need no more but to consult with experience to evince that it is very difficult to find a great Genius on whose Prudence they may confidently rely for that two or three whole ages do hardly bring forth one only such How many Kings have been constrained to leave both their Courages and States as unusefull for that their Country produc'd none such in their times He who is so happy as to meet with one ought to preserve him with as much care as the most assured foundation of his Kingdomes happinesse How frequent are the misfortunes which happen in Battels for the only losse of an expert great Captain And how many confusions arrive to States by the loss of one grand Minister his only conservation is of greater importance then that I will not say of Towns but of whole Provinces for he is not only capable of regaining them but conquering new ones whereas the losse of him is irrepairable for that hardly many ages produce one that doth resemble him Why the King went from Paris and caused the Lord Keeper of the Broad-Seal and his Brother the Marshal de Marillac to be Arrested THe King went from Paris only to give himself more liberty to negotiate in his important affairs and to withdraw himself from those importunities not to say violences of the Queen-Mother In whose presence the respect which he had for her hindred him from doing any thing which might displease her His Majesty knew that it was necessary for the good of his Estate to chastise those contrivers of Intreagues and on the other side he cemented himself in an unalterable resolution which being an effect of his own onely Prudence acquired him so much the more Glory never to part from the Cardinal Now it was often seen that these Cabals had no other beginning then from the Lord Keeper and the Marshal de Marillac therefore his Majesty took away the Seal from the former as the Arms of a mad man which he had imployed to do evil causing him to be carried to Lysieux and sent Orders to the Marshal de la Force and Schomberg to arrest the t'other and send him Prisoner to the Castle of St. Menehoud What reason was there to suffer any longer the insolence of these two ambitious humours who had been so audacious to commit such offences between the King and Queen-Mother and to breed a division between their Majesties which keeps them at a disla●●e to this very day Was it possible to suffer their unbridled Ambition which made them aspire to the Government of the State by the destruction of him who had established it in so sublime a pitch of Glory that it is not only more honoured but more feared too by strangers Again could it be that the Ingratitude of these two Brothers should not pull down as it were by force the Kings Justice to dash them as with a Thunder-Bolt and to punish their devices which they used with the Queen-Mother to carry her on to the ruining of him by whose Counsel his Majesty had raised them to the highest degrees of their profession winking at their unworthy actions which had heretofore rendred them culpable and by which they made their first attempts His Majesty knew in how many occasions the Cardinal had favoured them the great gifts which he had obtained of him for them and how that in som affairs he had become their Protector when in their conduct there was just reason to complain of them And on the other side when he reflected on the extremity of their ingratitude he could no longer permit that one of them should be any more imployed in affairs or that the other should remain unpunished for those many Crimes of
courage all those Thunders did break themselves against the Rocks of his constancy which seemed to have grown harder from those many blows struck against him in the course of one year In fine all those waves and huge Billows which threatned to overwhelm him served only to manifest that his services had made his favour inexpugnable Politique Observation IT cannot but be an unjust reward to repay the services of a grand Minister with calumnies If good offices do by all kinds of Justice oblige a grateful return what reason can there then be injuriously to attaint his honour who imployeth his whole time in his Countries good It is faith an Ancient a great mans misery when he seeth himself appayed with slanders yet notwithstanding the most famous men of Antiquity and those very persons from whom our Kings have received most signal services have found themselves ingratefully rewarded Let us a little look back into the beginning of this Monarchy and take a view of those who have served our Kings hardly shall we find any one whose conduct hath not been blamed accused condemned We have hereof laid down the reasons in other places at present I shall insert this only That the Favour of their Master the Benefits they receive from Him and the Glory which they obtain by their services are a sufficient cause to procure them hatred so great an Empire hath Envy in the Courts of Princes Not that this misfortune is only appropriate to this Monarchy No it is of longer standing and more universal For did not the Athenians banish Themistocles the greatest man of his time and one who had done them unspeakable service Was not Coriolanus hated accused banished by the Romans whom nothing but meer necessity could reduce to a sense of their fault And how often did the Israelites rebel against Moses who had how-ever done so many miracles before their eyes A thousand other examples might be produced were the universality hereof a thing questionable Surely a deplorable thing it is either in respect of its injustice it being unreasonable that a person who hath done the State good service should be therefore ill requited or else in respect of the ill consequences it being frequently seen that it begets troubles to which only end such defamations are spread abroad Marlius Capitolinus had no other way to raise a Sedition in R●me against Camillus after he had secured the City from the French who had surprized it then by raising of scandals upon him and endeavouring to perswade the people that he had embezelled the Publike Treasure But what may it not I pray in general be said That aspersions have been the seeds of all the Revolts which ever hapned in France and that the Authors of them have seldom gotten any thing thereby except shame hatred and confusion Monsieur the Duke of Orleance's Entry into Burgogne IT is said that Dogs do never bark so much against the Moon as when she is at her full and shineth brightest and true it is that those factious spirits which abused Monsieurs name and favour did never spread abroad more aspersions against the Cardinal then just when he acquired most glory by his services against the Spaniard the English the Dukes of Savoy and Lorrain Every one knoweth how that their Libels were published at that very time But as the fair star which ruleth the night ceaseth not to prosecute her course notwithstanding all the snarlings and barkings here beneath so likewise this grand Minister whose merits had raised him to the Government of affairs and whom God seemed to have bestowed upon France as a bright star to dissipate all those clowds wherewith the hatred and envy of the French indeavoured to eclipse him did no● discontinue his Career nor suffer the effects of his courage to be diverted out of a sence of fear either of the one or the other All their attempts served only to reinforce his diligence that he might stifle the fire in its first eruption which was designed to burn the whole Kingdom Monsieur was marched into France with about two thousand Horse Liegeois Walloons and Germans commanded by the Sieur Meternie Canon of Treves and des Granges of Liege at first he fell into Bourgogne because Monsieur de Montmorency's Letters acquainted him how the affairs of Languedoc were not yet ripe for his service which made him resolve to spend some time there Being advanced within four or five Leagues of Dijon he writ unto the Mayor and Sheriffs as also unto the Parliament to induce them to favour his stay and to furnish him with means for his Armies subsistance thinking with himself that in case they should condiscend thereunto he might quickly find some way or other to get himself into the City and become Master thereof But as it fell out they were not inclined to give him that content rather on the contrary having received his Letters with great respect they sent them all unto the King and beseeched his Highnesse that he would approve of their proceedings herein to the intent that receiving his Majesties directions they might follow his instructions in that particular In the mean time they raised the whole City and mounted their Canon in case need should require Whereupon a Body of Monsieurs Horse comming up to fire the Fauxbourg Saint Nicholas the great shot gave them so hot a welcome that they were forced to retire with the losse of about twenty men whom they lest upon the place amongst whom was a certain Captain a Liegeois much esteemed by Monsieur who departed the next morning Monsieurs Forces were so netled at this disaster that they resolved to be revenged In conclusion they committed such disorders that most part of the adjacent Villages were burned being first of all plundered But it was not the backwardnesse of Dijon which forced him to leave that Country the Marshal de la Force who followed him at hand was the chief cause of his removal from those parts For as soon as ever the King understood of Mousieur's march into France knowing no time ought to be lost in preventing a Revolt and that delays may afford such persons opportunity to raise Forces and seize upon strong places he commanded the Marshal de la Force to take with him about ten thousand foot and two thousand horse of the Lorrain forces and to attend upon his motions to prevent any further inconveniency so that the Treaty of Liverdun being once concluded Monsieur had but little time of rest in that Country His Majesty likewise thought fit to send the Marshal de Schomberg upon the same design with fifteen hundred Maistros Gensdarmes and Light-horse as also nine hundred Musquetiers mounted which himself chose out of the Regiment of his Guard so that hating these two in his Rear he was forced to march with the more speed His Troops being all composed of strangers committed great insolencies where-ever they went which thing besides the obedience they owed unto his Majesty obliged
would give Monsieur any counsel ●ending to peace or sweetness knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal even to threaten him as is well known to those who treated with him To say the truth if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup considering the extremities into which he had run and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens upon the score of his inclination and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person to raise another civil War in France or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France upon the least cause of mistrust There was the less reason to trust him because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd so that thus to recall Monsieur with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart were to raise a fire in the bosom of France which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages from the divisions by them fomented in the royal family In short what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur unlesse he changed his procedure and humour so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should return and proposing others as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign presuming to drive on his own interests instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet whom he had so highly offended Surely this could not have been done without a great blemish to the Kings honour by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject who deserv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences seem'd to wonder that Monsieur and the Queen-Mothers accommodation could not be ended after so many journies to and fro but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence in making use of that authority which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents when the interest of their State is in question and in not precipitating their return which considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence could only serve to trouble the Kingdom and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations where there is any danger in the State IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State It is most certain in general that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant because being blind and without foresight it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious but most particularly true it is in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight yet are they seldom of long continuance by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are concluded which coming to increase by some new discontents division presently re-assumeth her first place and thus instead of any satisfaction from it there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance In effect they ought to be the further from ending affairs because the easinesse of concluding them hath often begotten more distrusts among great men than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace Hatred doth easily revive among Princes and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received which though for some time they dissemble yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments when they find opportunity proper for it There were heretofore divers accommodations made between Lewis the Eleventh and Charls Duc de Borgogne which seemed to settle their States in peace but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King the main business was still to be begun anew nor was any thing but death able to give a period to their divisions How often hath the house of Orleans and Bourgogne been reconcil'd yet alwaies to little purpose because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion Henry the Third wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambition suggested They who are little acquainted in State-affairs are not very solicitous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes but think that it is enough so they are made friends yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care when civil Wars break out again which they re-ingaging in may indanger the whole State at least afford Forraigners great advantages It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in discord and impotency that in the Court or in some Province where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion which as Physicians say replenisheth the body with many crudities the cause of divers diseases and it often happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time than to precipitate them into a short continuance and a production of new broils Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon Governour of Guyenne The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of imployments had charge during the siege of Rochel of some men of War in this Province by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings did not a little resent it though for the present he dissembled it expecting an opportunity to shew it with the more advantage which did not so soon offer it self the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court and at Poiton in his Majesties service but as he had no lesse memory then courage he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year at which time the
far from doing any such thing whereof his Holiness complained that he was so backward from making war either upon the Church or his Holiness in particuler whom he honoured with extraordinary respects that on the contrary he would employ his Arms and his utmost power to encrease their Glory and Authority That his Holiness had no just cause to complain of a surprise in regard he had been often times told that in case the Spaniard would not yeeld to reason the King his Master could not suffer the Grison to be any longer deprived of their Forts which lawfully belonged to them that they could not be looked upon as any longer in his Holiness power seeing the deposit was ended by those several instances and reasons which were remonstrated to him as by urging him that they might be re-delivered to the Valtolins of the Justice of which his Holiness himself was satisfied and that afterwards the deposit could not be any longer continued or prolonged in his Holiness hands by reason of that great difficulty which the Spaniards made to assent to it and seeing it was pretended and that upon good reasons to re-take them from the Spaniards themselves who had found a trick to keep them by his Holiness name though hee was engaged to dispossesse them of them which being so he ought to be so much the lesse scruple at the King his Masters proceedings in regard he being only as an Umpire who created between them in the quality of a Common Father he could not with Justice keep them after the deposit was expired or give opportunity to the Spaniard to make advantages to the detriment and dishonour of France These reasons were so considerable that the Pope could not but have rest contented had he not been pre-possessed by the Spaniards but however he made great complaints from time to time of the Kings proceedings And the Sieur de Bethune returning not long after for a new Audience did not find his Holiness so moderate op civil to him as he had formerly used to be but on the contrary his Holiness told him that the Cardinal Borgia had been with him and touching upon the point of that little respect which had been shewed to his Army hoped he might have induced to proceed against his Majesty by was of censures if he should not with-draw his Army and told him in a Spanish Rodomontado that seeing he had permitted the French to take them upon one accompt the Spaniards should make them pay for it again and should do that which their Interests led them too without being with-held by any consideration and in fine protested to him what ever instances were made to him that he would still continue Neuter But however as he was alwaies guided by the opinions of the Roman Doctors who cannot indure there should be any State affair and not subject to his Will he could not away with the taking of the Forts out of his hands by force The Sieur de Bethune indeavoured by his Prudence to allay by little and little his heat in evincing to him the Justice of his Majesties reasons sometimes by offering to him his Masters Arms and Authority to invest him in the Dutche● of Vrbin and other times by assuring himself of the Affections of the Cardinals Barbarini and Magalotti who had some influence over his Inclinations by the Protestations which he made to them that the King his Master had an earnest desire to oblige them upon occasions and by divers Presents which he gave them in behalf of his Master which however were refused by them that they might not appear to be partial as also by offering Madamoiselle de Rieux who was one of the richest Matches of France to his Nephew Don Thadee who did not a little like of it though he accepted not of it he then having a design upon the heir of Stilane Politique Observation IT hath been a common Custome amongst Princes in War who should not agree upon certain places to put them in deposit in a third persons hands and he who is the Depositary ought to know that he hath no further Authority then to keep them so long and upon conditions as are agreed upon between the Parties Antiquity looked upon Deposits as sacred and hath condemned those who would usurp them of Sacriledge and one of the Depositary Laws is declared to be that who so refuseth to render them renders himself culpable of a great Injustice because he would usurp against natural Reason that which doth not at all belong to him Amongst the Grecians by the Laws of the Pisseans he who denied the Deposit was condemned to death and Herodotus saith that one Glaucus of Sparta having refused to restore a certain great sum of money which he had received of a Milesian consulted the Oracle of Apollo to know what he should do in the businesse who was thus answered That neither he nor his family could any long time live upon the face of the earth and that in effect they were already rooted out Whence he concludeth that it were best for him who hath a Deposit to design nothing but the making of restitution to him who ought to have it And how well hath Aristotle deciphered the enormity of this Crime when he saith that that man who becomes guilty of it is much more unjust then he who refuseth to repay what was lent to him because he not onely violateth the Laws of Equity as he doth who denieth what was lent to him but also those of friendship and fidelity in consideration of which the Deposit was entrusted with him I shall onely adde this that the Depositiorium ought as well to be kept against those who have intrusted it he having no right to become their Arbitrator unlesse they agree among themselves as to be really and without delay restored to them when they shall have agreed upon condition between them It is however dangerous to chuse a Person for a Depository who pretends a Superiority or such a one to whom one ows an extraordinary respect because as it is natural to a person of eminent dignity to desire that his advice might passe for a Law amongst others so it is hazardous least he pretend at last to become an Arbitrator Whence it happens that if one of that Quality be chosen Depositary it ought to be included in the Instrument that he shall not become Arbitrator upon any difficulties that may arise Above all this one thing ought to be observed when as the Pope is Depositary as was practised when the Hostages in the Peace of Quieracco were intrusted with him for that he in some sort pretending a Power over Kings he puts himself on as a common Father to judge of their differences and withall may become Partial Which being so such Princes who have chosen him for Depositary find themselves impeded by reason of the difficulties of getting reason from him by force without raising great broyls There are but a few Princes of
affect his own Kindred deserveth not the affections of any others and will also give more assurance to his Government by defending him from any insurrections which might be made by them And this is the more considerable as Tacitus saith for that it is ordinary with the people to have a particular affection for the Kindred of a Prince when they shall see them hated without any just cause or reason exemplyfying the Love which the people of Rome did bear to Germanicus which increased in them by the hatred which was born to him by Tiberius and it cannot be doubted but that the particular affection with which the people love them may give them great advantages to embroyl the State and may serve for a strong prop to their revolts It cannot be avoyded but that Princes nearly related to a Soveraign must have some hand in the Government of Affairs and must partake with him in the Honours of the State how can it then be done in a good order unless they live in a fair correspondence with one another What way can a vessel goe when as they who guide it do some row towards the Poop and others towards the Prow despising the Pilots orders so that the vessel becomes exposed to be wracked And what may there be expected from a State where the Princes of the Blood Royal who have the Government of the Provinces fall off from his Majesties designs and interests engaging themselves in Factions and Parties Doth it not by this means absolutely expose the State to Civil Wars which being left at random by this disunion becomes a prey to strangers who will be sure to take advantage of it The sending of the Sieur de Blainville into England in the quality of Extraordinary Ambassadour THough the Allyance which had so lately been contracted with England seemed to be indissolvable by the confirming of it with the Mariage of the Princess yet it was not long before some grounds did arise to obstruct their good correspondency The great confidence which the Queen of England had in certain Ladies who had been a long while near and about her as also in certain Ecclesiastiques a little too inconsiderate in their zeal was in part the occasion of it for they giving her advices which were not alwaies accompanied with Prudence did clash with the King her Husbands humour and were upon the point of breeding some differences between them The King did not much wonder at it having of a long time known how little considerable womens counsels ordinarily are and how they commonly end in some broyl unless there be some one near them who may prevent it by the reputation and credit which he hath amongst them But however it did not hinder his Majesty from dispatching the Sieur de Blanville his Extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England that he might take some course before the inconsiderateness of those persons who were about the Queen had caused any more mischiefs which was the easilier to be done in regard the Queen wanted neither Respect nor Love for the King her Husband and was onely to be blamed for having relyed a little too much upon those who were given to her to be her Counsel But this was not all there was another cause of difference between the two Crowns which was this The Sieur de Soubize having fled into England and there saved himself had taken in times of Peace and against the approval too of those of Rochel a small vessel called the little Saint John at the Port of Blavet which he afterwards carried to Plymouth And not long after the English had detained and unladen another Ship at Dover called the Merchant Royal full laden with goods to the value of twelve hundred thousand Liuvers This kind of acting was as strange as unjust and a great noise it made The French Merchants not being able to get a satisfactory answer in it because the Sieur de Blainville's demands were sent to the Council of his Majesty of Great Britain seised upon some English Ships which exasperated them afresh and hindred the resolution of any thing untill the following year Politique Observation ALthough the common end of private Mariages tend to concluding of Peace amongst Families yet it is not alwaies the same thing with Princes They do never make up any Matches but on the score of Interests and if any cause of difference arise amongst them they do not at all value their Alliances but it is well known that those Wars which have been between such Princes have ever been the most bloody It was imagined that those many Contracts which had been made between the Princes of the House of Orleance and those of Burgogne would have extinguished the fire of their Quarrels but the sequel made it apparent they all served to no purpose Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan was near a kin to