will than to rubbe or besmeare it with oile like as bees also by that meanes are soone destroied so it is therefore that all those trees which have beene named are of a fattie substance and have a soft and uncteous nature insomuch as there distilleth and droppeth from them pitch and rosin and if a man make a gash or incision in any of them they yeeld from within a certeine bloudie liquor or gumme yea and there issueth from the tortch staves made of them an oileous humour which shineth againe because they are so fattie unguinous This is the reason why they will not joine and be concorporate with other trees no more than oile it selfe be mingled with other liquors When Philo had done with his speech Crato added thus much moreover That in his opinion the nature of their rinde or barke made somewhat for the said matter for the same being thinne and drie withall yeeldeth neither a sure seat socket as it were to the impes or buds which there dies to rest in nor meanes to get sappe and nutriment for to incorporate them like as all those plants which have barks verie tender moist and soft whereby the graffes may be clasped united and soddered with those parts that be under the said barke Then Soclarus himselfe said That whosoever made these reasons was in the right and not deceived in his opinion to thinke it necessarie that the thing which is to receive another nature should be pliable and easie to follow every way to the end that suffring it selfe to be tamed and over-come it might become of like nature and turne the owne proper nutriment into that which is set and graffed in it Thus you see how before wee sow or plant we eare and turne the earth making it gentle soft and supple that being in this manner wrought to our hand and made tractable it may be more willing to apply it selfe for to embrace in her bosome whatsoever is either sowen or planted for contrariwise a ground which is rough stubborne and tough hardly will admit alteration these trees therefore consisting of a light kinde of wood because they are unapt to be changed and overcome will admit no concorporation with others And moreover quoth hee evident it is that the stocke in respect of that which is set and graffed into it ought to have the nature of a ground which is tilled now it is well knowen that the earth must be of a female constitution apt to conceive and beare which is the cause that we make choise of those trees for our stocks to graffe upon which are most frutefull like as we chuse good milch women that have plenty of milke in their brests to be nurses for other children besides their owne who we put unto them but we see plainly that the cypresse tree the sapin and all such like be either barren altogether or else beare very little frute and like as men and women both who are exceeding corpulent grosse and fatte are for the most part unable either to get or beare children for spending all their nourishment as they doe in feeding the body they convert no superfluitie thereof into genetall seed even so these trees employing all the substance of their nouriture to fatten as it were themselves grow indeed to be very thicke and great but either they beare no frute at all or if they doe the same is very small and long ere it come to maturitie and perfection no marvell therefore that a stranger will not breede or grow there whereas the owne naturall issue thriveth but badly THE SEVENTH QUESTION Of the stay-ship fish Echeneis CHaeremonianus the Trallien upon a time when divers and sundry small fishes of all sorts were set before us shewed unto us one with a long head and the same sharpe pointed and told us that it resembled very much the stay-ship fish called thereupon in Greeke Echeneis and he reported moreover that he had seene the said fish as he sailed upon the Sicilian sea and marvelled not a little at the naturall force and propertie that it had so sensiblie in some sort to stay and hinder the course of a shippe under saile untill such time as the marriner who had the government of the prow or foredecke espied it sticking close to the outside of the ship upon the relation of this strange occurrent some there were in place at that time who laughed at Chaeremonianus for that this tale and fiction devised for the nonce to make folke merry and which was incredible went currant with him and was taken for good paiment againe others there were who spake very much in the defence of the hidden properties and secret antipathies or contrarieties in nature There you should have heard many other strange passions and accidents to wit that an elephant being enraged and starke mad becommeth appeased immediatly upon the sight of a ram also that if a man hold a branch or twig of a beech tree close unto a viper and touch her therewith never so little she will presently stay and stirre no farther likewise that a wilde bull how wood and furious soever he be will stand gently and be quiet in case he be tied to a fig-tree semblably that amber doth remoove and draw unto it all things that be drie and light withall save onely the herbe basill and whatsoever is besmeered with oile Item that the Magnet or Lode-stone will no more draw iron when it is rubbed over with garlicke the proofe and experience of which effects is well knowen but the causes thereof difficult if not impossible to be found out But I for my part said That this was rather a shift and evasion to avoid a direct answere unto the question propounded than the allegation of a true cause pertinent thereto for we daily see that there be many events and accidents concurring reputed for causes and yet be none as for example if one should say or beleeve that the blowming of the withie called chast-Chast-tree causeth grapes to ripen because there is a common word in every mans mouth Loe how the chast-trees now do flower And grapes wax ripe even at one hower or that by reason of the fungous matter seene to gather about the candle-snuffes or lamp-weeks the aire is troubled and the skie overcast or that the hooking inwardly of the nailes upon the fingers is the cause and not an accident of the ulcer of the lungs or some noble part within which breedeth a consumption Like as therefore every one of these particulars alledged is a consequent of divers accidents proceeding all from the same causes even so I am of this mind quoth I that one and the same cause staieth the shippe and draweth the little fish Echeneis to sticke unto the side thereof for so long as the ship is drie or not overcharged with moisture soaking into it it with great reason that the keele glideth more smoothly away by reason of the lightnesse thereof and cutteth merrily
this doubt to question there were certeine Grammarians in place who said That Empedocles called apples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in regard of their vigor for poets by this verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understand thus much namely to be growen apace to the vigour flower and full strength And the poet Antimachus in this sense tearmed the city of the Cadmeans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say flourishing with store of fruits Semblably Aratus speaketh of the Canicular-starre Sirius in this wise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is to say In some he did confirme their vigour And marr'd in others all their verdeur In which place he calleth the viriditie or greennesse and the verie flower or beautie of fruits 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They added moreover and said That among the Greeks some there were who sacrifice to Bacchus surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Forasmuch as therefore the apple mainteineth it selfe longest in viriditie and vigour of all other fruits therefore the philosopher named it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But Lamprias my grandfather said That this adjection or preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth not only much greatly but also above or with-out-foorth for in this acception the head or lintell of a doore we name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say above the doore and likewise an upper-roome chamber or loft 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Homer the poet meaneth the outward flesh of a beast sacrificed by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 like as the inward by the vocable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Consider then quoth he whether Empedocles had not a respect heereunto by attributing this said epithite unto an apple that whereas other fruits are inclosed covered within a certeine barke as it were which in Greeke is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and have without-forth those that we tearme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say shelles rindes cods and pannicles to cover them that barke or shell if I may so say which the apple hath lieth within namely a glutinous and smooth tunicle or coat which we call the core or the corque wherein the pepins or seeds lie conteined but the fleshie part or meat thereof for to be eaten is all without the said core in which respect it may by good right be named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 THE NINTH QUESTION What is the cause that the Figge-tree being of all other trees most bitter and sharpe in taste yeeldeth a fruit most sweet AFter this demaunded it was why the figge so fat and sweet a fruit as it is groweth upon a tree most bitter for the very leafe of a figge-tree by the reason of the asperitie and roughnesse that it hath is called Thrion and the wood is full of juice so that when it burneth you shall see it cast up a most eager and bitter smoke and when it is burnt the ashes make a leie very strong and marvellous detersive because of the acrimonie and sharpenesse thereof yea and that which is most admirable whereas all other trees and plants clad with leaves and bearing fruit put foorth a flower before onely the figge-tree never sheweth blossome and if it be true which is moreover said that it is never blasted or smitten with lightning a man may attribute and ascribe it to the bitternesse and evill habitude of the stocke for it should seeme that lightning and thunder never touch any such things no more than the skinne of a sea-calfe or of the beast Hyaena Heere the good old man our grandsire taking occasion to speake said No marvell then if all the sweetnesse bee found in the fruit the rest of the tree be harsh and bitter for like as when the cholericke humour is cast into the bagge or bladder of the gall the proper substance of the liver it selfe remaineth very sweet even so the figge-tree having sent all the sweetnesse and fatnesse it had into the fruit remaineth it selfe disfurnished of it for that within the trunke of the said tree there is otherwise some sweetnesse and good juice though it be but a little I make an argument from the herbe rue which they say If it grow under or neere a figge-tree becommeth more pleasant in smell and in taste more milde by receiving and enjoying some small sweetnesse from it whereby that excessive strong and odious qualitie of rue is abated and extinct unlesse peradventure a man will reason cleane contrary and saie that the figge-tree drawing somewhat from rue for the owne nouriture taketh from that herbe some part of the bitternesse and acrimonie thereof THE TENTH QUESTION Who be they who according to the common proverbe are said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say about the salt and cumin and so by the way why the poet Homer nameth salt divine FLorus asked us one day when we were at supper in his house who they were whom we tearmed by an usuall by-word to be about the salt and cumin Apollophanes the grammarian one of our companie solved the question readily in this manner They quoth he who are such friends and so familiar that they suppe together with salt and cumin are meant by this common speech But then we mooved a new question namely How it came to passe that salt was so highly honoured for that Homer directly saith And then anon when this was done He strewed salt divine upon And Plato affirmeth that the bodie and substance of salt by mans lawes is most sacred and holie The difficultie of this question he enforced still and augmented the more for that the Aegyptian priests who live chaste absteine altogether from salt insomuch as their verie bread which they eat is not seasoned with salt And if it were quoth he so divine and holy why have they it in so great detestation Then Florus willed us to let the Aegyptians goe with their superstitious fashions and to alledge somewhat of the Greeks as touching this subject argument Whereupon I began and said That the Aegyptians themselves were not heerein contrarie to the Greekes for the sanctimonie and profession of chastitie forbiddeth procreation of children laughing wine and such like things which otherwise be good and not to be rejected and as for salt haply those who have vowed to live a chaste and pure life doe forbeare it for that by the heat which it hath as some thinke it provoketh those who use it unto lecherie and probable it is besides that such votaries doe refuse salt because of all other meats it is most delicate a man may well say That it is the viand of viands the sauce as it were to season all others and therefore some there be who attribute unto these salts the very tearme of Charites or the Graces for that they make that which is necessarie for our food to be pleasant acceptable unto us Shall wee say then quoth Florus that salt was called divine in this respect And if we did so quoth I wee have no slender
at the doore but flung over the verie roofe thereof But to what purpose served all this and what good would this have done that he shoud shew himselfe so gentle so affable and humane if he had a curst dog about him to keepe his doore and to affright chase and scarre all those away who had recourse unto him for succour And yet so it is that our ancients reputed not a dog to be altogether a clean creature for first and formost we do not find that he is consecrated or dedicated unto any of the celestial gods but being sent unto terrestrial infernall Proserpina into the quarresires and crosse high waies to make her a supper he seemeth to serve for an expiatorie sacrifice to divert and turne away some calamitie or to cleanse some filthie 〈◊〉 rather than otherwise to say nothing that in Lacedaemon they cut and slit dogs down along the mids and so sacrifice them to Mars the most bloody god of all others And the Romanes themselves upon the feast Lupercalia which they celebrate in the lustrall moneth of Purification called February offer up a dog for a sacrifice and therefore it is no absurditie to thinke that those who have taken upon them to serve the most soveraigne and purest god of all others were not without good cause forbidden to have a dog with them in the house nor to be acquainted and familiar with him 112 For what cause was not the same priest of Jupiter permitted either to touch an ivie tree or to passe thorow a way covered over head with a vine growing to a tree and spreading her branches from it IS not this like unto these precepts of Pythagoras Eat not your meat from a chaire Sit not upon a measure called Choenix Neither step thou over a broome or besoome For surely none of the Pythagoreans feared any of these things or made scruple to doe as these words in outward shew and in their litterall sense do pretend but under such speeches they did covertly and figuratively forbid somewhat else even so this precept Go not under a vine is to be referred unto wine and implieth this much that it is not lawfull for the said Priest to be drunke for such as over drinke themselves have the wine above their heads and under it they are depressed and weighed downe whereas men and priests especially ought to be evermore superiors and commanders of this pleasure and in no wise to be subject unto it And thus much of the vine As for the ivie is it not for that it is a plant that beareth no fruit nor any thing good for mans use and moreover is so weake as by reason of that feeblenesse it is not able to sustaine it selfe but had need of other trees to support and beare it up and besides with the coole shadow that it yeelds and the greene leaves alwaies to be seene it dazeleth and as it were be witcheth the 〈◊〉 of many that looke upon it for which causes men thought that they ought not to nourish or entertaine it about an house because it bringeth no profit nor suffer it to claspe about any thing considering it is so hurtfull unto plants that admit it to creepe upon them whiles it sticketh fast in the ground and therefore banished it is from the temples and sacrifices of the celestiall gods and their priests are debarred from using it neither shall a man ever see in the sacrifices or divine worship of Juno at Athens nor of Venus at Thebes any wilde ivie brought out of the woods Mary at the sacrifices and services of 〈◊〉 which are performed in the night and darknesse it is used Or may not this be a covert and figurative prohibition of such blind dances and fooleries in the night as these be which are practised by the priests of Bacchus for those women which are transported with these furious motions of Bacchus runne immediately upon the ivie and catching it in their hands plucke it in pieces or else chew it betweene their teeth in so much as they speake not altogether absurdly who say that this ivie hath in it a certaine spirit that stirreth and mooveth to madnesse turneth mens mindes to furie driveth them to extasies troubleth and tormenteth them and in one word maketh them drunke without wine and doth great pleasure unto them who are otherwise disposed and enclined of themselves to such fanaticall ravishments of their wit and understanding 113 What is the reason that these Priests and Flamins of Jupiter were not allowed either to take upon them or to sue for any government of State but in regard that they be not capable of such dignities for honour sake and in some sort to make some recompense for that defect they have an usher or verger before them carrying a knitch of rods yea and a curall chaire of estate to 〈◊〉 IS it for the same cause that as in some cities of Greece the sacerdotall dignitie was equivalent to the royall majestie of a king so they would not chuse for their priests meane persons and such as came next to hand Or rather because Priests having their functions determinate and certaine and the kings undeterminate and uncertaine it was not possible that when the occasions and times of both concurred together at one instant one and the same person should be sufficient for both for it could not otherwise be but many times when both charges pressed upon him and urged him at ones he should pretermit the one or the other and by that meanes one while offend and fault in religion toward God and another while do hurt unto citizens and subjects Or else considering that in governments among men they saw that there was otherwhiles no lesse necessitie than authority and that he who is to rule a people as Hippocrates said of a physician who seeth many evill things yea and handleth many also from the harmes of other men reapeth griefe and sorrow of his owne they thought it not in policy good that any one should sacrifice unto the gods or have the charge and superintendence of sacred things who had been either present or president at the judgements and condemnations to death of his owne citizens yea and otherwhiles of his owne kinsfolke and allies like as it befell sometime to Brutus DEMAVNDS AND QUESTIONS AS TOUching Greeke Affaires THAT IS TO SAY A Collection of the maners and of divers customes and fashions of certaine persons and nations of Greece which may serve their turne verie well who reading old Authors are desirous to know the particularities of Antiquitie 1 Who are they that in the citie Epidaurus be called Conipodes and Artyni THere were an hundred and fourescore men who had the managing and whole government of the Common weale out of which number they chose Senatours whom they named Artyni but the most part of the people abode and dwelt in the countrey and such were tearmed Conipodes which is as much to say as Dusty-feet for that when
or distaste that which they feed upon Or because that like as they who boile sea water rid it from that salt brackish and biting qualitie that it hath so in those that are hot by nature the salt savour is dulled and mortified by heat Or rather for that a savour or smacke according as Plato saith is a water or juice passing thorow the stem or stalke of a plant but we see that the sea water rūning as thorow a streiner loseth the saltnesse being the terrestriall and grossest part that is in it And hereupon it is that when as men digge along by the sea side they meet with springs of fresh and potable water And many there be who draw out of the very sea fresh water and good to be drunke namely when it hath 〈◊〉 thorow certeine vessels of wax by reason that the terrestriall and saltish parts thereof be streined out In one word cley or marle also yea and the carrying of sea water in long conduct pipes causeth the same when it is so streined to be potable for that there are kept still in them the terrestriall parts and are not suffered to passe thorow Which being so very probable it is that plants neither receive from without forth any salt savour nor if haply any such qualitie breed in them doe they transfuse the same into their fruits for that the conducts of their pores being very small and streight there can not be transmitted thorow them any grosse or terrestriall substance Or els we must say that saltnesse is in some sort a kinde of bitternesse according as Homer signifieth in these verses Bitter salt-water at mouth he cast againe And all therewith his head did drop amaine And Plato affirmeth that both the one and the other savour is abstersive and liquefactive but the saltish lesse of the twaine as that which is not rough and so it will seeme that bitter differeth from salt in excesse of drinesse for that the salt savour is also a great drier 6 What is the cause that if folke use ordinarily and continually to goe among yong trees or shrubs full of deaw those parts of their bodies which do touch the twigs of the said plants are wont to have a scurfe or mange rise upon their skin IS it as Laet us saith for that the deaw by the subtiltie thereof doth fret and pierce the skin Or rather because like as the blast and mil-deaw is incident to those 〈◊〉 or plants that take wet and be drenched even so when the smoothe and tender superficiall parts of the skinne be fretted scarified and dissolved a little with the deaw there ariseth a certeine humour and filleth the fretted place with a smart and angry scurfe for lighting upon those parts which have but little bloud such as be the smalles of the legs and the feet it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the superficies of them Now that there is in deaw a certeine inordinate qualitie it appeareth by this that it maketh those who are grosse and corpulent to be leaner and more spare of bodie witnesse our women who are given to be fat and would be fine who gather deaw with linnen clothes or els with locks or fleeces of wooll thinking therewith to take downe and spend their fogginesse and make themselves more gant and slender 7 What is the cause that barges and other vessels in Winter time go more slowly upon the rivers than at other seasons but they do not so upon the sea WHat say you to this May it not be for that the aire of rivers being alwaies grosse and heavy in Winter is more inspissate by reason of the circumstant cold and so is an hindrance to the course of ships Or haply this accident is to be imputed to the water of rivers rather than to the aire about them for colde driving in and restraining the water maketh it more heavy and grosse as we may perceive in water houre-glasses for the water runneth out of them more leasurely and slowly in winter then in summer And Theophrastus writeth that in Thracia neere unto the mount called Pangaeon there is a fountaine the water whereof is twice as much heavie in winter than it is in summer waigh it in one the same vessell full That the thicknesse of water maketh a vessell to passe more sluggishly it may appeare by this that the barges of the river carry greater fraights by farre in winter than in summer because the water being thicke is stronger and able to beare more As for the sea water it cannot be made more thicke in winter by reason of the owne heat which is the cause that it congealeth not and if it gather any thickening it seemeth to be very slender and little 8 What is the reason that we observe all other waters if they be mooved and troubled are the colder but the sea the more surging and waving the hotter it is IS it because if there be any heat in other waters the same is a stranger unto it and comming from without and so the motion and agitation thereof doth dissipate and drive the same forth againe but that heat of the sea which is proper and naturall to it the windes doe stirre up and augment That the sea is naturally hot may evidently be proved by this that it is so transparent and shining as also for that it is not ordinarily frozen heavy though it be and terrestriall 9 What should be the cause that in winter the sea water is lesse bitter and brackish in taste FOr so by report writeth Dionysus the great convaier of conduicts who in a treatise of that argument saith that the bitternesse of the sea water is not without some sweetnesse seeing that the sea receiveth so many and so great rivers for admit that the sunne doe draw up that which is fresh and potable out of it because it is light and subtill that is but from the upper part onely and withall it doth more in Summer than in any other season by reason that in Winter his beames are not so strong to strike for that his heat likewise is but saint and feeble and so a good portion of the sweetnesse remaining behinde doth delay that excessive bitternesse and brackishnesse like a medicine that it hath And the same befalleth unto river waters and all other that be potable for even such in Summer time become worse and more offensive to the raste than in Winter by how much the heat of the sunne doth resolve and dissipate the light and sweet parts thereof but in Winter it runneth alwaies new and fresh whereof the sea cannot chuse but have a good part as well because it is evermore in motion as also for that the rivers running into it be great and impart their fresh water unto it 10 What is the reason that men are wont to powre sea water into their wine vessels among the wine And the common report goeth that there were sometime certeine mariners and fisher-men who brought with them
and comprehend another that the rainebow which compasseth the other without forth yeeldeth dim colours and not sufficiently distinct expressed because the outward cloud being farther remote from our sight maketh not a strong and forcible reflexion And what needs there any more to be said considering that the very light of the Sunne returned and sent backe by the Moone 〈◊〉 all the heat and of his brightnesse there commeth unto us with much adoe but a small remnant and a portion very little and feeble Is it possible then that our sight running the same race there should any percell or residue thereof reach from the Moone backe againe to the Sunne For mine owne part I thinke not Consider also I beseech you quoth I even your owne selves that if our eiesight were affected and disposed alike by the water and by the Moone it could not otherwise be but that the Moone should represent unto us the images of the earth of trees of plants of men and of starres as well as water doth and all other kinds of mirrors Now if there be no such reflexion of our eie sight 〈◊〉 the Moone as to bring backe unto us those images either for the feeblenesse of it or the rugged innequallity of her superficies let us never require that it should leape backe as far as to the Sun Thus have we reported as much as our memory would carrie away whatsoever was there delivered Now is it time to desire Sylla or rather to require exact of him to make his narration for that admitted he was to here this discourse upon such a condition And therefore if you thinke so good let us give over walking and sitting downe here upon these seates make him a sedentarie audience All the companie liked well of this motion And when we had taken our places Theon thus began Certes I am desirous quoth he and none of you all more to heare what shall be said But before I would be very glad to understand somewhat of those who are said to dwell in the Moone not whether there be any persons there inhabiting but whether it be possible that any should inhabit there For if this cannot be then it were mere folly and beside all reason to say that the Moone is earth otherwise it would be thought to have beene created in vaine and to no end as bearing no fruits nor affoording no habitation no place for nativity no food or nourishment for any men or women in regard of which cause and for which ends we 〈◊〉 hold that this earth wherein we live as Plato saith was made and created even to be our nourse and keeper making the day and night distinct one from another For you see and know that of this matter many things have beene said aswell merily and by way of laughter as 〈◊〉 and in good earnest For of those who inhabit the Moone some are said to hang by the heads under it as if they were so many 〈◊〉 others contrariwise who dwell upon it are tied fast like a sort of 〈◊〉 and turned about with such a violence that they are in danger to be slung and shaken out And verily she moveth not after one single motion but three maner of waies whereupon the Poets call her other while 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Trivia performing her course together according to length bredth and depth in the Zodiak Of which motions the first is called A direct revolution the second An oblique winding or wheeling in and out and the third the Mathematicians call I wote not how An inequalitie and yet they see that she hath no motion at all even and uniforme nor certeine in all her monthly circuits and reversions No marvell therefore considering the impetuositie of these motions if there fell a lion sometimes out of her into Peloponnesus nay rather we are to wonder why we see not every day a thousand sals of men women yea and as many beasts shaken out from thence and flung downe headlong with their heeles upward For it were a meere mockerie to dispute and stand upon their habitation there if they neither can breed nor abide there For considering that the 〈◊〉 and Troglodytes over whose heads the Sunne standeth directly one moment onely of the day in the time of the Solstices and then presently retireth hardly escape burning by reason of the excessive siccitie of the circumstant aire how possibly can the men in the Moone endure 12 Summers every yere when the Sunne once a moneth is just in their Zenith and setleth plumbe over head when she is at the full As for winds clouds and raines without which the plants of the earth can neither come up nor be preserved it passeth all imagination that there should be any there the aire is so subtile drie and hote especially seeing that even here beneath the highest mountaines doe admit or feele the hard and bitter Winters from yeere to yeere but the aire about them being pure and cleere and without any agitation whatsoever by reason of the subtilitie and lightnesse avoideth all that thicknesse and concretion which is among us unlesse haply we will say that like as Minerva instilled and dropped into Achilles mouth some Nectar and Ambrosia when he received no other food so the Moone who both is called and is indeed Minerva nourisheth men there bringeth foorth daily for them Ambrosia according as olde Pherecides was wont to say that the very gods also were sedde and nourished For as touching that Indian root which as Megasthenes saith certeine people of India who neither eat nor drinke nor have so much as mouthes whereupon they be called Astomi do burne and make to smoake with the odor and perfume whereof they live how can they come by any such there considering the Moone is never watered nor refreshed with raine When 〈◊〉 had thus said You have quoth I very properly and sweetly handled this point you have I say by this mery conceited jest laied smooth and even those bent and knit browes the austerity I meane of this whole discourse which hath given us heart and encouraged us to make answere for that if we faile and come short we looke not for streight examination nor feare any sharpe and grievous punishment For to say a trueth they who take most offence at these matters rejecting and discrediting the same are not so great adversaries unto those who are most perswaded thereof but such as will not after a milde and gentle sort consider that which is possible and probable First and formost therefore this I say that suppose there were no men at all inhabiting the Moone it doth not necessarily follow therefore that she was made for nothing and to no purpose for we see that even this earth here is not thorowout inhabited nor tilled in all parts nay there is but a little portion thereof habitable like unto certeine promontories or 〈◊〉 arising out of the deepe sea for to breed in gender and bring forth
