opportune and commodious for great Navies the People manie and malicious against their Conquerers and having their Sores yet open and quicke To come to their other Subjects wee heare that the Arragonees haue their Myndes in like sort wounded with the remembrance of the late Conquest made of them and to speake generallie of all the Nobilitie of Spayne yea even of those of Castile it selfe It hath beene ever so that as Thieues haue beene studious to provide Backe-Doores so great Noble-men vnder Kings in all Ages haue wished that some adjacent Prince might bee in Tearmes of Emulation with their Master to whose protection they might haue recourse in Case at anie time they should happen to fall vnder their Masters wrath by their Ambitious and insolent carriage things familiar eneugh to potent Subjects in everie Countrey Now Spaine being as it is at this day conjoyned vnder one Crowne in manner of an Yland where-fra the Princes and Lords there-of cannot easilie with-draw them-selues in such a Case they are by that meanes brought vnder greater Feare Slaverie and Subjection When there were severall Kingdomes in Navarre Arrogone and Portugall the Castilian Nobles vpon anie distraction or variance with their King did finde easie retract and protection with some of these Neighbour-Princes perhaps with more Honour and Preferments than at home by reason of Neighbour Iealousies and Contention the examples where-of are most frequent in anie Historie as in our owne wee finde that before the vnion of Great Britane it was more easie and secure for Scottish Noble-men to offende their Princes and leape out from their obedience having so neare a Sanctuarie in the Hospitalitie and Armes of England by reason of Neighbour Distractions than it is now when their nearest refuge should bee Spaine or Flanders And as ancientlie that advantage did often a-wake the Pryde of our great Men and giue way to Rebellion against their Kings So the solide Incorporation that now is hath put a Brydle into the Teeth of that kinde of Ambition that no stirre can bee heere to trouble a King vnlesse it were by generall revolt of the whole Countrey or receiving of Forraigne Armes with-in our Bowels and joyning with them And as the supposed prowde and tyrannous Governament of Spaine is thought to enstrange the Hearts of their Nobilitie from their King and to make them more practizable to rebellions if they should see the occasion faire so there is no doubt but dure and rigorous Governament should even in this Kingdome or anie other else produce the like Consequences Al-wayes the Nobilitie of Spaine at this day doeth want this Sanctuarie of Refuge that the skurviest Marshall is able to arrest the greatest of them and now with much griefe they doe resent the effectes of that which was prognosticated vnto them when King Charles the fift began to extende the Wings of his Domination for the which cause they did show them-selues notablie displeased with the conjunction of Portugall as Don Francisco de Ivara a noble man of Castile being Ambassadour at Paris during the League Anno 1579 hearing by a French Gentle-man newlie come from Africke that the Moores were in feare having intelligence that King Philip did put together great Forces for to conquer them vnder pretext to revenge the slaughter of Don Sebastian King of Portugall for so did Philip make the World belieue when hee did conveane his Armies against Portugall But the saide Francis did answere this Gentle-man saying It is well that the Moores bee in feare but it is better that your Master the King of France vnderstand the intention of that Armie to bee against Portugall which if hee doe conquere your Master and the Pope and all the Princes of Europe may lay compt by length of time to bee his Tributaries Which speach doeth well enough demonstrate the aversnesse of the Spanish Nobilitie from the fearfull Greatnesse of his Empyre The State Ecclesiasticke indeede doeth more affect him yet I haue tolde you that hee doeth skumme the Fat of their Pâ—t but of this Weaknesse which wee gather of discontented humours of their Nobilitie there is no advantage to bee gayned by secret Practises because of the terrour of the Inquisition His Iesuites and perfidious Ambassadours get libertie with other Princes to traffique to traytor at their pleasure whereof wee haue late experiences to our owne Coastes but none dare adventure that kynde of doing in Spayne Al-wayes out of those it may bee surelie enough presumed of the Nobilitie namelie of their late Conquests of Spaine that when they should see a puissant Enemie amongst them the Fyre of their indignation should breake foorth so much more violentlie by how much it hath bene long masterfullie suppressed amongst the Ashes of their Servitude sayeth Scip. African in that Oration to the Senate for sending of Forces in Africke during Hanniballes being in Italie Non speraverat Hanniball fore ut tot populi in Italia ad se deficerent post Cannensem dedem quanto minus quicquam in Africa firmum aâ— stabile sit Carthaginensibus infidis sotiis gravibus dominis Hanniball did not looke for so great revolting of People with-in Italie from the honest and generous Romanes after his victorie at Cannas how much lesse can things bee firme and sure in Africke to the Carthagenians a Nation treacherous and vntrustie to their Associates and tyrannous to their Subjects which Saying howe properlie it may bee applyed to the present Purpose anie man doeth see it Next it is thought that there bee small store of Armes in Spaine the numbers of Cities and People considered partlie because they goe for the furnishing of his Warres abroade and partlie because it is not thought expedient by his Counsell that Multitudes but latelie conquered whose Myndes are yet suspected should bee armed at their pleasure remembering well vvhat had almoste befallen KING PHILIP the third if the Moores called Nâ—vos Christianos vvho then had a neare Designe agaynst him had not beene suddenlie disarmed and cast foorth of the Countrey Moreover the prowde and tyrannous nature of the Spanyard is no small point of Weaknesse for why the LORD GOD doeth humble the Prowde and punish the Oppressour Tolluntur in altum ut lapsum graviora cadâ—nt I doe not onelie speake of that dominant and Monarchicall Pryde mayntayned by so manie Cruelties Perfidies and Impieties bore-saide but vniversallie of the verie vulgar pryde chiefelie of the Castilians Even as the fumes of strong Wyne doe inebtiate and make giddâ—e the Braines of Man transporting them from the centre of their place so doeth Pryde blynde and confuse the Vnderstanding and as seldome Prudence doeth accompanie Youth-head Even so is Wisdome rarelie conjoyned with too much Prosperitie Neither shall it bee out of purpose to speake a few wordes of the Spanish Nature in generall They are extreamelie melancholious which everie â—ot of their carriage doeth verifie their graue Apparell their sober Dyet their Dauncing their Musicke
Kings did lose in Battels yea and frequent Battels ten or twentie or thirtie thousand Men when Scotland was not so populous What should wee then doubt nor wee bee able now to make great numbers and that is alwyse easilie tryed by Rolles of Weapon-showes if they bee diligentlie noted and so what doe wee lacke of Warre but Armour Discipline and Mayntaynance And certainlie it is strange that in this great appearance of Warres the two or three yeares by-gone no order hath bene given to bring able men vnder Discipline Wee heare and haue read that even in Spaine when the Countrey-Youthes of vulgar kinde are in-rolled for the Milice and brought to Cities for Discipline they doe looke as most vile and abject Slaues if one haue Sockes hee wanteth Shooes and manie doe want both if another haue Breaches hee wanteth the Doublet pitifull Bodies and our of countenance but when they bee exercised during two Moneths and once put into Apparell then they are seene of most haughtie Carriage and to walke as Captaines in the Streets Why then are wee not to expect the lyke of our People if lyke paines were taken and if in everie Shyre 〈◊〉 Men expert in the Souldierie were set a-worke to in-roll and bring vnder Captâ—ines and Discipline those who were most fitting for the Warres no doubt but our basest Clownes should grow both to civill conversation and cowrage There hath never beene yet anie great State carelesse of the Militarie Seminaries not in times of most solemne and sworne Peace As for Allyance Leagues or Confederacio in Warres they are indeede not onelie necessarie but as I haue saide before even naturall to bee for the safetie of smaller States or Princes from the tyrannie and violence of the mightier But with-all they haue beene often-times subject to one of two great Inconveniences either to Pryde for Preferment or Prioritie of place during Warres where-thorow what dangers did ensue in that famous Confederacie for the Battell of Lepanto because of emulation betwixt Don Iohn de Austria and Vinieri the Admirall of Venice the Storie doeth beare it at length and al-be-it it pleased GOD in His mercie to favour the present action yet the rememberance of that Contestation did debrash all farther prosecution of that glorious and holie Enterpryse and vtterlie dissolue that Christian Vnion Neyther is it a new thing al-though I bring this late Example for it The Romanes in their beginnings being confederate with the Latines in a League offensiue and defensiue the Latines did challange Paritie of Governement Si societas aequaâ—io juris est sayeth Livius cur non omnia aequantur cur non alter ab Latinis Consul datur vbi pars vivium ibi imperij pars Tum consul Rom audi Iupiter baec scelera perigrinos Consules c. If societie bee an equalitie of things Why are not all things made equall to vs and why should not one of the two Consuls bee a Latine Where-vnto the Romanes did answere by attesting Iupiter that it was an impious demande to haue a stranger Consullover them Or againe Leagues are subject to fraudfull desertion of some of the Sociation in time of greatest Danger Wherof the World is full of daylie experience I will remember that of Lodowicke Duke of Milan who vpon malice against the Aragones of Naples did procure King Charles the eight of France pretending some Title to Naples to bring a great Armie into Italie joyned with him a Confederacie of divers of his Friends in Italie But seeing the said King to passe thorow so fortunatelie and to behaue him-selfe as a Conquerour in manie of their Townes and to enter peaceablie in Naples without that anie Teeth were showed against him as the King returned from Naples home-ward the same Duke did negotiâ—te a League of the greatest