the Arragonois of Naples yet he undid them by his intreagues And who knoweth not that France never had such great Quarrels either with Spain or England as when they were allyed by some Mariage And indeed it ought not to seem strange for a Soveraign hath no Kinsman so nearly related to him as his State A private man may govern himself according to the Rules of Friendship but it is otherwise with a Soveraign who is obliged to preserve the Rights of his Crown against every one His reputation is of so great concern towards the good of his Affairs that he may not suffer any injury to be offered to it which he is not bound to repell by any wayes whatsoever The Treasuries are better regulated by the Cardinals care THey who have had particular knowledge of things ever since ten years last past could not sufficiently wonder at those vast charges which the State had been put to both by maintaining so many Armies together in Languedoc in Poictu in the Valtoline and Italy as also in the Match with England and defraying of Ambassadors expences together with Alliances with States considering that the Cardinal entring upon the Administration had found the Treasury not onely exhausted but likewise much indebted so that they lived upon the next years Revenues This was an effect of that great Ministers prudence who knowing how necessary it was for a State to have a good mass of Mony in reserve had quickly so setled the Treasuries that there was great plenty succeeded that former want The Secretaries of State were commanded not to seal any more Orders but by express command from the King or his Chief Ministers The Superintendants were also ordered not to authorize those which should be presented from the Secretaries of State but upon good and just consideration There were divers persons removed from Court who attended there to no intent or purpose but only had sometimes the honour to see the King Rewards were kept for those who deserved them by their services There were also new orders taken at the same time concerning the Treasuries which were so
all those inventions contrived to stop up a Port or Haven Though this latter opinion is at present but weak and frivolous seeing men have by industry found out several means to overcome all manner of obstacles of this nature Alexander the Great besieged the City of Tyre stopped up the Channel by a Bank took away all hopes of relief and at last forced them to surrender to his mercy after they had refused to deliver up upon fair and honourable terms Caesar did the like before Duras as also St. Lewis upon the R●●s being a Branch of the River Nile the Prince of Parma at Antwerp and Spinola at Ostend all which by some invention or other found means to hinder any shipping to come neer the places which they besieged But amongst all none is like a Bank because in Tempests the Sea doth usually spoil and break all their Engins of Masts Cables Timber or the like Neither are Chains to be trusted in such occasions for that small Vessels may passe over them as C●eus Duellius the Roman Consul did who being blocked up in the Court of Syracusa caused all his men and luggage to be removed into the Stern of his Galley and his Oarmen rowing with all their strength passed them half over and then removing all his goods and men into the Prow they rowed over the other half and so got clear away the like did the Spanish Forces at Marcellia when they found their enterprise was discovered The Sieur de Macheville is sent to the Electors of Baviers and Treves to dispose them towards the settlement of a Peace in the Empire THose great cares which the Cardinal was necessitated to undergo both in opposition of the English Forces and in the reducing of Rochel did not prevent him from providing for the Interests of those German Princes who were Allies to the Crown of France His great Soul like universal causes produced a tho●sand several effects at the same time nor could the m●nagement of any one important affair divert him from being circumspect in several others He advised his Majesty to dispatch the Sieur de Macheville towards the Electors of Baviers and Treves for the negotiating divers affairs particularly to induce them to settle Peace in the Empire His Majesty had learned that the Emperour had designed to have his Son King of Hungary elected King of the Romans That the Electors did much desire his Majest● would invite the P●ince Palatine to retire himself into France That the Elector of Treves was well inclined to league himself with the French Interests and th●t divers P●inces of the Catholick League did wish his Majesty would imploy himself to negotiate either a Peace or a Cessation of Arms in Germany Upon these four points it was that he gave the Sieur de Macheville instructions to treat with them As to the first he was forbidden to thwart the Emperours design His Majesty not thinking it fit to declare himself against the Emperour to the end he might have more power and freedome towards the setling of his own affairs But he was commanded to flatter the Duke of Bavian upon that accompt and dexterously to humour him in his imaginary hopes of the Empire by representing to him as likewise unto the rest of the Electors That it would very much concern them to promote some subject of lesse greatness then those of the House of Austria unto that dignity by which means the head of the Empire having a nearer equality and correspondency with the rest of the Members their union would bee the stronger and their conditions the more secure And in case he should find the Electors averse from that Proposal he was then commanded quaintly to hint unto them but not too openly that the Emperour not being troubled by Age or Sicknesse it would not be amisse to defer their Election of the Roman King unto some other time seeing by this delay they would render themselves the more considerable towards the Princes of Germany and the Emperour himself who would be the more carefull to preserve their friendship it being so conducing to his design whereas having attained his ends and finding himself in a condition of being no more beholding to them neither for himself or his it was to be feared least hee should indeavour to extend the limits of his Ambition to their prejudice This was he expresly charged not openly to declare because the King thought it more proper to insinnuate into the minds of those Princes the resolution of excluding the King of Hungary from the Empire or at least to defer his Election rather then to discover himself However he was commanded to advise them in case they were peremptorily resolved to chuse him that it would concern them to take advantage of this affair in which the Emperour was necessited to make use of them that they might draw him to condiscend unto such conditions as might settle a firm Peace in the Empire which it would concern them to do before the Election least he might be the more averse to peace when he should find the Empire once assured upon his Son As to the second particular which relateth unto the Palatins retreat unto this Kingdome he was commanded to tell those Princes that his Majesty could not assent unto it whatever proposals they made of entertaining him at their Costs and Charges His reasons were these That it was not beseeming the Dignity of a King to capiticlate concerning the Pension of any Prince unto whom his Majesty pretended to be a refuge and likewise that there was no reason why he should draw upon himself so great a Charge not being necessitated thereunto and in case they should offer to pay all his Pension without any treaty he was then commanded freely to reply unto them that their Promises did not at all make sure the Pension and if it should chance not to be paid his Majesty could not then avoid the entertaining both of him and his whole family Besides if the young Prince should come into France his Majesty was in Honour bound never to consent unto the Peace of Germany until he were restored unto his States and that he could not give him a Retreat without promising to protect him which he knew would not sort with their Interests That which concerned the Elector of Treves was not so difficult seeing there wanted nothing but the assuring him of his Majesties affection and good Will He went accompanied with that which gave him a very particular satisfaction but the secret management of it being of great consequence that he might serve his Majesty without suspition the knowledg of this hath not been discovered unto any one but themselves As to the fourth and last which concerneth the Peace at least a Cessation of Arms it was in relation to the enterprizes of the King of Denmark and the Princes of the Lower Saxony which had but ill successe so that he had Order to negotiate it the more effectually not onely
Prudent States-man ought to make his resolutions and to regulate his Conduct according to circumstances and the advantage of the time present the former would be much found fault with if he should lose the Wind when it is fair and the latter would commit a deplorable over-sight if he should neglect those advantages and opportunities which should present themselves unto him Opportunity is oftentimes of greater advantage then several Troops and Experience hath dayly evidenced to the World that the advantages of time is the onely thing which if laid hold on carrieth great actions to a prosperous issue Nature observeth her time to put forth her works we never see her bedight with Flowers but when the Sun smiles gently upon her just thus is it with a Prudent man he must strike when the Iron is hot and not strike untill it be hot For this reason it was that the Pythagoreans held opportunity to be the first cause of all things and it is but truth that opportunity is that which giveth them all their perfections and causeth them to terminate in a happy successe Antiquity did much esteem of Pittacus his advice which was comprehended in two words onely know thy time that is lose not thy opportunity but make sure of it it being certainly true that the least smile which she bestoweth is the ground-work of great successes above all an enemy ought to be assaulted at his weakest before he be fortified and that his other Troops come to joyn with him The valiant Scipio would no longer defer his fighting with the Carthaginians when he foresaw that if he gave them time Asdrubal would come up and joyn with them which would augment the difficulties to overcome them Marius in the 25 Book of T. Livy resolved to prosecute the enemy because his Prudence fore-told him that in case he deferred it their whole force would in a small time joyn themselves together and then instead of one Captain and one Army he must incounter with three Generals and three Armies Caesar as himself observeth in his first Book of the War with the Gauls having learnt that there were certain forces comming from the Swedes which were to passe the Rhine presently advanced to fight with Anovistus as doubting least if those forces should come up to him he might be too weak to encounter them The King having resolved upon his Italian Expedition commits the Government of the State to the Queen his Mother THe King before he departed from Paris would as reason was settle the affairs of his Kingdome and State in the hand of a person of whom he was well assured He knew that Kings being out of the way gives opportunity to seditious minds to act and stir who in their presence durst not think a thought that way tending Whereupon he concluded it necessary to intrust the management of all things with some one person upon whose Credit Fidelity and Ability he might rely The Cardinal who was never deficient in procuring all kind of honour to the Queen Mother advised his Majesty to fix upon her as he had done at the siege of Rochel though indeed he was but ill requited for his pains it being at that time that she conceived the first seeds of her hatred against him and suffered her self to be deceived by the false Impostures of her and his enemies That which did most of all clash with the Cardinals thoughts in perswading the King to devolve his power upon her was that she still was guided by those very persons who laboured nothing more then the increasing her Majesties hatred against him and who would act to that purpose with so much the more insolency when they found themselves supported by her authority But as he ever preferred his Majesties before his own Interests he did not long stick at it but finding it most fit for the Government of the State he advised his Majesty to resolve upon it For first the Government of the State could not have been left with any other but it would have raised great broils in the State and secondly he had much rather have been thought improvident in fore-seeing that might hurt him then ingratefull in not procuring to her all possible honour lying in his power and lastly he had some reason to hope that the absolute power which his Majesty left with her during his absence might open her eyes to discern with what zeal and fidelity he had served her In fine his Majesty give the Queen his Mother full and absolute power and caused the Commission which he had made for that purpose to bee read in the Parliament Politique Observation NOthing doth so much allay the hatred of a woman as to procure some honour to her for as they are naturally passionate of ruling so there is not any thing doth more please them then power It should seem that nature having created them to obey they become so much the more ambitious of governing both in private families and in States too for either of which they are very improper Hence it is that they arm themselves with fire and anger against all who oppose them unlesse they are mollified and appeased by love next to which nothing doth so much please and satisfie them as the procurement of some extraordinary power and honour unto them It is a long while since a Philosopher said no water doth so readily extinguish the fire of anger as good deeds which as they make a greater impression on the mind by how much they come nearer to their inclination so there is nothing which doth more please or delight them and hence it is that they are the fittest and most dexterous ways to recall and reclaim their unjust and groundlesse anger and displeasure The King chargeth the Lord Keeper Marillac to chuse out the best rules which had been esteemed proper for the good of the Kingdom by the States met at Paris Anno 1614. and to propose them to the Councel to be drawn up into Ordinances AT the same time the King who cherished Justice as the best Flower in his Crown resolved to publish divers Ordinances relating to his peoples good such as he had chosen out of the best rules which had been thought most proper by the States General at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred and fourteen and by the Assembly at Rouen in the year 1617. and at Paris in the year one thousand six hundred twenty six His Majesty knew that God who had put the Scepter into his hands had not more commanded him any one thing than to administer Justice indifferently to all whereupon he gave order to the Lord Keeper to pick out from those rules such choice ones as might be thought most advantagious for his peoples good to propose them to the Counsel that they might be made Ordinances after mature deliberation had upon them all which was done accordingly and thence sent to the Parliament of Paris whether his Majesty went to hear them read in