〈◊〉 that his debt did grow unto him by the interest for use Furthermore because ever and anon the same Homer attributeth unto the night the epither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth Quicke and sharpe you Grammarians are much affected to this word saying He understandeth thereby that the shadow of the earth being round groweth point-wise or sharp at the end in maner of a cone or pyramis And what is he who standing upon this point that small things may not be the proofes and signes of greater matters will approove this argument in Physicke namely that when there is a multitude of spiders seene it doeth prognosticate a pestilent Summer or in the Spring season when the leaves of the olive tree resemble the crowes-feet Who I say will ever abide to take the measure of the Sunnes body by clepsydres or water-dials with a gallon or pinte of water or that a tyle-formed tablet making a sharpe angle by the plumbe enclining upon a plaine superficies should shew the just measure of the elevation of pole from the Horizon which alwaies is to be seene in our Hemisphaere Loe what the priests and prophets in those parts may alledge and say And therefore we ought to produce some other reasons against them in case we would mainteine the course of the Sunne to be constant and unvariable as we hold heere in these countries And not of the Sunne onely cried out with a loud voice Ammonius the Philosopher who was then in place but also of the whole heaven which by this reckoning commeth in question For if it be granted that the yeeres decrease the race of the Sunne which he runneth betweene the one Tropique and the other must of necessity be cut shorter and that it taketh not up so great a part of the Horizon as the Mathematicians set downe but that it becommeth shorter and lesse according as the Southern or Meridionall parts be contracted and gather alwaies toward the Septentrionall and Northerne Whereupon it will ensue that our Summer will be shorter and the temperature of the aire by consequence colder by reason that the Sunne turneth more inwardly and describeth greater paralelles or equidistant circles than those be about the Tropicks at the longest and shortest daies of the yeere Moreover this would follow heereupon that the Gnomons in the dials at Syene in Aegypt will be no more shadowlesse at the Summer Tropicke or Solstice and many of the fixed starres will runne under one another some also of them wil be forced for want of roome to runne one upon another and be hudled pell-mell together And if they shall say that when other starres hold their owne and keepe their ordinary courses the Sunne onely observeth no order in his motions they cannot alledge any cause that should so much as hasten his motion alone among so many others as there be but they shall trouble and disquiet most of those things which are seene evidently above and namely those generally which happen unto the Moone in regard of the Sunne So that we shal have no need of those who observe the measures of oile for to proove the diversitie of the yeeres because the ecclipses both of the Moone and Sun will sufficiently shew if there be any at all for that the Sun shall many times meet with the Moone and the Moone reciprocally fall as often within the shadow of the earth so as we shall need no more to display and discover the vanity and falsitie of this reason Yea but I my selfe quoth Cleombrotus have seene the said measure of oile for they shewed many of them unto me and that of this present yeere when I was with them appeered to be much lesse than those in yeeres past So that Ammonius made answer in this wise And how is it that other men who adore the inextinguible fires who keepe and preserve the same religiously for the space of an infinit number of yeeres one after another could not as well perceive and observe so much And say that a man should admit this report of yours to be true as touching the measures of the oile were it not much better to ascribe the cause thereof unto some coldnesse or moisture of the aire or rather contrariwise to some drinesse and heat by reason whereof the fire in the lampe being enfeebled is not able to spend so much nutriment and therefore hath no need thereof For I have heard it many times affirmed by some That in Winter the fire burneth much better as being more stronger more fortified by reason that the heat thereof is drawen in more united and driven closer by the exterior colde whereas great heats and droughts doe weaken the strength thereof so as it becommeth faint loose and rawe without any great vehemencie and vigour nay if a man kindle it against the Sunne-shine the operation of it is lesse hardly catcheth it hold of the wood or fewell and more slowly consumeth it the same But most of all a man may lay the cause upon the oile it selfe for it goeth not against reason to say that in old time the oile was of lesse nutriment and stood more upon the waterish substance than now it doth as pressed out of olives which grew upon yoong trees but afterwards being better concocted and riper in the fruit comming of plants more perfect and fully growen in the same quantity was more effectuall and able longer to nourish and mainteine the fire Thus you see how a man may salve and save that supposition of the Ammonian priests although it seeme very strange and woonderfully extravagant After that Ammonius had finished his speech Nay rather quoth I Cleombrotus I beseech you tell us somewhat of the oracle for there hath gone a great name time out of minde of the deity resident there but now it seemeth that the reputation thereof is cleane gone And when Cleombrotus made no answer heereto but held downe his head and cast his eies upon the ground There is no neede quoth Demetrius to demaund or make any question of the oracles there when as we see the oracles in these parts to faile or rather indeed all save one or two brought to nothing This rather would be enquired into what the cause should be that generally they all doe cease For to what purpose should we speake of others considering that Boeotia it selfe which heeretofore in old time resounded and rung againe with oracles now is quite voide of them as if the springs and fountaines were dried up and a great siccitie and drought of oracles had come over the whole land For there is not at this day goe throughout all Boeotia unlesse it be onely in Lebadia one place where a man may would he never so faine draw any divination what need soever he hath of any oracle for all other parts are either mute or altogether desolate and forlorne And yet in the time of the Medes warre the oracle of Ptous Apollo was in great request and that of Amphiaraus
in him somewhat better and somewhat worse And verily by that meanes he that hath the worse part obedient to the better hath powre over himselfe yea and better than himselfe whereas he that suffreth the brutish and unreasonable part of his soule to command and go before so as the better and more noble part doth follow and is serviceable unto it he no doubt is worse than himselfe he is I say incontinent or rather impotent and hath no power over himselfe but disposed contrary to nature For according to the course and ordinance of nature meet and fit it is that reason being divine and heavenly should command and rule that which is sensuall and voide of reason which as it doth arise and spring out of the very bodie so it resembleth it as participating the properties and passions thereof yea and naturally is full of them as being deepely concorporate and throughly mixed therewith As it may appeere by all the motions which it hath tending to no other things but those that be materiall and corporall as receiving their augmentations and diminutions from thence or to say more properly being stretched out and let slacke more or lesse according to the mutations of the body Which is the cause that young persons are quicke prompt and audacious rash also for that they be full of bloud and the same hot their lusts and appetites are likewise firy violent and furious whereas contrariwise in old folke because the source of concupiscence seated about the liver is after a sort quenched yea and become weake and feeble reason is more vigorous and predominant in them as much as the sensuall and passionate part doth languish and decay together with the body And verily this is that which doth frame and dispose the nature of wilde beasts to divers passions For it is not long of any opinions good or bad which arise in them that some of them are strong venterous and fearelesse yea and ready to withstand any perils presented before them others againe be so surprised with feare and fright that they dare not stirre or do any thing but the force and power which lieth in the bloud in the spirits and in the whole bodie is that which causeth this diversitie of passions by reason that the passible part growing out of the flesh as from a roote doeth bud soorth and bring with it a qualitie and pronenesse semblable But in man that there is a sympathie and fellow mooving of the body together with the motions of the passions may be prooved by the pale colour the red flushing of the face the trembling of the joints and panting and leaping of the heart in feare and anger And againe on the contrary side by the dilations of the arteries heart and colour in hope and expectation of some pleasures But when as the divine spirit and understanding of man doeth moove of it selfe alone without any passion then the body is at repose and remaineth quiet not communicating nor participating any whit with the operation of the minde and intendement no more than it being disposed to studie upon any Mathematicall proposition or other science speculative it calleth for the helpe and assistance of the unreasonable part By which it is manifest that there be two distinct parts in us different in facultie and power one from another In summe Go through the universall world althings as they themselves affirme and evident experience doth convince are governed and ordred some by a certeine habitude others by nature some by sensuall and unreasonable soule others by that which hath reason and understanding Of all which man hath his part at once yea and was borne naturally with these differences above said For conteined he is by an habitude nourished by nature reason understanding he useth he hath his portion likewise of that which is unreasonable and inbred there is together with him the source and primitive cause of passions as a thing necessarie for him neither doth it enter into him from without in which regard it ought not to be extirped utterly but hath neede onely of ordering and government whereupon Reason dealeth not after the Thracian maner nor like king Lycurgus who commanded all vines without exception to be cut downe because wine caused drunkennes it rooteth not out I say all affections indifferently one with another the profitable as well as the hurtfull but like unto the good gods 〈◊〉 and Hemorides who teach us to order plants that they may fructifie and to make them gentle which were savage to cut away that which groweth wilde and ranke to save all the rest and so to order and manage the same that it may serve for good use For neither do they shed and spill their wine upon the floure who are afraid to be drunke but delay the same with water nor those who feare the violence of a passion do take it quite away but rather temper and qualifie the same like as folke use to breake horses and oxen from their flinging out with their heeles their stiffenes curstnes of the head stubburnes in receiving the bridle or the yoke but do not restreine them of other motions in going about their worke and doing their deed And even so verily reason maketh good use of these passions when they be well tamed and brought as it were to hand without over weakning or rooting out cleane that part of the soule which is made for to second reason and do it good service For as Pindarus saith The horse doth serve in chariot at the thill The oxe at plough doth labour hardin field Who list in chase the wild Bore for to kill The hardy hound he must provide with skill And I assure you the entertainment of these passions and their breed serve in farre better stead when they doe assist reason and give an edge as it were and vigour unto vertues than the beasts above named in their kind Thus moderate ire doth second valour and fortitude hatred of wicked persons helpeth the execution of Iustice and indignation is just and due unto those who without any merit or desert enjoie the felicitie of this life who also for that their heart is puffed up with foolish arrogancie and enflamed with disdainfull pride and insolence in regard of their prosperitie have need to be taken downe and cooled Neither is a man able by any meanes would he never so faine to separate from true friendship naturall indulgence and kind affection nor from humanitie commiseration and pitie ne yet from perfect benevolence and good will the fellowiship in joy and sorrow Now if it be true as it is indeed that they do grossely erre who would abolish all love because of foolish and wanton love surely they do amisse who for covertousnes sake and greedines of money do blame and condemne quite all other appetites and desires They do I say asmuch as those who would sorbid running altogether because a man may stumble and catch a fall as he runneth
farre enough off from us Like as nurses therefore are wont to say unto their little children Crie not and you shall have this or that so we shall do very wel to speake unto our choler in this wise Make no such haste soft and faire keepe not such a crying make not so loud a noise be not so eager and urgent upon the point so shall you see every thing that you would have sooner done and much better And thus a father when he seeth his childe going about to cut or cleave any thing with a knife or edge toole taketh the toole or knife out of his hand and doth it himselfe even so he that doth take revenge out of the hands of choler punisheth not himselfe but him that deserveth it and thus he doth surely putting his owne person in no danger without damage and losse nay with great profit and commodity Now whereas all passions whatsoever of the minde had need of use and eustome to tame as it were and vanquish by exercise that which in them is unruely rebellious and disobedient to reason certes in no one point besides had we need to be more exercised I meane as touching those dealings that we have with our housholde servants than in anger for there is no envy emulation that ariseth in us toward thē there is no feare that we need to have of them neither any ambition that troubleth or pricketh us against them but ordinary and continuall fits of anger we have every day with them which breed much offence and many errours causing us to tread awry to slip and do amisse sundry waies by reason of that licentious libertie unto which we give our selves all the whiles that there is none to controll none to stay none to forbid and hinder us and therefore being in so ticklish a place and none to sustaine and holde us up soone we catch a fall and come downe at once And a hard matter it is I may say to you when we are not bound to render an account to any one in such a passion as this to keepe our selves upright and not to offend unlesse we take order before-hand to restraine and empale as it were round about so great a libertie with meeknesse and clemencie unlesse I say we be well inured and acquainted to beare and endure many shrewd and unhappy words of our wives much unkinde language of friends and familiars who many times do chalenge us for being too remisse over-gentle yea and altogether carelesse and negligent in this behalfe And this in trueth hath bene the principall cause that I have bene quicke and sharpe unto my servants for feare lest they might proove the woorse for not being chastised But at the last though late it were I perceived First that better it was by long sufferance and indulgence to make them somewhat woorse than in seeking to reforme and amend others to disorder and spoile my selfe with bitternesse and choler Secondly when I saw many of them often-times even because they were not so punished feare and shame to do evil and how pardon and forgivenesse was the beginning of their repentance and conversion rather than rigour and punishment and that I asture you they would serve some more willingly with a nod or winke of the eie and without a word spoken than others with all their beating and whipping I was at last perswaded in my minde and resolved that reason was more woorthy to command and rule as a master than ire and wrath For true it is not that the Poet saith Where ever is feare Shame also is there but cleane contrary Looke who are bashfull and ashamed in them there is imprinted a certaine feare that holdeth them in good order whereas continuall beating and laying on without mercy breedeth not repentance in servants for evill doing but rather a kinde of forecast and providence how they should not be spied nor taken in their evill doing Thirdly calling to remembrance and considering evermore with my selfe that he who taught us to shoot forbad us not to draw a bowe or to shoot an arrow but to misse the marke no more will this be any let or hinderance but that we may chastise and punish our servants if we be taught to do it in time and place with moderation and measure profitably and decently as it apperteineth And verily I do enforce my selfe and strive to master my choler and subdue it principally not denying unto them who are to be punished the libertie and meanes to justifie themselves but in hearing them to speake what they can for their excuse For as time and space doeth in the meane time finde the passion occupied another way and withall bring a certaine delay which doeth slacke and let downe as it were the vehemencie and violence thereof so judgement of reason all the while meeteth both with a decent maner and also with a convenient meane and measure of doing punishment accordingly And besides this course and maner of proceeding leaveth him that is punished no cause occasion or pretense at all to resist and strive againe considering that he is chastised and corrected not in choler and anger but being first convinced that he had well deserved his correction and which were yet woorse than all the rest the servant shall not have vantage to speake more justly and to better reason than his master Well then like as Phocion after the death of Alexander the great having a care not to suffer the Athenians to rise over-soone or make any insurrection before due time ne yet to give credit rashly unto the newes of his death My masters of Athens quoth he if he be dead to day he will be dead to morow also and three daies hence to even so should a man in mine opinion who by the impulsion and instigation of anger maketh haste to take punishment thus suggest and secretly say to himselfe If this servant of mine hath made a fault to day it will be as true to morrow and the next day after that he hath done a fault neither will there be any harme or danger at all come of it if hee chaunce to be punished with the latest but beleeve me if he be punished over-soone it will be alwaies thought that he had wrong and did not offend a thing that I have knowen to happen full often For which of us all is so curst cruel as to punish and scourge a servant for burning the roast five or ten daies ago or for that so long before he chanced to overthrow the table or was somewhat with the slowest in making answer to his Master or did his errand or other busines not so soone as he should and yet we see these such like be the ordinary causes for which whiles they be fresh and new done we take on we stampe and stare we chafe we frowne we are implacable and will heare of no pardon And no marvaile for like as any bodies seeme bigger through a mist even so
dead whereas if he could have held his tongue a little while longer and mastered himselfe when the king afterwards had better fortune and recovered his greatnesse and puissance he should in my conceit have gotten more thanks at his hands and beene better rewarded for keeping silence than for all the courtesie and hospitalitie that he shewed And yet this fellow had in some sort a colourable excuse for this intemperate tongue of his to wit his owne hopes and the good will that he bare unto the king but the most part of these pratlers vndo themselves without any cause or pretense at all of reason like as it befell unto Denys the tyrants barbar for when upon a time there were some talking in his shop as touching his tyrannicall government and estate how assured it was and as hard to be ruined or overthrowen as it is to breake the Diamond the said barbar laughing thereat I marvell quoth he that you should say so of Denys who is so often under my hands and at whose throat in a maner every day I holde my rasor these words were soone carried to the tyrant Denys who faire crucified this barbar and hanged him for his foolish words And to say a trueth all the sort of these barbars be commonly busie fellowes with their tongue and no marvell for lightly the greatest praters and idlest persons in a countrey frequent the barbars shop and sit in his chaire where they keepe such chat that it can not be but by hearing them prate so customably his tongue also must walke with them And therefore king Archelaus answered very pleasantly unto a barbar of his that was a man of no few words who when he had cast his linnen cloth about his shoulders said unto him Sir may it please your Highnesse to tell me how I shall cut or shave you Mary quoth he holding thy tongue and saying not a word A barbar it was who first reported in the city of Athens the newes of that great discomsiture and overthrow which the Athenians received in Sicily for keeping his shop as he did in that end of the suburbs called Pyraeum he had no sooner heard the said unlucky newes of a certaine slave who fled from thence out of the field when it was lost but leaving shop and all at sixe and seven ran directly into the city and never rested to bring the said tidings and whiles they were fresh and fire-new For feare some els might all the honour win And he teo late or second should come in Now upon the broching of these unwelcome tidings a man may well thinke and not without good cause that there was a great stirre within the city insomuch as the people assembled together into the Market place or Common hall and search was made for the authour of this rumour hereupon the said barbar was haled and brought before the bodie of the people and examined who knew not so much as the name of the partie of whom hee heard this newes But well assured I am quoth he that one said so mary who it was or what his name might be I can not tell Thus it was taken for an headlesse tale and the whole Theatre or Assembly was so moved to anger that they cried out with one voice Away with the villaine have the varlet to the racke set the knave upon the wheele he it is onely that hath made all on his owne singers ends this hath he and none but he devised for who els hath heard it or who besides him hath beleeved it Well the wheele was brought and upon it was the barbar stretched meane while and even as the poore wretch was hoised thereupon beholde there arrived and came to the citie those who brought certaine newes in deed of the said defeature even they who made a shift to escape out of that infortunate field then brake up the assembly and every man departed and retired home to his owne house for to bewaile his owne private losse and calamity leaving the silly barbar lying along bound to the wheele and racked out to the length and there remained he untill it was very late in the evening at what time he was let loose and no sooner was he at liberty but he must needs enquire newes of the executioner namely what they heard abroad of the Generall himselfe Nicias and in what sort he was slaine So inexpugnable and incorrigible a vice is this gotten by custome of much talke that a man can not leave it though he were going to the gallowes nor keepe in those tidings which no man is willing to heare for certes like as they who have drunke bitter potions or unsavory medicines can not away with the very cups where in they were even so they that bring evill and heavie tidings are ordinarily hated and detested of those unto whom they report the same And therefore Sophocles the Poet hath verie finely distinguished upon this point in these verses MESSENGER Is it your heart or els your eare That this offends which you do heare CREON. And why do'st thou search my disease To know what griefe doth me displease MESSENGER His deeds I see offend your heart But my words cause your eares to smart Well then those who tell us any wofull newes be as odious as they who worke our wo and yet for all that there is no restreint and brideling of an untemperate tongue that is given to walke and overreach It fortuned one day at Lacedaemon that the temple of Iuno called there Chalciaecos was robbed and within it was found a certeine emptie flagon or stone bottle for wine great running there was and concourse of the people thither and men could not tell what to make of that flagon at last one of them that stood by My masters quoth he if you will give me leave I shall tell you what my conceit is of that flagon for my minde gives me saith he that these church-robbers who projected to execute so perilous an enterprise had first drunke the juice of hemlocke before they entred into the action and afterwards brought wine with them in this bottle to the end that if they were not surprised nor taken in the maner they might save their lives by drinking each of them a good draught of meere wine the nature and vertue whereof as you know well enough is to quench as it were and dissolve the vigour and strength of that poison and so goe their waies safe enough but if it chance that they were taken in the deed doing then they might by meanes of that hemlocke which they had drunke die an easie death and without any great paine and torment before that they were put to torture by the magistrate He had no sooner delivered this speech but the whole companie who heard his words thought verily that such a contrived devise and so deepe a reach as this never came from one that suspected such a matter but rather knew that it was so indeed whereupon they
their children fall to gaming revelling masking and banquetting to drunkennesse wanton whooring love and such like misdemeanors So as in these regards this one Mot of Euenus in an Epigram of his deserveth to be praised and remembred See bow great paines all fathers undergo What daily griefes their chieldren put them to And yet for all this fathers cease not still to nourish and bring up children and such most of al who stand least in need of their children another day for a meere mockery it were and a ridiculous thing if a man should suppose that rich wealthy men do sacrifice unto the gods and make great joy at the nativitie and birth of their children because that one day they shall feede and susteine them in their old age and interre them after they be dead unlesse perhaps it may be said they rejoice thus and be so glad to have and bring up children for that otherwise they should leave none heires behind them as who would say it were so hard a matter to finde out and meet with those that would be willing to inherite the lands and goods of strangers Certes the sands of the sea the little motes in the sunne raised of dust the feathers of birds together with their variable notes be not so many in number as there be men that gape after heritages and be ready to succeed others in their livings Danaus who as they say was the father of 50. daughters if his fortune had beene to be childlesse I doubt not but he should have had more heires than so to have parted his goods and stare among them and those verily after another sort than the heires of his owne body For children yeeld their parents no thanks at all for being their inheritours neither in regard thereof do they any service dutie or honour unto them for why they expect and looke for the inheritance as a thing due and of right belonging unto them but contrariwise you heare how those strangers that hang and hunt about a man who hath no children much like to those in the comaedies singing this song O sir no wight shall do you any harme I will revenge your wrongs and quarrels ay Hold heare three-halfe-pence good to keepe you warme Purse it drinke it sing wo and care away As for that which Euripides saith These worldly goods procure men friends to chuse And credit most who then will them refuse It is not simply and generally true unlesse it be to those as have no children for such indeed are sure to be invited and feasted by the rich lords and rulers will make court and be serviceable to such for them great oratours and advocates will plead at the bar without fee and give their counsell gratis How mightie is a rich man with each one So long as his next heire is knowne to none where as you shall see many in the world who before time having a number of friends and honour enough and no sooner had a little childe borne unto them but they lost all their friends credit and reputation at once so that by this reckoning the having of children maketh nothing at all to the authoritie of their parents so that in regard thereof it is not that they doe so love their children but surely the cause of this their kindnesse and affection proceedeth altogether from nature and appeereth no lesse in mankind than in wilde beasts Howbeit otherwhiles this naturall love aswell as many other good qualities in men are blemished and obscured by occasion of vice that buddeth up afterwards like as we see wilde briers bushes and brambles to spring up and grow among good and kind seeds for otherwise we might as well collect and say that men love not themselves because many cut their owne throates or wilfully fall down headlong from steepe rocks and high places For Oedipus With bloudy hand his owne eie-lids did force And plucked out his eies upon remorce Hegesias disputing and discoursing upon a time of abstinence caused many of his auditours and scholars to pine themselves to death Such accidents of many sorts there be Permitted by the gods we daily see But al of them like as those other passions and maladies of the mind before named transport a man out of his owne nature and put him beside himselfe so as they testifie against themselves that this is true and that they do amisse heerein for if a sow having farrowed a little pigge devoure it when she hath done or a bitch chance to teare in peeces a puppie or whelpe of her own litter presently men are amazed at the sight thereof and woonderfully affrighted whereupon they sacrifice unto the gods certaine expiatorie sacrifices for to divert the sinister praesages thereof as taking it to a prodigious woonder as confessing thereby that it is a propertie given to all living creatures even by the instinct and institution of nature To love foster and cherrish the fruit of their owne bodies so farre is it from them to destroy the same And yet notwithstanding her corruption and depravation in this behalfe Like as in mines the gold although it be mixed with much clay and furred all over with earth shineth glittereth thorow the same and is to be seene afarre off even so nature amid the most depravate maners and corrupt passions that we have sheweth a certeine love and tender affection to little ones To conclude wheras the poore many times make no care at all to nourish and reare up their children it is for nothing els but because they feare left having not so good bringing up nor so civill education as they ought they should proove servile in behavior untaught unmanerly rude and void of all good parts and judging as they do povertie to be the extremity of all miseries that can befall to man their heart will not serve them to leave unto their children this hereditarie calamity as a most grievous and dangerous disease OF THE PLVRALITY OF FRIENDS The Summarie IN certeine discourses going before it appeareth what a benefit and good thing friendship is And now Plutarch addeth thereto a certaine correction very necessary in regard of our nature which is given alwaies to bend unto extremities and not able long to holde the golden-meane Like as therefore it bewraieth a miserable wretched and cursed mind to be desirous for to leade a life without acquaintance and familiarity with any person even so to make friends as they say hand over head and upon every occasion is peradventure unpossible but surely not expedient Our authour therefore willing to reforme this disordinate affection that is in many who because they would have a number of friends often-times have not one assured sheweth that it is farre better for a man to get one fast and faithfull friend than a great multitude of whom he can not make any certaine account propounding as aremedie for this covetous minde of entertaining such a plurality of friends the examples of those who are contented