PoteÌ„tates against him who did constrayne him to fight a Battell at Forum Novum vnder the Apennine where hee did hardlie escape with his lyfe although hee over-threwe them I haue tolde you alreadie how Philip the second of Spayne did desert Don Sebastian of Portugall and betray him by a League but of all Examples for this Purpose that is most remarkable of the Confederacie drawne by Charles of Burgundie with the whole Princes of France agaynst Lewis the eleventh where-vnto they were so bended and willing that they did call it Bellum pro Rep. A Warre vnder-gone for the Common-wealth Which Confederacie that subtill King did dissolue as Clowds dispersed with the Wind before they could grow to Raine where-vpon sayeth the Wryter of the Historie De Comines That hee holdeth one partie stronger for him-selfe who doeth command absolutelie over 10000 than are ten Confederates against him al-be-it everie of them doeth command over 6000. To come to our Purpose There are as manie Christian Princes and States true Enemies to the Spanyard as are able to devoure him in two or three Yeares if it were possible to contract amongst them a Confederacie or League of Salt that is to say which might endure without Corruption of Fraude or Emulation And therefore heere must I say that all the Actions belonging to a King are of light importance compared to this to maturelie deliberate both of his owne Forces and of the trustinesse of Confederates before hee doe enterpryze VVare Alwyse when wee take but a single view of our Associates against Spayne wee should thinke it strange why they may not stand vnited beeing al-readie conjoyned by Viâ—initie of Neighbour-hood by Consanguinitie Affinitie communion of one Cause against a Common Enemie communion of one Fayth connected I say everie one of them by diverse of these Bandes our Soveraigne the King of Great Britane the French King his Brother-in-law the King of Denmarke his Vncle the Princes of Germanie all knit to the Prince Palatine eyther in Blood in Religion or participation of one Feare of the House of Austria the Duke of Savoy who lyeth nearest to the Thunders and Threats of Spayne having a great part of his Territories circumscribed by them the Venetians who beholde his Garrisons daylie vpon their Frontiers gaping for some good oportunitie of Assault Holland and her Estates who haue beene so long protected and as it were fostered in the Bosome of the Crowne of England now who would not conjecture that this Tygers VVhelpe might bee surelie impailed amidst those mightie Hunters and that it were easie for them to bring him to his latter sweate I scorne heere to call in question what invincible Armies they might assemble by Sea and Land sufficient to robbe him of all that hee hath for it is thought that if after the taking in of Portugall England France Holland and other Confederates had then put into it amongst them all but 30000 Men with sufficient Shipping and Munition they had beene bastant to recover it and King Philip had beene forced to forbeare from the farther troubling of France or Holland And yet to treat this Point of so
Discourse The first the greatnesse of the Spanish Empyre The Importance and Worth of Portugall The second to be marked of the former Discourse is the extent of the Spanish Ambition The Spanish Vsâ—â—pation over the Consistorie of Rome â— 3. Observation vpon the former Discourse is the Insidiation of the Spanish Ambition Nâ—melie Antonio 〈◊〉 Parricidâ—e practised in Spaine as in Turkâ—e by a religous Tradâ—tion Christian Princes to be aâ—ware of Spanish Treacheries 〈…〉 Parricidie practised in Spâ—tne as in Turkie by a religous Tradition Christian Princes to be aâ—ware of Spanish Treacheries A tryall of what VVeaknesse is into this great Empyre The State and Counsell of Spayâ— not interrupted or altered by the death of a King Fortitude of Empyre standeth in 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Examples of dis-vnited Conquests The Spanish Provinces disjoinâ—ed members The Spanyard draweth nought from his Provinces The commodities of his Proâ—nees What is the greatest Treasure of a Prince Inconvenientes following vpon the being of Treasures in the hands of Princes Treasures collected by great Kinges most often vnhappilie spended Publicke Charitie of Augustus Princes haue manie occasions not knowne to Subjectes of necessaâ—ie debursments Oblations of Money ancientlie made to Princes First Impost of the Salt in France a gratuitie temporall but turned to be annuall Another VVeaknesse of Spaine to bee feared of all Cardinall 〈◊〉 against 〈◊〉 the second of Spaine The Portugals doe hate the Castilians The origine of the Portugals and 〈◊〉 The whole 〈◊〉 of Spaine doe hate their Prince his greatnesse why they doe so It is not so easie for our Noble men to rebell now as before our Conjunction with England A cleare Testimonie there-of A 〈◊〉 supposed in Spaine for 〈◊〉 of Armes and how it is so Their naturall Pryde a great VVeaknesse Viâ—e Description of the Spanish Hâ—mour The Spanish Punctualitie approacheth to Nullitie Deâ—cription of Punctualitiâ— A quicke observation for Punctualitie The Navarâ—oies doe hate the Spanyard And the French too The Pryde of Spayne to bee opposed by Vvarre Colonâ—es Plantatioâ— of Nova Scotia Incommodities and Evils following on VVarrâ— When a Kingdome is iâ—perfection then bee aware of Warres Great Bâ—itane alreadie a perfect Monarchie Wisdome and Moderation of Scipio 〈◊〉 Forraigne 〈◊〉 fâ—uitlesse for our Princes The definition of a just Warre Our Warre against Spaine just in three maine respectes Livius dec 3. lib. 8. Agâ—silaus â— poore King went against the Persian Empyre 〈…〉 How the Spanyard is proved to bee our Enemie How Scotland is furnished of Men for Warre Neglect of militarie Discipline Thenature of Leagues and Consederacies Confeâ— for the Battell of Lapanto Confed of the Romanes and 〈◊〉 Confed betwixt Carâ—es the eight of France the Duke of Milan Confederacie against Lewis the eleventh of France Leagues or Confederacies of Salt Deliberation for War the weightiest matter belonging to a King Confederates against Spayne Whether small or grosse Armies to bee sent to Enemie Countreyes The longsome Warres of Amurat the third improfitable â— prudent Prince will not manage Warres within but without his Countreyes Palatinate the most honourable place of this VVarre VVest Flanders a proper Seat for Wars against Spayne Going of the Navie latelie to Portugall Couâ—sels not to bee pondered by the events The going of our King in person to Spayne The English auncientlie most victorious in Spaine Scanderbeg VVilliam VVallace Henrie Earle of Richmond against Richard the third with 2000 French Portugall and Navarre the first revolters from Spaine The VVest Indees in the possession of a great Monarch aninfallible meanes to vniversalitie of Empyre the proofe there of Money the Nerue of VVarre and the proofe there-of Greatest States and Monarches straited for wâ—nt of Money The hudge Moneyes gotten by Charles the fift into Peru. The naturall humour and manners of the French Nation A 〈◊〉 of the Reâ—sorâ— which should encowrage vs agaynst the spaâ—yâ—rd Co â—emplatâ—on of our 〈…〉 during our Pâ—ace this 〈◊〉 byâ—gone Calamitie of the Citie of Paris and of whole France Contemâ—lation of the Troubles of our Predecessors Maximus the Romane Generall against the Scottish King Eugeâ—â—â— Encowragement from great Reasons It is proved that there is more by a great deale of Money and Men now than our Predecessours had It is showne that the broken Estates of particular meâ— doeth not argue the povertie of a Countrey The dâ—ngerous consequence of ingratitude in People A wicked People doe make a wicked King A Bridge of Golde to bee made for Enemies to passe out on Iust and true Encowragements from solide Causes Captivitie of King Iohn of France and of Francis the first Great Ransome payed by our Antecessours for King David Bruce if the Author was not a little mistaken Philip de Cominit sayth fiue hundreth thousand Crownes The Causes why the Palatinate is detained by the Spanyard A remarkable Speach of Coronell Semple to the Author of this Treatise The Quarrell of the Palatinate most â—ib to vs why Iohn Knoxe against the Regiment of Women Of our domesticke discontent or Feares The going of the Navie to the Seas and our publicke Fast. Secrecie advanceth great Enterpryses Secresie of Iulius Caesar Charles the fift 〈◊〉 the eleventh and of the 〈◊〉 Councell The Reformation or Innovation of Magistrates 〈…〉 Senators are to bee of good Age Experience Numâ— 11. Inconvenients that follow the perpetuitie of Magistrates Inconvenientes by the Innovation of Magistrates and Counsellers Vtilitie of the Censor amongst the Romanes The Spanish Syndicator in place of the Censor Nature of the Comiss. for Grievances A latter appellat due to Soveraignitie Two of one Familie not to bee of one Session of Iudges approoved in France â—efoâ—mation of the Barre Advoâ—ats Low necessarie Imposts mâ—â—entâ—e layde vpon Processes 〈◊〉 Sainct Enemie to Meâ—cenaâ—ie Advotation Emanuelâ— King of Portugall Enemie to Mercenarie Advocation In what Christiâ—n Countrâ—yes no Advocation In Venice Advocates haue two Audiences and no more Multitude of Iudges profitable Heritable Magistrates Bod. in Repub. Erected Church Lands If the Patrimonie of the Crowne bee alienable Domaine of Republickes not alienable How Christian Princes doe accept their Crownes Princes like vnto GOD doe creat Men of nothing The last Convention of the 〈◊〉 of Scotland To be wished that the Church-LaÌ„ds had ever remained with the Crowne Ritches haue spoyled the Pietie of the Church The Laiciâ— did spend the Church-rents in even in time of Popeâ—â—ie The stupiditie of Princes and People not observing the Evils following vpon the Ritches of the Church The number of the Ecclesiasticall Estates in 〈◊〉 How Princes doe remember these Evils The nature of Tythes Of Tenthes The Arguments vsed against Evangelicall Tenthes Why they arâ— thought Ceremoniall The Priests of Melchisedek Tythes devoted by positiue Lawes When Dedication in Scotland The Benediâ—â—ne order frequent and â—amous in Scotland Calvinâ— and Perkins deny Tythes Evangelicall Puritanes opposed to the Pops Church even in good things Tythes vnderstood by naturall Light of the Gentiles Mystorie of the number â—0 Created or Instrumentall Wisdome VVisd Salom 7. Eccles. 