for whilest they who are possessed with it indeavour to execute their wills upon persons in power upon the least resistance they she out into extremities and by force attempt to repel force but who are more prone to revenge then women their natural fearfulnesse doth the more easily ingage them because they attribute the most part of their faults unto some neglect or dis-esteem They have not wit enough to dissemble those many defects which are in them though it were most for their advantage especially in such miscarriages as happen more by their weaknesse then malice Their Soul is offended at the least touch whereas great personages ought to know that it is more glorious to pardon then to punish Briefly the irresolution which they discover in all their actions and which they cannot for their lives hide is the cause of a thousand disorders especially when any one ingageth to follow their advices and directions now they counsel one thing and by and by another then they know not what to resolve and the least difficulty they meet with maketh them change a thousand times over Not but that they have a reasonable Soul as well as the greatest Princes that have governed on the earth but are as it is said of the Flowers of Aegypt alwaies soaked with the vapours of Nile which being grosse and earthy are the cause that they do not yeeld such fragrant smels as those in other Countries just so their Souls being troubled with a thousand Passions which proceed from their weaknesse and violence are unable to produce such generous Counsels as those of men who are endued with a stronger and more vigorous constitution I could alledge several other reasons but I shall content my self with that saying of God himself speaking by the mouth of Isaiah the Prophet The Government of women saith he is one of those afflictions wherewith heaven punisheth Mankind and that other amongst the Verses of the Sybils A Womans Reign shall be esteemed as the overthrow of the whole world Prosecution of the Subject THE King both Prudent and Just would not condemn Monsieur where he was not guilty and yet that he might give some satisfaction to the Queen Mother and not diminish the Authority which he had committed to her in his absence by a dis-owning of her he resolved on a ●edium which was this he sent the Comte de Noient unto Monsieur then at Orleans to tell him that his Majesty would be very much pleased if he would send unto the Queen Mother to beseech her to let the Princesse be freed from the Boys de Vincennes and at the same time he writ to the Queen Mother that she had done discreetly to hinder Monsieurs marriage for which he thanked her and assured her he could not willingly consent to it Whilest she was against it onely he desired her to deliver the Princesse from the Boys de Vincennes in case Monsieur should desire it of her This was as respectfull and satisfactory as the Queen Mother could have desired for the King did not condemn her proceedings but seemed to beleeve her information that Monsieur would have married the Princesse Maria without his Majesties permission and did moreover so confirm her Authority that he would not of himself order the Princesses being set at liberty but referred it to her whole dssposal● and desired she would rather not do it unlesse at Monsieurs intreaty Yet notwithstanding all this those who got the Mastry over her soul were become so dexterous in putting into her such thoughts and motions as were proper for their own interests and designs onely that they perswaded her this answer of his Majesty was a disguisement and not ample enough to justifie her Procedure and that it was in some kind a disowning of her They who were the craftiest amongst them durst not openly as yet accuse Monsieur the Cardinal unto her or ●ot contributing his utmost power in the procuring her a full satisfaction in this businesse lest they should have split themselves upon that R●ck which they designed for his destruction but they insinuated unto the Queen Mother that it had not been much amisse if the Cardinal had perswaded his Majesty to send the Princesse Mari out of France without any more ado because now Morsi●ur might still watch his opportunity and marry her By this they knew that no Logick could so soon learn the deducing of consequences as that of a Womans choiler and ambition which can quickly do it without teaching and thus it cannot be imagined what and how many contrivances and devices they made use of to incense her against the Cardinal who in the mean while imployed his utmost both of Prudence and Justice to hide the violence of her Proceedings Politique Observation VVHen it happeneth as oftentimes it doth that Ministers are to redresse the disorders committed by Grandees who are persons tenderly to be dealt withal they ought to follow the example of the wise Pilot who though the Wind be contrary yet he so ordereth his Sails by turning and winding too and fro that he neverthelesse goeth on in his voyage It is with them as with Mettals the noblest are the most flexible and if they want discretion and addresse to bend and comply when occasion is they will be sure to meet with enemies who will stick upon their skirts If there be any Ulcer in their minds they must never open it with Iron unlesse there be first of all some soft cotten tied about it though in a case of extremity I must confesse they are bound to make use of fire and Rasors to cut and burn out that which corrodeth within them or grateth without them Great freedom of speaking the naked truth is not proper in a Court or amongst Grandees with whom all kinds of devices and Artifices are to be used for the disguising of it nay some disguise it how you will do not willingly love to hear it The respect which is paid unto them in this kind is not so much a bare complaisance or simple submission as an effect of a good judgement which knoweth that their discontent doth often raise great broils in the State which by this means are prevented because it keepeth them from anger and allayeth any of their heats and emotions When Ministers are as oftentimes it happeneth to treat with Women who are persons of quality and concernment in affairs they ought to remember there is no way to satisfie them but by doing whatever they desire good or bad their Souls being uncapable of bearing a denial how just and reasonable soever when as they are once bent upon it wherefore it is not safe to discommend their Proceedings unlesse they have a mind to have their eyes scratched out But at last Prudence doth oblige them to do that which is fittest and most proper to be done so that having once done that which is just and reasonable they ought to sit still and leave the rest to Gods Providence who is
he sung the Te Deum assisted by all that could throng in as well Catholicks as Hugonots so much were they delighted to behold him and indeed his sweetnesse his agreeablenesse his Civility and the Bounty which his word and behaviour testified to all the World did not a little captivate them and charm their courages Thence he went to alight at the lodging which had been prepared for him where the whole Town waited to receive him he entertained them with such familiarity and freedome that they could never enough be satisfied with his sight And that I may the better describe the content they took in beholding him give me leave to add this one thing that never any one yet saw him but loved him He gave so discreet Orders for the Government of his Souldiers that not a man had any cause to complain of Rudeness or abuse for he severly punished the leaft insolency whatever which did not a little please and content them of the City They would gladly have kept him lo●ger amongst them but his time drew on and he had not now any other affair to detain him in those parts he having ●ettled al● things in Peace to the great Glory and happiness of his Majesty and the whole Kingdome that he provided for his return to his Majesty who desired even to longing to see him that he might take order for the affairs of Italy which began to be re-imbroyled Politique Observation ARms are not all the means for the obtaining of victories Prudence hath some if the victory be nothing but the attainment of that end for which a War is began and provided that a man once Master his design what matter is it whether it be by one or t'other It is the end that is all in all So that he who overthrows a City or wins a pitched Battail is not the onely man according to Quintus Curtus who is victorious but he may justly be likewise termed a Conqueror who by his Prudence forceth them to surrender and lay down their Arms. In the History of Italy we read of a great Contestation between the French and Italians concerning the Battail of Tar each of them ascribing the victory to his own Nation The Italians they pretended they were Masters of the field because their Quarters and Bagage were safe and whole whereas they had pillaged all the French even to the Kings Tent The French on the other side pretended they had the better of the day because they only lost two hundred men and the Italians left three thousand behind them and were also forced to quiet the field and passe over the Tar and that which was more then all the rest was they had obtained that end for which they began the fight to wit for a free passage to return into France and fo●●his reason i● was adjudged that the French indeed had the better of them it be●●g certain that the Honour of a victory doth not alone belong to him who h●th killed most of his Enemies or indeed hath lost fewest of his own but likewise to him who in conclusion of the fight obtains that end for which he began the Battail Besides 〈◊〉 esteem those victories which are got by prudence much more to be commende● then those which are got by Force of Battails in regard the one is a●●chieved with little noyses with safety and without diminution of the strength or losse of mens Lives whereas the other doth obtain but the self same thing by a way quite contrary that is fu●l of trouble danger losse and expence Those Victories which are atchieved by Force have Violence for their Chief cause whereas those which are obtained by Prudence have the Rule of all other vertues for theirs and besides who will not more esteem these then the former if only because there is lesse bloud spilt Tygers who delight to shed bloud may perchance rejoyce to see the earth dyed with 〈◊〉 But true Honour and Glory which proceedeth from sweetness and humanity cannot but abhor such sights which are so far from being accompanied with real Honour that rather on the contrary nothing can be more ignoble or unnatural Prosecution of the History AT this time France was happy indeed having overcome that Monster called Heresie which had been long conquering The Power of France was now become the greater in regard it was not divided as heretofore within it self Those Forces which had of late so often drew their Swords within their own Country were now at Liberty to be employed abroad in defence of the Allyes of the Crown The house of Austria was no longer such a Bugbear neither was there any fear of discontented persons Who formerly with the help of fifty thousand Crowns could raise a civil War at their own pleasures Those great Taxes did now cease which were of necessity to be kept on foot whilst the Kingdome was governed at randome Those Expenses which the State was forced to bear for the suppressing the Hugonots in Pensions Fortifications Garrisons Colledges and the like were now layed up The King was absolute Master of Poictou Guyenne Languedoc and Dauphinè which formerly he had only at six and seven But how much then was the whole Nation beholding unto the Cardinal seeing the King had principally made use of his Prudence and Courage to bring all these glorious things to passe as his Majesty himself had often published and declared in his letters and on many other occasions There cannot be any reasonable indifferent Judg but will conclude he deserved all monuments both of Honour and Glory and that such as should be ingrateful for these his services or attempt to procure him any displeasure ought to be punished with shame and confusion But alas that Passion of Private Interest like a thick vail which takes away the sight would not let those of the Cabal neer the Queen Mother behold his deserts and the praises which were due to him But on the contrary led them to take advantages by his absence to invent new devices and contrive sundry Artifices whereby they might incense that great Princesse against him If the King acted any thing not agreeable with her humour presently some one or other would acquaint her with it and add It was the Cardinals doings When once they perceived that she began to be jealous because his Majesty did no longer follow her Counsels which indeed were not much to be commended they were never quiet until they had entertained her with some discourse to that purpose which might blow the Coals of her passion and discontent If at any time she could not presently effect whatever she designed then the Cardinals power was to be lamented either by words at length or perchance because that was not at all times permitted by the language of their Eyes no lesse powerful than the other I should be too to long if I should describe all their tricks But who could endure that they should thus employ their time whiles he