for sacrifice commanding that hee should take out of it the best and woorst piece thereof and so to send the said flesh unto him hee therefore well and wisely plucked foorth the tongue and sent it unto him for which hee was by good right well praised highly esteemed and held in great admiration It was not therefore onely quoth Niloxenus that hee came to so great a name but also for that hee refused not the amitie of princes and kings as you doe for Amasis admired many more things in you and namely among others when you tooke the measure of the height of the Pyramis in Egypt he woondered exceedingly and made high account of your conceit for that without any great hand-labour and the same requiring no instrument at all by setting up a staffe onely plumbe upright at the very point and end of the shadow which the said Pyramis cast and by two Triangles which the beames of the sunne caused you made demonstration that what proportion there was betweene the length of both shadowes to wit of the Pyramis and the staffe the same was betweene the height of the one and the other But as I said before you were accused unto the same king Amasis for bearing no good will unto kings and their estate which was the cause of your disgrace and disfavour with him besides there were brought unto him and presented many slanderous speeches and contumelious answers of yours as touching tyrants as for example when Molpagoras a great lord of Ionia demaunded upon a time of you what strange thing you had in your time seene you answered A tyrant living to be an old man Againe at a certeine banket there being some speech mooved as touching beasts which was the worst and did most harme you made answer that Of wilde beasts a tyrant and of tame beasts a flatterer was most dangerous for I may tell you Kings howsoever they say that they differ from tyrāts yet take they no pleasure at such Apophthegmes as those That answer quoth Thales againe was none of mine but Pittacus it was who made it one day in scoffing merilie to Myrsilus for mine one part I doe not so much mervaile at an aged tyrant as I doe woonder to see an olde pilot howbeit as touching this transposition and taking one for another I am of the same minde and am willing to say as that yoong man did who flung a stone at a dogge and missing the dog hit his owne stepmother and felled her withall whereat It makes no matter quoth he for even so the stone hath not light amisse For and in truth I my selfe alwaies esteemed Solon a right wise man for that he refused to be the tyrant of his owne country and even so Pittacus if he had never come to take upon him a monarchie would not have delivered this speech How hard a thing is it to bee a good man And it should seeme that Periander being seized upon as a man would say by the same tyranny as an hereditarie disease from his father did not amisse to endevour what he could to free himselfe and get out of it by conversing with the best men and frequenting their companie as hee hath done to this day and training unto him the societie of Sages and philosophers and being ruled and advised by them not approoving nor admitting the perilous and unhappie counsell of my country-man Thrasibulus perswading him to cut the chief men shorter by the heads For a tyrant who chooseth to command and rule slaves and vassailes rather than free men indeed nothing differeth from the husbandman who had leifer gather locusts and catch foules than reape and bring in good graine of wheat and barley for these soveraigne dominions and principalities bring with them this onely good thing in stead and recompence of many evils to wit a kind of honor and glorie if men be so happie as in ruling over good men they be better themselves and in commaunding great persons become greater themselves as for such as in their government and place of command aime at nothing but their securitie without respect of honour and honestie deserve to be set over a number of sheepe horses or beasts and not of men but this good gentleman stranger heere hath I wot not how cast us upon such discourses which are nothing convenient for our present purpose omitting both to speake and also to demaund those matters that befit better those who goe to a 〈◊〉 for thinke you not that the guest who is bidden ought not to goe prepared as well as the very master himselfe is to make preparation For the Sybarites as it should seeme solemnly invite their dames to their feasts seeme to bid them a whole yeere before of purpose that they might have time enough to trim themselves at their good leasure with rich aray and jewels of gold against they goe to a feast and for mine owne part I assure you of this mind I am that the right preparative of one who is to go unto a great dinner as he should would require a longer time than so by how much harder it is to find fit and decent ornament for the manners of the minde than to provide for the superfluous needlesse and unprofitable setting out of the bodie for a wise man who hath wit and understanding goeth not to a feast carying with him his body as a vessell to be filled but he goes thither with an intention to passe the time either in serious discourses or pleasant and mery talke to speake I say and heare according as the time shal give occasion to the companie if they meane with joy and mirth to converse together one with another A man that is come to a feast may if he like not a dish of meat or if it be naught refuse it or if the wine be not good have recourse unto the nymphes but a troublesome guest a talkative busi-bodie and an unmannerly or untaught neighbour sitting at the boord marreth all the grace of the viands be they otherwise never so deinty he corrupteth the wine yea and all the sweetnesse of the musicke how melodious so ever it be Neither may a man when he list vomit and cast up readily againe this trouble and vexation once received but in some a mutuall discontentment and offence taken at the table one with another sticketh by them and continueth as long as they have a day to live insomuch as they cannot endure the enterview one of another againe but like an old surfeit arisen of wrong done or of anger conceived by drinking wine the spight remaineth feltering corrupting in the stomacke and never will be digested In mine opinion therefore did Chilon very well and wisely who being invited as it were yesterday to a feast would never promise to come before he knew what other guests he should meet with there even everie one of them for this was his saying That a man must endure will he nill he if he be once
our paramours and concubines and not unto such great captaines as your selfe But Cato after a more surly and boislerous sort in the like case answered unto Catulus one of his inward and most familiar friends This Catulus being Censour mooved Cato who then was but Questour or Treasurer that for his sake he would dismisse and set free one of his clerks of the Finances under him against whom he had commensed sute and entred processe in law That were a great shame in deed quoth he for you who are the Censour that is to say the corrector and reformer of our maners and who ought to schoole and instruct us that be of the yonger sort thus to be put out of your course by our under officers and ministers for he might well enough have denied to condescend unto his request in deed and effect without such sharpe and biting words and namely by giving him to understand that this displeasure that he did him in refusing to doe the thing was against his will and that he could neither will nor chuse being forced thereto by justice and the law Over and besides a man in government hath good meanes with honesty and honor to helpe his poore friends that they may advantage themselves and reape benefit by him from the common-wealth Thus did Themistocles after the battell at Marathon for seeing one of them that lay dead in the field to have hanging at his necke chaines and collars with other bracelets of gold about his armes passed by and would not seeme for his owne part to meddle with them but turning backe to a familiar friend of his one of his folowers Here quoth he off with these ornaments and take them to your selfe for you are not yet come to be such an one as Themistocles Moreover the affaires and occurrences daily incident in the world doe present vnto a magistrate and great ruler such like occasions whereby he may be able to benefit and entich his friends for all men cannot be wealthy nor like to you ô Menemachus Give then unto one friend a good and just cause to plead unto and defend which he may gaine well by and fill his purse unto another recommend the affaires and businesse of some great and rich personage who hath neede of a man that knoweth how to manage and order the same better than himselfe for another harken out where there is a good bargaine to be made as namely in the undertaking of some publicke worke or helpe him to the taking of a good farme at a reasonable rent whereby he may be a gainer Epaminondas would do more than thus for upon a time he sent one of his friends who was but poore unto a rich burgesse of Thebes to demaund a whole talent of money freely to be given unto him and to say that Epammondas commanded him to deliver so much The burgesse woondring at such a message came unto Epaminondas to know the cause why hee should part with a talent of silver unto him mary quoth he this is the reason The man whom I sent is honest but poore and you by robbing the common-wealth are become rich And by report of Xenophon Agesilaus tooke no smal joy glory in this that he had enriched his friends whiles himselfe made no account at all of money But forasmuch according to the saying of Simonides as all larks ought to have a cap or crest upon the head so every government of State bringeth with it enmities envies and litigious jealousies this is a point wherein a man of estate and affaires ought to be well enformed and instructed To begin therefore to treat of this argument many there be who highly praise Themistocles and Aristides for that whensoever they were to goe out of the territorie of Attica either in embassage or to manage warres together they had no sooner their charge and commission but they presently laid downe all the quarrels and enmitie betweene even in the very confines and frontiers of their countrey and afterwards when they were returned tooke up and enterteined them againe Some also there are who be wonderfull well pleased with the practise and fashion of Cretinas the Magnesian This Cretinas had for his concurrent an adversary in the government of State a noble man of the same citie named Hermias who although he were not very rich yet ambitious he was and caried a brave and hautie minde Cretinas in the time of the warre that Mithridates made for the conquest of Asia seeing the citie in danger went unto the said Hermias and made an offer unto him to take the charge of captaine generall for the defence of the citie and in the meane while himselfe would go foorth to retire to some other place or otherwise if he thought better that himselfe should take upon him the charge of the warre then he would depart out of the citie into the countrey for the time for feare lest if they taried both behinde and hindered one another as they were woont to doe by their ambitious minds they should vndoo the state of the citie This motion liked Hermias very well who confessing that Cretinas was a more expert warrior than himselfe departed with his wife and children out of the citie Now Cretinas made meanes to send him out before with a convoy putting into his hands his owne money as being more profitable to them who were without their houses and fled abroad than to such as lay besieged within the citie which being at the point to be lost was by this meanes preserved beyond al hope and expectation for if this be a noble and generous speech proceeding from a magnanimous hart to say thus with a loud voice My children well I loue but of my hart My native soile by farre hath greater part Why should not they have this speech readier in their mouthes to say unto every one I hate this or that man and willing I would be to doe him a displeasure but my native countrey I love so much the more For not to desire to be at variance and debate still with an enimie in such causes as for which we ought to abandon and cast off our friend were the part of a most fell savage and barbarous nature yet did Phocion and Cato better in mine opinion who enterteined not any enmitie with their citizens in regard of difference and variance betweene them about bearing rule and government but became implacable and irreconcilable onely in publike causes when question was of abandoning or hurting the weale publike for otherwise in private matters they caried themselves kindly enough without any ranckor or malice even toward them against whom they had contested in open place as touching the State for we ought not to esteeme or repute any citizen an enimie unlesse such an one be bred amongst them as Aristion or Nabis or Catiline who are to be reckoned botches rather and pestilent maladies of a citie than citizens for all others if haply they be at a jarre
drive the same without forth to the superficiall parts but contrariwise a man of government if he be not able to keepe a citie altogether in peace concord but that some troubles will arise yet at leastwise he must endevour to conteine that within the citie which is the cause thereof and nurceth the sedition and in keeping it close to labour for to heale and remedie it to this end that if it be possible he have no need either of physician or physicke from forren parts for the intentions of a man of State and government ought to be these namely to proceed in his affaires surely and to flie the violent and furious motions of vaine-glorie as hath beene said alreadie howbeit in his resolution A courage bold and full of confidence Undaunted heart and fearlesse be must have Which will not quatle for any consequence But see the end much like to sculdiors brave In field themselves who manly do behave And hazard lims and life for to defend Their countrey deere and enemies to off end and not onely to oppose himselfe against enemies but also to be armed against perilous troubles and dangerous tumults that he may be readie to resist and make head for he ought not in any case himselfe to moove tempests and raise commotions no nor when he seeth boisterous stormes comming forsake and leave his countrey in time of need He must nor I say drive his citie under his charge upon apparent danger but so soone as ever it once begin to be tossed and to float in jeopardie than is it his part to come to succor by casting out from himselfe as it were a sacred Anchor that is to say to use his boldnesse and libertie of speech considering that now the maine point of all lieth a bleeding even the safetie of his countrey Such were the dangers that hapned unto Pergamus in Neroes time and of late daies to the Rhodians during the Empire of Domitian as also before unto the Thessalians while Augustus was Emperour by occasion that they had burned Petraeus quick In these and such like occurrences a man of State and government especially if he be woorthie of that name Never shall you see Sleepie for to bee nor drawing his foote backe for feare no nor to blame and lay the fault of others ne yet to make shift for one and put himselfe out of the medley of danger but either going in embassage or embarked in some ship at sea or else readie to speake first and to say not onely thus We we Apollo have this murder don From these our coasts avert this plague anon but although himselfe be not culpable at all with the multitude yet will he put his person into danger for them For surely this is an act right honest and besides the honestie in it selfe it hapneth divers times that the vertue and noble courage of such a man hath beene so highly admired that it hath daunted the anger conceived against a whole multitude and dispatched all the fiercenesse and furie of a bitter menace like as it befell unto a King of Persia in regard of Bulis and Sperthis two gentlemen of Sparta and as it was seene in Pompey to his host and friend Sthenon for when he was fully determined to chastice the Mamertines sharpely and to proceede against them in all rigor for that they had rebelled the said Sthenon stept unto him and thus frankly spake That he should do neither well nor justly in case he did to death a number of innocents for one man who alone was faultie for it is I my selfe quoth he who caused the whole citie to revolt and take armes inducing my friends for love and forcing mine enemies for feare These words of his went so neere unto the heart of Pompey that he pardoned the citie and most courteously entreated Sthenon semblaby the host of Sylla having shewed the like valour and vertue although it were not to the like person died a noble death for when Sylla had woon the citie Praenesle by assault he meant to put all the inhabitants thereof to the sword excepting onely one host of his whom in regard of old hospitalite he spared and pardoned but this host friend said flatly unto him that he would never remaine alive to see that bloudy massacre not hold his life by the murtherer of his countrey and so cast himselfe into the troupe of his fellow-citizens in the heate of execution and was killed with them Well pray unto the gods we ought to preserve and keepe us that we fall not into such calamities and troublesome times to hope also and looke for better daies Moreover we are to esteeme of everie publike magistracie and of him who exerciseth it as of a great and sacred thing and in that regard to honour the same above all Now the honour which is due unto authoritie is the mutuall accord and love of those who are set in place to exercise the same together and verily this honor is much more worth than either all those crownes and diademes which they beare upon their heads or their stately mantles and roabes of purple wherewith they be arraied Howbeit they that laid the first ground and beginning of amitie their service in warres when they were fellow-souldiors or the passing of their youthfull yeeres together and contrariwise take this a cause now of enmitie that they either are joined captaines in commission for the conduct of an armie or have the charge of the Common-weale together it can not be avoided but that they must incur one of these three mischiefes For either if they esteem their fellowes and companions in government to be their equals they begin themselves first to grow into tearmes of dissention or if they take them to be their betters they fall to be envious or else in case they hold them to be inferiour unto them in good parts they despise contemne them Whereas they should indeed make court unto the greater honor and adorne their equals and advance their inferiors and in one word to love and embrace all as having an amitie and love engendred among themselves not because they have eaten at one table drunke of the same cup or met together at one feast but by a certaine common band and publike obligation as having in some sort a certaine fatherly benevolence contracted and growen upon the common affection unto their countrey Certes one reason why Scipio was not so well thought of at Rome was this that having invited all his friends to a solemne feast at the dedication of his temple to Hercules he left out Mummius his colleague or fellow in office for say that otherwise they tooke not one another for so good friends yet so it is that at such a time and upon such occasions they ought to have honored and made much one of the other by reason of their common magistracie If then Scipio a noble personage otherwise and a man of woonderfull regard incurred the imputation and
and readie to be spoken withall whosoever comes having his house open alwaies as it were an haven or harbour of refuge to as many as have occasion to use him Neither is this debonairity and care of his seene onely in the businesse and affaires of such as employ him but also in this that he will as well rejoice with them who have had any fortunate and happie successe as condole greeve with those unto whom there is befallen any calamitie or misfortune never will he be knowen to be troublesome and looke for double diligence of a number of servitors and verlets to waite upon him to the baines or stouphes nor to keepe a stir for taking up and keeping of places for him and his traine at the theaters where plaies and pastimes are to bee seene ne yet desire to be conspicuous and of great marke above others in any outward signes of excessive delights and sumptuous superfluities but shew himselfe to be equall like and sutable to others in apparell in his fare and furniture at the table in the education and nouriture of his children in the keeping of his wife for her state and array and in one word be willing to carrie and demeane himselfe in all things as an ordinary and plaine citizen bearing no greater port and shew than others of the common multitude moreover at hand to give advise and counsell friendly to every man in his affaires ready to enterteine defend follow their causes as an advocate freely and without taking fee or any consideration whatsoever to reconcile man and wife when they be at ods to make love-daies and peace betweene friends not spending one little peece of the day for a shew at the tribunall seat or in the hall of audience for the common-wealth and then afterwards all the day the rest of his life drawing unto himselfe al dealings all negotiations and affaires from everie side for his owne particular behoofe and profit like unto the north-east winde Caecias which evermore gathereth the clouds unto it but continually bending his minde and occupying his head in carefull studie for the weale publike and in effect making it appeere unto the world that the life of a State-man and a governor is not as the common sort thinke it easie and idle but a continuall action and publike function by which fashions and semblable courses that he taketh he gaineth and winneth unto him the hearts of the people who in the end come to know that all the flattering devises and entisements of others be nothing else but false baits and bastard allurements in comparison of his prudence and carefull diligence The flatterers about Demetrius vouchsafed not to call any other princes and potentates of his time Kings but would have Seleucus to be named the Commander of the elephants Lysimachus the keeper of the treasurie Ptolomeus the admirall of the sea and Agathocles the governour of the islands But the people although peradventure at the first they reject a good wise and sage person among them yet in the end after they have seene his truth and knowen his disposition and kinde nature they will repute him onely to bee popular politike and woorthie to be a magistrate indeed and as for the rest they wil both repute and call one the warden and setter out of the plaies another the great feaster and a third the president of games combats and publike exercises Moreover like as at the feasts and bankets that Callias or Alcibiades were at the cost to make none but Socrates was heard to speake and all mens eies were cast upon Socrates even so in cities and States governed aright well may Ismenias deale largesses Lichas make feasts and Niceratus defray the charges of plaies but Epaminondas Aristides Lysander and such as they are those which beare the magistracie they governe at home they command and conduct armies abroad Which being well and duly considered there is no cause why you should be discouraged or dismaid at the reputation and credit that they win among the people who have for them builded theaters and erected shew-places founded halles of great receit and purchased for them common places of sepulture for to burie their dead all which glorie lasteth but a while neither hath it any great matter or venerable substance in it but vanisheth away like smoke and is gone even assoone as either the plaies in such theaters or games in shew-places are done and ended They that have skill and experience of keeping and feeding bees doe hold opinion and saie that those hives wherein the bees yeeld the biggest sound make most humming and greatest stir within like best are most sound healthfull and yeeld most store of home but he upon whom God hath laid the charge and care of the reasonable swarme as I may say and civill societie of men will judge the happinesse and blessed state thereof most of all by the quietnesse and peace therein and in all other things he will approove the ordinances and statutes of Solon endevoring to follow and observe the same to his full power but doubt hee will and marvell what hee should meane by this when he writeth that he who in a civill sedition would not range himselfe to a side and take part with one or other faction was to bee noted with infamie for in a naturall bodie that is sicke the beginning of change toward the recoverie of health commeth not from the diseased parts but rather when the temperature of the sound and healthie members is so puissant that it chaseth and expelleth that which in the rest of the bodie was unkind contrary to nature even so in a citie or State where the people are up in a tumult sedition so it be not dangerous and mortall but such as is like to be appeased and ended there had need to be a farre greater part of those who are sound and not infected for to remaine and cohabit still for to it there commeth and hath recourse that which is natural and familiar from the wise and discreet within and the same entreth into the other infected part and cureth it but such cities as be in an universall uprore and hurly-burly utterly perish and come to confusion if they have not some constreint from without and a chastisement which may force them to be wise and agree among themselves Neither is my meaning that I would have you a politike person and States-man in such a sedition and civill discord to sit still insensible and without any passion or feeling of the publike calamitie to sing and chaunt your owne repose and tranquillitie of blessed and happie life and whiles others be together by the eares rejoice at their follie for at such a time especially you are to put on the buskin of Theramenes which served as well the one legge as the other then are you to parley and common with both parties without joyning your selfe to one more than to the other by which meanes neither you
which is full of ripe understanding of considerate wisedome and of good directions and plots well and surely laied In which persons the white head and gray beard which some laugh and make good game at the crow-foot about the eies the furrowes in the forehead the rivels and wrinckles in the face besides appearing beare witnesse of long experience and adde unto them a reputation and authoritie which helpe much to perswade and to draw the minds of the hearers unto their will and purpose For to speake truely youth is made as it were to follow and obey but age to guide and command and that citie or State is preserved wherein the sage counsels of the elders and the martiall prowesse of the yonger beare sway together And for this cause highly and woonderfully are these verses following praised in Homer and namely in the first place Then to begin a goodly sort of ancient captaines bold Assembled he in Nestors ship a counsell there to hold upon the same reason also that counsel of the wisest and principall men assistant unto the kings of Lacedaemon for the better government of the State the oracle of Apollo Pythius first called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Elders and Lycurgus afterwards directly and plainly tearmed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Old men and even at this very day the counsell of Estate in Rome is named a Senate that is to say an assembly of ancient persons And like as the law and custome time out of minde hath allowed unto Kings and Princes the diademe that is to say a roiall band or frontlet the crowne also to stand upon their heads as honourable mots ensignes of their regall dignitie and sovereigne authoritie even so hath nature given unto olde men the white head and hoarie beard as honourable tokens of their right to command and of their preeminence above others And for mine owne part I verily thinke that this nowne in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth a prize or reward of honour as also the verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is as much to say as to honour continue still in use as respective to the honour due unto olde men who in Greeke are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not for that they bathe in hot waters or sleepe in softer beds but because in cities well and wisely governed they be ranged with kings for their prudence the proper and perfect goodnesse whereof as of some tree which yeeldeth winter fruit which is not ripe before the latter end of the yeere nature bringeth forth late and hardly in olde age and therefore there was not one of those martiall and brave couragious captaines of the Greeks who found fault with that great king of kings Agamemnon for making such a praier as this unto the gods That of the Grecian host which stood of many woorthie men Such counsellers as Nestor was they would vouchsafe him ten but they all agreed with him and by their silence confessed That not onely in policie and civill government but also in warre olde age carrieth a mightie great stroke for according as the ancient proverbe beareth witnesse One head that knowes full wisely for to reed Out goesten hands and maketh better speed One advice likewise and sentence grounded upon reason and delivered with perswasive grace effecteth the greatest and bravest exploits in a whole State Well say that olde age hath many difficulties and discommodities attending upon it yet is not the same therefore to be rejected for the absolute rule of a king being the greatest and most perfect estate of all governments in the world hath exceeding many cares travels and troubles insomuch as it is written of king Seleucus that he would often-times say if the people wist how laborious and painfull it were to reade and write onely so many letters as he did they would not deine to take up his diademe if they found it throwen in their very way as they goe And Philip being at the point to pitch his campe in a faire ground when he was advertised that the place would not affoord forage for his labouring beasts O Hercules quoth he what a life is this of ours that we must live forsooth and care to serve the necessitie of our asses Why then belike it were high time to perswade a king when he is aged for to lay downe his diademe to cast off his robes of purple to clad himselfe in simple array to take a crooked staffe in hand and so to go and live in the countrey for feare lest if he with his gray haires raigned stil he should seeme to do many superfluous and impertinent things and to direct matters out of season Now if it were unseemely and a meere indignitie to deale with Agesilaus with Numa and Darius all kings and monarchs after this sort unmeet likewise it is that we should remove and displace Solon out of the counsell of Areopagus or depose Cato from his place in the Romane Senate because of their olde age Why should we then goe about to perswade such an one as Pericles to give over and resigne his government in a popular State for over besides there were no sense at all that if one have leapt and mounted into the tribunall seat or chaire of estate in his yoong yeeres and afterwards discharged upon the people common-wealth those his violent passions of ambition and other furious fits when ripe age is now come which is woont to bring with it discretion and much wisdome gathered by experience to abandon and put away as it were his lawfull wife the government which hee hath so long time abused The foxe in Aesops fables would not suffer the urchin to take off the tiques that were setled upon her bodie For if quoth she thou take away these that be already full there will come other hungry ones in their place and even so if a State rejected evermore from administration of the common-wealth those governours that begin once to be olde it must needs be quickly full of a sort of yoong rulers that be hungrie and thirstie both after glory but altogether void of politike wit and reason to governe for how can it otherwise be and where should they get knowledge if they have not bene disciples to learne nor spectatours to follow and imitate some ancient magistrate that manageth state affaires The Cards at sea which shew the feat of sailing and ruling ships can not make good sea-men or skilfull pilots if they have not beene themselves many times at the stearne in the poope to see the maner of it and the conflicts against the waves the winds the blacke stormes and darke tempests What time in great perplexitie The mariner doth wish to see Castor and Pollux twins full bright Presaging safetie with their light How then possibly can a yoong man governe and direct a citie well perswade the people aright deliver wise counsel in the Senate having but read one little booke treating of pollicy or haply