1. Esai 40. Ch. The nature of Number in generall Nature of Angels GOD is Vnitie Veritie and Bonitie Definition of Vnitie GOD is the Centre of all Things GOD hath particular respects for particular Numbers Great vse of the Number 7. Nature of the Dualitie Nature of the Novenarie or Number 9. Ten is the Quotient or fulnesse of Nature Man was the first Tythe CHRIST was the second Tythe Psal. 144. CHRIST began and clozed thâ— Circle of Nature A Speach of Roboâ— Mes. Hardas worthie observation The Opinion of Iunius concerning Tythes Two sorts of Puritane opponents to Episcopall GovernameÌ„t and Rentes discordant amongst themselues Persecution of Iulian worse than of Dioclesian Plantation of the North Ylâ—s of Scotland of what Importance Battell of Hare-Law Abuses and Oppressions by way of Tythes Discourse of the Nature and Courie of Moneyes Gold cannot be employed without a â—ixtion of â—ilver Fraude of Gold-smiths and of Coyners What the heighting of Money doth impoâ—t A great heighting of Moneyes amongst the Romanes in their Punicke Warres Soveraigne Vertues of the Golde Elias Artista Of Moneyes kept vp by Merchands Decay of Ships and the 〈◊〉 why Meanes to restore Shipping in Maritine Townâ— Prodigall Persoâ—s interdyâ—â—d by â—aw No private Man is absolute Lord of his Lands or Goods Against the Prodigalitie of 〈◊〉 Plate and guilding with Golde Ritches of Scip. Asriâ— Ferdinandus Magn. did sel his Silver Plate and Iewels Charles the ninth of France did coyne his Silver Plate Lib. 33. Prescription for Dyet and Apparell Hector Boâ—â—â— Lib. 12. Speach to the King's Majestie Diligence of Augastus against his Enemies Who be Enemies to the present Governament of this Kingdome Vigilance over the Admission of Bishops and Ministers Honour done by Augustus to the Senators The Modellie of â—â—aries the fift of France Lewis the eleventh of France would not suffer his Son to learne the Latine Tongue The Condiâ—â—on of Senators chosen by Augustus Great Affection of King Darius to Zopyrus Diligence Mechanicke of Augustus to know the Revenewes and Debursments ordinarie of the Empyre Vigilance of the Persian Kings over their Finances Diligence of Augustus to ease the People immatters of Law Processes Supplication in Favouâ—s of the S. 〈◊〉 of Scotland Plutare de Fortuna aut virtute Alexandri The notable Magnanimitie of Alexander whilst he wanted Money GOD maketh althings in Nature with Tyme and Patience The Youth-head of every thing in Nature most observed and looked to The Monopole 〈◊〉 the Salt in France
vnderstand more of it he may finde a Treatise done at large on that subject by Reginaldus Consalvus Montanus De Artibus Sanctae Inquisitionis Hispanicae one who hath for manie Yeares knowne and behelde it with his Eyes The next thing that King Philip went about was the joyning of Portugall to the other Kingdomes of Spayne alreadie in his Possession and there-by to make the Bodie of that Monarchie perfect and entire and finding nothing that could serue him for pretext or colour to moue open Warres the King there-of Don Sebestian being his neare Cosin of one Religion free from anie Controversies with him for Dominion and knowing the saide Sebestian to haue a Kinglie and cowragious Mynde with-all hardie and temerarious hee did corrupt and suborne some of his chiefest Favorites to puisse him to the enlarging of his Conquests in Africke against the Moores where-of his Predecessours had alreadie layde so good Foundations and for his easier inducement there-to hee did promise him large ayde both of Souldiours of Money And when Don Sebestian had embarked himselfe for Africke and did expect the arrivall of the promised Succours hee found nothing but Letters of new expectation while in the meane time Philip did practise by Claudestine meanes both discontentment and Mutinie with-in his owne Armies and Treyes with the Barbarian Kings against whom hee went Where-vpon ensued the overthrow and death of the saide Prince without Children in that Battell which hee fought against the Kings of Fesse and Moroco after the which the Portugals did receiue the next lawfull Heyre to their Crowne Don Antonio whom the saide Philip did eject by open Warre and Violence and forced the Subjects to declare himselfe righteous Successour of that Kingdome by his Mother Then hee perceiving that King Henrie the third of France did sende a Sea-Armie to Portugall in favours of Don Antonio hee resolved to stirre vp and kindle a civill Warre in France that might constraine them to forbeare the farther assaulting of his new Conquest in Portugall and by a publicke deliberation with his Counsell in the Citie of Tison Anno 1577 hee layde the grounds of that Confederacie called The Holie League which did almost reduce in Ashes that auncient and flowrishing Kingdome of France And to that effect sent thither secret Practises with 200000 Crownes to draw and assure to his Course the chiefest of the Nobilitie and Gentrie Catholicke which did succeede well enough to his Mynde and to the great Dangers and Disasters of all the Neighbour-States of Europe as the Stories doe at length record And then that those who were enraged by him to Armes should not want an Enemie on whō they might consume thē-selues he sent also to negotiate privatelie with King Henrie the fourth of France being then styled King Of Navarre and Head of the Protestant Faction in France offering to marrie the saide King's Sister whose Children to Philip should succeede to the Kingdome of Navarre with the Yles of Majorque Minorque and Sardinia also that the saide King of Navarre should haue in marriage the Infanta of Spayne eldest Daughter of Philip with condition to bee established King of Guyene at the adventure and charges of Philip and with-all should haue the Right and Possession of the Duchte Milan with a present advancement of 200000 Crownes for the provision of Forces competent against his Enemies of the League Who doeth not see by these the insatiable thirst of wicked Ambition after the Blood of their Neighbours never an hungrie Beare did hunt more fiercelie for to fill his Panches than hee was enraged for the Conquest of France But the saide King of Navarre guided by a better Spirit did refuse all these Ouvertures as treacherous and tending to the dissipation of France with-in it selfe that it should bee more open and obnoxious for the Spanish invasion And by his refusall hee layde the first Stone where-vpon there-after hee did builde his reconciliation with as manie Papists as were true hearted French-men and his Peace with his Predecessour King Henrie the third to whom hee did impart all these secret practises Anno 1583 and who permitted him to assemble the whole Reformed Churches of France at Montaban the yeare there-after for tryall and punishment of the Negotiators of the same For by this tyme the sayd King Henrie the third was begun with bitter Griefe and Repentance to acknowledge his Errour in retiring his Forces from Portugall which he was forced to doe by the furie and hote persecution of the Leaguars And the yeare 1589 he did send Ambassadours to the Queene of England who was alreadie engaged to the protection of Don Antonio to treat with her that shee would sende him backe to Portugall with a Sea-Armie promising for him-selfe to joyne there-vnto 5000 Men never-the-lesse that hee was then mightilie agitated with the manie Forces of the League and that the hottest Flames thereof did burne about his Eares having even then surprysed the lyues of the Duke and Cardinall of Guyse at Blois This was easilie obtained of the saide Queene who perceiving well that there was no other way to free her owne Countreyes the Spanish Armie having threatned her Coasts the yeare before nor to liberate her Confederates of France and the Netherlands from the Tyrannie and Oppression of Spayne but by making VVarres to him in Spaine shee did set foorth with Don Antonio an Armie for Portugall vnder two Generals the Lord Noris for the Land and Darke for the Seas together with the Earle of Essex But nothing of importance was performed by that Armie the Causes where-of are diverslie agitated and alleadged the English Historie affirming that their Generals then had no warrand to make Warre except that they had seene an vniversall Revolt of the Portugals from the Spaniard to Don Antonio their King where-of say they there was no appearance But Antonio Peres in his Treatise to the French King vpon that Subject doeth impute the Causes to Mislucke and Misgovernament the Lingering and Longsomnesse of the Voyage their lying manie dayes at Plimmouth and manie at the Groine where-by the Enemie had too much leasure to fortifie him-selfe a mortalitie of their People where-of their best Canoniers and other Souldiours died the want of Horses and Wagons for transportation from the coast of Lisbone so that they were forced to quite great part of their Armes and in place there-of carrie Bottels of VVyne and other things for their mayntaynance The distraction of the Sea-Generall Drake from the Land-Generall who when hee should haue entered the Port of Lisbone finding a Fleet of Easterlings to passe by him hee set him-selfe to the hazard of that Prey neglecting al-together the Enterpryse against Lisbone About the which when the Land-Armie did lye in siedge there was a great confluence as hee sayth of the Portugals to Don Antonio but by reason they were addressed in base and course Apparell they were esteemed by the English to bee but Commons and