their progresse The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace at a time when War is more proper and if to satisfie him in particular he shall lay down his Arms he doth an action unbeseem●ng a Royal Prudence Another will desire that he would discountenance such a Minister whose Councels are however of great advantage to him and doubtlesse if he do it to satisfie his humour he should commit an injustice against his own State And what reason I pray can there be alledged why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers or remove from him any Minister who like a good and Propitious Planet doth by his influences cause his state to flourish establish a good Order amongst his people and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours Who can think it any strange thing if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it No King doth ever merit the title of Just if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights for the good and glory of his Crown He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him as he is for his Kingdom and consequently that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever Now if he thus ought to prefer the publike before his own private good who can blame him if he do the like in relation to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good to shew his Duty unto his Father rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds he is not bound to observe them Are not Kings the lively Images of God If so what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish nay not exempting Kings themselves though of never so great use to their States and all this for the preservation of the world in good order So cannot any one think it unjust that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever And who is so ignorant as not to know that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes The Sun Moon and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes whence it followeth that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice still to regard the Common good which if they do not they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother returneth to Paris THat course which the King took in this particular was of all others the most moderate Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother but his own goodness and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels would not permit him to treat her after any other manner Indeed if the course he took were so moderate the execution of it was no less respectful and civil insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it The King was at that time at Comp●igne and gave out that he would on the morrow go to hunt and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree and privately told him that he should keep neer to him to serve him as occasion should require as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning and to keep that Town in its obedience The King made himself ready for the Hunting and before he went forth called the Sieur d● la Ville-aux Cleres and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother that he went without taking his leave of her because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth which she could not receive but with some displeasure though it were much conducing to the good of his State which was this That she would go to the Castle of Moulins a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad after the late King's decease and there spend some time companyed with all those of her Houshold with all sort of Liberty enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them and with all Honour due unto her Majesty To which effect he gave her the Government de Bour●onnois And then he called for the Father Suffren and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu but that she should not be troubled at it his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres to inform her of his intentions This was the Order which was observed and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her to know if she would be pleased to see him which she thought fit and presently told him she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner But he having assured her that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty but rather on the contrary to serve her and to receive the honour of her commands she became a little more appeased and about evening the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres came to request her that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her and in the mean time the King having ended his sport went to lie at Verbrie Politique Observation QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as
the depths of the most great and mysterious affairs But they only publish these things for a pretext of their mutiny by the example of some in the last age at Rouen and Valence O strange fury to render that a weaknesse in the most puissant King of the World which is a true effect of his wisedom when he saw in the Government of his estate that no affair whatever presents it self of which the Cardinal doth not fore-see the end consequences and causes that there is no inconveniency which he doth not remedy no danger which he doth not both prevent and secure that there is no difficulty which he finds not the means to compasse and that he never proposed any enterprise which he did not happily bring to passe Why then should not his Majesty follow his Counsels seeing his spirit is as it were forced by the solidity of his reasons to apprve them Politique Observation AS a King cannot too much confide in a Minister when he is throughly assured of his prudence and fidelity and if himself be of excellent parts he will not scruple it it being an assured signe of judgment to conform a mans actions to the counsel of wise men so he ought to trust him the more cheerfully in affairs of mean consequence when the temper of his genius assures him that he will acquit himself with honour And that is unbeseeming a great Monarch to trouble himself with trivial matters He who is not happy enough to have a Minister thus able is compelled to take the conduct upon his shoulders but surely he is much to be pityed God having not put the Crown upon the Head of Sovereigns to entertain their minds with trivial affairs Tiberius one of the greatest Monarchs that governed the Romane Empire being retired for his greater quiet into the Isle of Cherre● writ a Letter to the Senate wherein as Tacitus observeth he complains that he was troubled with all sorts of affairs and gave them to understand that neither Aedile nor Praetor nor Consul should have any access unto him but in matters of great concernment Thus Themistocles one of the greatest Statesmen of of his time said as Plutarch acquaints us that as the Ship of Salavere which may be likened to the Bicentaure of Venice never Launched out into the Sea but for the reception of Princes or some extraordiniry occasion So the Common-wealth of Athens should not make use of him but in high and difficult matters Now as for matters of great consequence it will be his advantage to be directed by his Counsel he having often made appear that his prudence is furnished with most infallible means to bring them to an happy issue The honour which herein he doth him is so far from taking off from his own authority that on the contrary it doth rather raise his greatness and advanceth his affairs to that pitch which himself would most desire for his glory It is dangerous presumption in any Prince to be wilfully bent upon his own judgement such an one is in a Road that leads directly into ruine The necessity of counsel is not to be avoided they ought to remember that God who is solicitous to keep the greatest Monarks within the bounds of modesty and humility hath as well subjected them to the necessity of Counsel as the rest of men unto them The most Prudent are alwaies the most stayed and it is generally agreed that to be wedded to ones own opinion contrary to the sences of great men is an assured mark of want of discretion because every one is blind in his own affairs I may hereunto adde that this stayednesse is a bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power whereby they are bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power whereby they are preserved within the limits of their duty not suffering themselves to be transported by the impetuousnesse of their passions Nature hath not formed Princes more then other men so perfect that they should alwaies swim in the right stream and never erre unlesse they have some one who may serve them for a guide The greatest Princes are most subject to be singular in their own opinions they having more authority it being most certain that a great power doth easily transport the mind into licentiousnesse It is my opinion that no greater harm can betide them then to want some person neer them whom they respect and who may have the liberty of advising them as he shall find most expedient whose advice they may follow with a respectfull condiscention Prosecution of the Subject THese Factious persons were not backward to hit the Cardinal in the teeth with the impositions charged upon the people no● that he was either the cause of them or that they were excessive but because they knew that this complaint was a fit Trumpet to raise sedition and such as all they who had ever raised any revolts in France had made use of True it is they were charged with some impositions but besides that they were not excessive they were absolutely necessary Never was there yet that time when the people d●d not apprehend their burthens to be extream It is a burthen to them to demand part of that for the King which they got not but with pain nor do injoy in any great plenty But it is without cause for that the impositions were necessary and there was not any mis-government in the disposal of the treasures Now that those Impositions so much cried out upon were unavoidable cannot be doubted because those Wars and Designs began after his comming to the Administration In consideration whereof those Charges imposed where absolutely necessary They were ingaged to allay the factious insolency of the Hugonots to succour Allies to suppresse the ambition of the house of Austria who after the invasion of our neighbours would assuredly have made their attempts upon this State This being so who can deny them to have been necessary which admitted the Impositions could be no lesse and I may safely add that those very factious spirits themselves were oftentimes the causes of raising the Taxes by causing more by half to be expended in the Wars of Piedmont by the delays they gave the Troops in detaining them so long besides they forced his Majesty to keep an Army a long time on foot purposely that he might watch and prevent their designs Wars and Taxes do constantly march hand in hand and the same pace poverty serving only to bring an Army into disorder if it be a fault to make the people contribute to the charge it is much more blame-worthy to see a State laid open to their enemies The peoples misery is an incommodity which is soon outworn in a good Country where a good Harvest puts them in statu quo prius but it is not the same in the advanta●es which the enemies of France are permitted to have there is need of a sufficient foundation to maintain the charge of the War I assure