why they ran away and suffered themselves to be beaten by those who had foiled them so often before but one of the Numantines answered Because the sheep be the verie same that they were in times past mary they have changed their shepheard After he had forced the citie of Numance by assault and entred now the second time with triumph into Rome he fell into some variance and debate with C. Gracchus in the behalfe of the Senate and certaine allies or confederates whereupon the common-people taking a spleene and displeasure against him made such clamours at him upon the Rostra when he was purposed to speake and give remonstrances unto them that thereupon he raised this speech There was never yet any outcries and alarmes of whole campes nor shouts of armed men ready to give battell that could astonish and daunt me no more shall the rude crie of a cofused multitude trouble me who know assuredly that Italy is not their mother but their stepdame And when Gracchus with his consorts and adherents cried out aloud Kill the tyrant there kill him Great reason quoth he have they to take away my life who warre against their owne countrie for they know that so long as Scipio is on foot Rome cannot fall nor Scipio stand when Rome is laid along CAECILIUS METELLUS devising and casting about how to make sure his approches and avenues for to assault a strong fort when a Centurion came unto him and saide With the losse but of ten men you may be master of the piece Wilt thou then quoth he be one of those tenne And when another who was a colonell and a yoong man demaunded of him what service he intended to do If I wist quoth he that my wastcoat or shirt were privie to my minde I would put it off presently and cast it into the fire He was a great enemie to Scipio so long as Scipio lived but when he was once dead he tooke it very heavily and commanded his owne sonnes to goe under the beare and carrie him upon their owne shoulders to buriall saying withall That he gave the gods heartie thankes that Scipio was borne at Rome and in no place else C. MARIUS being risen from a base degree by birth unto the government of State and all by the meanes of armes sued for the greater Aedileship called Curule but perceiving that he could not compasse it made sute the verie same day for the lesse and notwithstanding that he went besides both the one and the other yet he said That he doubted not one day to be the greatest man of all the Romanes Being troubled with the swelling of the veines called Varices in both his legges he suffered the chirurgian to cut those of the one legge without being bound or tied for the matter enduring the operation of his hand and never gave one grone or so much as bent his browes all the whiles but when the chirurgian would have gone to the other legge Nay staie there quoth he for the cure of such a maladie as this is not woorth the greevous paines that belongeth thereto He had a nephew or sisters sonne named Lusius who in the time that his uncle was second time Consull would have forced and abused a youth in the prime of his yeeres named Trebonius who began but then under his charge to beare armes this yoong springall made no more adoe but slew him outright and when many there were who charged and accused him for this murder he denied not the fact but confessed plainly that he had killed his captaine and withall declared the cause publikely Marius himselfe being advertised heereof caused to be brought unto him a coronet such as usually was given unto those who had performed in warre some woorthie exploit and with his owne hand set it upon the head of this youth Tribonius Being encamped very neere to the campe of the Tentones in a plot of ground where there was but little water when his soldiers complained that they were lost for water and ready to die for very thirst he shewed them a river not far off running along the enemies campe Yonder quoth he there is water enough for to be bought with the price of your blood Then leade us to it quickly answered his souldiers whiles our blood is liquid and will runne and never let us stay so long till it be cluttered and dried up quite with drought During the time of the Cimbrians warre he endued at once with the right of free Burgeousie of Rome a thousand men all Camerines in consideration of their good service in that warre a thing that was contrarie to lawe now when some blamed him for transgressing the lawes he answered and said That he could not heare what the lawes said for the great rustling and clattering that harneis and armor made In this time of the civill warre seeing himselfe enclosed round about with trenches and rampars and streight beleaguered he endured all and waited his best opportunitie and when Popedius Silo captaine generall of the enemies saide unto him Marius if thou be so great a warrior as the name goeth of thee come foorth of the campe and combat with me hand to hand Nay saith he and if thou art so brave a captaine as thou wouldest be taken force me to combatif thou canst CATULUS LUCTATIUS in the foresaid Cimbrian warre lay encamped along the river Athesis and when the Romans saw that the Barbarians were about to passe over the water and to set upon them retired and dislodged presently what reasons and perswasions soever their captaine could use to the contrary but when he saw he could doe no good nor cause them to stay himselfe ranne away with the formost to the end that it should not seeme that they fled cowardly before their enemies but dutifully followed their captaine SYLIA surnamed Foelix i. Happie among other prosperities counted these two for the greatest the one that he lived in love and amitie with Metellus Pius the other that he had not destroied the citie of Athens but saved it from being raced C. POPILIUS was sent unto king Antiochus with a letter from the Senate of Rome the tenor whereof was this That they commanded him to withdraw his forces out of Aegypt and not to usurpe the kingdome which apperteined to the children of Ptolomaeus being orphans The king seeing Popilius comming toward him through his campe faluted him a farre off very curteously but Popilius without any resalutations or greeting againe delivered him the letter which Antiochus read and after he had read it answered him that he would thinke upon the matter that the Senate willed him to doe and then give him his dispatch whereupon Popilius drew a circle round about the king with a vine rod that he had in his hand saying Resolve I advise you sie before you passe foorth of this compasse and give me my answer all that were present woondered and were astonished at the boldnesse and resolution
lawyer although he had no law in the world in him and was besides a man of very grosse capacity this man was served with a writ to appeare in the court for to beare witnesse of a trueth touching a certeine fact in question but he answered That he knew nothing at all True quoth Cicero for peradventure you meane of the law and thinke that you are asked the question of it Hortensius the orator who pleaded the cause of Verres had received of him for a fee or a gentle reward a jewel with the portraiture of Sphinx in silver it fell out so that Cicero chanced to give out a certeine darke and ambiguous speech As for mee quoth Hortensius I can not tell what to make of your words for I am not one that useth to solve riddles and aenigmaticall speeches Why man quoth Cicero and yet you have Sphinx in your house He met upon a time with Voconius and his three daughters the foulest that ever looked out of a paire of eies at which object he spake softly to his friends about him This man I weene his children hath begot In spight of Phoebus and when he would it not Faustus the sonne of Sylla was in the end so farre endebted that he exposed his goods to be sold in open sale and caused billes to be set up on posts in every quarrefour to notisie the same Yea mary quoth Cicero I like these billes and proscriptions better than those that his father published before him When Caesar and Pompeius were entred into open warre one against another I know full well quoth Cicero whom to flie but I wot not unto whom to flie He found great fault with Pompeius in that he left the citie of Rome and that he chose rather in this case to imitate the policy of Themistocles than of Pericles saying That the present state of the world resembled rather the time of Pericles than of Themistocles Hee drew at first to Pompeius side and being with him repented thereof When Pompey asked him where he had left Piso his son-in-law he answered readily Even with your good father-in-law meaning Caesar. There was one who departed out of Caesars campe unto Pompey and said That he had made such haste that hee left his horse behinde him Thou canst skill I perceive better to save thy horses life than thine owne Unto another who brought word that the friends of Caesar looked soure and unpleasant Thou saiest quoth he as much as if they thought not well of his proceedings After the battell of Pharsalia was lost and that Pompeius was already fled there was one Nonius who came unto him and willed him not to despaire but be of good cheere for that they had yet seven eagles left which were the standerds of the legions Seven eagles quoth he that were somewhat indeed if we had to warre against jaies jackdawes After that Caesar upon his victorie being lord of all had caused the statues of Pompey which were cast done to be set up againe with honor Cicero said of Caesar In setting up these statues of Pompey he hath pitched his owne more surely He so highly esteemed the gift of eloquence and grace of well speaking yea and he tooke so great paines with ardent affection for to performe the thing that having to plead a cause onely before the Centumvirs or hundred judges and the day set downe being neere at hand for the hearing and triall thereof when one of his servants Eros brought him word that the cause was put off to the next day he was so well contented and pleased therewith that incontinently he gave him his freedome for that newes CAIUS CAESAR at what time as he being yet a yoong man fled and avoided the furie of Sylla fell into the hands of certeine pirats or rovers who at the first demanded of him no great summe of money for his ransome whereat hee mocked and laughed at them as not knowing what maner of person they had gotten and so of himselfe promised to pay them twise as much as they asked and being by them guarded and attended upon very diligently all the while that he sent for to gather the said summe of money which he was to deliver them he willed them to keepe silence and make no noise that he might sleepe and take his repose during which time that he was in their custodie he exercised himselfe in writing aswell verse as prose and read the same to them when they were composed and if hee saw that they would not praise and commend those poemes and orations sufficiently to his contentment he would call them senselesse fots and barbarous yea and after a laughing maner threaten to hang them and to say a truth within a while after he did as much for them for when his ransome was come and he delivered once out of their hands he levied together a power of men and ships from out of the coasts of Asia set upon the said rovers spoiled them and crucified them Being returned to Rome and having enterprised a sute for the soveraign Sacerdotall dignitie against Catulus who was then a principall man at Rome whenas his mother accompanied him as farre as to the utmost gates of his house when he went into Mars field where the election was held he took his leave of her and said Mother you shall have this day your sonne to be chiefe Pontifice and high priest or else banished from the citie of Rome He put away his wife Pompeia upon an ill name that went of her as if she had beene naught with Clodius whereupon when Clodius afterwards was called into question judicially for the fact and Caesar likewise convented into the court peremptorily for to beare witnesse of the truth being examined upon his oath he sware that he never knew any ill at all by his wife and when he was urged and replied upon againe wherefore he had put her away he answered That the wife of Caesar ought not onely to be innocent and cleere of crime but also of all suspicion of crime In reading the noble acts of Alexander the great the teares trickled downe his cheeks and when his friends desired to know the reason why he wept At my age quoth he Alexander had vanquished subdued Darius and I have yet done nothing As he passed along through a little poore towne situate within the Alpes his familiar friends about him merrily asked one another whether there were any factions and contentions in that burrough about superioritie and namely who should be the chiefe whereupon he staid suddenly and after he had studied and mused a while within himselfe I had rather quoth he be the first here than the second in Rome As for hautie adventerous enterprises he was wont to say They should be executed not consulted upon and verily when he passed over the river Rubicon which divideth the province of Gaul from Italy for to leade his power against Pompeius Let the Die
your anguish mitigate your pensivenesse and stay your needlesse mourning and bootlesse lamentation for why If minde be sicke what physicke then But reasons fit for ech disease A wise man knowes the season when To use those meanes the heart to ease And according as the wise Poet Euripides saith Ech griefe of minde ech maladie Doth crave a severall remedie If restlesse sorow the heart torment Kind words of friends worke much content Where folly swaies in every action Great need there is of sharpe correction For verily among so many passions and infirmities incident to the soule of man dolor and heavinesse be most irkesome and goe neerest into it By occasion of anguish many a one they say hath run mad and fallen into maladies incurable yea and for thought and hearts-griefe some have bene driven to make away themselves Now to sorow and be touched to the quicke for the losse of a sonne is a passion that ariseth from a naturall cause and it is not in our power to avoid which being so I cannot for my part holde with them who so highly praise and extoll I wot not what brutish hard and blockish indolence and stupiditie which if it were possible for a man to enterteine is not any way commodious and available Certes the same would bereave vs of that mutuall benevolence and sweet comfort which we finde in the reciprocall interchange of loving others and being loved againe which of all earthly blessings we had most need to preserve and mainteine Yet do I not allow that a man should suffer himselfe to be transported and caried away beyond all compasse measure making no end of sorow for even that also is likewise unnaturall and proceedeth from a corrupt and erronious opinion that we have and therefore as we ought to abandon this excesse as simply naught hurtfull and not beseeming vertuous and honest minded men so in no wise must we disallow that meane and moderation in our passions following in this point sage Crantor the Academick Philosopher I could wish quoth he that we might be never sicke howbeit if we chance to fall into some disease God send us yet some sense and feeling in case any part of our bodie be either cut plucked away or dismembred in the cure And I assure you that senselesse impassibilitie is never incident unto a man without some great mischiefe and inconvenience ensuing for lightly it falleth out that when the bodie is in this case without feeling the soule soone after will become as insensible reason would therefore that wise men in these and such like crosses cary themselves neither void of affections altogether nor yet out of measure passionate for as the one bewraieth a fell and hard heart resembling a cruell beast so the other discovereth a soft and effeminate nature beseeming a tender woman but best advised is he who knoweth to keepe a meane and being guided by the rule of reason hath the gift to beare wisely and indifferently aswell the flattering favours as the scowling srownes of fortune which are so ordinarily occurrent in this life having this forecast with himselfe That like as in a free State and popular government of a common wealth where the election of sovereigne magistrates passeth by lots the one whose hap is to be chosen must be a ruler and commander but the other who misseth ought patiently to take his fortune and beare the repulse even so in the disposition and course of all our wordly affaires we are to be content with our portion allotted unto us and without grudging and complaint gently to yeeld our selves obedient for surely they that can not so doe would never be able with wisedome and moderation to weld any great prosperitie for of many wise speeches and well said sawes this sentence may go for one How ever fortune smile and looke full faire Be thou not proud nor beare a loftie mind Ne yet cast downe and plung'd in deepe ae spaire If that she frowne or shew herselfe unkind But alwaies one and same let men thee find Constant and firme reteine thy nature still As gold in fire which alter never will For this is the propertie of a wise man and wel brought up both for any apparent shew of prosperitie to be no changling but to beare himselfe alwaies in one sort also in adversitie with a generous and noble mind to mainteine that which is decent beseeming his own person for the office of true wisdome considerate discretion is either to prevent avoid a mischiefe cōming or to correct and reduce it to the least narrowest compasse when it is once come or els to be prepared and ready to beare the same manfully and with all magnanimitie For prudence as touching that which we call good is seene and emploied foure maner of waies to wit in getting in keeping in augmenting or in well and right using the same these be the rules as well of prudence as of other vertues which we are to make use and benefit of in both fortunes as well the one as the other for according to the old proverb No man there is on earth alive In every thing who ay doth thrive And verily By course of nature unneth it wrought may be That ought should check fatall necessitie And as it falleth out in trees and other plants that some yeeres they beare their burden and yeeld great store of frute whereas in others they bring foorth none at all also living creatures one whiles be frutefull and breed many yoong otherwhiles againe they be as barren for it and in the sea it is now tempest and then calme semblably in this life there happen many circumstances and accidents which winde and turne us into the chaunces of contrarie fortunes in regard of which varietie a man may by good right and reason say thus O Agamemnon thy father Atreus hee Alwaies to prosper hath not begotten thee For in this life thou must have one day joy Another griefe and wealth mixt with annoy And why thou art by mort all nature fraile Thy will against this course cannot prevaile For so it is the pleasure of the gods To make this change and worke in man such ods As also that which to the same effect the poet Menander wrote in this wise Sir Trophimus if you the onely wight Of women borne were brought into this light With priviledge to have the world at will To taste no woe but prosper alwaies still Or if some god had made you such behest To live in joy in solace and in rest You had just cause to fare thus as you doe And chafe for that he from his word doth goe And hath done what he can not justifie But if so be as truth will testifie Under one law this publike vitall aire You draw with us your breath for to repaire I say to you gravely in tragick stile You ought to be more patient the while To take all this in better woorth I say Let
to wit That the tribe which beareth his name should never be thrust downe into the lowest and last place THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE SYMPOSIAQUES The Summarie or severall Chapters thereof 1 WHat be those things which Xenophon saith that men are better contented to be asked of at the table yea and to be scoffed at for than otherwise no. 2 What is the reason that we have better stomacks to our meat and eat more in Autumne than in any other season of the yeere 3 Whether the hen was before the egge or the egge before the hen 4 Whether wrestling was of all the sacred exercises and games of prize most ancient 5 Why Homer among all the combats of prize putteth evermore in the first place the fight at buffets next to it wrestling and last of all running the race 6 What is the cause that the pine sapin or pitch tree and other like yeelding rosin can not be graffed by way of inoculation or the scutisian 7 Of the stay-ship fish Remora 8 How it commeth to passe that the horses Lycospades are said to be more courageous and better spirited than any others 9 How is it that the sheepe worried by wolves yeeld flesh more sweet and tender but wooll more subject to breed lice than others 10 Whether our ancestours did better in old time to eat every man his owne part divided by himselfe at the boord or the men now living who feed in common of viands set before them all together THE SECOND BOOKE OF the Symposiaques THE FIRST QUESTION What be the things whereof Xenophon saith That men love better to be asked and to be scoffed at for when they sit at the boord than otherwise no OF those things ô Soissus Senecio which are provided to furnish and set out feasts and banquets some are to be raunged as altogether necessarie namely bread wine viands meats both flesh and fish benches stooles formes and tables others be but accessaries and may be spared devised onely for pleasure and not upon any urgent necessitie as plaies shewes and pastimes brought in either to be heard or seene some pleasant buffon also or mery jester to make folke laugh such an one as Philip in Kallais his house which disports men are delighted in otherwhiles if they be presented and if they be not they are not greatly missed nor much cared for neither is the feast thought defectuous for want thereof The same may be said of table talke for one kinde there is which modest and civill men doe embrace and enterteine in regard of their proper use fitting and agreeable for meales and meat indeed another sort they admit and allowas conteining some gentle speculation and the same beseemeth rather the time imploied in hearing musicke of flute hautboies lute and viall And of both these our first booke conteined certaine miscellane examples one with another as namely of the first sort were these questions Whether it be good and commendable to treat and dispute of philosophicall matters at the table or no Also whether it be better that the master of the feast himselfe place his guests at the boord or permit them to sit at their owne discretion Of the second kind be these whereupon arose this common saying That love teacheth musicke or poetrie as also the question concerning the tribe Aeantes and such like For mine owne part I would call the former Sympotica as properly belonging to a feast the other by the generall name Symposiaca as beseeming rather a banquet after the feast is done howbeit set downe they are by me pell-mell and not distinctly but according as every one of them came into my minde and remembrance neither must the readers marvell if I collect and gather certeine speeches for to dedicate unto you which have beene haply held heeretofore by others or by your owne selfe for albeit our learning is not alwaies a calling to remembrance yet oftentimes it falleth out that to remember and to learne concurre and meet together in one subject matter Moreover having digested in every booke ten questions the first of this second is one that Xenophon a disciple of Socrates hath in some sort proposed unto us when hee writeth That Gobryas being upon a time at supper with Cyrus as he praised many other fashions of the Persians so he commended them especially in this That they demaunded one of another such questions wherewith they stood better pleased than if they had not beene asked at all and betweene whiles let flie such pleasant scoffes and jestes as that the parties so scoffed at liked thereof better than otherwise if they had beene let alone For if it be so that other men even with their praises many times offend us why shold we not greatly admire the seemely grace and wittie conceit of those whose scoffes and jests yeeld pleasure and contentment to those who seeme to be mocked therewith This is the reason why Sopater having one day invited us to a feast at Patrae mooved this talke and saide Gladly would I know what kinde of questions and interrogatories they were of what nature and what the manner of them was For no small part it is quoth hee of our entercourse and mutuall communication one with another to have the dexteritie and skill both to know and also to observe the decencie and congruitie in such pleasant demaunds and facete jests Nay quoth I againe a great matter it is but marke if Xenophon himselfe as well in the Symposium or banquet of Socrates as in those of the Persians giveth not us to understand what was the order thereof and if you thinke good that we enter into this discourse and that I should adde somewhat of mine owne First and formost this is mine opinion That men are well enough pleased to be asked those questions to which they are able easily to answere and namely of such things as they have best skill and experience of for if one should demaund of them matters that they know not either they be offended and grieved if they can say nothing unto them like as those who are called upon to pay debts which they are not able to discharge or if they bring out crosse impertinent and untoward reasons they are much troubled dismaied and perplexed whereas if their answers bee not onely readie and easie but also wittie and exquisite so much the more pleasant and agreeable it is to the answerers now those I count wittie and exquisite which carie somewhat with them that the common multitude knoweth not or which few men have heard of such as be the points of astrologie or logicke especially if they be well seene therein and have as it were the habit of them for everie man is well pleased and appaied not onely in practising and spending his time as Euripides saith Whereby he may quit him so well That even himselfe he may excell but also in reasoning and discoursing of that wherein he hath best skill and knowledge For men take great
well knowen in manner to all the world and none there is but his eares resound againe with this that in the honorable funerals of Patroclus the same order of combats was precisely observed and the poet keeping the same order still and never missing it hath brought in Achilles speaking unto good Nestor in this manner Heere father old I give to thee This gift of meere gratuitee For now with fist thou maist not fight To wrestle still thou hast no might Thou canst no more the javelin launce Nor in the race thy selfe advaunce And anon he inferreth the aged grey-beard answering with along traine of words as the maner is of these old folke after this sort The time was when at buffet fight the prize I wonne in field And with my first made Clitomede sir Oenops sonne to yeeld Ancaeus the Pleuronien in wrestling gave me place And Iphiclus by foot-manship I overranne in race Afterwards in another place he speaketh of Ulysses challenging the Phaeocians to combat in this wise At buffets dry with good hard clutched fist At wrestling or at running if you list But of Alcinous making a kinde of excuse and in sort condemning himselfe in these words At buffets hard we fight not well Ne yet in wrestling doe excell But swift of foot and light we are And runne a course with you we dare Thus you may see his order he changeth not upon any occasion or occurrence presented neither rashly and as it came into his head now in one sort and then in another but folowing from point to point as it were by a certeine rule and prescript what was the use in those daies and what was done then he keepeth himselfe to the same method according as they likewise observe still in the said auncient order After that my brother had finished his speech I said That in mine advice he had spoken very well and truely to the point but yet for all that I could not conceive the reason of the said order and some other were there present who thought it unlikely and were not perswaded that in case of combat and atchieving feats of activitie for victorie either fighting with fists or wrestling should goe before running and therefore they requested me to search farther into the matter and to fetch the reason thereof from the verie original whereupon I set in hand presently and extempore spake to this effect That I thought all these combats to be the very representations and exercise of warfare for proofe whereof the custome was and is at this day after that these combats be performed to bring into the place a foot-man in complet harneis and armed at all pieces as it were to witnesse that this is the end whereunto tend all these exercises of the body the contentions also and aemulations for to gaine the prize and the priviledge graunted unto the victours when they returned with triumph to those cities where they were borne namely to make some breach in the walles and to throw downe some part thereof the mystery and meaning whereof is thus much that the walles of a citie serve in small stead if there be no men in it who are able to fight and know how to winne the victorie In Lacedaemon they that once had gained the prize at these sacred and crowned games by a speciall priviledge of honour were allowed a certeine place in the battell to be raunged neere unto the kings person and there to fight and of all living creatures there is none but the horse onely that can obteine the crowne in such games for that he alone of all beasts is by nature framed and by discipline trained to accompany men in battels and with them to fight now if this be true and to the purpose We observe moreover quoth I that the first and principall worke of those who fight in the field is to strike the enemie and to ward his blowes the second is when they be come to close and to grapple with hand-gripes to thrust and assay how to overturne and lay one another under-foot which by report was the vauntage that our countrimen being well practised in the feat of wrestling had over the Spartans at the battel of Leuctres whereby they overthrew them bare them to the ground this also was the causethat Aeschylus the poet in one place speaking of a valiant warrior nameth him A wrestler stout and tried in field To fight it out with sword and shield And Sophocles in one of his tragedies speaking likewise of the Trojanes reporteth thus much of them in these tearmes They love great horses for to sit as valiant men at armes Bowes borned at both ends they bend and draw with strength of armes They fight so close they catch such hold and gripe fast with hands twaine That in their wresiling all their shields resound and ring againe The third is this when all is done either to flie and runne away apace if they be vanquished or else to follow hard in chase if they be conquerors By good right therefore the fight with fists goeth first wrestling followeth in the second place and running commeth in the last for that buffetting representeth the charging of the enemie and the avoiding of his recharge wrestling may be compared with the violent buckling and conflict pel-mell in the medly and by running they learne how to pursue or to escape by good footmanship THE SIXTH QUESTION Why the pine sapine or pitch tree and such other as yeela rosin will not abide to be grassed in the scutchion or by way of inoculation SOclarus feasting us upon a time within his orchards which were well watered and environed all about with the river Cephisus shewed unto us trees carying armes and braunches of sundry sorts after a very strange manner and all by the meanes of a kinde of grassing in the budde called inoculation for there saw wee olive boughes growing out of lentiske or mastick trees pomgranats out of myrtles oakes there were which put foorth faire pirries or peare-trees and plane-trees that admitted and adopted apple trees figge-trees also which were grafted with mulbery impes and coins other mixtures there were besides of wilde plants so ramed and made gentle that they bare frute whereupon some other of the guests began to jest and be merry with Soclarus saying That he nourished certeine kinds of beasts more monstrous than the fabulous Sphinges or Chimaeraes of the poets But Craton proposed this question What the cause might be that those trees onely which be oileous and full of rosin admit not any such mixtures and compositions For never shall you see pine tree that beareth the nuts cypres tree pitch tree or sapine to mainteine or feede the graffe of a tree different in kinde Then Philo there is quoth he one maxime or principle held among the learned and the same confirmed by the experience of husbandmen That oile is an enemie to all plants and there is not a readier way to kill what tree soever a man
drunkennesse nor as an enemie to wine who directly calleth wine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and surnameth himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thereupon but in mine opinion like as they who love wine if they cannot meet with the liquor of the grape use a counterfet wine or barley broth called beere ale or els a certeine drinke made of apples named cydres or els date-wines even so he that gladly would in winter season weare a chaplet of vine branches seeing it altogether naked and bare of leaves is glad of the Ivie that resembleth it for the body or wood thereof is likewise writhed and crooked and never groweth upright but shutteth out heere and there to and fro at a venture the soft fattie leaves also after the same maner grow dispersed about the branches without all order besides all this the very berries of the Ivie growing thick clustered together like unto greene grapes when they begin to turne doe represent the native forme of the vine and yet albeit the same yeeldeth some helpe and remedie against drunkennesse we say it is by occasion of heat in opening the pores and small passages in the body for to let out the fumes of wine and suffer them to evaporate and breathe forth or rather by her heat helpeth to concoct and digest it that for your sake good Tryphon Bacchus may still continue a physician At these words Tryphon staied a while and made no answere as thinking with himselfe and studying how to reply upon him But Eraton calling earnestly upon every one of us that were of the yoonger sort spurned us forward to aide and assist Tryphon our advocate and the patton of our flower-chaplets or els to plucke them from our heads and weare them no longer And Ammonius assured us for his part that if any one of us would take upon him to answere he would not recharge againe nor come upon him with a rejoinder Then Tryphon himselfe moved us to say somewhat to the question WHereupon I began to speake and said That it belonged not to me but rather unto Tryphon for to proove that Ivie was colde considering that he used it much in physicke to coole and binde as being an astringent medicine but as touching that which ere-while was alledged namely that the Ivie berie doth inebriat if it be steeped in wine it is no found to be true and the accident which it worketh in those who drinke it in that maner can not well be called drunkennesse but rather an alienation of the mind and trouble of the spirit like to that effect which henbane worketh many other plants which mightily disquiet the braine and transport our senses and understanding As for the tortuositie of the bodie and branches it maketh nothing to the purpose and point in hand for the works and effects against nature can not 〈◊〉 from faculties and powers naturall and pieces of wood do twine and bend crooked because fire being neere unto them draweth and drieth up forcibly all the native and kindly humour where as the inward and naturall heat would rather ferment enterteine and augment it But consider better upon the matter and marke rather whether this writhed-bunching forme of the Ivie wood as it groweth and the basenesse bearing still downward and tending to the ground be not an argument rather of weaknesse and bewray the coldnesse of the bodie being glad as it were to make many rests and staies like unto a pilgrim or wayfaring traveller who for wearinesse and faintnesse sitteth him downe and reposeth himselfe many times in his way and ever and anon riseth againe and beginneth to set forward in regard of which feeblenesse the Ivie hath alwaies need of some prop or other to stay it selfe by to take hold of to claspe about and to cling unto being not able of her owne power to rise for want of naturall heat whose nature is to mount aloft As touching Snow that it thaweth and passeth away so soone the cause is the moisture and softnesse of the Ivie leafe for so wee see that water dispatcheth and dissolveth presently the laxitie and spongeous raritie thereof being as it is nothing els but a gathering and heaping of a number of small bubbles couched thrust together and hereof it commeth that in over-moist places sobbed and soaked with water snow melteth assoone as in places exposed to the sun Now for that it hath leaves alwaies upon it and the same as Empedocles saith firme and fast this proceedeth not of heat no more than the fall and shedding of leaves every yeere is occasioned by colde And this appeareth by the myrtle tree and the herbe Adiantum that is to say Maidenhaire which being not hot plants but colde are alwaies leaved and greene withall and therefore some are of opinion that the holding of the leaves is to be ascribed to an equality of temperature but Empedocles over and besides attributeth it to a certeine proportion of the pores thorow which the sap and nourishment doth passe and pierce qually into the leaves in such fort as it runneth sufficiently for to mainteine them which is not so in those trees which lose their leaves by reason of the laxitie or largenesse of the said pores and holes above and the straightnesse of them beneath whereby as these doe not send any nourishment at all so the other can hold and reteine none but that little which they received they let goe all at once like as we may observe in certeine canals or trenches devised for to water gardens and orchards if they be not proportionable and equall for where they be well watred and have continuall nourishment and the same in competent proportion there the trees hold their owne and remaine firme alwaies greene and never die But the Ivie tree planted in Babylon would never grow and refused there to live Certes it was well done of her and she shewed great generositie that being as she was a devoted vassaile to the god of Boeotia and living as it were at his table she would not goe out of her owne countrey to dwell among those Barbarians shee followed not the steps of king Alexander who entred alliance and made his abode with those strange and forren nations but avoided their acquaintance all that ever she could and withstood that transmigration from her native place but the cause thereof was not heat but colde rather because shee could not endure the temperature of the aire so contrary to her owne for that which is semblable and familiar never killeth any thing but receiveth nourisheth and beareth it like as drie ground the herbe thyme how hot soever the soile be Now for the province about Babylon they say the aire in all that tract is so soultrie hot so stuffing so grosse and apt to stifle and stop the breath that many inhabitants of the wealthier sort cause certeine bits or bagges of leather to be filled with water upon which as upon featherbeds they lie to sleepe and coole their