great Consequence with Candor and Sinceritie I finde that Men of great experience for Warre doe holde opinion contrarie to this beeing of the mynde of King Francis the first who saide that longsome VVarres and small Armies served rather to exercise Men in the Artes Militarie than to daunt the Enemie and that without grosse Armies and quicke dispatch it was not possible to compasse great Enterpryses saying with-all that the Maintainance of small Armies and longsome VVarres was much more chargeable than the other They tell vs that the Empyre of the Turke beginneth to decline for his Pretermission of two thinges which his Predecessours did obserue and follow One that hee goeth not in person to bee over his Armies as they did another that they are not so numerous and grosse as they had them and that light exploits and often leading of small Armies to and froe doeth but teach the Milice to his Enemies and spoyle his owne Countreyes thorow vvhich his Souldiours so frequentlie doe passe Where-of they giue vs this Example Amurat the third kept vnder the commandement of his Bussaes a lingering VVarre of more than twelue Yeares employing not verie great Armies against the Persian vvhere-by al-be-it hee conquered great partes of his Countreyes yet vvere his Losses knowne to bee greater because hee spended the Flowre of his Forces of young Souldiours and lustie Horses 200000 Horses and more than 500000 Men from the beginning to the ende and made desolate the Countreyes that hee tooke in so farre that Osman Bassa alone besides what vvas done by others did cast to the ground and burne 100000 Houses besides that the Persians their Enemies during that great length of tyme did become more skilfull Warriours than themselues The Spanish Warres against Holland Zealand and Friezland haue vvrought the same Effects Agesilaus King of Lacedemonia in his longsome Warres against the Thebaus having one day received a dangerous Blow in his Person was tolde by one of his Friends that hee deserved vvell to haue it because hee had taught his Enemies to bee good Souldiours I confesse indeede that in this point of teaching the Arte Militarie to Enemies vvee can lose nothing beeing rather to learne from them but whether the employing of small or grosie Armies against them shall bee most hurtfull to them before vvee say to that wee must consider vvhat parts of his Dominions doe lye most open for our Invasion and most easilie and profitablie brooked for I take it also as granted that as there must bee Warres so they must bee with-out our Countrey and into that of the Enemie Never an actiue Prince was knowne to looke on vntill the Enemie should bee seene with-in his Bowels There be thousands of Examples of Ignorants who by so doing haue cast away their Kingdome from them-selues Antiochus Persius Iuba Ptolome the last of Aegypt Darius some of the French Kings as King Iohn taken vvith-in his owne Countreyes by Edward the Blacke Prince of England And for this cause Philip of France called the Conquerer vnderstanding that the Emperour Otho the second and the King of England were to assault his Kingdome hee fortified sundrie strong places and led his Armie without the Frontiers vvhere hee did combate and defeat them Wee reade in our Scottish Histories how frequentlie Armies haue bene convoyed beyond our Marches to find the Enemie before he should enter amongst vs. So long as a Countrey is free from open Hostilitie as long it doeth not feele extreame Calamitie sayeth Scipiâ— Afric for putting of Armies into Africke Plus animi est inferenti periculum quam propulsanti ad hoc major ignotarum rerum est terror c. The Assaulters of anie Countrey must haue greater cowrage than the Defendants who having moâ— things and more deare in perill their Houses their Ritâ—â—es VVyues and Children are more taken with feare besides being with-in the Enemies Countrey yee doe discover all his weaknesses whylst your strength and possibilities the more they bee vnknowne to him they doe the more encrease his terrour But to speake of places in generall most proper for this VVarre there is none more honourable than the Palatinate al-be-it most difficill to come vnto by reason of remotenesse from the Sea without the restitution where-of there can remaine no credite with the parties and Princes of the League I heard a Scottish Captaine of good experience in those Countreyes latelie say to mee that it was impossible to recover the Palatinate but by Sea Advantages over the Spanyard because it was so farre remooved from Friends and I did aske him how the late Prince of Parma did leade 10000 Men to Paris in the Teeth of a mightie King amidst his Armies hee answered mee that those were carried as in Trenches and the way was easie without impediment of Mountaines or Rivers Againe I demanded how did the Christian Kings ancientlie of England Scotland and France convoy their Armies to the holie VVarres of Hierusalem and most part over Land or how Alexander the Great an Armie of with-in 40000 from Macedon to the Easterne Occean and did subjugate all the Nations by the way or how Iulius Caesar a smaller by the one halfe from the occident of France to Pharsalia in Greece or Hanniball from Carthage by the way of Spaine and France thorow so manie alpestiere and precipitious Mountaines even to Naples and brooked Italie fifteene Yeares Although themselues were excellent and incomparable Captaines and of extravagant Fortunes yet their Souldiours appearinglie haue beene but such Men as doe yet liue in the VVorld the difference and ods of Tymes excepted for softnesse and Delicacie in some and contemplation and loue of Letters in others haue so daunted and as it were emasculate the cowrage of Men who now are that none is able to endure that austeritie and hardnesse of living with Hanniball him-selfe let bee his Souldiours The next Fielde fitting for this VVarre is that which were most easie to come vnto and likelie to bring the Businesse to a short and prosperous Ende and this is the Countrey of VVest Flanders if this fatall Iealousie of Neighbour-Princes which hath beene so manie tymes contrarious to the best Designes and Enterpryses of Christendome did not heere with-stand that is to say if the French King did not call to mynde how that was the Port where-at ancientlie the English did so often enter to trouble his Predecessours It is a wonderfull thing if Kings so nearelie allyed and so nearelie touched by one Common Danger cannot bee assured from mutuall Iealousies in the meane tyme Nulla fides regni sociis Therefore leaving that to the Event which GOD shall grant I will speake of putting Armies into Spayne by Sea wherevnto it may bee yee will object the small Successes now of a second Navigation of the English to Portugall and that His Majestie had better kept his Navie at home Careat successibus opto quisquis ab eventu facta not and a putet
as wee see that the Consent of the World the Practise of all Ages these of our owne Nation doe giue to Kinges the Royall Priviledge of granting Grace and Remission from Lawes even where the LAW of GOD doeth ordayne Punishment by Death And the most temperate Christian Kings doe assume and exercise this Priviledge to pardon Persons Criminall for Slaughter at their owne pleasure It beeing so how much more ought the Royall Soveraignitie to haue this latter Appellation annexed vnto it from all Iudges and Causes Civill vvhere Legall Decreets are found to be hard and tyrannous Or if a King cannot bestowe this Grace vpon a distressed Subject to repledge him from the tyrannie of Law how can hee bee sayde to carrie in His Person a Soveraegne Power This Priviledge of a last Appellation in difficult Cases is not onelie proper to Soveraignitie but lykewyse a thing ever sought and challenged by Subjects as due vnto them to bee granted by their Kings Nero and Caligula Princes giveÌ„ to private Laesciviousnesse they did for their owne Ease and Freedome from Effaires ordayne that no Appellation should be froÌ„ the Senate vnto them but yet the Romanes would never quyte that Benefite of a latter Refuge to their Emperours And if we shall try thinges well wee should find that the present Practise of almost all Christian Princes hath put Commissioners or Lieuetennants in their Place to exercise that Poynt of the Soveraigne Majestie for receiving of latter Appellations in Causes Compassionable as the foure Courts of Spayne to which as to the Royall Soveraignitie there are Appeales from all Iudges Their Syndicators in their Provinces abroad are instituted to the same end and that so profitablie that there is not in any Christian State a surer Means for mayntaynance of Peace Iustice amongst People The Chamber Imperiall in Germanie vvhere-vnto there are drylie Appellatious from all the Cities Dutcâ—ies Counties Baronies within the whole Empyre In England they haue their Court of Conscience for the same vse and ende So that I doe thinke for this Commission for Grievances here presenting the King His owne person to receiue these latter Appellations due to the Soveraignitie albeit it seeme to bee a newe Iudicatorie of late Invention yet it is not so because it was ever incorporate and inseparablie included in the Soveraigne Maiestie I trust we will all thinke that nothing is more agreeable with Pietie Good Conscience than the allowing of such Appellations from Legall Rigour and Extremitie neyther anie thing more becomming the Soveraignitie that GOD hath placed in Christian Kinges than to receiue and heare them since Iudges Ordinarie may not doe it in the nature of their Office being sworne to administrate Iustice in Legall tearmes wanting power to dispense with Lawes vnlesse that His Maiestie vvould grant to the Lords of our Session the same Commission and Power appoynting some of them for Lawe and others for Conscience and so consolidate both the Offices in one Alwayes if the King ought or may heare the Grievances of His Subjects as due vnto His Soveraignitie and if he may doe so much in His own person then there is no doubt but He may doe it by Commissioners and must doe so because of Remotenesse of Plaâ—e for our Ease and because of multitude of Effaires for His owne Ease I thinke it not amisse heere to declare how our Historiographer Buchanan treating of the Originall Election of our Colledge of Iustice vnder King Iames the fift hee did esteeme it a meere Tyrannie if no Appellation should bee there-from Quando Collegiam Iudicum sayeth hee in his fourteenth Booke Edinburgi constitutum fuisset tamen qui sperabatur eventus non est consecutus nam cum in Scotianullae pene sint leges praeter conventuum decreta eaque pleraque non in perpetuum sed in tempus facta judicesâ—que quod in se est lationem legum impediant omnium civium bona quindecem hominum arbitrio sunt commissa quibus perpetua est potestas imperium plane tyrannicum that is to say When the Colledge of Iustice was planted and authorized at Edinburgh there did not follow there-on the good Events which were expected for there beeing no other Lawes in Scotland almost but Actes of Parliament and Iudges given so farre as lyeth in them to hinder the promulgation of Lawes the Lands Goods of all the Subjects were committed to the arbitriment of fifteene Men to whome was granted a perpetuall power and Authoritie playnlie tyrannous Now to proceede touching Ordinarie Magistrates As Lawes are not perpetuall so are not Magistrates everie-where nor at all tymes neyther is it absolutelie expedient or necessarie to be so albeit we must all confesse that it is not without great publicke detriment that old and faythfull Magistrates should be often changed yet the Current of States is so fluxable subject to so manie casuall Changes that very good Princes haue changed verie good Magistrates for verie good Causes Marc. Aurol going abroad through his Provinces to view and consider the Administration and Order of Iustice he did displace hang even of the best and speciall Magistrates because that hee vvould suffer no Man to beare Office in the Countrey where hee dwelt namelie a Great Man as if His Majestie should not permit a Noble-man inhabiting the North of Scotland to bee heritable Shyreffe or Lieuetennant there and respected there by that Meanes as a Prince Which kinde of doing as I vnderstand is observed thorow all Spaine where everie Iudge Ordinarie is a Stranger there where hee judgeth And oft-times as wee may reade into their Histories it hath beene acted by the Parliaments of France that two of one Familie should not bee of one Session and most sufficient Magistrates to haue beene remooved for that Respect and briefe there is no Question but Princes not onlie may change their Magistrates but doe often finde it verie good Policie to doe so being alwayes oblished to place into their Rowmes Men truelie sufficient for Knowledge and Sinceritie Plutarch a rare Man both for Morall and Statelie VVisdome saide against those who would establish perpetuall Magistrates Videmini aut non multi facere Magistratum aut non multos Magistratu dignos habere But I come to speake which appearinglie is not yet in Head of another Point of Reformation into our Seate of Iustice than the which there is nothing that would breede greater Solace to the whole Bodie of this Kingdome and would to GOD His Majestie should take it to Heart and bee truelie enformed of the Importance there-of And this is of the great numbers of Advocates who for their Commoditie Particular doe breed the longsomnesse of Processes that spoileth so manie good People and which manie good and great Kings haue endevoured to correct By this Abuse the Seate of Iustice is turned to bee a Sinke that draweth into it the greatest part of the Ritches of the Land and this aboue all