hath solidly resolved and to content himself with answering moderately such objections as are made against him without receding from those fundamental propositions upon which the main chance is to be decided Irresolution is a thing extreamly dangerous in him not only because it gives great advantages to the opposite party but because it allays that vigour of spirit with which his advice ought to be accompanied and that earnestnesse which he ought to have for his Masters service not that I would have his Prudence joined with so sublime a subtilty unlesse he were indued with all those extraordinary qualities which make a man eminent for experience hath evinced unto us that they who are only crafty do commonly lose themselves in their own thoughts and follow such expedients which savour more of Chimera's and Apparencies then Truth or Solidity Such ruine affairs by their Ambition to extract the quintessence of them like those who have a long time blowed to find the quintessence of Mettals and in the end have nothing but wind for their pains Secresie is a quality the more needfull in him because a design once discovered is of no more advantage them a Mine contramined and that nakednesse doth as ill become his Soul as his Body besides as no one can keep a secret without dissimulation he ought to have a Soul strong enough and wel adjusted to disguise his designs to make shew to have other ends then those which he doth pretend though he ought not to make use of it unlesse in matters of great importance for the most part behaving himself with great freedom to beget the reputation of being sincere which will make his disguisements passe for the more currant truths by reason he useth them so seldom In fine it were to be wished that he were powerfull in discourse both for the well deducing of his reasons as also to animate them with that vigour which is necessary to get approbation and which might render them as effectual as faintnesse renders them uselesse when they are therewith accompanied A Treaty of Peace at Querasque THe Deputies were no sooner arrived but the conference began yet not untill after the order of their sitting had been concluded It was resolved that Panzirolo should sit at the end of the Table which in Italy is esteemed the most honourable place the Baron of Galas on his left hand the Marshal de Thoyras on his right hand the Sieur de Servient beneath Galas the President de Banies over against him and the Chancellour Guichardy at the lower end over against the Nuncio At first indeed and before the beginning of the Assembly there was some difference upon this score because the Baron de Galas and the Comte de la Rocque comming together to visit the Sieur de Servient the Comte de la Rocque took place of Galas for afterwards the Marshal de Thoyras and the Sieur de Servient did likewise pretend to take place of Galas they being too much concern'd in their Masers glory to indure that his Majesty should suffer any diminution which must have been if representing his person they should have given place to him of whom the Spanish Embassadour took place The Comte de la Rocque would take this advantage of Galas because he was only qualified as a Comissary pretending that Kings Embassadours took place of the Emperours Comissaries though not of his Embassadours In fine it was adjudged that for this once the Spanish Embassadours should give place to the Emperours Commissary unlesse Galas would likewise give place to the Most Christian Kings Embassadours To conclude they went publickly through the Town the Comte de la Rocque being in a Coach beneath Galas and the Sieurs de Thoyras and Servient took place next after him their priorities being thus regulated they began to confer upon the means for executing the Treaty of Peace concluded the precedent year at Ratisbone in order to that which concern'd Italy for as to the rest the Most Christian King would never ratifie it his Embassadours having gone beyond their Commissions There were two chief causes of difficulty the first in regard of the eighteen thousand Crowns rent accorded to the Duke of Savoy in Montferrat for which the Town of Trin was left him and divers other Lands and ancient Demesnes which did amount to that sum The second was about the manner of restoring the places both of Mantua and Montferrat as also Savoy and Piedmont the contests of either party were hot and nothing concluded untill the 6 day of April when it was resolved that the Duke of Savoy should content himself with fifteen thousand crowns rent in Montferrat valuing the Crown at eight Florins in consideration of the quality of those Towns and Lands which were left unto him which was concluded by the Assembly as concerning the restitution of places it was concluded that the Forts newly built should be demolished that each party should withdraw his forces and lastly that the places should be restored at the same time and that for assurance of the restitution hostages should interchangeably be given and all to be conformable as much as could be unto the Treaty at Ratisbonne neverthelesse it being apprehended that those of the House of Austria would more readily sacrifice three Hostages then relinquish the Grisons seeing the possession of them would joyn their estates in Germany with those of Millan it was concluded by a secret Article that the Towns of Suze and Avigliane should be delivered into the hands of the Swisses raised in the Cantons allied with France and Savoy to be by them kept in his Highnesse of Savoy's name untill such time as the Forts and Passages held by the Comte de Merodes in the Grisons were left free with obligation of restoring them to the Marshal de Thoyras in case the said Forts and Passages were not quitted This general Treaty being concluded there were particular indeavours used to decide the differences between the King and Duke of Savoy for the establishment of an assured Peace between their Subjects It was not long unconcluded because there was nothing of difficulty in it only the same conditions which had been agreed on the foregoing year These two Treaties being thus finished were signed to a general satisfaction of all except Monsieur de Mantua who was something troubled to pay the charge and the Comte de la Rocque who would have continued on the War upon any conditions whatever all the rest thinking that Peace was now restored unto Italy which for three years last past had been the Theatre of Sorrow Politique Observation HAppy is the Prince who after he hath seen his Country desolate by horrid and cruel Wars can at last settle it in Peace He will find this great Mistris of Arts to give being to all those exercises which had been interrupted and neglected during the troubles He will see Religion upon which as an Emperour once said dependeth all the good or bad fortune
had lately acquired There was not any one but this victorious Prince who had cause to except against them yet the honour he owed the King obliged him to sign them About the same time the Sieur de Varennes then near Sarbruck carried them in all diligence unto his Majesty and they were dispatched unto the persons interessed by sundry Courriers The King having received them sent the Sieur de Charnce unto the Duke of Baviers the Electors of Col●gne and Treves the heads of the League to induce them to confirm the Treaty He found them in such sensible apprehensions of the Swedish forces then ready to assault their Gates and hopelesse of repelling them and yet notwithstanding so passionately bent towards the Interests of the House of Austria that it was easie to perceive how all the Proposals of accommodation made unto the King by the Bishop of Wirtsbourg tended to no other end but to protract the proceedings of the Swid● and in the interim to strengthen themselves and then to make use of their advantages This inclination of theirs did not much surprise him for that the Cardinal who is not ignorant of any thing and whose Soul pierceth into the very depth of affairs had cold him that he could expect no other overtures from them yet his zeal for the Churches good so animated him that he was very pressing upon them to imbrace the means necessary for a good accommodation Indeed they ought to have duly considered thereof seeing the League which united them was called Catholique and two of them were Feclesiastiques But the first Article was the stumbling block of all for they could not find in their hearts to withdraw themselves from the Emperours Interests The Sieur de Charnace represented unto the Duke of Bavies how that he professing to imbrace the Churches interests ought to prefer the preservation thereof both in his own and his Neighbour States before all other considerations whatever and that being now the thing in question he ought much sooner to sorsake the house of Austria then indanger the other Notwithstanding these reasons he could not find the least inclination in him so to do but rather on the contrary the Duke publiquely declared he could not conclude upon it in regard of the great reason the Emperor would thereby have to complain against him unto which he replied that there was not any cause to apprehend the Emperours being discontented therewith seeing every Princes proper interest is to be preferr'd before all others whatever and that the resolving on this neutrality with the King of Swede was the only visible way to preserve his State from a ruine which else was unavoidable However this discourse though grounded upon reason and piety could not prevail upon him He said as much unto the Elector of Cologne unto whom he made his next address from his Majesty neither here could he effect any thing considerable so much were they disposed to uphold the Interests of the House of Austria before those of the Church as if they had not much regarded the beholding Gods houses demolished Altars profaned Sacred things plundered Priests and Religious men despoyled provided they might not see the House of Austria abased or reduced to the necessity of being contented with those States alone which did justry belong unto them It was a bewitching blindness not to be enough admired that these two Electors by embracing the Neutrality might preserve themselves their Religion and States and yet would by refusing it expose all to assured ruine But will not every one be more surprized with astonishment when he shall understand That they despising that accomodation which his Majesty had mediated should in the end ascribe all the calamities of the German Church unto his Majesty's fault As if he who furnished them with assured means to preserve it could be blamed for their non-acceptance and ruining it For my part I must needs conclude them alone guilty of those afflictions which befel both the Church and themselves for that he who refuseth the means for obtaining any end can complain against no one but himself if he miss of his Designe In fin they desired a prolongation of the Treaty the fifteen days being expired that they might consider on some other ways of Agreement The King that he might lay the whole fault at their own doors as also that hee might not seem to decline any Proposals tending to the Churches good dispatched the Marquis de Breze a second time into Germany for that purpose But the King of Sweden having laid before him how that there was not any more likely way then that of Neutrality by them refused and that delays which was but Truth gave his Enemies opportunity to fortifie themselves against him he desired to be excused And thus their own wilful stubborness was the cause of his pursuing his conquests Politique Observation IT is in petty Princes a fault not to be pardoned if they stand off and submit not to that Conquerour who will undoubtedly be their ruine They cannot alledge any reasons to justifie themselves for that Necessity is a lawful excuse for all our actions and Justice obligeth the weaker to receive the Law from the stronger But much greater is their fault who without any detriment to themselves or Interests may by sitting still make their Peace Caesar one of the greatest Captains amongst the Ancients advised to agree upon what condition soever provided it were sure rather then to be obstinate in a War with an Enemy more potent then ones self Thus of evils the least is to be chosen neither is the Pilot to be discommended who that he may prevent an absolute shipwrack parteth with some of his Lading unto the Sea Humane hopes are deceitful so that it was the choice of a wise man rather to secure himself from an evil then to assure himself of an uncertain good it often hapneth That he who refuseth an advantage offered unto him liveth to repent his non-acceptance thereof Thus the City of Tyre was sorry but too late that they had not sooner accepted of Alexander's conditions by which they might have been exempted from the calamities of a long siege which refusing did not long after behold their beautiful Buildings ruin'd part of their inhabitants kill'd and the rest brought into captivity But it is not to be doubled that Catholique Princes are obliged to comply with a Victorious King if their continuation of the War may bring any detriment unto Religion nor can any Alliance dispence with this Law The Pagans themselves were so just in the observation thereof that they never encroached upon it And indeed what reason can be alledged to prefer any mans State before Gods And what reason is there to endure the profanation of his House who is Lord of Lords for the advancing of an earthly Princes Interests Which being so Is it not just that they acknowledge the Obligation they owe unto God by preferring Religion the only mark of our service