bodies THE THIRD QUESTION What the cause is that women hardly are made drunke but olde men very soone FLorus one day seemed to marvell that Aristotle having in his treatise of drunkennesse set downe this position That olde men are soone surprized and overseene with wine but contrariwise women hardly and very seldome rendred no reason thereof considering that his maner otherwise is not to propose any such difficulties but hee doth decide and cleere the same And when he had made this overture he mooved the companie to inquire into the cause thereof and a supper it was where familiar friends were met together Then Sylla said That the one was declared by the other for if we comprehend the cause aright as touching women it were no hard matter to finde our a reason for old men considering that their natures and constitutions be most opposit and contrary in regard of moisture and drinesse roughnesse and smoothnesse softnesse and hardnesse for first and formost suppose this of women undoubtedly that their naturall temperature is very moist which causeth their flesh to be so tender soft smooth slieke and shining to say nothing of their naturall purgations every moneth when as therefore wine meeteth with so great humiditie being overcome by the predominancy thereof it loseth the edge and tincture as it were together with the force that it had so as it becommeth dull every way discoloured and waterish And verily to this purpose somewhat may be gathered out of the words of Aristotle for he saith That those who make no long draught when they take their wine nor drinke leasurely but powre it downe at once which manner of drinking they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are not so subject to drunkennesse as others for that the wine maketh no long stay within their bodies but being forcibly thrust foorth soone passeth thorow and ordinarilie we may observe that women drinke in this manner and very probable it is that their bodies by reason of continual attraction of humours downward to the nether parts for their monethly termes is full of many conduits and passages as if they were divided into chanels pipes and trenches to draw foorth the said humours into which the wine no sooner falleth but away it passeth apace that it cannot settle nor rest upon the noble and principall parts which if they bee once troubled and possessed drunkennesse doth soone ensue Contrariwise that old men want naturall humiditie their very name in Greeke seemeth to implie sufficiently for called they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not because they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say inclining and stouping downward to the earth but because they are already in their habitude of bodie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say earthly Moreover their stiffenesse and unpliable disposition the roughnesse also of their skinne argueth their dry nature and complexion it standeth therefore to good reason that when they liberally take their wine their bodies which are rare and spungious within by occasion of that drinesse quickly catcheth and sucketh up the same and then by long staying there it worketh up into the head causeth the braine to beat and breedeth heavinesse there like as land-flouds gently glide over those fields which be solide hard washing them onely aloft and making no mire dirt but if the ground be light and hollow they enter and soke farther in even so wine being soone caught and drawne by the drinesse of old mens bodies staieth there the longer time and were not this so yet we may observe that the verie nature of old men admitteth the same symptomes and accidents which drunkennesse maketh Now these accidents occasioned by drunkennesse are very apparent to wit the trembling and shaking of their limbes faltering in their toong and speaking double immoderate and lavish speech pettishnesse and aptnesse to choler forgetfulnesse and alienation of the minde and understanding the most part whereof being incident to old men even when they are best in health and in most sober a little thing God wot will set them cleane out and any small agitation whatsoever will doe the deed so that drunkennesse in an old man engendreth not new accidents but setteth on foot and augmenteth those which be already common and ordinary with them To conclude there is not a more evident argument to proove and consirme the same than this that nothing in the world resembleth an old man more than a yoong man when hee is drunke THE FOURTH QUESTION Whether women by their naturall complexion be colder or hotter than men WHen Sylla had delivered his minde to that effect Apollonides an expert professour and well seene in raunging a battel in array seemed by his words to approove well of that which had bene alledged as touching old men but he thought that in the discourse of women the onely course was left out and overslipt to wit the coldnesse of their constitution by meanes whereof the hottest wine is quenched and forgoeth that fierie flame which flieth up to the head and troubleth the braines and this was received as a very probable and sufficient reason by all the company there in place But Athryilatus the physician a Thasian borne interjected some staie of farther searching into this cause For that quoth hee some are of opinion that women are not cold but hotter than men yea and others there be and that is a greater matter who hold that wine is not hotte at all but cold Florus woondering and amazed heereat This discourse and disputation quoth he as touching wine I reser to him there and with that pointed at me for that not many daies before wee had disputed together about that argument But as for women quoth Athryilatus that they bee rather hot than cold they argue thus First and formost they are smooth and not hairie on their face and bodie which testifieth their heat which spendeth and consumeth the excrement and so erfluitie that engendreth haire Secondly they proove it by their abundance of bloud which seemeth to be the fountaine of heat in the body and of bloud women have such store that they are ready to be inflamed yea to srie and burne withall if they have not many purgations and those quickly returning in their course to discharge and deliver them thereof Thirdly they bring in the experience observed at funerals which sheweth evidently that womens bodies be farre hotter than mens for they that have the charge of burning and enterring of dead corses doe ordinarily put into the funerall fire one dead body of a woman to tenne of men For that one corps say they helpeth to burne and consume the rest by reason that a womans flesh conteineth in it I wot not what unctuositie or oileous matter which quickly taketh fire and will burne as light as a torch so that it serveth in stead of drie sticks to kindle the sire and set all a burning Moreover if this be admitted for a
those that rent them at their hands not to use the same as also not to cast into the furnace or fire with which they give an heat unto them the seed of Darnell for that the smoaks and fumes which ariseth from such matters ingender head-ach and heavinesse of the braine together with a dizzinesse and swimming in the head in as many as wash or bathe in them And therefore no marvell it is that there should be such a difference betweene the heat of the sunne and of the moone considerig that the one by his influence doth drie and the other by her power dissolveth humors and in somebodie 's by that meanes causeth rhewmes and therefore discreet and carefull nourses take great heed how they expose their sucking babes against the raies of the moone for that such infants being full of moisture like to sappy-greene wood will as it were warpe twine and cast at-one side by that meanes And an ordinary thing it is to be seene that whosoever sleepe in the moone-shine be hardly awakened as if their senses were stupefied benummed and astonied for surely the humors being dissolved and dilated by the influence of the moone doe make bodies heavie Moreover it is said that the full-moone by relaxing and resolving humors in this wise helpeth women in travell of child-bearing to easie deliverance Whereupon in my judgement Diana which is nothing els but the very moone is called Lochia or Ilithyia as having a speciall hand in the birth of children which Timotheus directly testifieth in these verses Thorow azure skie with starres beset by moone that giveth speed Of child-birth and doth ease the paine of women in their need Moreover the moone sheweth her power most evidently even in those bodies which have neither sense nor lively breath for carpenters reject the timber of trees fallen in the ful-moone as being soft and tender subject also to the worme and putrifaction and that quickly by reason of excessive moisture husbandmen likewise make haste to gather up their wheat and other graine from the threshing-floore in the wane of the moone and toward the end of the moneth that being hardened thus with drinesse the heape in the garner may keepe the better from being fustie and continue the longer whereas corne which is inned and laied up at the full of the moone by reason of the softnesse and over-much moisture of all other doth most cracke and burst It is commonly said also that if a leaven be laied in the full-moone the paste will rise and take leaven better for although it have but a little leaven lesse in quantitie than ordinary yet it faileth not by the sharpnesse thereof by meanes of rarefaction to make the whole masse and lumpe of dow to swell and be leavened To returne now unto flesh that is caught and beginneth to putrifie it is occasioned by nothing els but this that the spirit which mainteineth and knitteth the same fast turneth into moisture and so by that meanes it becommeth over-tender loose and apt to runne to water an accident which wee may observe in the very aire which resolveth more in the full of the moone than at any other time yea and yeeldeth greater store of dewes which the poet Alcman signifieth aenigmatically and covertly unto us when he saith in one place that dew is the daughter of the aire and the moone for these be his words What things on earth the dew as nourse doth feed Whom Jupiter and moone betwixt them breed Thus evident testimonies we have from all parts that the light of the moone is waterish and hath a certeine propertie to liquisie and by consequence to corrupt and putrifie As for the brasen spike or naile above mentioned if it be true as some hold and say that being driven into the body it preserveth the flesh for a time from rottenhead and putrifaction it seemeth to worke this effect by a certeine astrictive qualitie and vertue that it hath for the flower of brasse called Ver-de-gris physicians doe use in their astringent medicines and by report those that frequent mines out of which brasse-ore is digged finde much helpe thereby for bleered and rheumaticke eies yea and some thereby have recovered the haire of their eie-lids after they were shed and fallen off for the small scales or fine powder in maner of flowre which commeth and falleth from the brasse-stone 〈◊〉 getting closely into the eie-lids staieth the rhewme and represseth the flux of weeping and waterie eies and thereupon it is said that the poet Homer hath given these attributes and epithites unto brasse calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Besides Aristotle saith that the wounds inflicted by speares and lances with brasen heads by swords also made of brasse are lesse painfull and be sooner healed than those which are given by the same weapons of iron and steele for that brasse hath a kinde of medicinable vertue in it which the said weapons doe leave behinde them immediatly in the wounds Moreover that astringent things be contrary unto those that putrifie and that preservatives or healing matters have an opposit facultie to such as cause corruption it is very plaine and evident so that the reason is manifest of the said operation unlesse haply some one will alledge that the brasen spike or naile in piercing thorow the flesh draweth unto it the humours thereof considering that there is evermore a flux in that part which is hurt and wronged Over and besides it is said that there appeareth alwaies some marke or spot blacke and blew about that very place of the flesh bewraying as it were some mortification a probable argument that all the rest remaineth sound and entire when the corruption runneth and floweth thither as it doth THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR BANQUET-QUESTIONS The Contents or Summarie 1 WHether the food consisting of many and sundrie viands is easier of digestion than the simple 2 Why it is thought that Mushromes are ingendred by thunder wherein also the question is made wherefore it is a necessarie opinion that those who lie asleepe are not smitten with lightning 3 What is the reason that to a wedding supper many guests were invited 4 Whether the viands which the sea affoordeth be more delicate than those of the land 5 Whether the Jewes in a religious reverence that they have of swine or upon an abomination and abhorring of them forbeare to eat their flesh 6 What god the Jewes worship 7 Why the dayes of the weeke bearing the names of the seven planets are not disposed and reckoned according to the order of the said planets but rather cleane contrary where by the way there is a discourse as touching the order of nailes 8 What is the cause that rings and signets were worne especially upon the fourth finger or that next from the middle 9 Whether wee ought to carrie in our seale-rings the images of the gods engraven or of wise personages 10 What is the reason
to withstand the appetite and to represse the same when it doth exceed is not so hard and difficult a matter but to stirre up to provoke corrobrate the same when it is lost decaied before due time or to give an edge unto it being dull and faint is a mastrie indeed and a piece of worke my friend I may say unto you not so easily done whereby it appeares that the nouriture of divers viands is better than the simple food and that which by reason is alwaies of one sort doth soone satisfie and give one enough by how much more easie it is to stay nature when she is too speedie and hastie than to set her forward being weary and drawing behinde and whereas some haply there bee who say that repletion and fulnesse is more to be feared and avoided than inanition and emptinesse that is not true but rather the contrary in deed if repletion and surfet grow to corruption or to some maladie it is hurtfull but emptinesse if it bring and breed none other harme els is of it selfe adverse and contrary to nature Let these reasons therefore be opposed as it were dissonant and sounding of a contrary string against those which you Philinus have phylosophically discoursed as for others of you heere that for saving money and to spare cost sticke to salt and cumin you are ignorant for want of experience that varietie is more pleasant and the more delectable that a thing is the more agreeable it is to the appetite provided alwaies that you shunne excesse and gourmandise for surely it cleaveth quickly to the body which is desirous of it going as one would say before and ready to meet it halfe-way for to receive it having the eie-sight to prepare the way whereas contrariwise that which is lothsome or not pleasing to the appetite floteth and wandereth up and downe in the bodie and findeth no enterteinment in such sort as either nature rejecteth it quite or if she receive it the same goes against her heart she doth it for pure need and want of other sustenance now when I speake of diversitie variety of viands note thus much and remember that I meane not these curious works of pa stry these exquisit sawces tarts and cakes which go under the name of Aburtacae Canduli Carycae which are but superfluous toies and vanities for otherwise Plato himselfe alloweth varietie of meats at the table to these generous and noble-gentlemen his citizens whom he describeth in his common-wealth when hee setteth before them bulbs scalions olives salade herbes cheese and al manner of deinties that woorth would affoord and over above al these he would not defraud nor cut feasts short of their junckets banquetting dishes at the end of al. THE SEGOND QUESTION What is the reason of this opinion so generally received that Mushromes be engendred of thunder and that those who lie asleepe are not thought to be smitten with lightning AT a certeine supper where we were in the city Elis Agemachus set before us Mushromes of an exceeding bignesse whereat when the companie seemed to woonder one who was there present smiled and said Certes these may beseeme well the great thunders that we have lately had within this few daies by which words he seemed pleasantly to scoffe at this vulgar opinion That Mushromes should breed of thunder Now some were there who said That thunder caused the earth to chinke and open using the meanes of the aire as it were a wedge to cleave it and withall that they who seeke for Mushromes by those crevices guesse where they are to be found whereupon arose this common opinion That they were engendred of thunder and not shewed thereby as if a man should imagine that a showre of raine breedeth snailes and not rather cause them to creepe foorth and be seene abroad But Agemachus seemed then in good earnest to confirme the said received opinion by experience praying the company not to conclude by by that a thing was incredible because it was strange and wonderfull For quoth hee there be many other effects of thunder lightning and other meteores or celestial impressions right admirable whereof it were very hard if not altogether impossible to comprehend the causes and the reasons For this ridiculous round root called the Bulb which maketh us so good sport and is growen into a by-word little though it be escapeth not by that meanes from thunder but because it hath a propertie cleane contrary unto it like as the figge tree also and the skin of the seale or sea-calfe and of the beast Hyena with whose skinnes mariners and sailers are wont to clothe the ends of their crosse-saile yards whereupon they hang their sailes gardeners also and good husbandmen call those showres that fall with thunder 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say good to water their grounds and so they thinke them to be In summe it were great simplicity and meere folly to woonder heereat considering that we doe see before our eies things more admirable than this and indeed of all other most incredible namely out of moist clouds fire to flash and from the same soft as they be so great cracks and horrible claps of thunder Well I am quoth he in these matters somewhat talkative and full of words because I would sollicit and move you to be more willing to search into the cause for that I meane not to deale hardly otherwise with you and seeme to presse you every one to lay downe your part toward the paiment for these my great Mushromes Why quoth I Agemachus himselfe seemeth in some sort to have pointed with his very finger to the reason hereof for I assure you at this present I can not thinke of any one more probable than this namely that together with thunder there falleth downe many times a certeine genitall water apt to ingender and the cause thereof is heat mingled among for that pure light piercing substance of the fire being now converted into lightning is gone and passed away but the more weightie grosse and flatilent part remaining behinde enwrapped within the cloud altereth and taketh quite the coldnesse away and drinketh up the moisture making it more flateous and windie in such sort as by this meanes especially these raines gently and mildly enter pierce into plants trees and herbs upon which they fall causing them within a while to thrive in bignesse and infusing within them a particular temperature and a peculiar difference of juice As we may observe otherwise that the dew maketh the grasse to be better seasoned as it were and fitter to content the appetite of sheepe and other cattell yea and those clouds upon which that reflexion is made which we call the rain-bow fill those trees and wood upon which they fall with a passing sweet and pleasant odor wherof the priests of our countrey be not ignorant but acnowledge as much calling the same Irisiseepta as if the rain-bow
did rest or settele upon them Much more probable it is that when these waters and raines together with their ventosities heats occasioned by thunders lightnings come to pierce deepe into the earth it turneth and rolleth round and by that meanes are ingendred therein such like nodosities and knobs soft and apt to crumble which we call Mushromes like as in our bodies there breed and arise certeine flatuous tumors named Kirnels or Glandules formed by occasion of I wot not what bloudy humors and heats withal for a Mushrome seemeth not to be a plant neither without rain moisture doth it breed having no root at all nor any sprout springing from it it is wholly entire of selfe round about and holding upon nothing as having the consistence onely of the earth which hath bene a litle altered changed And if you thinke this reason to be but slender I say unto you more that the most part of those accidents which follow upon thunder and lightning are of the like sort and therefore it is especially that in these effects there is thought to bee a certeine divinitie Then Dorotheus the oratour who was in the companie Truth it is quoth he that you say for not onely the vulgar sort of simple and ignorant people are of that opinion but some also of the philosophers and for mine owne part I know as much by experience that the lightning which of late fell upon our house wrought many strange and woonderfull things for it emptied our sellers of wine and never did hurt unto the earthen vessell wherein it was and whereas there lay a man a sleepe it flew over him yea and flashed upon him without any harme at all to his person or sienging so much as his clothes but having a certeine belt or pouch wherein were certeine pieces of brasse money it melted and defaced them all so confusedly that a man could not know by the forme or impression one from another the man went thereupon to a certeine Pythagorian philosopher who as happe was so journed there and demaunded of him what the reason might bee thereof and what it did presage But the philosopher when hee had cleered and assoiled his minde of scrupulous feare and religion willed him to ponder and consider of the matter apart by himselfe and to pray unto the gods I heare say also that not long since there was a souldiour at Rome who keeping the Centinell upon one of the temples of the citie chaunced to have a flash of lightning to fall very neere unto him which did him no hurt in the world in his body but onely burnt the latchets of his shoes and whereas there were certeine small boxes and cruets of silver within wooden cases the silver within was found all melted into a masse in the bottome and the wood had no injurie at all but continued still entire and sound But these things a man may chuse whether he will beleeve or no. Howbeit this passeth all other miracles which we all I suppose doe know very well namely that the dead bodies of those who have beene killed by lightning continue above ground and putrifie not for many there be who will neither burne nor enterre such corses but cast a trench or banke about and so let them lie as within a rampar so as such dead bodies are to be seene alwaies above ground uncorrupt convincing Clymene in Eurypides of untruth who speaking of Phaethon said thus Beloved mine but see where dead he lies In vale below and there with putrifies And heereupon it is as I take it that brimstone taketh the name in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the resemblance of that smell which those things yeeld that have beene smitten with lightning which no doubt have a fierie and piercing sent and this may bee the reason likewise in my conceit that dogges and fowles of the aire forbeare to touch any dead bodies which in this sort are striken from heaven Thus farre foorth have I laid the first stone for a ground-worke of this cause as also of the bay-Bay-tree Now let us intreat him heere to finish and make out the rest for that he is well acquainted with Mushromes lest haply that befall unto us which sometimes to the painter Androcydes did for whē he painted the gulfe Scylla he portraied more naturally to the life the fishes all about than any thing else besides whereby men judged that hee shewed more affection therein than cunning of his art for that naturally he loved to feed upon good fishes and even so some one might say that we have discoursed so much of Mushromes the breeding and generation whereof is so doubtfull as you see for the pleasure and delight that we take in eating of them Considering now that in these points our discourse seemed to carrie some probabilitie and that everie man was perswaded well enough that the cause and reason thereof was cleere and withall my selfe began to speake and advise that it was now time as the manner was in comedies to set up those engins devised for to counterfet thunder so to inferre a disputation at the table of lightning to which motion all the company condescended but passing over all other points very desirous and earnest they were to heare a discourse as touching this one What the reason might be that men a sleepe be never smitten or blasted with lightning Now albeit I saw well enough that I should gaine no great praise in touching a cause whereof the reason was common yet I beganne to set to it and said That the fire of lightning was fine and subtill as that which tooke the originall and beginning from a most pure liquid and sacred substance which if there had beene in it any moisture or terrestriall grosenesse mingled among the celeritie of motion is such that it would have purged and cast it foorth Nothing is smitten with lightning quoth Democritus that cannot resist the fire from heaven and therefore solide bodies as iron brasle silver and gold be corrupted and melted therewith by reason that they hold out and withstand it contrariwise such as bee rare full of holes spungious soft and lux lightning quickly pierceth through and doth them no harme as for example clothes or garments and drie wood for such as is greene will burne because the moisture within maketh resistance and so catcheth fire withall If then it be true that those who lie a sleepe be never stricken dead with thunder and lightning surely wee must search heere for the cause and never goe farther for the bodies of men awake are stronger more firme and compact yea and able to make more resistance as having all their parts full of spirits by which ruling turning and welding the naturall senses and holding them together as it were with an engine the living creature becommeth strong fast knit and uniforme whereas in sleepe it is slacke loose rare unequall soft and as it were all resolved by reason that the
words of mine that I meant to alledge old testimonies and to cite stale and triviall examples for proofe of the cause to wit the funerals of Oeolycus the Thessalian and of Amphidamas the Chalcidian at which Homer and Hesiodus made verses one against another for the victorie as stories make mention but casting by and rejecting all these evidences so much tossed and divnlged already by Grammarians and namely the funerall obsequies and honours done to Patroclus in Homer where they read not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say launcers of darts but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say makers of orations and eloquent oratours as if Achilles had proposed rewards and prizes for orations leaving I say these matters I affirmed That when Acastus celebrated the funerals for his father Pelias he exhibited a combat of poets for the best game wherein Sibylla went away with the victory Hereat many stood up and opposed themselves against me demanding a reall caution at my hands for to make good that which I had averred for that it seemed unto them a very strange narration and incredible but as good hap was I called to remembrance that I had read so much in the Chronicle of Lybia cōpiled by Acesander where the story is put downe And this booke quoth I is not in every mans hand to reade howbeit I thinke verily that the most of you have beene carefull to peruse those records which Polemon the Athenian a diligent writer and a learned antiquarie who hath not beene idle and sleepie in seeking out the antiquities and singularities of Greece hath set downe in writing as concerning the treasures of the city Delphos for there you shal find written that in the treasurie of the Sicyonians there was a golden booke given and dedicated by Aristomache the poetresse of Erythraea after she had obteined the victorie gotten the garland at the solemnitie of the Isthmicke games Neither have you any reason quoth I to esteeme Olympia and the games thereof with such admiration above the rest as if it were another fatall desteny immutable and which can not be changed nor admit alteration in the plaies there exhibited as for the Pythian solemnitie three or foure extraordinarie games it had respective unto good letters and the Muses adjoined and admitted to the rest the Gymnicke exercises and combats performed by men naked as they were at first ordeined so they continued for the most part still and hold on at this day but at the Olympian games all save onely running in the race were taken up afterwards and counted as accessories likewise there have bene many of them which at first were instituted since put downe and abolished namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say an exercise and feat of activitie when the concurrent mounted on horsebacke in the mids of his course leapeth downe to the ground taketh his horse by the bridle and runneth on foot with him a full gallop as also another called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was a course with a chariot drawen by two mules moreover there is taken away now the coronet ordeined for children that atchieved the victorie in Pentathlus that is to say five severall feats to be short much innovation change and altering there hath beene in this festivall solemnitie from the first institution but I feare me that you will call upon me againe for new pledges and cautions to proove and justifie my words if I should say that in olde time at Pisae there were combats of sword-fencers fighting at the sharpe to the uttrance man to man where they that were vanquished or yeelded themselves died for it and if my memorie failed mee that I could not bring out mine author and name him unto you I doubt you would laugh and make a game of mee as if I had overdrunke my selfe and taken one cup to many THE THIRD QUESTION What is the cause that the pitch-pitch-tree is held consecrated unto Neptune and Bacchus And that in the beginning the victours at the Isthmian games were crowned with a garland of pine-tree branches but afterwards with a chaplet of smallage or parsley and now of late with the foresaid pitch-tree THere was a question propounded upon a time Why the manner was to crowne those with pine or pitch-tree branches who gained the prize at the Isthmick games For so it was that during the said festivall solemnity Lucanius the high priest made a supper at Corinth at his owne house and feasted us where Praxiteles the geometrician a great discourser told us a poeticall tale and namely that the body of Melicerta was found cast up driven upon the body of a pine-tree by the sea at a full tide for that there was a place not farre from Megara named Cales Dromos that is to say the race of the faire lady whereas the Megarians doe report that dame Ino carrying her yoong babe within her armes ranne and cast her-selfe headlong into the sea But it is a common received opinion quoth he that the pine is apropriat for the making of coronets in the honour of Neptune whereupon when as Lucanius the high-priest added moreover and said That the said tree being consecrated unto Bacchus it was no marvell nor absurditie if it were dedicared also to the honour of Melicerta Occasion was taken to search into the cause wherefore the auncients in old time held the said tree sacred unto Bacchus and Neptune both For mine owne part I saw no incongruitie therein for that these two gods be the lords and rulers over one genetall principle or element to wit humidity or moisture considering also that they generally in manner all sacrifice unto Neptune under the surname 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as one would say protectour of plants and unto Bacchus likewise by the name or addition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the president over trees and yet it may be said that the pine more particularly apperteineth not to Neptune not as Apollodorus is of opinion because it is a tree that loveth to grow by the sea-side or for that it delighteth in the windes as the sea doth for some there be of this minde but especially in this regard that it affoordeth good timber and other stuffe for building of ships for both it and also other trees which for their affinitie may goe for her sisters to wit pitch-trees larike-trees and cone-trees furnish us with their wood most proper to flote upon the sea and with their rosin also and pitch to calke and calfret without which composition be the joints never so good and close they are to no purpose in the sea as for Bacchus they consecrated the pitch-tree unto him for that pitch doth give a pleasant seasoning unto wine for looke where these trees doe naturally grow the vine there by report yeeldeth pleasant wine which Theophrastus imputeth to the heat of the soile for commonly the pitch tree groweth in places of marle or white clay which by nature