dwell but vpon his peculiar Heritages and spend the Rents belonging to him other-wise than by the publicke But the case is so farre altered that at this Time and in these latter Dayes Princes more by an Inspiration of private Favour or for to exercise the Libertie and vse of their Royall Prerogatiues than for anie knowne worth or Merite of Men haue even made them great as it were in imitation of the goodnesse of GOD who made Man of nothing Omne bonum sui diffusivum It is the nature of Goodnesse to diffuse and communicate it selfe even as GOD doeth other-wyse it cannot bee called Goodnesse The glorie of the Occean is more for the bountifull spreading of his Branches vpon the Face of the Earth than for his Greatnesse The stateliest Tree maketh the most statelie vmbrage Noble-men are the Shadowes of Kings as it is glorious for the Sonne to bee accompanied and followed with so manie bright Starres and Planets whose Bodies doe receiue the Beames of his Light and there-with doe beautifie the Heaven about him so are vvaiting Noble-men to Kings as Diamonds and Rubies planted about their Throne to receiue and reflect the Splendor of the Royall Majestie And yet whyles it is so we see that Christian Kings at the Acceptation of their Crownes doe giue their Oathes for Defence of Religion of Iustice and the Common-wealth and Preservation of that Publicke Dowayne vvhich the Common-wealth doeth present vnto Her Prince as a Dote or Tocher-Good to be saved for Her Mayntaynance and vvhere-of hee hath the onlie Vsu-Fruit and cannot alienate it but with her owne Consent and for some Extraordinarie service done to her or to the Prince vvho is her Head Extraordinarie I say because Services Ordinarie in the State haue annexed vnto them their Ordinarie Fees and Pensions Extraordinarie I call some Act of singular Valour for the Countrey agaynst a Common Enemie or some Hazard vnder-gone for safetie of the Prince his Lyfe Although the Patrimonie of the Crowne bee sacred yet such Services are to bee esteemed more sacred and Donations or Rewards for these are to stand inviolable for here are the Ods betwixt a Republicke and State Royall That the 〈◊〉 hath no Head Particular who should challenge the Priviledge of such Bountifulnesse or for vvhose sake it should bee granted for seldomâ—â— doeth the Death of anie one Man what-so-ever breede any Commotion Crosse or Alteration to a Republicke Quia non moritur Respublica vvhere-as by the contrarie the Death of a good Prince and often tymes of an evill doeth shake the verie Foundations of a Kingdome vvhich made Caesar to say Non tam 〈◊〉 interest quam Reipub. quam diutissime vivam This maketh their Lyues to bee so precious and Sacro-sanct they being the verie Heart and Head of the Bodie of the Common-wealth So that to holde absolutely that no kynd of Services are remunerable with anie thing belonging to the Crowne it is not onlie to cast loose the Estates of the Nobilitie and Gentriâ— whose Houses everie where through Christendome haue bene made vp and erected by the Bountie of Kings for nominate and famous Services done to them or to their Countreyes but it were also to perill the Personall Securitie of Princes theÌ„-selues when Men should see that a King could giue noght to one who should hazard or loose his Lyfe for his Safetie but that vvhich his Successour may recall it is to â—urbe the Royall Soveraignitie too farre And albeit the Extens of Majestie 's late Revâ—cation did seeme so fearfull to vs at the first as if it had comprehended so much yet wee are still to remember vnder what a gracious and just Prince wee doe liue and to take it rather for a Warning Awaking of our Gratitude in his first Entrie and therefore I must here craue Pardon of all to call to mynd how often since I haue heard from Wyse and Sincere Men that a little more of Readinesse to doe him Service in the last CoÌ„vention of our Estates had bene sufficient to disperse the chiefest Clowds of that Tempest I doe acknowledge that it is not licentiate to me nor tollerable in anie Private Subject to censure the Reverend and long approved Magistrates of this Kingdome neyther will I presume to doe so but onlie to expostulate and regrate with manie Good Men the infortunate Proceedour of that Counsell whereby neyther Prince nor People did receiue Contentment Whether wee should lay it vpon Mistakings possible to haue bene amongst the Lordes of those Commissions or vpon the Iealousies and Competences ordinarie to bee betwixt New and Olde States-Men at the Entrie of a King Or vpoÌ„ the Basenesse of some Countrey-Commissioners whose Avaryce would not suffer theÌ„ to resent the Common Danger of this Yle as appertayned Or vpon a Popular Disgust Generall Feare conceived for Religion by reason of some Noble-men of contrarie Mynde employed from the Court about that Businesse Or lastlie vvhether vpon the Backwardnesse of this Tyme so disposed as it is to breed Distraction and Disturbance of the State Whatsoever was the Cause moving certaynlie the Debacts of that Convention vvere as appeareth Principia malorum speaking of Effects For vvas it then a right Tyme to answere Majestie 's Demaundes thus That a Convention could not goe higher in taxing the Countrey than a Parliament had done before At the last Parliament King IAMES had a Necessitie to sende Ambassadours abroad to negotiate Peace vvhich I confesse was a Graue and Great Cause for Subsidies but at this Convention Peace was given vp Warres begun and it stood vpon the Losse of Germanie and Invasion of Great Britane vvherevpon might haue ensued hastilie greater Damnage than of manie Taxations Or was it then Tyme to refuse the Mayntaynance during Warres of 2000 Men to keepe the Seas free and open for our Trafficke When wee shall reckon our Losses sustayned since by Sea-Traders by so manie Mariners wanting Employment at Home and by losing so faire a Commoditie as was this last Yeare for transporting our Corneâ— to profitable Markets in Neighbour Countreyes then wee shall decerne the Errour of that Convention Wee will say wee haue not beene accustomed to beare so great Charges a weake Argument Since it hath pleased GOD to change the Custome of our Fortune will wee contemne His Visitations and as senselesse Men bee carelesse of our Countrey Wee will say that our Countrey hath suffered manie Distresset by these late bad Yeares and by Sea-Misfortunes and I know it to bee so but must wee not for all that defend our Countrey And what if wee must not onlie maintaine two thousand Men but also fight our selues a thing which wee haue great reason daylie to expect And I will come to the most pricking Poiâ—t of all His Majestie 's Revocation hath discowraged vs. Where-vnto I answere by asking what more hath His Majestie done than anie Earle or Lord in Scotland doeth who after the death of his Father chargeth his Vassals
and Tennants and preasseth them by Lawes that hee may know their Holdinges yea and some-times by Manages and Threats force them to quite their lawfull Ritches although they were their neare Kins-men Alwayes what wise Vassall or Tennant will not stryue to over-come his Lord with reverent and humble Carriage and there-by to moue him to accept the tenth part perhaps of that which he did demand for Entrie and shall it not bee borne with in a great King that which is ordinarilie done by his Subjects Bis duo dena pet as his duo sena feres What if a young Prince haue gotten too large Information touching these or if his Inforâ—ators be mistaken in their judgement there-anent shall there not bee Patience granted and time to digest and condescend And shall not our Behaviours be in the meane-whyle correspondent to that Loyaltie Loue and Obedience that Subjectes ought vnto their naturall Prince and that should procure His Compassion Kyndnesse towards all the Members of this Kingdome With GOD'S Blessing let vs be doing so and let vs expect nothing but Christian and Vpright Dealing from a King in vvhome there is so great Appearance of Good and Iust Meaning and let vs haue still in our Mouthes that Word which now prayse to GOD for it our Noble-men begin liberallie to professe That let him bee holden accursed who will not contribute to his verie Shirt for the safetie of His Majestie and of the Countrey Alwayes for the Point of Revocation who doubteth but three thinges may justlie fall vnder the Consideration of young Princes First whether this kynd of Gracious and Divinâ— Bountie exercised by their Predecessours giving Extraordinarie Thinges for Ordinarie Services or for Private Affection haue bene too Exorbitant Secondlie what may bee the Merit or Worth so such as haue pocked them Lastlie what is the Exigence of the Tyme and howe these things may be wanting vnto Princes But otherwyse we finde in all Christian Histories that Crowne-Lands haue bene alienated given away by Kings for one of three Causes vvhich to this Day haue remayned vnquarrelled by their Successours One is for Reward of those who haue exposed their Lyues to manifest Danger for the Safetie of Their Persons As for Example The Landes given by His Majestie our late Soveraigne for Services done