at one time to be obeyed We see if it he otherwise jealousie takes place among them and every one in particular is carefull that no one obtain any advantage which may procure him greater honour then himself insomuch that they make a difficulty to support and assist one another so many men so many minds This approveth one Counsel he another and in this diversity of opinions the thing commonly is left undone Was it not to prevent this inconvenience that the Romans having two Consuls would not that both together should have the marks of Soveraign authority but that each should take his turn Did they not also Ordain that they should not both together command the Armies but each in his day And yet notwithstanding that care some divisions happened amongst them A well governed Army ought to be like the Body of Man whose Members are joyned and united to the Head by invisible Nerves and Arteries which enable him to move them according as he listeth And thus to prevent divisions it were expedient there were but one Head to command the motion of all the Forces according as he shall think fit Agesilaus King of the Lacedemonians though one of the greatest men of Antiquity yet that he might countermine Lysander and discredit his Authority abrogated his sentences and acted quite contrary to his advises And usually it happens where there are two Commanders of an Army the one thwarts the others designs then hatred envy and obstinacy ●ri●g all things into disorder which obstruct the carrying on of every small inconsiderable enterprize For this cause was it that Lycurgus one of the wisest Legislators among the Ancients ordained in his Laws that the Kings of Sparta in times of Peace should act joyntly with their Magistrates but in War should have Soveraign authority and that all thing should depend upon their Wills Another Commission to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons AS in times of revolt and the Soveraign's absence the insurrections which Rebels may make ought to be mistrusted his Majesty before his departure from the adjacent Provinces of Paris gave the like power to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons in Paris and the Isle of France as also over the Army in Picardy with instructions to repair thither as occasions should require By this means the Provinces thereabout remained in great quiet But that I may say somewhat concerning that Army left by his Majesty in Picardy and in that particular evince the Cardinal 's usual prudence I shal observe the advantages which might there by have been made in the present conjucture of affairs It cannot be doubted but that it was the securing of those Provinces and the awing of such factious spirits at were inclinable to foment the troubles for in case the least insurrection had been that Army had soon fallen in upon them and buried them in their own ruines Moreover it was neer about that time when the leading men of the Low-countries weary of the Spanish Tyranny insupportable to the common people layed the design of shaking off that yoke and setting their Country at liberty The had recourse unto the King to implore his protection and made divers overtures unto him to enter upon the Comtez d' Artois and Flanders which belonged to him by a just Title But his Majesty who never approveth of Revolts in other Princes Subjects more then in his own made a scruple of absolute ingaging with them or of passing his word to assist them in that design though the Spaniards being less religious in the observation of Treaties and who preserve the greatnesse of their State only by fomenting divisions among their neighbours were at that very time ingag'd to support Monsieur in his revolt and to furnish him with Forces for the over-running of Languedoc His Majesty did not totally refuse them but kept himself in a condition of sending them forces in case the Spaniard invaded France as they had promised Thus did this Army serve to keep off the Spaniards in the Bay of Languedoc from landing they mistrusting to be repayed in the Low-countries and doubting if they entred France the French would do the like to assist those Lords who were sufficiently disposed for revolt It is likewise true that it served to beget such jealousie in the Spaniards that they were forced to retain many of their Troops in the Low countries Hainaut and Artois which would have done them more service at Mastrich against the Dutch whom by this means his Majesty did equally succour as if he had sent the Marshal d'Estree with the Army in the Country of Treves according to their own desires and proposals Politique Observation THough Armies for the most part are raised to fight yet sometimes they are designed for other ends wise Princes having oftentimes obtain'd great advantages by them without striking a blow The meer jealousie which their motion may strike into an enemy obligeth him to stand upon his guard who otherwise had design'd to assault some place and in case he have assaulted it to recall some part of his Forces to prevent any attempts This effect is not of mean consequence because it divideth an enemies force and consequently rendreth him more easie to be conquered Whilest the Waters of a great River are all shut up in their own Channel their torrent is more impetuous their force the greater and who so then indeavoureth to waft over them runneth no small hazard whereas if dispersed into several Rivulets their course is more slow their depth lesse so that they are both safely and easily to be Forded Thus an enemies Army may sometimes be so strong that he is to be feared and then nothing better then to divide him and force him to separate himself by some motions which may fill him with suspicions How oft have Princes been compell'd to stay at home in their own defence by their apprehensions of an Army appearing on their own Frontiers just when they have been upon the point of invading their Neighbours Besides what Armies soever a Prince placeth on his Frontiers in times of War they alwaies give him this advantage of keeping his own Country in security either as to Forreigners who commonly make use of any pretensions about the Borders of a Country to colour their attempts or as to the discontented persons of a Kingdom who possibly may stir in their Prince's absence To preserve Peace without making war is an effect advantagious enough and indeed a cause sufficient always to keep an Army on Foot A thing in my sense of the more use in regard War ought not to be made but in order to Peace and withal it being more useful for to preserve Peace by a shew of War then by War it self that common Usher of Fire and Sword For this reason it is that a Prince ought not then to raise his Army when a Forreiner is upon the point of invading his Kingdom or when factious spirits are just ready to revolt No He ought to
best places in the World in the sight of all Europe without resistance and not being forced thereunto that he confess'd his Majesties Power was great and that it would be difficult for him to withstand it and that finding himself between two great Princes he ought to be the more cautious of his deportment in regard if he should satisfie the King by delivering Nancy he should contract the Emperour's displeasure from whom he holdeth his Dutchy which doubtlesse he would declare to be forfeited by Proclamation of the Empire with a resolution to seiz upon it as soon as ever the affairs of Germany would permit him That indeed he might reasonably expect his Majesties protection but that then it might so fall out that his Majesty might be so far ingaged in other Wars as not to be in a condition of assisting him by which means his ruine would then be inevitable and moreover that he thought it impossible to perswade his brother to Deposit Nancy unlesse at the last extremity of his affairs Whereunto the Cardinal answered that he found it not strange that he should alledge his holding of the Empire and the power of the House of Austria but besides that the King did not consider such pretensions he thought that if the Duke of Lorrain did well weigh it he would find no great reason to build upon it because he well knew that those whose interests he alledged being the chief Authors of his evil conduct had not been very solicitous to assist him That he confess'd indeed Monsieur de Lorrain was under the P●otection of two Crowns but that the Laws of the very protection obliged him to deserve it from the King by his respects and good deportment and to conclude by the desires which his Predecessors had testified that his preservation intirely depended thereupon That instead thereof he had provok'd his Majesty broken his faith by infringing of Treaties taken part with Spain run into all acts of Hostility and to compleat all the rest of his breaches of promise which might offend his Majesty had ravish'd a son of France and ingag'd Monsieur to marry his sister whereupon his Majesty had but too much reason to invade his Countries and that if he did more fear the power of the Emperour then that of France then at his Gates he might chuse what party he pleased to defend himself by force but that in case he would prudently avoid his ruine which was inevitable he could not take a better course then by depositing of Nancy which would secure his States without any loss to him As for matter of his holding of the Empire the King was far enough from admitting it seeing he himself claimeth the Soveraignty of Lorrain and that the Homage was due unto him that the Empire had heretofore usurp'd it from this Crown but that length of possession could not prejudice a Soveraigns right because great Princes who acknowledge no other Tribunal upon earth where they may claim their own are alwaies permitted to demand their rights from Usurpers and to enter them by force so that no time can cause a prescription against them that the affairs of France had not heretofore been in a condition to dispute these pretences but that now God having opened his Majesty a way to establish his Monarchy in its primitive greatnesse Posterity would have a just cause to reproach him with negligence if he should not imploy his forces in the recovery of the most ancient rights of his Crown that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to have had those fears alledged by him in his mind at such time as he was running on to provoke his Majesty against him but that now having done the injury his Majesty could not dissemble his resentment wherefore he was absolutely resolved to be reveng'd unless he receiv'd such satisfaction that all Europe might know to be reasonable that his P●edecessors had ever well-esteem'd the friendship of France and that he himself might have rested secure in this protection because his Majesty well knew how to defend him against any man But in fine that the King could not admit of any other condition then the Deposite of Nancy seeing though he already had the best places of Lorrain in his hands they could not oblige the Duke to keep his promise and that his Majesty had reason to suspect he would not be much more solicitous for keeping it in future after so many changes of his resolution that his Majesty chiefly desired this assurance that he might no more hazard the receiving a new injury or be necessitated to his great expence to raise a new Army a thing peradventure which might then fall out when the State of his affairs would hardly permit him to attend it whereas the present conjuncture was such that his Majesty could not wish it more favourable there being no likelyhood of any thing to divert him that the Duke of Lorrain might be thereby the more readily induc'd to this resolution his Majesty desired to inform him of the present state of his affairs that that of France was such that it was not only at Peace but without fear of civil War all ill Subjects conspiring to be obedient the Treasure being full of money to sustain the charge and on the other side the Treaty of the Low Countries being broken without the least hopes of being brought on again and the Spaniards being in so much want of assistance from their Allies that the Duke of Lorrain could not pretend to expect any from them As to Germany that the Emperours forces had enough to do to defend themselves from the prosperous successe of the Swede who was not likely to be stopp'd As to matter of Italy that the Cardinal Infanta's forces were not yet ready to march and that admitting they were yet that they might meet with great obstructions in the Valtoline the Swedes being advanced thither to hinder their march and that thus Nancy might be besieg'd and taken without hopes of any assistance to releeve it unlesse Monsieur de Lorrain had rather Deposite it in his Majesties hands The Cardinal de Lorrain found it an hard task to answer these reasons and being retired all the course he took was to beseech his Majesty to give him time to confer with the Duke his brother and in the mean time not to make any further progresse The King not only refus'd it but assur'd that he would march before Nancy with the greatest speed that might be resolv'd never to depart until he had reduc'd it to its obedience That there ought to be other assurances taken then bare words from an incens'd Prince who hath oftentimes broke his word IT is necessary to take other kind of security then bare words from a Prince who hath often failed of his word especially who is known to be incens'd passionately desirous of revenging the punishments he hath receiv'd His apparent submissions in matters of accommodation are effects rather of his weakness then