is hot and so by consequence helpeth the concoction of wine like as such kinde of clay yeeldeth water of all others most light and sweet besides if the same be blended with wheat it maketh the greater heape for that the heat thereof doth cause it to swell and become more full and tender moreover the vine receiveth many commodities and pleasures more from the pitch tree for that it with those things which be is good necessarie both to commend and also to preserve wines for it is an ordinary thing with all men to pitch those vessels into which they put up their wines yea and some there be who put rosin even into the wine as for example those of Eubaea in Greece and Italy the inhabitants by the Po side and that which more is from out of Gaule by Vienna there is brought a certeine pitch-wine called Pissites which the Romanes set much store by because it giveth it not onely a delectable sent but also a better strength taking from it in a small time the newnesse and the watery substance thereof by the meanes of a milde and kinde heat This being saied there was an oratour there a man of great reading a singular scholar and an excellent humanitian who cried out in this manner And is it so indeed as who would say it were not very lately and but the other day that the pine tree yeelded garlands and chaplets at the 〈◊〉 games for heeretofore the victors there were crowned with wreathes and coronets made of smalach leaves and this appeereth by that which we may heare out of a certeine comedie a covetous miser speake in this wise These I shmique games I gladly would part fro For price that smallach wreaths in market go And 〈◊〉 the historiographer writeth that when the Corinthians marched in battell ray under the conduct of Timoleon against the Carthaginians for the defence of Sicily they encountred in the way certeine folk who carried bunches of smallach now when many of the souldiors tooke this occurrence for an ill presage because smallach is taken to be an unluckie herbe insomuch as when we see one lie extreame sicke in danger of death we say That he hath need of nothing else but smallach Timoleon willed them to be of good cheere and put them in minde of the victorious chaplets of smallach at the Isthmian games wherewith the Corinthians crowned the winners Moreover the admirall galley of king Antigonus was called Isthura for that without any sowing or setting there grew smallach of it selfe about the poupe thereof and this obscure aenigmaticall epigram under darke and covert words signifieth plainly earthen vessels stuffed and stopped with smallach and in this manner it goeth This Argive earth which ere while was full soft Now baked hard with fire the bloud deepe-red Of Bacchus hides within but loe aloft It Istmick branches beares in mouth and head Certes they have not read thus much who vaunt so greatly of the Pitch-tree chaplet as if it were not a moderne stranger and new commer but the ancient proper and naturall garland belonging to the Isthmian games Which words of his mooved the yoonger sort not a little as being delivered by a man who had seene and read much and Lucanius the high-priest himselfe casting his eie upon me and smiling withall Now by Neptune quoth he I sweare what a deale of learning is heere howbeit others there were who bearing themselves as it should seeme upon mine ignorance and want of reading were perswaded of the contrary and avouched that the Pitch-tree branches were the ancient garlands in the Isthmicke solemnitie as naturall unto that countrey and on the other side the coronet of Smallach was a meere stranger brought from Nemea thither upon an emulation in regard of Hercules whereby it had indeed the name for a time insomuch as it supplanted the other and woon the credit from it as being counted a sacred herbe and ordeined for this purpose but afterwards the Pine-garland flourished againe and recovered the ancient reputation so at this day it is in as great honour as ever it was Heereupon I suffered my selfe to be perswaded and gave so good care that many testimonies for confirmation of this opinion I learned yea and some of them I bare away and remembred and namely that out of them Euphorion the poet who spake of Melicerta much after this maner The yoong man dead they did bewaìle and then his corps they laid Upone greene branches of Pine-tree whereof the crownes were said To have beene made those to adorne with honour glorious Who at the sacred Isthmicke games were deem'd Victorious For why as yet the murdering hand sir Charon hadnot slaine The sonne of Neme wofull dame where as with streame amaine Asopus runnes since when began the wreathe of Smalach greene To binde the head of champions all bravely to be seene Also out of Callimachus who hath expressed this matter more plainly where he bringeth Hercules in speaking after this maner And it though much inferiour and more terrestriall Employ they shall in Isthmicke games when in memoriall Of god Aegaeon they with crownes the victours brave do decke According to Nemeâ—â—n rites and thereby give the checke To chaplets made of Pine-tree faire wherewith the champion For victorie sometime was dight at games Corinthian Over and besides if I be not deceived I have light upon a certeine commentarie of Procles writing of the Isthmian solemnitie namely that at the very first institution thereof ordeined it was That the victorious coronet should be made of Pitch-tree branches but afterwards when these games were accounted sacred they translated thither from the Namaeam solemnities the chaplet of Smallach now this Procles was one of the scholars in the Academie what time as Xenocrates taught and flourished THE FOURTH QUESTION What is the meaning of these words in Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SOme of the companie where I supped upon a time thought Achilles ridiculous in that he willed his friend Patroclus to fill out purer wine and lesse delaied giving a reason withall saying For now are come to visit me for love My deerest friends and whom I best approve But Niceratus the Macedonian a familiar friend of ours opposed himselfe directly and said That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place of Homer signifieth not meere wine of it selfe without water but hot wine as if the primitive word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say vitall heat and ebullition And therefore meet it was quoth he that seeing his good friends were in place there should be filled out for them a cup of fresh wine new drawen and full of life and sparkling spirits like as we our selves use to do when as we powre out and offer unto the gods our sacred libations but Sosicles the poet calling to minde and alledging a sentence of Empedocles whose words be these speaking of the generall mutation of the universall world What
we dayly burne namely that the airie substance therein flieth up in smoake that which is terrestriall turneth into ashes and there is nothing but that which is moist or liquid that flameth out burneth light and is consumed cleane for why fire hath no other sustenance to feed upon and therefore water wine and other liquors stand much upon a feculent muddie earthly matter which is the cause that if a man do cast them upon a fire or flame by their asperitie they disgregate and by their weight choke quench it but oile for that most properly and sincerely it is moist and by reason also that it is so subtile soone receiveth alteration and being over come by the fire is quickly inflamed but the greatest argument to prove the moisture of oile is this that a little thereof will spread and go a great way for neither honie nor water nor any other liquid thing whatsoever in so small a quantitie can be dilated and drawen so far as oile but for the most part they are spent and gone by occasion of their siccity and verily oile being so pliable and ready to be drawen every way soft also and glib is apt to run all over the body when it is anointed it floweth and spreadeth a great way by meanes of the humiditie of all parts which are so moveable in such sort as it continueth a long time and hardly will be rid away it sticketh and cleaveth so fast for a garment if it be dipped and drenched all over in water will soone be drie againe but the spots and staines with oile require no small adoe to be scoured out and cleansed for that it taketh so deepe an impression and all because it is so fine subtile and exceeding moist and Aristotle himselfe saith that even wine also being delaied with water if it be gotten into a cloth is hardly fetched out for that now it is more subtile than before and pierceth farther within the pores thereof THE TENTH QUESTION What is the cause that the flesh of beasts killed for sacrifice if it be hung upon a fig-tree becommeth more tender within a while ARiston had a cooke commended highly by those who used to sup with his master for singular skill in his art and namely for that among all other viands which he handled and dressed passing well hee served up a cocke unto the table before us newly killed and sacrificed unto Hercules the flesh whereof did eat as short and tender as if he had hung by the heeles a day or two before and when Ariston said that it was an easie matter so to doe and that there needed no more but presently when his throat was cut to hang him upon a fig-tree we tooke occasion thereby to search into the cause of this effect Certes that there passeth from the figge-tree a sharpe aire and strong spirit our verie eiesight will testifie as also the common speech that goeth of a bull who if he be tied to a fig-tree how wilde savage and fell soever he was before will soone be meeke and quiet abide to be handled and in one word lay downe his furious rage as if it were cleane daunred But the principall cause heereof was attributed to the acrimonie and sharpe qualitie of the wood for the tree is more succulent than any other insomuch as the verie figge it selfe the wood also and the leafe be all full of juice also whiles it burneth in the fire there ariseth from it a bitter biting smoake very hurtfull to the eies and when it is burnt there is made of the ashes a strong leie very detersive and scouring which bee all signes of heat and moreover whereas the milkie juice of the sig-tree will cause milke to turne and cruddle some say it is not by the inequality of the figures of milke which are comprehended and glewed as it were therewith namely when the united and round parts thereof are cast up to the superficies but for that the foresaid juice by meanes of heat doth resolve the waterie substance of the liquor which is not apt to gather consistence and be thickned moreover this is another figne thereof that notwithstanding the juice be in some sort sweet yet it is good for nothing and maketh the woorst and most unpleasant drinke in the world for it is not the inequalitie therof that causeth the smooth parts to gather a crud but the heat which maketh the cold and cruddie partes to coagilate A good proofe of this we have from salt which serveth to this purpose because it is hot but it impeacheth this interlacing and glutinous binding pretended for that by nature it doth rather dissolve and unbinde To come againe therefore unto the question in hand the fig-tree sendeth from it a sharpe piercing and incisive spirit and this is it that doth make tender and as it were concoct the flesh of the saide foule and as great an effect should one see if he had put him in a heape of wheat or such corne or covered him all over with salt nitre and all by reason of heat and that this is true that wheat is hot may be gathered by the vessels full of wine which are hidden within a heape of wheat for a man shall soone finde that the wine will be all gone THE SVENTH BOOKE OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR BANQUET-DISCOURSES The Summarie 1 AGainst those who reproove Plato for saying that our drinke passeth thorough the lungs 2 What is that which Plato calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and why those seedes which fall upon beeses hornes become hard in concoction 3 Why the middle part in wine the highest in oile and the bottome of hony is best 4 Wherefore the Romans in old time observed this custome never in any case to take away the table cleane nor to suffer a lampe or candle to goe out 5 That we ought to take great heed of those pleasures which naughtie musicke yeeldeth and how we should beware of it 6 Of those guests who are called shadowes and whether a man may goe to a feast unbidden if hee be brought thither by those who were invited when and unto whom 7 Whither it he lawfull and honest to admit she-minstrels at a feast or banquet 8 What matters especially it is good to heare discoursed upon at the table 9 That to sit in counsell or consult at a table was in old time the custome of Greeks as well as of Persians 10 Whether they did well that so consulted at their meat THE SEVENTH BOOKE OF Symposiaques or banquet-discourses The Proeme THe Romans have commonly in their mouthes ô Sossius Senecio the speech of a pleasant conceited man and a curteous whosoever he was who when he had supped alone at any time was wont thus to say Eaten I have this day but not supped shewing thereby that meales would never be without mirth and good companie to season the same and to give a pleasant taste unto the viands Euenus verily used to say That fire was
and outragious but milde and gracious And thus we reade of Aeschylus the poet that he endited and wrote his tragedies when he was thorowly set in an heat with wine in such sort as that they all were conceived by the influence of Bacchus and not as Gorgias saith that one of them and namely the greatest intituled The seven princes before Thebes was begotten as it were by Mars For wine being of power to enchafe the bodie and minde both according as Plato saith causeth the bodie to be perspirable quicke and active opening all the pores and passages thereof giving way unto the fantasies and imaginations easily to runne forth drawing out together with them the assurance of reason and boldnesse of speech for you shall have men whose invention naturally is good enough in whom when they be sober and fasting the same is colde timorous and in maner frozen let them once be well plied with wine cup after cup you shall see them evaporate and smoake out like as frankincense doth by the heat of fire Furthermore the nature of wine chaseth away all feare which is as contrarie unto those who sit in consultation as any thing in the world it quencheth also many other base and vile passions such as malice and rancour it openeth the double plates and folds of the minde displaying and discovering the whole disposition and nature of a man by his very words yea it hath a vertue to give franke and liberall speech and consequently audacitie to utter the trueth without which neither experience nor quickenesse of wit availeth ought for many there be who putting in practise and making use of that which commeth quickely into their heads speed better and have greater successe than those who warily cautelously and with much subtiltie seeme to conceale and keepe in that which presenteth it selfe unto them and be very lateward in delivering their opinion we are not therefore to feare wine in this regard that it stirreth up the passions of the minde for inciteth not the worst unlesse it be in the wickeddest men whose counsell is at no time sober but as Theophrastus was woont to call barbars shoppes drie bankets without wine even so there is a kind of winelesse drunkennesse and the same sowre and unpleasant dwelling continually within the mindes of men that be vicious and without good bringing up troubled and vexed alwaies with some anger with grudge malice envie emulation contention or illiberal basenesse of which vices wine abating the edge of a great part rather than sharpning them maketh men not sottish fooles and blockish dolts but ready and apt and yet circumspect cautelous and wary not supine and negligent in matters concerning their profit but yet industrious and making choise of that which is good and honest but such as tearme wily-craftinesse by the name of fine wit and take erroneous opinion and mechanicall nigardise for wisedome may even aswell and with as good reason say that as many as when they be drinking at the table speake their mindes roundly and utter with libertie what they thinke be senselesse fooles but contrariwise our ancients called Bacchus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is as much to say as Deliverer and Freer being of opinion that there was to be ascribed unto him a great part of divination not for that he was furious raging mad as Euripides said but because he delivereth the minde and freeth it from all servile feare diffidence and cowardise giving us freedome and libertie to speake the trueth and use franknesse of speech one to another THE EIGHTH BOOKE OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR TABLE-DISCOURSES The Summarie 1 OF those daies upon which were borne certeine not able and famous persons and withall as touching that progenie which is said to descend from the gods 2 In what sense Plato said that God alwaies exerciseth Geometrie 3 What is the reason that sounds be more audible in the night than in the day 4 What is the cause that of the sacred games some have this garland and others that but all the date-date-tree branch as also why the great dates be called Nicolai 5 Wherefore they that saile upon the river Nilus draw up water for their use before it be day 6 Of those that come late to supper and therewith whereupon came these names of refections 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 7 Of certeine Pythagorean precepts by which for bidden we are to enterteine swallowes within our houses and when we are newly risen out of our beds to ruffle the clothes 8 What might be the motive that induced the Pythagoreans among all other living creatures to abstaine most from fish 9 Whether it be possible that by our meats there should be engendred new diseases 10 What is the cause that we take least heed of our dreames in Autumne THE EIGHTH BOOKE OF Symposiaques or table-discourses The Proëme THey that chase philosophie out of feasts and banquets ô Sossius Senecio do not the same but worse farre than those who take away the light from thence for that when the lampe is gone such persons as be made temperate and well disposed will be nothing the woorse therefore making as they doe more account of a reverent regard than of the mutuall sight one of another whereas if rudenesse ignorance and leaudnesse be joined with wine the very golden lampe of Minerva if it were there could not possibly make the feast or banquet lovely gracious modest and well ordered for that men should feed and fill themselves together in silence without a word saying were the fashion that savoured very much of stil swine at their draffe and perhaps a thing impossible but whosoever reserveth speech in a feast and withall admitteth not the wise and profitable use thereof is more worthy to be laughed at than he who thinketh verily that guests should be ever eating and drinking at a supper but not filleth unto them wine undelaied unseasoned and which is meere of it selfe or setteth before them viands unseasoned without salt or sauce and the same not cleanly dressed for that there is no meat or drinke so unsavorie unpleasant and hurtfull for want of good and orderly handling as words carried unseemly and without discretion at a banquet which is the reason that philosophers when they reproove drunkennesse call it a doting by wine and surely this dotage is no other thing but raving or vaine foolish and undiscreet using of words now when disordinate babling and foolish talke meeteth once with wine in a banquet it can not chuse but the issue thereof will be reprochfull contumelie insolencie brainsicke follie and villanie which of all others is a most unpleasant end and farthest from all muses and graces and therefore it is no foolish ceremonie and absurd fashion which the women in our countrey observe at their feasts called Agronia where they make semblance for a while as if they sought for Bacchus being fled out of the way but afterwards give
of it and to meddle withall let us forbeare therefore to slander and blame the good gifts of the gods and goe we rather another way to worke for the inquisition of the cause unto which the very name of the season and of these windie and vaine dreames doth lead us for this time is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the fall of the leafe to wit the end of Autumne when by reason of cold and drinesse trees shedde their leaves unlesse it bee some which are hot and fatty by nature as the olive the lawrell and the date trees or very moist as the ivie and myrtle for such as these their temperature helpeth others not by reason that this glutinous humour which holdeth the leaves upon the tree continueth not becaue that their naturall humiditie is congealed with cold or else dried up being so feeble and little withall to flourish therefore to grow and to be fresh in plants and much more in living creatures commeth of moisture and heat and contrariwise cold drinesse are deadly enemies therefore Homer very properly is wont to call men who are fresh and lusty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say moist and succulent as also to joy and be merry he expresseth by the verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say to be hot contrariwise that which is dolorous and fearefull he tearmeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say stiffe starke for cold a bodie that is dead he tearmeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say without moisture as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say a verie anotomy dried in the smoake or against the sunne which are two words devised to traduce note their extreme drinesse moreover bloud which is the thing within us of principall strength vertue is both hot and moist but old age is destitute bothof the one and the other now it seemeth that the later end of Autumne is the very age of the yere having performed his revolutiō for as yet the moisture is not come but the heat is gone already or at leastwise very feeble that which is a great signe of cold drinesse this season causeth bodies to be disposed unto diseases This being laid sor a ground necessary it is that the soule should have a sympathy fellow seeling of the indispositions of the bodie that when the spirits be incrassate thickned and the powre and facultie of divination or foreseeing future things must needs be dimmed and dulled much like as a mirrour or looking glasse overcast with some thicke mist no marvell therefore if it send and transmit nothing in phantasie and imaginations that is plaine expresse articulate evident and significant so long as it is rough and unpolished not smooth and resplendent THE NINTH BOOKE OF SYMPOSIAQUES OR BANQUET-DISCOURSES The Summarie or principall chapters thereof 1 OF verses which have beene cited and alledged fitly in good season or otherwise 2 What is the cause that the letter Alpha or A standeth first in the alphabet or A b c. 3 In what proportion hath beene composed and or deined the number of vowels and semi-vowels 4 Whether hand it was of Venus that Diomedes wounded 5 What was the reason of Plato when hee said that the soule of Ajax came in the 20. place to the lot 6 What is covertly signified by the fable wherein Neptune is feigned to be vanquished and why the Athenians put out of their kalender the second day of August 7 What is the cause that the accords in musicke are divided into a ternarie 8 Wherein differ the intervals melodious and accordants in musicke 9 What is it that maketh accord or symphonie and what is the reason that when a man striketh two strings accordant together the melodie is more base 10 How it commeth to passe that the ecliptick revolutions of sunne and moone being in number equal yet the moone is seene to be oftner ecclipsed than the sunne 11 That we continue not alwaies one and the same for that our substance evermore passeth still away 12 Whether is more probable of the twaine that the starres be in number evenor od 13 A question of contrary lawes and convenants drawen out of the third booke of the Rhapsodie of Homers Ilias 14 Of the number of the Muses certeine discourses and reasons not after a vulgar and common maner delivered 15 That there be three parts of dauncing motion gesture and shew and what each of these is also what communitie there is betweene the art of poetrie and the skill in dauncing THE NINTH BOOKE OF Symposiaques or banquet-discourses The Proëme THis ninth booke of Symposiaques ô Sossius Senecio conteineth the discourses held at Athens during the festivall solemnities of the Muses for that this number of nine foreth and agreeth well with the said Muses Now if the number of question handled in this booke surmount the ordinarie Decade of the former books you are nothing to marvell thereat because we ought to render unto the Muses all that apperteineth unto the Muses without taking away or deteining ought from them no more than from holy sacrifices considering that we owe unto them many things besides and the same more beautifull than this THE FIRST QUESTION Of verses cited and pronounced in season and to good purpose or otherwise AMmonius being captaine of the citie of Athens was desirous in favour of Diogenius to take view and knowledge how the yoong men profited who were students in Grammer Geometrie Rhetoricke and Musicke whereupon he invited to supper the most famous regents and masters that were thorowout the whole citie There met also with them and were present many other learned and studious persons in great frequencie yea and in maner all his friends and familiars As for Achilles verily at the funerall games and solemnities of Patroclus he bad onely those to sup with him who had fought hand to hand in single combat to the utterance with this intent as it is said that if haply there had bene any choler or heat of revenge inkindled and inflamed betweene these men whiles they were in armes they should now lay downe and quit the same meeting thus at one feast eating and drinking together at one table but it hapned cleane contrary at this time unto Ammonius for the jealousie contention and emulation of these schoolemen and masters of art aforesaid became the hotter and grew to the heighth amid their cups for by this time they fell to argue yea and to challenge and defie one another reasoning and disputing without all order or judgement whereupon at the first he commanded the musician Eraton to sing unto the harpe who began his song in this wise out of the works of Hesiodus Of quarell and contention There were as then more sorts than one for which I commended him in that he knew how to applie the dittie of his song so well unto the present time which gave occasion afterwards
that if a man begin at one and reckon on still numbring upright unto foure hee shall make up ten surpasse he once the quaternarie he is gone beyond the denarie as for example one and two make three three thereto arise to sixe put thereto foure and you have ten insomuch as number collected by unities resteth in ten but the force and puissance thereof 〈◊〉 in foure The Pythagoreans therefore were wont to sweare by the quaternarie or number of foure which they held to be the 〈◊〉 oath that they could take as appeereth by this Distichon I sweare by this quaternity That 〈◊〉 our soules fountaine Which of natures eternity Doth seed and root containe And our soule as he saith doth consist of the quaternary number for there is in it understanding science opinion and sence from whence proceedeth all manner of art and knowledge and whereupon we our selves are called reasonable as for understanding it is that unity for that it conceiveth and knoweth not but by unitie as for example There being many men they are not every one in particular subject to our senses but incomprehensible and infinit mary in our understanding we conceive and apprehend this one man alone unto whom none is like and so in our cogitation we consider one man onely but if they bee considered particularly apart they are infinit for all these genders and kindes are in unitie and therefore when the question is asked of a particular man what he is we yeeld a generall definition and say He is a reasonable creature apt to discourse by reason and so likewise of this or that horse wee must answer That hee is a living creature having a propertie to neigh. Thus you see how understanding is unity whereby we understand these things but the binary or number of two is by good right an indefinit science for all demonstration and proofe of any science yea and moreover all manner of syllogisme or argumentation doth collect a conclusion which was doubtfull of certeine premised propositions confessed as true whereby it sheweth easily another thing whereof the comprehension is science and so it appeereth that science by a likelihood is the binarie number but opinion by good reason may be said the ternary number by comprehension for that opinion is of many and the ternarie number implieth a pluralitie or multitude as we may see by the poet when he saith Thrice happy men Those Greeks were then And for this cause Pythagoras made no reckoning of three whose sect bare the name of Italique for that he not able to endure the tyrannicall dominion of Polycrates departed from Samos his native country and went to keepe his schoole in Italy HERACLYTUS and HIPPASUS the Metapontine were of opinion that Fire was the principle and beginning of all for of fire say they all things are made and in fire they shal have an end and when it is extrinct and quenched the universall world is in this manner engendred and framed for first and formost the grosest part thereof being condensate and thrust together into it selfe becommeth earth and afterwards when the same earth is resolved by fire it turneth to be water which when it doth evaporate is converted into aire againe the whole world and all the bodies therein conteined shall be one day consumed by fire in that generall conflagration and burning of all whereby hee concludeth that fire is the beginning of all things as that whereof all was made and the end likewise for that all things are resolved into it EPICURUS the Athenian sonne of Neocles following the philosophie of Democritus saith That the principles of all things be certeine Atomes that is to say little bodies indivisible and by reason onely perceptible the same solide and admitting no vacuitie not engendred immortall eternall incorruptible such as neither can be broken nor receive any forme of the parts ne yet be otherwise altered These quoth he being perceptible comprehended by reason moove notwithstanding in emptinesse and by emptinesse as the same voidnesse is infinite so the said bodies also be in number infinit howbeit these three qualities are incident unto them figure bignesse and waight for DIMOCRITUS allowed them but twaine to wit bignesse and figure but Epicurus added unto them a third namely poise or ponderositie For these bodies quoth he must of necessitie moove by the permission of the weight otherwise they could not possibly stirre the figures also of their bodies hee said were comprehensible and not infinit and these were neither hooked nor three-forked ne yet round in manner of a ring for such formes are apt to breake as for the Atomes themselves they be impassible and infrangible having certeine figures no otherwise perceptible but by reason and such a body is called Atomus not in this regard that it is the least of all but for that it cannot be divided as being impassible and admitting no vacuitie and therefore he that nameth an Atome saith as much as infrangible impassible and without vacuitie now that there is such an indivisible body called Atomus it is apparent for that there be elements eternall bodies void and an unitie EMPEDOCLES an Agrigentine the sonne of Meton saith There be foure elements fire aire water and earth also two principall faculties or powers namely 〈◊〉 and discord or amitie and enmitie of which the one hath puissance to unite the other to dissolve and these be his words Foure seeds and rootes of all things that you see Now listen first and hearken what they be Lord Jupiter with hisignipotence And lady Junoes vit all influence Rich Pluto and dame Nestis weeping ay Who with her teares our seed-sourse weets alway By Jupiter hee meaneth fierie heat and ardent skie by Juno giving life the aire by Pluto the earth by Nestis and this humane fountaine of naturall seed water SOCRATES the sonne of Sophroniscus and PLATO the sonne of Ariston both Athenians for the opinions of them both concerning the world and all things therein be the same have set downe three principles God Matter and Idea that is to say Forme God is an universall spirit or Minde Matter is the first and principall subject of generation and corruption Idea an incorporall substance resting in the thoughts and cogitations of God which God is the generall soule and intelligence of the world ARISTOTELES of Stagira the sonne of Nichomachus hath put downe for Principles these three to wit a certaine forme called Eutelectus Matter and Privation for elements foure and for a fifth Quintessence the heavenly bodie which is immutable ZENO the sonne of Mnaseas a Citican borne holdeth for two principles God and Mtater whereof the one is an active and efficient cause and the other passive and besides foure elements CHAP. IIII. How the the world was framed THis world then became composed formed in a round figure bending and coping after this manner those Atomes or indivisible bodies having an accidentarie and inconsiderate motion stirring continually and