agaynst the Traytors of Gourie or for Practises of Discoverie and Prevention of the Powder Treason at London another for Valiant and Personall Services done for Preservation of the Countrey agaynst Invasion of Forraigne Enemies or of the State from Intestine as we reade of our braue King Malcolme the second who seeing the Magnanimitie of the Scottish Gentrie agaynst the fierce and enraged Danes by fiue or sixe Bloodie and Desperate Battels in diverse partes of the Countrey where he him selfe did assist in Person therfore in a Publicke ParliameÌ„t he did divide almost the whole Crown-Lands in Baronies dispone them to the Gentry In publico ordinum conventâ— says my Text cunctas â—pes agrosque regios pene omnes meritoruÌ„ habita rations distribuit regno in partes quas Baronias vocaÌ„t divisio In regard wherof those Barons as by Compaction did at that same time annex to the Crown the Wardes and Reliefes of their Lands which together with the other Casualities and Dues belonging to the Crowne was esteemed and accepted as a sufficient Mayntaynance then of the Royall Dignitie If either of those two should bee revocable Kings Countreyes and Common-wealths should not bee compted so Sacred as they ought to bee Thirdlie Princes haue mortified their Crowne Patrimonie to Pietie and Devotion as King David the first of Scotland for Plantation of fifteene Abbayes foure Bishoprickes riâ—chly Rented Such are recalled in this latter Age because of the Nefaâ—tious Damnable Abuses wherewith the Possessours of them were commonlie polluted And O how greatlie it were to bee wished That neyther King David nor other Christian Kinges had beene so prodigall of their Crowne Patrimonies in Favours of Church-Men for the World knoweth it nowe that by so doing they did â—urne Religious Priests into Temporall Princes and did put into their Hand that Sword vvherewith to this Day they not only doe cut the Throats of Kinges and their Authoritie but haue spoyled the Puritie and Pietie of the Church of GOD and in Place there-of haue introduced this Pollution Pryde Avarice Superstition which shall never haue an ende so long as they remayne so ritch as they are Devotio peperit divitias filia devoravit matrem Devotion sayth Gerson bred Ritches and the Daughter devoured the Mother Next it were to be wished that when those Lands of the Church anciently belonging to the Crowne vvere agayne dissolved from the Church and annexed to the Crowne by our late Soveraigne of blessed Memorie that they had bene suffered to remayne therewith for the avoyding of so great Discontentment and Confusion as is lyke to grow thereof if they should nowe bee taken in to the Crowne vvithout Restitution to so manie Gentle-Men and others as haue employed the best parte of their Meanes for buying of those things from the Newlie-Erected-Lords without anie Warrandize at all for their Money Which albeit it doe greatlie perplexe the Mynds of manie good Subjects yet we are vndoubtedlie to hope for Reparation some way of these since we liue vnder a Christian Prince who is alreadie honoured of the World for the Equitie of his Myndâ— and who hath alreadie declared his Iust Intentions there-anent There is beside another Cause that maketh our Noble-Men and Gentrie to thinke themselues the sibber to the Church-rents and this is it Because their Predecessours did also enjoye them in effect albeit not Titularlie as well then as they doe now Their Sonnes were presented by the Kings to the Benefices of the Church Themselues did often tymes feede at their Tables and gather vp the Super-plus of the Rent The Sonnes of Meane Gentle-Men vvent to the Monasticke Lyfe everie where If they had manie Daughters they did sende some of them to the Religious Convents of Women vvhich was a singular Disburden and Reliefe both of Greater and Smaller Houses speaking civillie in Civill Respects And this is yet the chiefest Cause vvhy the Ritches of the Papall Church are so tollerable by Princes and People of that Profession so that whyles numbers of Men and Women of all sortes were nowrished anciently by the Church Revenewes in Scotland it would bee thought strange to bestow them vpon so few Church-Men as now be vvho I confesse are worthie of Augmentation But that they should bee made so Ritch or Great wee see what a pestilent Gangrenâ— that hath beene alreadie And it is sure enough that the same Causes will ever produce the same Effects The Worlde is aye lyke to it selfe and Men are still Men Et omnia vertuntur in Circulum There is not of Humane Things a more Extravagant and Rare Contemplation than to consider how Princes States and People
moue the valiant wyse King Robert Bruce in his Testamentall Counsels to his private Friends it being the Minoritie of his Sonne to leaue this Direction Tanquam arranum imperii vel domus Augusti That there shold never be a Lord nor great Man in the Yles but they shold remaine perpetuallie impropriate to the Crown Ea-enim oportunitate saith the Writer sitae sunt eaque incolaruÌ„ mobilitas ut levissimam 〈◊〉 causam ad rebellionem impelluntur nec deficientes facile reducantur As much I say of our Hie-Landes That in all Ages by-gone haue beene the Strong Refuge of Bloodie Traytors and those vvho haue violated the Sacred Lyâ—es of our Kinges for the which Cause we reade very neare to the beginnings of this Kingdome that Evenus the second who was but the fourteenth King from the first having with much Businesse repressed the Tyrannie of Gillus who pretended to be King and trusted himselfe to the Rebellious Hie-lands and Yles Thereafter for the better assuring of that Barbarous People and reducing of them to Civill Knowledge and Carriage hee builded two Cities in two severall Countreyes Ennernesse which is to this day a flowrishing Towne in the Northerne partes and Ennerlochtie vpon Loch-Tay And in our owne tymes we haue seene amongst them such Proude and Incorrigible Oppressions of Neighbour People such Cruelties and Nefarious Perpetrations as if they did not feare eyther GOD or the Devill Whyles the Romanes were so politicke in Britane is it not much more easie for His Majestie who now governeth here to reforme that 〈◊〉 by frequent Plantation of GOD'S VVord which of all thinges is the greatest Dauâ—ter of the Mynd Certaynlie it is more easie by twentie to one more necessarie for His Majestie to performe than it was for the Romanes then The Perfect Plantation chiefely of these Yles with Burgall Cities Civill People and Christian Clergie were a most Glorious and Emperiall VVorke For besides the clozing of that Backe-Doore to the Suretie of the Crowne and Quietitude of the Kingdome it should be the Meanes to erect the Fishing of our Scottish Seas a Ritch Trade esteemed sufficient for the Employment of 50000 Persons a thing of great Consequence for our Countrey wherein there be even Swarmes of Indigent Necessitous People and a thing of greater Importance to the yearlie Finances of the Crowne than anie that hath bene excogitate in tymes by-gone The Discourse of the Nature of Tythes hath carried mee too farre from the Poynt thereof which is most proper for this Treatise that is Of what Discontentment may justlie aryse to vs by reason of the Reformation intended by His Majestie of Tythe-Abuses or Oppressions done by Tythe-Masters vvhere-in I neede not to insist much to debate it for if Oppression bee a Crying Sinne it will speake for it selfe I haue onelie two Words If the Noble-man can put a Bridle in a Gentlemans Month by any Right to his Tenthes although hee were his Nearest Kinsman hee can as everie Man seeth command him as his Horse Hee causeth the Poore Labourers of the Ground to leade his Tythes to a Milne perhaps to his Barne-Yard too and whereas they vvere illuded in the beginning of Reformation of Religion in Scotland and made to belieue that they should pay but the Fifteenth Sheaffe now it is so rigorouslie exacted that if there bee a Stucke ruffled with the Weather or with the Beasts that the Tenth-master will not haue hee must haue the best And in place to shaue the Poore Man's Haire gentlie by a Violent Pull hee bringeth with him a Portion of his Hyde If Reformation of these bee intended it is no Matter of Discontentment but of Common Ioye yea even to Noble-men it should bee so that the Wayes of Oppression bee stopped for stopping the Current of GOD'S Wrath against them or their Posteritie I doe reverence the Iudgements of GOD and will not take on mee definitiuelie to pronounce wherefore Hee doeth inflict them a Case oftentymes hidden from the Eyes of Men But surelie it is great Pittie to see the Desolation of so manie Honourable Houses as haue beene overthrowne in this Land since the first casting downe of Churches and Religious Houses and turning of Tythes into Temporall Goods And if Noble-men were to brooke them still they shall doe well to agree to the Reformation of Abuses or which were better in my Opinion for them and all others to submit our selues to GOD and to the goodnesse of our Prince who hath alreadie by publicke Declaration manifested the Benignitie of his Meaning towards these things that all Rights of his Subjects lawfullie purchased shall bee confirmed everie Man shall haue his Tythes vpon easie Conditions which seemeth agreeable to their first Institution by GOD where the Payer and his Familie were admitted to the Participation of Tythes and that all Men shall bee fred from Servitude and forced Dependances And since Tythes are Bona Eceles Bona Pauperum Bona Reip. there is no doubt but a Christian King who is Father of the Church of the Poore of the Common-wealth may dispense and dispose of them and of Ecclesiasticke Effayrs as David did and Salomon and the Christian Emperours in the Primitiue Church which is the Reason why in their Coronation they were anoynted with the Oyle of the Priesthood why the Kinges of England were at their Inauguration cloathed Stola sacerdo tall to testifie their Ecclesiasticke Power The CHURCH is sacred and so is the Common-wealth the CHURCH being served and the Poore who be Members of the CHURCH and Schooles provided for the Prince may employ the Superplus as they shall please for the Common-wealth But now because the speciall Scope of this Treatise is to show as well the Necessitie of makeing Warre as the Meanes to doe the same therefore I must speake of one thing vvhich appeareth to bring a notable Inconvenient and Diâ—tresse to this Tyme if it bee not prevented and that is the great Scarcitie that shall bee of readie Money in this Countrey before it bee long by reason that the greatest part of our best Coyne is either exported by Merchands or looked vp in their Hands and by reason of the exorbitant Summes that His Majestie must of necessitie daylie sende beyond Seas for mayntaynance of the Warres where-anent before I set downe my Opinion touching the Stabilitie or Iustabilitie of Money-Pryces in Scotland I will say some-what of the Nature thereof in generall for Disquisition vvhereof I vvill goe no farther backe in Antiquitie than to the Romanes vvho before their first Punicke Warres to vvit Anno 490 of their State had no other Coyne but of the Asse in Brasse because the Septentrion Regions wherin there be Mines of Silver but not of Golde the Indees where there bee both of Silver and Golde were vnknowne to them at that time some yeares before they had Gold but neither in Coyne nor in Quantitie Camillus beeing Dictator when Rome was taken by the Gaules Anno