the King to treat entred into conference with the Cardinal of Lorrain and concluded a Treaty upon these following conditions 1. That the Duke of Lorrain should renounce all new Alliances it prejudice to that of France 2. Thatt he should oblige himself to serve the King with and against all 3. That he should not make any Levies of War during the present troubles of Germany without his Majesties consent 4. The he should disband as soon as his Majesty should receive notice from the Chancellour Oxenstern that he would not attempt any thing but withdraw the Swedish forces from his Countries 5. That he should deliver the City of Nancy both old and new in Deposit to his Majesties hands within three days until such time as his good behaviour or the pacification of the trubles of Germany should take away all cause of suspicion of the like enterprizes as he had heretofore made against his Majesty and his Allies and also untill such time as the pretended marriage between Monsieur and the Princess Marguerite were declared null by Law and that the differences between the King and the said Duke were decided each of them in the mean while enjoying their rights without prejudice of this Treaty yet however that in case the War of Germany should last four years the conditions of this Treaty being first accomplished his Majesty should restore Nancy into the hands of the said Duke or his Successors 6. That the Princess Marguerite should be delivered into the Kings hands within fifteen days or at least that the said Cardinal and Duke of Lorrain should use their utmost endeavour to recover her from whence she was and to deliver her into his Majesties hands and should so order the business that her retreat should not hinder the dissolution of the marriage 7. That the Dutchy of Bar should continue sequestred untill such time as his Majesty should be satisfied for the homage thereof 8. That the Revenue of Lorrain and the States thereupon depending should be receiv'd by the said Duke with all sort of liberty 9. That he whom his Majesty should place in Nancy during the Deposit should have the absolute command of the Arms without other obligation then that of receiving the word from the Cardinal of Lorrain in case he would make his abode there 10. That Order should be taken that the Garison might not offer any distast to the Inhabitants This was the conclusion made in the Camp before Nancy the 6. of September Whereupon the Cardinal went to the Duke to procure his ratification He brought in and the Cardinal accompanied by Janin his Secretary of State coming to give his Majesty assurance thereof there were three days time alotted for execution of the Treaty and for his Majesties entring into Nancy But the day being come the Cardinal de Lorrain fell off to delays and excuses pretending that his brother had sent order to the contrary by a certain Gentleman named Giton so that the whole businesse was to be begun again However the Cardinal sensible of his own power and not ignorant of the advantages he had upon the Duke of Lorrain would not totally break off the Treaty but sent the Marquesse de Chanvalon to Nancy to the Cardinal of Lorrain with charge to tell him as from himself that the King found himself by divers reasons forced to carry his affairs to the height yet had however some unwillingnesse to put that resolution in execution because of the franknesse and affection he had testified to contribute his endeavours for a reasonable accommodation The Cardinal testified that his good will was no whit diminished that he would once again see what he could work upon his Brother to induce him to adhere to the Treaty in order whereunto he sent a Gentleman to him with such effectual expressions perswading him to settle his affairs then in a declining condition that he at last hearkned to his advice and sent the Sieur de Contrisson to his Majesty to desire a safe conduct to confer with Monsieur the Cardinal at St. Nicholas His Majesty granted it but the morning following thinking it more fit that the Cardinal should go as far as Charmes to treat with him for fear lest he might have propos'd this conference at St. Nicholas that he might the better get away into Flanders where once being there was no l●k●lyhood of his depositing Nancy it was signified unto him that Charmes would be a place much more proper for the Treaty which he accepting of the Cardinal and he came thither upon the 18. Monsieur le Cardinal came first thither about five in the evening accompanied by the Cardinal de la Valette the Popes Nuntio a great many Lords and Gentlemen and a good party of Horse and Foot The Duke came not untill about eleven at night so that finding the Cardinal in bed and not willing to permit his people to wake him according as he had commanded they met not untill the morning following That day they had two long debates without any conclusion so that every one thought there would be no agreement but in fine the Duke perswaded by the Cardinal's eloquence and addresse submitted just as his eminence was bidding him adieu at his Lodging and pass'd his word to conclude the Treaty which his brother had made by his Order without including any other condition but this that he might make his abode at Nancy with all honours due to his quality as also the Cardinal his Brother and that the Treaty being within three moneths particularly that which ingag'd him to deliver the Princess Marguerite into the Kings hands his Majesty should restore him the City of Nancy without more ado then demolishing the Fortifications if his Majesty should so think fit Monsieur le Cardinal did the more willingly consent unto these two Articles in regard he pretended only to put things into a way of reason not to extend the bounds of France which was of it self large enough to obtain as much glory as his Majesty could desire so that both of them having signed it there wanted nothing but the execution of them Monsieur le Cardinall was not ignorant how important it was not to abandon Monsieur de Lorrain or to leave him to his own honesty which possibly might have been shaken by the natural inconstancy of his humour So that he earnestly laboured to perswade him to meet his Majesty in person in order to the performance of his promises He represented to him that it would be the more glorious for him in regard it would testifie unto all Princes that he had not Deposited Nancy upon compulsion as also of great advantage in regard it would be an ample demonstration of his real intentions of submitting his unto his Majesties Will Who would thereupon be the more indulgent of him and surrender Nancy unto him as soon as ever he should be assured he might be confident of his good deportment Such were the charms of his words that
Archers and to hinder any Religious person from entring in pretending it might disturb the publique Peace for which by his charge he was oblig'd to provide The Arch-Bishop was very sensibly displeas'd to see his designs so forcibly countermin'd and not resolved so to relinquish them he went in person to the Religious to carry them to his Palace a resolution which was the cause of all the misfortune that happened what had pass'd till then being look'd upon by most people only as a gallantry of spirit The Duke having never learn'd patience enough to suffer the Arch-Bishop to incroach upon his power by any Ecclesiastical priviledge went to meet him in person with his guards and some other Gentlemen at the entrance of the Cathedral Cloister and the Arch-Bishop coming thither he went up to him spoke some angry words struck off his Hat and Cap and as some witnesses depos'd in the information taken by authority of Parliament put the end of the stick which he had in his hand to his breast This Procedure made a great noise in the City and the Arch-Bishop losing no time the very next morning being the eleventh of November assembled those of his Clergy and by common consent Excommunicated the Duke and his Assistants interdicted the Cities and Suburbs of Bourdeaux and Cadillac The Parliament seeing this great trouble did what they could to make an accommodation but it was to little purpose all they could obtain was that the Parliament might hear masse in the Palace Chappel He likewise sent to the King informations of what had pass'd whereupon his Majesty sent order to the Arch-Bishop to take away the interdiction and to the Duke to go to his house of Plassac which is out of the Diocess of Bourdeaux to expect the Popes resolution to whom the decision of that controversie properly belong'd seeing they had appeal'd to his Holiness which hung in suspence about five or six moneths nor was it ended untill the yeer following till when I forbear to say any more of it That much respect hath been alwaies given to Prelates and Bishops THe Function of Prelates and Priests is so eminent and holy that all people nay Emperors themselves have been oblig'd to respect them Plutarch alledging the cause saith it is because they pray to the Gods not only for themselves and friends but for all mankind The Romans in the times of Paganism did so much honour them that the Priests of Jupiter going in the City had a Lictor and a cella curulis and condemned Cneux Cornelius Praetor of Rome for having injuriously disputed with Aemilius Lepidus the High Priest Alexander Severus had so great a respect to them in such causes where religion was interessed that he was not offended when their judgements were contrary to his and how respectfully did Alexander treat the High Priest of the Jews when in his fury going to Jerusalem with a design to ruine it he met him comming in his Pontisicalibus he was not only appeas'd but as the History saith worshipped God in his person with a great deal of reverence All Pagans in general have next to their Kings ascrib'd the chief place to their Priests and held it a great crime to offend them If the light of nature hath induc'd them so to respect them Christianity obligeth us to honour them much more seeing Bishops are receiv'd for Fathers and Pastors of the Church for the Successors of Religion and the Pastors of Jesus Christ they ought to be respected as the Law of well-living as certain rules of good works as Angels who have intelligence of the mysteries of our faith and who are more purified by the flames of the Holy Ghost they ought to be respected as persons of an eminent dignity who ought to have their minds rais'd in the contemplation of heavenly things to live in a noble scorn of al earthly things as so māy bright stars whose lustre is never sullied by the Clouds of Vice as heavenly men who have familiar converse with God as living books of the true Doctrine as the true Organs of Christianity and the Idea by which the people ought to frame their lives Constantine the great said he did not consider them as common men but as so many Thrones where the Divinity inhabited for which reason he could not indure that any should speak of them slightly and threatned those with death who offended him as is to be seen in History and chiefly commanded all governours of Provinces especially to honour them I shall likewise add a particular care in punishing those who injure them History is full of examples which the brevity of these maximes give me not leave to insert I shall only add that Prelates to render themselves worthy of this extraordinary honour are oblig'd to contain themselves within the limits of their condition because as the shadow cannot be without the body so it is unreasonable to pretend to glory without meriting it by virtue An Edict to abate superfluous expences THough the Forraign Wars undertaken by his Majesty of late years consum'd great sums of money and forc'd the King to levy great Taxes which did not a little diminish private mens Revenues yet such was the fruitfulnesse of France that they found means to satisfie their natural inclination of going richly cloath'd His Majesty dislik'd the ill deportment of many who notwithstanding the great necessities of the State did not cease to make superfluous expences in Stuffs Embroideries gold and silver Laces Bone-laces and other like vanities not to be permitted but in a full and long Peace It was the more needfull to redress these disorders because for the satisfying of such excessive curiosities there was a great deal of silver transported out of France which thereby was much impoverished whereby his Majesty was disabled at a time of need to raise monies for the supplying of his occasions or to exact those contributions which the glory and interest of his state did really require These reasons oblig'd him to make an Edict in the moneth of December by which the wearing of any Stuffs Embroideries gold and silver lace or any bone-lace of above nine Livres the Ell was prohibited upon pain of confiscation and six hundred Livres to be levied on them on them who should wear it and a thousand Crowns upon the Merchants who should sell it His Majesty knowing how powerfull the example of a Soveraign is amongst his people taught the French by his habit how to follow this rule and was so carefull in it that this Edict was better observed then any of the like quality had a long time been That Edicts inhibiting superfluous Expences are profitable both to Soveraign and People EDicts which forbid vain Expences are no lesse profitable to Soveraigns than the people especially in times of War Private mens plenty is the Princes treasure which he may make use of in time of necessity and as it cannot be preserv'd without frugality which prohibiteth the use of