DEMOCRITUS affirmeth that there bee more Senses in brute beasts in the gods and in wise men CHAP. XI After what maner is effected Sense Notion and Reason according to disposition or affection THe STOICKS are of opinion and say that when a man is engendred hee hath the principall part of his soule which is the understanding like for all the world unto a parchment or paper ready to be written in and therein he doth register and record every several Notion and cogitation of his for those who have perceived any thing by sense as for example sake have seene a white thing when the same is gone out of their eie reteine it still in memorie now after they have collected together many semblable memories of the same kinde then they say they have experience for experience is nothing else but an heape or multitude of like sorts but of notions and thoughts some be naturall which are caused in manner aforesaid without any artificiall meanes others come by our studie and by teaching and such alone properly and indeed are called Notions the other be named rather conceptions or anticipations and Reason for which we beare the name of Resonable is accomplished by those anticipations in the first seven yeeres and intelligence is the conception in the understanding of a reasonable creature for phantasie when it lighteth upon the reasonable soule is then called Intelligence taking the denomination of understanding which is the cause that these imaginations are not incident unto other creatures but such as are presented unto gods and us both those are onely and properly imaginations whereas those which offer themselves unto us are imaginations in generall and cogitations in speciall like as Deniers Testons or Crownes being considered apart in themselves are Deniers Testons Crownes but if you give them for the hire of a ship then besides that they are Deniers c. they be also the fare for ferry or passage CHAP. XII What difference there is betweene Imagination Imaginable Imaginative and Imagined CHRYSIPPUS saith there is a difference betweene all these fower and first as for Imagination it is a passion or impression in the soule shewing the selfe same thing that made and imprinted it as for example when with our 〈◊〉 we behold a white it is a passion or affection engendred by the sight in our soule and we may well say that the said white is the subject or object that mooveth affecteth us semblably in smelling and touching and this is called Phantasie a word derived of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth light or cleerenesse for like as the light sheweth it selfe and all that is comprised in it so the Phantasie or imagination representeth it selfe and that which made it Imaginable is that which maketh imagination as white cold and whatsoever is able to moove or affect the soule is called Imaginable Phantasticke or Imaginative is a vaine attraction even an affection or passion in the soule which commeth not from any object imaginable like as we may observe in him that fighteth with his owne shadow or in vaine flingeth foorth his hands for in true phantasie or imagination there is a subject matter named Imaginable but in this Phantasticke or Imaginative there is no such object or subject at all Phantasme or Imagined is that unto which we are drawne by that vaine attraction a thing usuall with those who are either furious or surprized with the maladie of melancholy for Orestes in the tragedie of 〈◊〉 when he uttereth these speeches O mother mine against me raise not thus I thee beseech these wenches furious Whom now I see alas with bloudy eies And dragon like how they against merise These me beset and charge on every part These strike on still these wound me to the hart doth speake them as enraged and in a phranticke fit for he seeth nothing but onely imagineth and thinketh that he seeth them and therefore his sister Electra replieth thus upon Lie still poore wretch restin thy bed for why Thou seest not that which seemes so verily The same is the case of Theoclymenus in Homer CHAP. XIII Of Sight and how we doe see DEMOCRITUS and EPICURUS supposed that Sight was caused by the intromission of certeine images others by an insinuation of beames returning to our eie-sight after the occurrence of an object EMPEDOCLES hath mingled the said images and beames together calling that which is made thereof the raies of a compound image HIPPARCHUS holdeth that the beames sent out and launced from the one eie and the other comming to be extended in their ends meet together and as it were by the touching and clasping of hands taking hold of externall bodies carie backe the apprehension of them unto the visive power PLATO attributeth it to the corradiation or conjunction of light for that the light of the eies reacheth a good way within the aire of like nature the light likewise issuing from the visible bodies cutteth the aire betweene which of it selfe is liquid and mutable and so extendeth it together with the fierie power of the eie and this is it which is called the conjunct light or corradiation of the Platonickes CHAP. XIIII Of the Resemblances represented in mirrours EMPEDOCLES saith that these apparitions come by the meanes of certeine defluxions gathered together upon the superficies of the mirrour and accomplished by the fire that ariseth from the said Mirrour and withall transmuteth the aire that is object before it into which those fluxions are caried DEMOCRITUS and EPICURUS are of opinon that these apparences in Mirrours are caused by the 〈◊〉 and stay of certaine images which passing from us gather together upon the Mirrour by way of rebounding and resultation The PYTHAGOREANS attribute all this to the reflexion of the sight for that the sight is extended and carried as farre as to the Mirrour of brasse or whatsoever where resting and staying upon the thicke solditie thereof and beaten backe by the polished smoothnesse of the Mirrour object against it the same returneth againe upon it selfe much like as when our hand is stretched out and brought backe againe unto the shoulder All these points and opinions may serve very well and be accommodate to that chapter and question carying this title How we doe see CHAP. XV. Whether Darknesse be visible THe STOICKS hold that Darknesse is visible for that from the sight there is a splendeure going foorth that compasseth the said Darknesse neither doth the eie-sight lie and deceive us for it seeth certeinly and in truth that there is Darknesse CHRYSIPPUS saith that we doe see by the tension of the aire betweene which is pricked by the visuall spirit that passeth from the principall part of the soule into the apple of the eie and after that it falleth upon the aire about it it extendeth the same in a pyramidall forme namely when as it meeteth with an aire of the same nature with it for
counted nine after that the monethly purgations stay upon the first conception and so it is thought that infants be of seven moneth whichs are not for that he knew how after conceptiō many women have had their menstruall flux POLYBUS DIOCLES and the EMPIRICKS know that the eight moneths childe also is vitall howbeit in some sort feeble for that many for feeblenesse have died so borne in generall and for the most part ordinarily none are willing to reare and feed the children borne at the seven moneth and yet many have beene so borne and growen to mans estate ARISTOTLE and HIPPOCRATES report that if in seven moneths the matrix be growen full then the infant 〈◊〉 to get foorth and such commonly live and doe well enough but if it incline to birth and be not sufficiently nourished for that the navill is weake then in regard of hard travell both the mother is in danger and her fruit becommeth to mislike and thriveth not but in case it continue nine moneths within the matrix then it commeth foorth accomplished and perfect POLYBUS affirmeth it to be requisite and necessarie for the vitalitie of infants that there should be 182 daies and a halfe which is the time of six moneths compleat in which space the sunne commeth from one Solstice or Tropicke to another but such children are said to be of seven moneths when it falleth out that the odde daies left in this moneth are taken to the seventh moneth But he is of opinion that those of eight moneths live not namely when as the infant hastneth indeed out of the wombe and beareth downward but for the most part the navell is thereby put to stresse and reatched so cannot feed as that should which is the cause of food to the infant The MATHEMATICIANS beare us in hand and say that eight moneths be dissociable of all generations but seven are sociable Now the dissociable signes are such as meet with such starres and constellations which be lords of the house for if upon any of them falleth the lot of mans life and course of living it signifieth that such shall be unfortunate and short lived These dissociable signes be reckonned eight in number namely Aries with 〈◊〉 is insociable Taurus with Scorpius is sociable Gemini with Capricorn Cancer with Aquarius Leo with Pisces and Virgo with Aries And for this cause infants of seven moneths and ten moneths be livelike but those of eight moneths for the insociable dissidence of the world perish and come to naught CHAP. XIX Of the generation of animall creatures after what maner they be engendred and whether they be corruptible THey who hold that the world was created are of opinion that living creatures also had their creation or beginning and shall likewise perish and come to an end The EPICUREANS according unto whom Animals had no creation doe suppose that by mutation of one into another they were first made for they are the substantiall parts of the world like as ANAXAGORAS and EURIPIDES affirme in these tearmes Nothing dieth but in changing as they doe one for another they shew sundry formes ANAXIMANDER is of opinion that the first Animals were bred in moisture and enclosed within pricky and sharpe pointed barks but as age grew on they became more drie and in the end when the said barke burst and clave in sunder round about them a small while after they survived EMPEDOCLES thinketh that the first generations as well of living creatures as of plants were not wholy compleat and perfect in all parts but disjoined by reason that their parts did not cohaere and unite together that the second generations when the parts begun to combine and close together seemed like to images that the third generations were of parts growing and arising mutually one out of another and the fourth were no more of semblable as of earth and water but one of another and in some the nourishment was incrassate and made thicke as for others the beautie of women provoked and pricked in them a lust of spermatike motion Moreover that the kinds of all living creatures were distinct and divided by certeine temperatures for such as were more familiarly enclined to water went into water others into the aire for to draw and deliver their breath to and fro according as they held more of the nature of fire such as were of a more heavie temperature were bestowed upon the earth but those who were of an equall temperature uttered voice with their whole breasts CHAP. XX. How many sorts of living creatures there be whether they be all sensitive and endued with reason THere is a treatise of ARISTOTLE extant wherein he putteth downe fower kinds of Animals to wit Terrestriall Aquaticall Volatile and Celestiall for you must thinke that he calleth heavens starres and the world Animals even as well as those that participate of earth yea and God he defineth to be a reasonable Animall and immortall DEMOCRITUS and EPICURUS doe say that heavenly Animals are reasonable 〈◊〉 holdeth that all Animals are endued with active reason but want the passive understanding which is called the interpreter or truchment of the minde PYTHAGORAS and PLATO do affirme that the soules even of those very Animals which are called unreasonable brute beasts are endued with reason howbeit they are not operative with that reason neither can they 〈◊〉 it by reason of the distempered composition of their bodies and because they have not speech to declare and expound themselves as for example apes and dogs which utter a babling voice but not an expresse language and distinct speech DIOGENES supposeth that they have an intelligence but partly for the grosse thicknesse of their temperature and in part for the abundance of moisture they have neither discourse of reason nor sense but fare like unto those who be furious for the principall part of the soule to wit Reason is defectuous and empeached CHAP. XXI Within what time are living creatures formed in the mothers wombe EMPEDOCLES saith that men begin to take forme after the thirtie sixt day and are finished and knit in their parts within 50. daies wanting one ASCLEPIADES saith that the members of males because they be more hot are jointed and receive shape in the space of 26. daies and many of them sooner but are finished and complet in all limbes within 50. daies but females require two moneths ere they be fashioned and fower before they come to their perfection for that they want naturall heat As for the parts of unreasonable creatures they come to their accomplishment sooner or later according to the temperature of the elements CHAP. XXII Of how many elements is composedech of the generall parts which are in us EMPEDOCLES thinketh that flesh is engendred of an equall mixture and temperature of the fower elements the sinewes of earth and fire mingled together in a duple proportion the nailes and cleies in living creatures come of the nerves refrigerat and made colde in
that it was Cornelius the priest but the sexton onely of the church that thus beguiled the Sabine 5 Why are they who have beene 〈◊〉 reported dead in a strange countrey although they returne home alive not received nor suffred to enter directly at the dores but forced to climbe up to the tiles of the house and so to get downe from the rouse into the house VArro rendreth a reason heereof which I take to be altogether fabulous for hee writeth that during the Sicilian warre there was a great battell fought upon the sea and immediately upon it there ranne a rumour of many that they were dead in this fight who notwithstanding they returned home safe died all within a little while after howbeit one there was among the rest who when he would have entred into his owne house found the dore of the owne accord fast shut up against him and for all the forcible meanes that was made to open the same yet it would not prevaile whereupon this man taking up his lodging without just before his dore as he slept in the night had a vision which advertised and taught him how he should from the roofe of the house let himselfe downe by a rope and so get in now when he had so done he became fortunate ever after all the rest of his life and hee lived to be a very aged man and heereof arose the foresaid custome which alwaies afterwards was kept and observed But haply this fashion may seeme in some fort to have beene derived from the Greeks for in Greece they thought not those pure and cleane who had beene caried foorth for dead to be enterred or whose sepulchre and funerals were 〈◊〉 or prepared neither were such allowed to frequent the company of others nor suffred to come neere unto their sacrifices And there goeth a report of a certaine man named Aristinus one of those who had beene possessed with this superstition how he sent unto the oracle of Apollo at Delphos for to make supplication and praier unto the god for to bee delivered out of this perplexed anxietie that troubled him by occasion of the said custome or law then in force and that the prophetesse Pythia returned this answer Looke what soever women doe in childbed newly laid Unto their babes which they brought foorth the verie same I say See that be done to thee againe and after that be sure Unto the blessed gods with hands to sacrifice most pure Which oracle thus delivered Aristinus having well pondered and considered committed himselfe as an infant new borne unto women for to be washed to be wrapped in swadling clothes and to be suckled with the brest-head after which all such others whom we call Hysteropotmous that is to say those whose graves were made as if they had beene dead did the semblable Howbeit some doe say that before Aristinus was borne these creremonies were observed about those Histropotmi and that this was a right auncient custome kept in the semblable case and therefore no marvell it is that the Romans also thought that such as were supposed to have beene once buried and raunged with the dead in another world ought not to enter in at the same porch out of which they goe when they purpose to sacrifice unto the gods or at which they reenter when they returne from sacrifice but would have them from above to descend through the tiles of the roufe into the close house with the aire open over their heads for all their purifications ordinarily they performed without the house abroad in the aire 6 Why doe women kisse the lips of their kinsfolks IS it as most men thinke for that women being forbidden to drinke wine the manner was brought up That whensoever they met their kinsfolke they should kisse their lips to the end they might not be unknowen but convicted if they had drunke wine or rather for another reason which Aristotle the philosopher hath alledged for as touching that occasion which is so famous and commonly voiced in every mans mouth yea and reported of divers and sundrie places it was no doubt the hardy attempt executed by the dames of Troie and that upon the coasts of Italy for when the men upon their arrivall were landed the women in the meane while set fire upon their ships for very desire that they had to see an end once one way or other of their long voiage to be delivered frō their tedious travel at sea but fearing the fury of their men when they should returne they went forth to meet their kinsfolke and friends upon the way and welcomed them with amiable embracing sweet kisses of their lips by which means having appeased their angrie mood and recovered their favours they continued ever after the custome of kindgreeting and loving salutation in this manner Or was not this a priviledge granted unto women for their greater honour and credit namely to be knowen and seen for to have many of their race and kinred and those of good worth and reputation Or because it was not lawfull to espouse women of their blood and kinred therefore permitted they were to entertaine them kindly and familiarly with a kisse so they proceeded no farther insomuch as this was the onely matke and token left of their consanguinitie For before time they might not marrie women of their owne blood no more than in these daies their aunts by the mothers side or their sisters and long it was ere men were permitted to contract marriage with their cousin germains and that upon such an occasion as this There was a certaine man of poore estate and small living howbeit otherwise of good and honest cariage and of all others that managed the publike affairs of State most popular and gracious with the commons who was supposed to keepe as his espoused wife a kinswoman of his and cousin germain an inheritresse by whom he had great wealth and became verie rich for which he was accused judicially before the people but upon a speciall favour that they bare unto him they would not enquire into the cause in question but not onely suppressed his bill of enditement and let her go as quit of all crime but also even they enacted a statute by vertue whereof lawfull it was for all men from that time forward to marrie as far as to their cousin germains but in any higher or neerer degree of consanguinitie they were expresly forbidden 7 Wherefore is it not lawfull either for the husband to receive a gift of his wife or for the wife of her husband MAy it not be for that as Solon ordained that the donations and bequests made by those that die shall stand good unlesse they besuch as a man hath granted upon necessitie or by the inducement and flatterie of his wife in which proviso he excepted necessitie as forcing and constraining the will and likewise pleasure as deceiving the judgement even so have men suspected the mutuall gifts passing between the husband and
and the humiditie which it hath serveth to feed and nourish the heat thereof For it is not the solide part of wood that burneth but the oleous moisture thereof which if it be once evaporate and spent the solide substance remaineth drie and is nothing els but ashes As for those who labour and endevour to shew by demostration that the same also is changed and consumed for which purpose they sprinckle it estsoones with oile or temper it with greace and so put it into the fire againe prevaile nothing at all for when the fattie and uncteous substance is burnt there remaine still evermore behinde the terrestriall parts And therefore earth being not onely immooveable in respect of situation but also immutable in regard of the very substance the ancient called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say vesta standing as it were sure and stedfast within the habitation of the gods of which steadinesse and congealation the bond and linke is cold as Archilochus the Naturallist said And nothing is there able to relax or mollifie it after it hath once bene baked in the fire or hardened against the Sun As touching those who say that they feele very sensibly the winde and the water colde but the earth not so well surely these do consider this earth here which is next unto us and is no other thing in trueth than a mixture and composition of aire water sunne and heat and me thinks this is all one as if a man should say that the elementarie fire is not the primitive and originall heat but rather scalding water or an iron red hot in the fire for that in trueth there is no touching of these or comming neere unto them as also that of the said pure and celestiall fire they have no sensible experience nor knowledge by feeling no more than they have of the earth which is about the center which we may imagine to be true pure and naturall earth as most remote and farthest separate from all other howbeit wee may have some guesse and token thereof by these rockes heere with us which from their profunditie send forth a vehement colde which is in maner intolerable And they likewise who desire to drinke their water passing colde use to throw pibble stones into it which thereby commeth to be more colde sharpe and piercing by occasion of the great and fresh colde that ariseth from the said stones And therefore we ought thus to thinke that when our ancients those deepe clearks and great scholars I meane thought there could be no mixture of earthly things with heavenly they never looked to places high or low as if they hung in the scales of a ballance but unto the difference and diversitie of their powers attributing the qualities of heat cleerenesse agilitie celeritie and lightnesse unto that immortall and eternall nature but colde darknesse and tarditie they assigned as the unhappie lot and wretched portion of those infernall wights that are dead and perished For the very bodie of a creature all while that it doth breathe and flourish in verdure as the Poets say hath life and heat but so soone as it is destitute of these and left in the onely portion and possession of the earth it presently becommeth stiffe and colde as if heat were in any other body naturally rather than in that which is terrestriall Compare now good sir Phavorinus these arguments with the reasons of other men and if you finde that they neither yeeld in probabilitie nor over-way them much bid all opinions and the stiffe mainteining of them farewell and thinke that to forbeare resolution and to holde off in matters obscure and uncerteine is the part of the wisest philosopher rather than to settle his judgement and assent to one or other NATVRALL QVESTIONS The Summarie THis collection of divers questions taken out of Naturall philosophie and resolved by the authour according to the doctrine of Naturalists being so cleerely distinguished by it selfe requireth no long deduction for that at the very first sight ech question may sufficiently 〈◊〉 understood NATVRALL QVESTIONS 1 What is the cause that sea water nourisheth no trees IS it for the same reason that it nourisheth no land-creatures for that a plant according to the opinions of Plato Anaxagoras and Democritus is a living creature of the land For say that it serves for food to plants growing within the sea as also to fishes and is to them their drinke yet we must not inferre thereupon that it feedeth trees that be without the sea and upon the land for neither can it pierce downe to their rootes it is so grosse nor rise up in the nature of sappe it is so heavy That it is grosse heavy and terrestriall appeereth by many other reasons and by this especially for that it beareth up and susteineth both vessels and swimmers more than any other Or is it principally for this that whereas nothing is more offensive and hurtfull to trees than drinesse the water of the sea is very 〈◊〉 which is the reason that salt withstandeth putrifaction so much as it doth and why the bodies of those who are washed in the sea have incontinently their skin exeeding dry and rugged Or rather may it not be for that oile is naturally an enimy to all plants causing as many of them as are rubbed or anointed therewith to die Now the sea water standeth much upon a kinde of sartinesse and is very uncteous in such sort that it will both kindle and also increase fire and therefore we give warning and forbid to throw sea water into flaming fire Or is it because the water of the sea is bitter and not potable by reason as Aristotle saith of the burnt earth that is mixed with it like as lie which is made by casting fresh water aloft upon ashes for the running and passing through the said ashes marreth that sweet and potable quality of the water as also within our bodies the unnaturall heats of an ague turne 〈◊〉 into cholar As for those plants woods or trees which are said to grow within the red sea if they doe certeinly they beare no fruit but nourished they are by the fresh rivers which bring in with them a deale of mud an argument heereof is this for that such grow not farre within the sea but neere unto the land 2 What might the reason be that trees and seeds are nourished better with raine than any other water that they can be watered withall IS it for that raine as it falleth by the dint that it maketh openeth the ground and causeth litle holes whereby it pierceth to the rootes as Laetus saith Or is this untrue and Laetus was ignorant heereof namely that morish plants and such as grow in pooles as the reed mace canes and rushes will not thrive if they want their kinde raines in due season But true is that which Aristotle saith That the raine water is all fresh and new made whereas that of meeres and lakes is old and
dust IS it not as I said before because wheat is able to overcome more nourishment but barley can not endure much moisture to drench and drowne it Or in this respect that wheat being a stiffe and hard kinde of graine resembling the nature of wood doth sooner come and chit within the ground in case it be well soked and softened with moisture and therefore liketh better of a wet ground whereas the drier soile at the first sowing agreeth better with barley and is more commodious for it being as it is a more loose and spungeous kinde of graine Or because such a temperature of the ground in regard of the heat is more proportionable and lesse hurtfull unto barley being as it is the colder graine Or rather husbandmen are affraid to thrash their wheat upon a dry and sandy floore because of ants for soone will they take to that kind of graine in such a place As for barley they use lesse to beare it because the cornes thereof be hard to be caried and recaried from one place to another they are so bigge 17 What is the cause that fishers chuse the haire of stone-horsetailes rather than of mares to make their angling lines IS it because the male as in all other parts so in haire also is more strong than the female Or rather for that they thinke the haire of mares tailes drenched and wet as it is ever and anon with their staling is more brittle and woorse than the other 18 What is the reason that when the Calamacie fish is seene in the sea it is a signe of a great tempest IS it because all soft and 〈◊〉 fishes are very impatient of colde and of foule-weather they be so bare and naked and have withall their flesh exceeding tender as being covered neither with shell nor thicke skinne ne yet scale but contrariwise having their hardy gristly and bony substance within which is the reason that all such fishes be called Malacia as one would say Soft and tender For which cause naturally they soone foresee a tempest and feele colde comming for that it is offensive unto them and therefore likewise when the Poulpe or Polyp runneth to land and catcheth holde of some little rocks it is a token that there is great winde toward And for the Calamacie he leapeth forth for to avoid the colde and the trouble or agitation of the water in the bottome of the sea for of other soft fishes his flesh is most tender and aptest to be pierced and hurt 19 Why doth the Polyp change his colour IS it according to the opinion of Theophrastus because it is a fearefull and timorous creature by nature and therefore when he is troubled or amazed as his spirit turneth so he altereth withall his colour even as we men do whereupon we say in the common proverbe The coward in view Soone changeth hew Or may this be a good probable conjecture of the change but not sufficient for the resemblance considering that he changeth so as heresembleth the rocks which he setleth upon Unto which propertie Pindarus alluded in these verses His minde doth alter most mutable To Poulpe the sea-fish skin semblable Which changeth hue to echthing sutable To live in all worlds he is pliable And Theognis Put on a minde like Polype fish and learne so to dissemble Which of the rocke whereto it sticks the colour doth resemble Also men usually say such as surpasse others for cunning and cautelous dealing studie and practise this that for to save themselves and not to be seene or knowen of those about them they alwaies will be like unto the poulpe and change their colours that is to say their maners and behaviour Or do they thinke such an one to make use of his colour readily as of a garment to change and put on another whensoever he will Well then the poulpe fish himselfe by his feare may haply give the occasion and beginning of this change and passion but the principall point of the cause consisteth in something els And therefore weigh and consider what Empedocles writeth Wot well all mortall things that be Defluxions havein some degree For there passe away continually many defluxions not onely from living creatures plants earth and sea but also from stones brasse and iron for all things perish and yeeld a smell in that there runneth something alwaies from them and they weare continually insomuch as it is thought that by these defluxions are all attractions and insultations and some suppose their embracings and connexions others their smilings some their impulsions and I wot not what circumplexions and environments to be attributed unto such defluxions and especially from rocks and stones along the sea continually washed and dashed with the waves therebe decisions passe of some parcels and small fragments the which do cleave unto other bodies and cling about those which have their pores more strict and close or els passe thorow such as have the same over rare and open As for the flesh of the Polype it is to see to fistulous and spongeous like unto hony-combs apt to receive all such defluxions and decisions from other bodies when as then he is afraid his winde goeth and commeth and withall shutteth up his bodie and bringeth it together that he may receive and reteine in the superficies of his skin the defluxions that come from that which is next it for the rivels and wrinckles of his soft skin which are knit with feare are in stead of crooke and bending cleies fit to enterteine the defluxions and parcels lighting upon them which scatter not heere and there but gathering upon the skin make the superficies thereof to be of semblable colour And that this is a true cause it may appeare by one great argument namely that neither the Polyp doth resemble in colour all that which is neere unto it not the Chamaeleon the white colour but both the one the other such things onely as the defluxions whereof are proportionate unto their pores and small passages 20 What is the cause that the teares of wilde boares be sweet but of stagges and hinds saltish and unpleasant to the taste HEat and colde are the cause of both for the stagge is colde of nature but the bore exceeding hot and fierie whereupon it is that the one fleeth away the other maketh head and stands to it when he is assaulted and then is it most of all that he sheddeth teares upon a fell heart for when plentie of heat as I said before mounteth up unto his eies His bristles stare and stand upright His ardent eyes like fire are bright and so the humour that distilleth from his eies is sweet Others say that these teares are pressed and wrong out from the bloud being troubled like as whey from milke and of this opinion was Empedocles And forasmuch as the bloud of the wilde bore is blacke and thicke in regard of heat but that of stags and hinds thin and waterish great