States of Germanie against Charles the fift 33. Cardinall Baronio against Philip the second ibidem Why the Nobilitie of Spaine doe hate their King 34. A Weaknesse supposed in Spayne for want of Armes and why it is so 36. Their naturall Pryde a Weaknesse ibid. Description of the Spanish nature 37. Spayne to bee opposed by making Warre with-in their owne Dominions 38. Plantation of Nova Scotia 39. When a Kingdome is perfect and naturallie compacted in it selfe then to bee slow to Warres 41. The definition of a just Warre and our Warres against Spayne proved to bee just 42. Emulation of the Romanes and Carthagenians for vniversall Empyre 43. Agesilaus being but a poore King did invade the Persian Empyre ibidem First confederacie of the Scots with the French sought by Charles Mayne 44. How the Spaniard is proved to bee our enemie ibid. How Scotland is furnished of Men for Warre 46. Nature of leagues with examples auncient and moderne 47. Confederates against Spayne 48. Whether small or grosse Armies to bee sent to Enemie-Countreyes shewed by contemplation of the Turkish Warres 49. The Palatiâ—â—te the most honourable seat for Warres against Spayne 51. King Alexander Hannibell and Iulius Caesar did leade their Armies to more remote Countreyes ibid. Going of His Majestie in person to Spaine 52. The English auncientlie victorious in Spaiâ—e 53. The VVest Indees in the possession of a great Monarch proved to bee an infallible meanes of vniversall Empyre by length of tyme 55. Money the Nerue of Warre and greatest Monarches and States much distressed for want thereof 56. The hudge Moneyes gotten by Charles the fift in Peru 57. The naturall humours of the French Nation ibid. Speculation of Neighbour Calamities during our Peace in this Age going and of our Predecessours troubles many Ages by-gone 58. More of Money and of Men in Scotland now than in the dayes of our Antecessours and the proofe thereof 61. A wicked People doe make a wicked King 63. A Bridge of Golde to bee made for Enemies to passe out vpon ibid. Great Ransome payed by our Predecessors for King David Bruce 64. The Palatinate detained to make a Way for the conquest of Germanie and England 65. A remarkable Conference of Coronell Semple with the Author of this Treatise ibid. Iohn Knoxe against the Regiment of Women 67 The going of His Majesties Navie to Portugall and what a great point is Secrecie in great Enterpryses and the Examples thereof ibid. The Reformation or Innovation of Magistrates and the Commodities or Inconvenients following thereon 68. Plato holdeth That after the current of that great Yeare GOD shall reforme the whole worke of Nature and reduce it to the first puritie ibid. Vtilitie of the Censor amongst the Romanes 70. Commission for Grievances ibid. Great Men not to beare Offices where they dwell 76. Two of one Familie not to bee of one Session of Iudges 77. Reformation of Advocates most necessarie of anie thing with the Examples of Kings and States Enemies to the Trade of Advocation 78. Lewis the eleventh of France did revoâ—ke and annull Heritable Shyreâ—â—ships 81. Abuses of late erected Lordships of Church Landâ—s necessarie to bee reformed 82. If the Domaine of Regall Crownes or of Republickes bee allienable 83. Noble Men are the Shadowes and Reflects of Kings 84. Why the Lyues of Kinges are so precious 85. The last Convention of the Estates of Scotland and His Majesties Revocation 86. The first Donation of the Crown Lands and division of them in Baronies ibid. Ritches did spoyle the Pietie of the Church 89. Before the separation of the Church of Rome made by Luther the hundreth part of Christian People did possesse more than the tenth part of the Revenewes 90. The number of Ecclesiasticall Prelasies Benefices Churches Curies of France ibid. The nature of Tenthes 91. The first Dedication of Tenthes in Scotland 94. Puritanes foolishlie opposed to the Pope's Church in good things 96. Mysterie of Number 98. The Vnitie doeth represent GOD 99. The Number 7 is proper to the Creation Induration and finall Glorification of the World 100. The Novenarie doeth comprehende the whole Species of Nature Man excepted 101. Ten is the Quotient or fulnesse of Nature 102. Man was the first Tenth ibid. CHRIST was the second and perfect Tenth 103 Two sort of Puritanes opponents to Episcopall Rents and Governament discordant amongst themselues 106. Persecution of Iulian worse than of Dioâ—lâ—sian 107. Plantation of our Northerne Yles and Hielards a most Royall and most necessarie Policie 108. Battell of Hare-law 109. Abuses and Oppressions by way of Tenthes to bee reformed 110. Discourse of the Nature and Course of Moneyes 112. What Benefite or Inconvenient vpon the heighting of Money 113. What Order to bee taken with Moneys kept vp in the Hands of Merchands 117. Decay of our Shipping how to bee restored 118. Prodigall Persons ancientlie interdicted and punished by Lawes 119. Against the vse of Silver Plate and guilding 120. Ferdinandus Magnâ—s of Spayne Charles the ninth of France and manie great Princes did sell their Silver Plate or reduce it in Coyne 121. Prescription for Dyet and Apparell practised by great States in time of publicke Distresses 122. Speach to the King's Majestie 123. Wisdome of Augustus in making away of his Enemies 124. Who are Enemies to His Majesties Person or to his Governament ibid. Vigilance necessarie over the admission of Bishops and Ministers in the Church 126. Honour done by Augustus to the Romane Senate ibid. Condition of Senaters chosen by Augustus 127. Great Affection of King Darius to an olde faythfull Counseller 128. Mechanicke Vertues and Diligence of Augustus 129. Watchfulnesse of the Parsian Monarches over their Finances ibid. Supplication in Favours of the Subjects of Scotland 132. The admirable Magnanimitie of Alexander the Great whilst he wanted Moneys 133. Finis Tabulae Death of our late Soveraigne His late Majesties death followed with great feares of his Subjects Causes of our feares what these be The King of Spayâ—e and the Pope troublers of Christian Princes Ambition of Spaine different from that of the Romanes Different from that of their Predecessours The origine and Antiquitie of the present house of Spayne Notable punishment of Lust in Princes Pelagius Pelagius honoured of the World Ferdinandus Magnus Ferdinando Santo Charles the fift Emperour Contrapoyse of Christian 〈◊〉 warranded in Naâ—ure Hieron King of Syras Philip the second King of Spaine his first action his Marriage in England Spanish Inquisition his second action His third action the betraying of the King of Portugall his Cosin His fourth action was to plot the holie Leâ—gue in France against Don Antonio Philip did also practise the Protestants of France Elizabeth Queene of England The Voyage of the English Navie to Portugall vnder Queene Elizabeth Antonio Peâ—es wrongeth the English in in his relation of that Voyage Too strict limitation of Generals in VVarre hurtfull The Patience and Wisdome of Fabius Maximus The first thing to bee observed of the former
easilie prooved in this manner Al-be-it it bee so that onelie GOD can multiplie the Earth yet it is of veritie that wee since the dayes of our Predecessours haue multiplied the Fruites of the Earth so farre that for everie three Plough gate of Land as wee doe call it manured which was in Scotland an hundreth Yeares by-gone there are foure now And if yee answere that the People are multiplied proportionallie to that so that I should not esteeme it to be encrease of Ritches which doeth bring with it encrease of People to consume them I will reply to you that is the point I intende to prooue for Multitudes of People industrious are both the Ritches and Strength of a Countrey and that vvee doe exceede our Antecessours both for numbers of People and of Moneyes yee shall vnderstand it this way They wanted first the two Seminaries for breeding of People which wee haue everie one knoweth that the Multiplication of Ground-Labourers and Husband-men as wee call them haue peopled the Land-warts of Scotland farre aboue that it was ancientlie for wee see now vpon a Maines that of olde was laboured by a Barron him-selfe twentie or thirtie severall Families of those Retite Husband-men vvhere-of everie one hath a good number of Children Next againe it is well knowne to bee the Sea Trade which hath peopled our Maritine Townes and that also our Predecessours wanted so farre that I may say there bee now twentie Ships of Trafficke amongst vs for everie one that was in their dayes Then who doeth not know that by the Trafficke of the Seaâ— our Countrey hath twentie times more Moneyes than was an hundreth yeares by-gone or if yee doe doubt of it yee may soone learne that our Grand-Fathers could haue bought as much Land for one thousand Marks as wee can doe for twentie thousands and farre more Farther our Predecessours had a meanes for stopping the growing of Multitudes and encrease of People that wee want and it was by the great numbers of Men and Women who tooke them-selues to the Caelibate and Monasticke lyfe of whom there was no Off-spring And if yee would know of what great importance that was doe but consider how manie Bishoprickes Abbacies Priâ—ries Nunueries with the number of their Convents Arch-deanries Deanries Personages and places of cure for secular Priests was into Scotland in time of Pâ—perie and when yee haue taken vp their number doe conferre them with the 70 of the house of Iacob who went into Aegypt and how in the fourth Age there-after there came foorth 600000 fighting Men besides Women and Children all descended of them Which vvhen yee haue consideratelie done I thinke yee shall bee affrayed of the hudge Multitudes that before now should haue issued from the professed religious of Scotland if they had followed the Matrimoniall life If yee will yet insist to object the Povertie of our Countrey by reason of the broken Estates of Noble-men and Gentle-men who haue our Lands morgadged for great Debts of Money I answere to you that by the contrarie it is an Argument of the Ritches of our Countrey for if the Noble-mans Grand-father by Predigalitie Pryde wilfull pleying in Law or anie other such Misgovernment had brought him-selfe to neede the like Summes of Money twentie Lords could not haue gotten so much then as one can get now And I will finde now a base-borne Man advance to a Noble-man in prest 30 40 or 50000 Pounds whose Grandfather and all his Parentage was not valiant of the twentie part there-of Ergo the personall Distresses of Noble-men and Gentlemen doeth not argue the Povertie of the Countrey in generall Wee see into Nature that her severall Members as of Plantes Beasts and Men doe daylie decay and die and others doe shoot vp in their Rowmes vvhilst Nature it selfe remaineth in entire and full strength In the dayes of our Predecessours there were in Scotland but Victuall Rents where-as now by the vertuous Trades vvhich haue beene since introduced a great part of Men doe liue by Silver Rents Things being manifestlie so shall wee refuse to furnish out and mayntayne two or three thousand Souldiours to so just and necessarie Warres Certaynlie it caÌ„not be heard abroad without our great Ignominie which is worse adding of Cowrage to our Enemies when they shall know vs to be so base and degenerose Well let vs not be vngrate towardes GOD. It is true indeed that Nature and Tyâ—â—e doe favour the growing of Monarchies namelie vvhere they are just and temperate as being the viâ—e Image of GOD for Governament of the World But it is also true that vnthankfull People doe procure short Periods of great Kingdomes The Throne of Israell was established in the person of David after manie toylsome and laborious years of the preceeding Rulers of that People and great sheeding of Blood and so much in David his owne tyme that GOD would not suffer his bloodie Hand to be put to the building of the Temple but the Glorie Peace and Prosperitie there-of did expyre with the death of Salomon his Sonne There-after the LORD did set manie wicked Kings over that wicked People The greatest Punishment that GOD threatneth to inflict vpon a rebellious Nation is to giue them evill Kings vvhere-vpon the Divines doe note that it is the highest Transgression vvhereof a People can be guiltie before GOD When by their Ingratitude they make Princes of their nature perhaps serenâ— and temperate to turne to tyrannous Governament and to lay vpon their Neckes the Yoake of perpetuall Grudge and Murmuration and so not onlie them-selues transgresse agaynst GOD but make their Kings also to doe the lyke who most of all Men should obey feare the LORD so that often tymes a wicked People maketh a wicked King But to returne If wee doe question for small thinges now vvhat would we doe si Hannibal astaret portis if our Enemies were at the Ports of our Countrey or within the Bowels of it We would be forced to doe even as the Romanes did against Hannibal to run and offer all our Moneyes and our Iewels and our Eare-rings for safetie there-of Wee would vndoubtedlie say as that famous VVarriour did the late King of France vvho after the recoverie of Cain from the Spanyard by transaction after hee had spended a great part of his lyfe in VVarres hee saide they were not wyse who would not make a Bridge of Gold for their Enemies to passe out vpon But as we say It is better to hold out than to put out Durius ejicitur quam non admittitur hostis Haue wee not seene our Kinges vse all possible Practises for procuring of Peace all this tyme by-gone by toyling of Ambassadors to and froe by super-spending their Rentes exhausting their Coffers and indebting of them-selues Are vve not naturall Members as they are naturall Heads Are they more bound to doe for vs than we for our selues Al-be-it the Kings Spheare hee higher and greater than ours yet
everie Man doeth fill his own Spheare and everie Man's estate is a Kingdome to him-selfe Perseus that mightie King having beside him infinite Treasures and refusing to bestow some of them to Gentius a Neighbour-prince and others who offered to combate the Romanes in Italie he suffered them to over-throw him-selfe in his owne Countrey Darius cōmitted the lyke Errour with Alexander and Stephanus King of Bosna the lyke with Mabomet the second as I haue remembered before wee may prayse GOD that wee haue not such avaricious Kings What is it that good and naturall Subjects will not doe for the safetie of the Sacred Persons of their Kings Let bee of their Kingdomes vvhere-in wee haue our Portion and common Interesse with them We may reade in the Histories of France what domage that Countrey did sustaine for the liberation of their King Iohn taken by Edward the Blacke Prince of England at the Battell of Poiteou and of King Francis the first taken at the Battell of Pavie and in our owne Histories what our Predecessours did for the redemption of King David Bruce led Captiue in England and there detained eleven yeares Liberatus sayeth the Historie undecimo ex qu◠captus est anno numeratis quingentis millibus Mercarum Sterlingarum in presenti moneta Hee was redeemed vpon payment of fiue hundreth thousand Marks Sterling in argent contant A thing most admirable the scarcitie of Moneyes in those dayes considered If a Physition should cōmand vs in time of a dangerous Sicknesse to take a little Blood for preservation of the whole Bodie wee should bee glad to obey him why not by the like reason when our King who cureth and careth for the Bodie of the Common-wealth doeth command vs to bestow some of our Goods for safetie of our whole Estate ought wee not to obey if wee were versed in the French Annals to know what innumerable spoile of Goods was there before the Spanyards could bee pyked out of the Nests which they did build vpon their Coasts and with-in their Bowels wee would bee content to spende to our Shirt as it is saide before they should plant their Tents amongst vs. I haue alreadie told you how they are of Melancholious and fixed Mindes not easilie raysed or remooved where once they are set downe where-of wee see the present experience into the Palatinate To take and then to giue backe againe is not the way of their Designe to vniversall Empyre over their Neighbours If anie would object that the Palatinate is detayned for Reparation of the Wrongs and Injuries done in Bohemia hee hath little skill in the Effaires of the VVorld for why these might haue bene long since composed or redressed but it is done to facilitate their Conquest in Germanie to enclose the Nether-Landes from Succourse of their Friendes there and to open a Gate into England by length of Tyme vvhen they shall finde the Occasion fitting So that if the Kings of Great Britane and France together with their Confederates of Germanie the Netber-Lands doe not joyne their Forces to banish them tymouslie from the Palatinate as the Romanes did the Carthagenians from Sicilia vvhich I did note in the beginning here-of doubtlesse they vvill bee vpon their owne Neckes at the length There vvas a great Intervale of Tyme betwixt the first and second Warres of the Romanes against the Carthagenians and yet the last did come to passe and there-with the vtter over-throw of the Carthagenian State And here I must recount a thing vvhich I haue often called to mynde since His Majesties comming from Spayne and that the Treatie of his Marriage did there expyre how I my selfe the yeare of their Pacification vvith Holland beeing in the Towne of Brussels in familiar discourse touching our late Soveraigne his cōming to the Crowne of England vvith a Scottish Gentle-man of a fine Wit Experience In-sight in the Spanish Designes and vvho had beene long tyme a Coronell and Counsellor of Warre amongst them Coronell Semple hee sayd to me That al-be-it King Iames vvas an aged wise Prince vvho had providently practized his peaceable Entrie to England that yet he vvas much beholden to that Tyme so fortunate as it vvas for him vvhen Spayne being so broken vvith longsome VVarres had al-most begged their Peace frō Holland And how-so-ever sayd he your King may be free of vs during his lyfe yet if ye shall surviue him ye shall see no more Peace betwixt England and Spayne adding vvith-all this Speach Laus non solum hominum est sed etiam temporum Where-vnto I did answere that by these it seemed that the Spanyard intended to conquer England Then he rehearsed to me the manie notable Injuries done to them by the English Nation by their prowde and fascuous ejection of King Philip before the death of Marie by their fostering of their Rebels in Flanders by their protection of Don Antonio King of Portugall and ayding of him vvith Sea Armies but namelie by their ordinarie Sea Rapines and insolent Navigation vvithout the controlling and coercing vvhere-of Spayne could not be in so good Case as vvas hoped for to be in progresse of Tyme And in the ende hee did subjoyne thus farre If your Catholicke Noble-men of Scotland with whom my selfe sayd he did negotiate from Spayne had bene wyse and constant your Countrey might haue bene long before now in a twentie-folde more happie Condition vnder the Dominion of Spayne than ever it can be vnder the Crowne of England the Yoake of whose Servitude and Tyrannie shall questionlesse become intollerable to you so soone as that King shall be gone who doeth so well know you for why by reason of their Vicinitie and nearnesse vnto you they shall be ever preassing to draw great Rents from you into England which cannot fayle to impoverish your Countrey where-as by the contrarie the Spanyard should not only spend it amongst your selues but should also yearlie send in great summes of Money to you according as he doeth here in Flanders in his other Provinces This Storie did I after my returning to London relate to His Majestie who is nowe with GOD and who having heard it did answere me That Semple was an olde Traytor and dangerous companie for his Subjects which went beyond the Seas Thus the Spanyardes know not when the Fish will swimme but they doe keepe their Tydes diligentlie and haue their Nets hung in all Mens Waters so that if anie of vs would thinke that the present Quarrell against Spayne is more sibbe to the King our Soveraigne than to vs by reason of the Palatinate it were absurd ignorance also For first granting it vvere so yet there can bee no Separation betwixt the Head and the Members whome GOD and Nature haue knit together there is none can loose Next agayne it is well knowne that our late King of blessed memorie could haue gotten to marrie his onlie Daughter greater and the greatest of Christian Princes if it