remaineth now that we should treat of Fortune and casuall adventure and of whatsoever besides that requireth discourse and consideration First this is certeine that Fortune is a kinde of cause but among causes some are of themselves others by accident as for example of an house or ship the proper causes and of themselves be the Mason Carpenter or Shipwright but by accident the Musician and Geometrician yea and whatsoever incident to the mason carpenter or shipwright either in regard of body or minde or outward things whereby it appeereth that the essentiall cause which is by it selfe must needs be determinate certeine in one whereas the accidentall causes are not alwaies one and the same but infinit and indeterminate for many accidents in number infinit and in nature different one from another may be together in one and the same subject This cause then by accident when it is found not onely in such things which are done for some end but also in those wherein our election and will taketh place is called fortune as namely to find treasure when a man diggeth a hole or grave to plant a tree in or to do and suffer any extraordinary thing in flying pursuing or otherwise going and marching or onely in retiring provided alwaies that he doeth it not to that end which ensueth thereupon but upon some other intention And heereupon it is that some of the anncient philosophers have defined fortune to be a cause unknowen and not foreseene by mans reason But according to the Platoniques who come neerer unto it in reason it is defined thus Fortune is an accidentall cause in those things that are done for some end and which are in our election and afterwards they adjoine moreover not foreseene nor knowen by the discourse of humane reason although that which is rare and strange by the same meanes appeareth also in this kinde of cause by accident But what this is if it appeere not manifestly by the oppositions and contradictory disputations yet at leastwise it will be declared most evidently by that which is writtē in a treatise of Plato entituled Phaedon where these words are found What Have you not heard how in what maner the judgement passed Yes iwis For one there was who came and told us of it whereat we marvelled very much that seeing the sentence of judgement was pronounced long before he died a good while after And what might be the cause thereof Ô Phaedon Surely there hapned unto him Ô Echecrates a certeine fortune For it chanced that the day before the judgement the prow of the galley which the Athenians sent to isle Delos was crowned In which words it is to be noted that by this tearme There hapned you must not understand There was but rather it so befell upon a concourse and meeting of many causes together one after another For the priest adorned the ship with coronets for another end and intention and not for the love of Socrates yea and the judges had condemned him also for some other cause but the event it selfe was so strange admirable as if it had hapned by some providence or by an humane creature or rather indeed by some superior nature And thus much may suffice as touching fortune and the definition thereof as also that necessarily it ought to subsist together with some one contingent thing of those which are meant to some end whereupon it tooke the name yea and there must be some subject before of such things which are in us and in our election But casuall adventure reacheth and extendeth farther than fortune for it compriseth both it and also many other things which may chance aswell one way as another and according as the very etymologie and derivation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sheweth it is that which hapneth for and in stead of another namely when that which was ordinary sell not out but another thing in lieu thereof as namely when it chanceth to be colde weather in the Dog daies for sometimes it falleth out to be then colde and not without cause In summe like as that which is in us and arbitrary is part of contingent even so is fortune a part of casuall or accidental adventure and both these events are conjunct and dependant one of another to wit casual adventure hangeth upon contingent and fortune upon that which is in us and arbitrarie and yet not simply and in generall but of that onely which is in our election according as hath beene before said And hereupon it is that this casuall adventure is common aswell to things which have no life as to those which are animate whereas fortune is proper to man onely who is able to performe voluntarie actions An argument whereof is this that to be fortunate happie and blessed are thought to be all one for blessed happinesse is a kinde of well doing and to doe well properly belongeth to a man and him that is perfect Thus you see what things are comprised within fatall destiny namely contingent possible election that which is within us fortune casuall accident or chance adventure together with their circumstant adjuncts signified by these words haply peradventure or perchance howbeit we are not to inferre that because they be conteined within destinie therefore they be fatall It remaineth now to discourse of divine providence considering that it selfe comprehendeth fatall destinie This supreame and first providence therefore is the intelligence and will of the sovereigne god doing good unto all that is in the world whereby all divine things universally and thorowout have bene most excellently and wisely ordeined and disposed The second providence is the intelligence and will of the second gods who have their course thorow the heaven by which temporall and mortall things are ingendred regularly and in order as also whatsoever perteineth to the preservation and continuance of every kinde of thing The third by all probabilitie and likelihood may well be called the providence and prospicience of the Daemonds or angels as many as be placed and ordeined about the earth as superintendents for to observe marke and governe mens actions Now albeit there be seene this threefolde providence yet properly and principally that first and supreame is named Providence so as we may be bolde and never doubt to say howsoever herein we seeme to contradict some Philosophers That all things are done by fatall destinie and by providence but not likewise by nature howbeit some by providence and that after divers sorts these by one and those by another yea and some also by fatall destinie As for fatall destinie it is altogether by providence but providence in no wise by fatall destinie where by the way this is to be noted that in this present place I understand the principall and sovereigne providence Now whatsoever is done by another be it what it will is evermore after that which causeth or maketh it even as that which is erected by law is after the law
alwaies are by lot created or otherwise to such places captaines and commanders who are elected by the suffrages and voices of citizens and as if those were to be held good lawes which Clisthenes Lycurgus Solon made and yet the same men they avow and maintaine to have bene witlesse fooles and leawd persons Thus you see how albeit they administer the common weale yet they be repugnant to their owne doctrine In like maner Antipater in his booke of the dissention betweene Cleanthes and Chrysippus reporteth that Zeno and Cleanthes would never be made citizens of Athens for feare forsooth lest they might be thought to offer injurie to their owne country Now if they herein did well let Chrysippus goe and say wee nothing of him that he did amisse in causing himselfe to be enrolled and immatriculated in the number of Athenian citizens for I will not stand much upon this point onely this I holde that there is a strange and woonderfull repugnance in their deeds and actions who reserve still the bare names of their native countries and yet bereave the same of their very persons and their lives conversing so farre off in forraine lands much like as if a man who hath cast off and put a way his lawfull wedded wife should dwell live and lie ordinary with another as his concubin yea and beget children of her body and yet will in no wise espouse her and contract marriage with her lest forsooth he might seeme to doe wrong and injurie to the former Furthermore Chrysippus in his treatise that he made of Rhetoricke writing thus that a wise man will in such sort plead make orations to the people and deale in state matters as if riches reputation and health were simply good things testifieth hereby and confesseth that his precepts and resolutions induce men not to goe forth of doores nor to intermedle in politicke and civill affaires and so by consequence that their doctrines and precepts cannot sort well with practise nor be agreeable unto the actions of this life Moreover this is one of Zenoes quodlibets or positions that we ought not to build temples to the honour of the gods for that a temple is no such holy thing nor so highly to be esteemed considering it is the workemanship of masons carpenters and other artificers neither can any worke of such artisans be prised at any woorth And yet even they who avow and approve this as a wise speech of his are themselves professed in the religious mysteries of those churches they mount up to the castle and frequent there the sacred temple of Minerva they adore the shrines and images of the gods they adorne the temples with chaplets and guarlands notwithstanding they be the workes of masons carpenters and such like mechanicall persons And will these men seeme indeed to reproove the Epicureans as contrary to themselves who denying that the gods be occupied or imploied in the government of the world yet offer sacrifice unto them when as they checke and refute themselves much more in sacrificing unto the gods within their temples and upon their altars which they maintaine that they ought not to stand at all nor once to have bene built Zeno putteth downe admitteth many vertues according to their several differences like as Plato doth to wit prudence fortitude temperance justice saying that they be all in very deed and in nature inseparable nor distinct a sunder howbeit in reason divers and different one from another And againe when he would seeme to define them severally one after another he saith That fortitude is prudence in the execution of matters justice is prudence in the distribution of things c. as if there were no more but one sole vertue which according to divers relations unto affaires and actions seemeth to differ and admit distinction So you see that not Zeno alone seemeth to be repugnant unto himselfe in these matters but Chrysippus also who reprooveth Ariston for saying that all vertues are nothing else but the divers habitudes and relations of one and the same and yet defendeth Zeno when he defineth ech vertue in this wise by it selfe As for Clearches in his commentaries of nature having set this downe that the vigour and firmitude of things is the illision and smiting of fire which if it be in the soule so sufficient that it is able to performe the duties presented unto it is called strength and power he annexeth afterward these words And this very power and strength quoth he when as it is emploied in such objects where in a man is to persist and which he ought to conteine is called Continency if in things to be endured and supported then it is named Fortitude if in estimation of worthinesse and desert beareth the denomination of Justice if in choises or refusals it carieth the name of Temperance Against him who was the authour of this sentence For beare thy sentence for to passe and judgement see thou stay Untill such time as thou hast heard what parties both can say Zeno alledged such a reason as this on the contrary side Whether the plaintife who spake in the first place hath plainly proved his cause or no there is no need at all to heare the second for the matter is at an end already and the question determined or whether he hath not proved it all is one for it is even the same case whether he that is cited be so stubburne as not to appeare for to be heard or if he appeare doe nothing els but cavill and wrangle so that proove he or proove he not his cause needlesse it is to heare the second plead And yet even he who made this Dilemma and wrote against the books of Policie and common wealth that Plato composed taught his scholars how to affoile and avoid such Sophisticall arguments yea and exhorted them to learne Logicke with all diligence as being the art which sheweth them how to performe the same Howbeit a man might come upon him by way of objection in this maner Certes Plato hath either proved or els not proved those points which he handled in his Politicks but whether he did or no there was no necessitie at all to write against him as you did for it was altogether vaine needlesse and superfluous And even the same may be said of Sophisticall arguments and cavillations Chrysippus is of opinion that yong scholars and students should first learne those arts which concerne speech as Grammar Logicke and Rhetoricke in the second place morall sciences in the third naturall philosophie and after all these in the last place to heare the doctrine as touching religion and the gods which being delivered by him in many passages of his writings it shall be sufficient to alledge that onely which he hath written thus word for word in the third booke of his Lives First and formost quoth he it seemeth unto mee according to the doctrine of our ancients that of Philosophicall speculations there be three kinds
as also by the apparence of one and the same visage in divers and sundry mirours flat hollow curbed or embowed round outwardly which represent an infinit variety But there is neither mirror that sheweth and expresseth the face better nor instrument of nature more supple obsequent and pliable that is the Moone howbeit receiving form the Sunne a light and firy illumination she sendeth not the same backe unto us but mingled with somewhat of her owne whereby it changeth the colour and hath a power or facultie far different for no heat at all there is in it and as for the light so weake and feeble it is that it faileth before it commeth unto us And this I suppose to be the meaning of Heraclitus when he saith that the lord unot whom belongeth the oracle at Delphos doth neither speake nor conceale but signifie onely and give signe Adde now to this which is so well said and conceived and make this application that the god who is heere useth Pythia the prophetesse for sight and hearing like as the Sunne useth the Moone He sheweth future things by a mortall body and a soule which cannot rest and lie stil as being not able to shew her selfe immooveable and quiet to him who stirreth and mooveth her but is troubled still more and more by the motions agitations and passions of her owne and which are in her selfe for like as the turnings of bodies which together with a circular motion fall downward are not firme and strong but turning as they do round by force and tending downward by nature there is made of them both a certaine turbulent and irregular circumgiration Even so the ravishment of the spirit called Enthusiasmus is a mixture of two motions when the minde is moved in the one by inspiration and in the other naturally For considering that of bodies which have no soule and of themselves continue alwaies in one estate quiet a man cannot make use not moove them perforce otherwise than the quality of their nature will beare nor move a cylindre like a bal or in maner of a square cube nor a lute or harpe according as he doth a pipe no more than a trumpet after the order of a cithern or stringed instrument ne yet any thing else otherwise than either by art or nature each of them is sit to be used How is it possible then to handle and manage that which is animate which mooveth of it selfe is indued with will and inclination capable also of reason but according to the precedent habitude puissance and nature As for example to move one musically who is altogether ignorant and an enemie of musicke or grammatically him who skilleth not of grammer and knoweth not a letter of the booke or eloquently and thetorically one who hath neither skill nor practise at all in orations Certes I cannot see or say how And herein Homer also beareth witnesse with me who albeit he supposeth thus much that nothing to speake of in the whole world is performed and effected by any cause unlesse God be at one end thereof yet will not he make God to use all persons indifferently in every thing but each one according to the sufficiency that he hath by art or nature To prove this see you not quoth he my frend Diogenianus that when Minerva would perswade the Achaeans to any thing she calleth for Ulysses when she is minded to trouble and marre the treaty of peace she seeketh out Pandarus when she is disposed to discomfit and put to flight the Trojans she addresseth her selfe and goeth to Diomedes for of these three the last was a valiant man of person and a brave warrior the second a good archer but yet a foolish and brainsicke man the first right eloquent and wise withall for Homer was not of the same minde with Pandarus if so be it were Pandarus who made this verse If God so will in sea thou maist well saile Upon an hurdle or a wicker fraile But well he knew that powers and natures be destined to divers effects according as ech one hath different motions notwithstanding that which mooveth them all be but one Like as therefore that facultie which moveth a living creature naturally going on foot can not make it to flie nor him who stutteth and stammereth to speake readily ne yet him to crie bigge and aloud who hath a small and slender voice which was the reason as I take it that when Battus was come to Rome they sent him into Afrike there to plant a colonie and people a citie for howsoever he had a stutting and stammering tongue and was otherwise of a small voice yet a princely minde he caried a politike head he had of his owne and was a man of wisedome government even so impossible it is that Pythia should have the knowledge to speake here elegantly learnedly for notwithstanding that she were wel borne and legitimate as any other had lived honestly and discreetly yet being brought up in the house of poore husbandmen she descendeth into the place of the oracle bringing with her no art learned in schoole nor any experience whatsoever But as Xenophon thinketh that a yoong bride when she is brought to her husbands house ought to be such an one as hath not seene much and heard as little semblably Pythia being ignorant and unexpert in maner of all things and a very virgin indeed as touching her minde and soule commeth to converse with Apollo And we verily are of opinion that God for to signifie future things useth Herons Wrens Ravens Crowes and other birds speaking after their maner neither will we have soothsaiers and prophets being as they are the messengers and heralds of God to expound and declare their predictions in plaine and intelligible words but wee would that the voice and dialect of the prophetesse Pythia resembling the speech of a Chorus in a tragedie from a scaffold should pronounce her answers not in simple plaine and triviall termes without any grace to set them out but with Poeticall magnificence of high and stately verses disguised as it were with metaphors and figurative phrases yea and that which more is with found of flute and hautboies what answere make you then as touching the old oracles Surely not one alone but many First the ancient Pythiae as hath beene said already uttered and pronounced most of them in prose secondly that time affoorded those complexions and temperatures of bodie which had a propense and forward inclination to Poesie whereto there were joined incontinently the alacritie desires affections and dispositions of the soule in such sort a they were ever prest and ready neither wanted they ought but some little beginning from without to set them on worke and to stirre the imagination and conception whereby there might directly be drawen unto that which was meet and proper for them not onely Astrologers and Philosophers as Philinus saith but also such as were well soaked with wine and shaken with some
of Darius he tooke to wife upon pollicy because the state of his kingdome and affaires required such a match for expedient it was thus to mix and unite two nations together As for other ladies and women of Persia he went as farre beyond them in chastity and continence as he did the Persian men in valour and fortitude for he never would so much as see one of them against her will and those whom he saw he lesse regarded than such as he never set eie upon and whereas otherwise to all persons he was courteous and popular to such onely as were faire and beautifull he shewed himselfe strange and used them in some sort proudly As touching the wife of Darius a lady of surpassing beauty he would not endure so much as one word that tended to the praise thereof yet when she was dead he performed her funerals with so sumptuous and princelike obsequies he mourned and bewailed her death so piteously that as his kindnesse in that behalfe made the world mistrust and suspect his chastity so his bountifull courtesie incurred the obloquy and imputation of injustice And verily Darius was at the first mooved to conceive jealousie and a sinister opinion of him that way considering he had the woman in his hands and was besides a gallant and yoong prince for he also was one of them who were perswaded that Alexander held the tenure of his mighty dominion and monarchy by the goodnesse and favour of Fortune but after he knew the trueth once upon diligent search and inquisition by all circumstances into the thing Well quoth he the Persians state I perceive is not utterly overthrowen neither will any man repute us plaine cowards and effeminate persons for being vanquished by such an enemie for mine owne part my first wish and principall prizer unto the gods is that they would vouchsafe me fortunate successe and at the last an happy victory of this warre to the end that I may surmount Alexander in beneficence for an earnest desire I have and an emulation to shew my selfe more milde and gracious toward him than he is to me ward but if all be gone with me and my house then ô Jupiter the protectour of the Persians and ye other tutelar gods and patrons of kings and kingdomes suffer not any other but him to be enthronised in the roiall seat of Cyrus Certes this was a very adoption of Alexander that passed in the presence and by the testimony of the gods See what victories are atchieved by vertue Ascribe now if you will unto Fortune the journey of Arbela the battell sought in Cilicia and all other such like exploits performed by force of armes let it be that the fortune it was of warre which shooke the city of Tyrus and made it quake before him and opened Aegypt unto him grant that by the helpe of Fortune Halicarnassus fell to the ground and Miletus was forced and won that Mazeus abandoned the river Euphrates and left it disfurnished of garisons and that all the plaines about Babylon were overspred with dead bodies yet it was not Fortune that made him temperant neither was he continent by the meanes of Fortune Fortune it was not that kept and preserved his soule as within a fortresse inexpugnable so as neither pleasures could it surprise and captivate nor lusts and fleshly desires wound or touch And these were the very meanes whereby he vanquished and put to flight the person of Darius himselfe All the rest were the discomfiture of his great barbe-horses the overthrow and losse of his armour skirmishes battels murders executions massacres and flights of his men But the great foile and defaiture indeed most confessed and against which least exception can be taken was that wherein Darius himselfe was overthrowen namely when as he yeelded unto the vertue of Alexander to his magnanimity fortitude and justice admiring that heart of his invincible of pleasure unconquered by travels and in gratuities and liberality immatchable For in shields and speares in pikes and targuets in shouts and alarmes in giving the charge and in buckling together with the clattering of armour right hardie and undaunted aswell as he were Tarrias the soone of Dinomenes Antigones of Pellen and Philotas the sonne of Parmenio but against tickling pleasures against the attractive allurements of women against flattering silver and golde they were no better nor had more rule of themselves than slaves and captives For Tarrias at what time as Alexander undertooke to pay all the debts of the Macedonians and to make satisfaction unto all those who had lent them any money falsly belied himselfe saying he was indebt and withall suborned and brought foorth a certeine usurer to the verie table where this discharge was made who tooke it upon him that he was a creditor of his And afterwards when Tarrias was detected and convict heereof he had made himselfe away for very shame and compunction of heart but that Alexander being advertised thereof pardoned his fault yea and permitted him also to keepe the silver still that he had disbursed for his counterfet debt calling to minde how at what time as his father Philip laid siege to the citie Perinthus the said Tarrias in askirmish was shot into the eie and would not suffer the same to be dressed nor the shaft to be plucked foorth before the enemies were put to flight Antigenes causing himselfe to be enrolled and his name registred among others who were sent backe againe from the campe into Macedonie by occasion of sicknesse or maime whereby they were not serviceable being found afterwards to aile nothing but to counterfet sicknesse who otherwise was a good souldior and caried the marks of many a scarre in his body to be seene offended Alexander heereby and when the king demanded the reason why he had so done he confessed by and by that he was in love with a yoong woman named Telesippa whom he purposed to follow and accompanie being minded to goe to the sea-coast for that he could not find in his heart to be far from her Then Alexander asked him to whom the wench appertained who was to be dealt with for to make her staie Antigenes answered she was her owne woman of free condition Why then quoth Alexander let us perswade her to tary stil by faire promises good gifts for in no wise force her we may So easie was he to pardon and beare with love in any other rather than in himselfe The first cause of the infortunate fall of Philotas the sonne of Parmenio was in some sort his owne intemperance for there was a yoong woman borne in the citie of Pella named Antigona who in the saccage of the citie of Damascus was taken prisoner among other captives and indeed had bene thither brought before by Autophradates who surprised her at sea as she failed frō the coast of Macedonie toward the Isle Samothrace faire she was welfavored to see to and so far had she entangled Philotas with
or casket the holy doctrine of the gods pure and clensed from all superstition and affected curiositie who also of that opinion which is held of the gods declare some things which are obscure darke others also which be cleere and lightsome like as be those which are reported as touching their holy and religious habit And therefore whereas the religious priests of Isis after they be dead are thus clad with these holy habiliments it is a marke and signe witnessing unto us that this sacred doctrine is with them and that they be departed out of this world into another and carie nothing with them but it for neither to weare a long beard nor to put on a frize rugge and course gabardine dame Clea makes a Philosopher no more doth the surplice and linnen vestment or shaving an Isiaque priest But he indeed is a priest of Isis who after he hath seene and received by law and custome those things which are shewed and practised in the religious ceremonies about these gods searcheth and diligently enquireth by the meanes of this holy doctrine and discourse of reason into the trueth of the said ceremonies For very few there be who among them who understand and know the cause of this ceremony which is of all other the smallest and yet most commonly observed namely why the Isiaque priests shave their heads and weare no haire upon them as also wherefore they goe in vestments of Line And some of them there be who care not at all for any knowledge of such matters yet others say they forbeare to put on any garments of wooll like as they doe to cat the flesh of those sheepe which caric the said wooll upon a reverence they beare unto them semblably that they cause their heads to be shaven in token of dole and sorrow likewise that they weare surplices and vestments of linnen in regard of the colour that the flower of line or flaxe beareth which resembleth properly that celestiall azure skie that environeth the whole world But to say a trueth there is but one cause indeed of all for lawfull it is not for a man who is pure and cleane to touch any thing as Plato saith which is impure and uncleane Now it is well knowen that all the superfluities and excrements of our food and nourishment be foule and impure and of such be engendred and grow wooll haire shagge and nailes and therefore a meere ridiculous mockerie it were if when in their expiatorie sanctifications and divine services they cast off their haire being shaven and made smooth all their bodies over they should then be clad and arraied with the superfluous excrements of beasts for we must thinke that Hesiodus the Poet when he writeth thus At feast of gods and sacredmeriment Take heed with knife thy nailes thou do not pare To cut I say that dry dead excrement From lively flesh of fingers five beware teacheth us that we ought first to be cleansed and purified then to solemnise festivall holidaies and not at the very time of celebration and performance of holie rites and divine service to use such clensing and ridding away of superfluous excrements Now the herbe Line groweth out of the earth which is immortall bringeth foorth a frute good to be eaten and furnisheth us wherewith to make a simple plaine and slender vestment which sitteth light upon his backe that weareth it is meet for all seasons of the yeere and of all others as men say least breedeth lice or vermine whereof I am to discourse else where Now these Isiaque priests so much abhorre the nature and generation of all superfluities and excrements that they not onely refuse to eate most part of pulse and of flesh meats mutton and porke for that sheepe and swine breed much excrement but also upon their daies of sanctification and expiatorie solemnities they will not allow any salt to be eaten with their viands among many other reasons because it whetteth the appetite and giveth an edge to our stomacke provoking us to eate and drinke more liberally for to say as Aristagoras did That salt was by them reputed uncleane because when it is congealed and growen hard many little animals or living creatures which were caught within it die withall is a very foolerie Furthermore it is said that the Aegyptian priests have a certeine pit or well apart out of which they water their bull or beefe Apis and be very precise in any wise not to let him drinke of Nilus not for that they thinke the water of that river uncleane in regard of the crocodiles which are in it as some be of opinion for contrariwise there is nothing so much honored among the Aegyptians as the river Nilus but it seemeth that the water of Nilus doth fatten exceeding much and breed flesh over fast and they would not in any case that their Apis should be fat or themselves grosse and corpulent but that their soules might be clothed with light nimble and delicate bodies so as the divine part in them should not be oppressed or weighed downe by the force and ponderositie of that which is mortall In Heliopolis which is the citie of the Sunne those who serve and minister unto their god never bring wine into the temple as thinking it not convenient in the day time to drinke in the sight of their lord and king otherwise the priests drinke thereof but sparily and besides many purgations and expiations they have wherein they absteine wholly from wine and during those daies they give themselves wholly to their studies and meditations learning and teaching holy things even their very kings are not allowed to drinke wine their fill but are stinted to the gage of a certeine measure according as it is prescribed in their holy writings and those kings also were priests as Hecataeus writeth And they began to drinke it after the daies of king Psammetichus for before his time they dranke it not at all neither made they libaments thereof unto their gods supposing it not acceptable unto them for they tooke it to be the verie bloud of those giants which in times past warred against the gods of whom after they were slaine when their bloud was mixed with the earth the vine tree sprang and this is the cause say they why those who be drunke lose the use of their wit reason as being full of the bloud of their progenitours Now that the Aegyptian priests both hold and affirme thus much Eudoxus hath delivered in the second booke of his Geographie As concerning fishes of the sea they doe not every one of them absteine from all indifferently but some forbeare one kind some another as for example the Oxyrynchites will eate of none that is taken with an hooke for adoring as they doe a fish named Oxyrynchos they are in doubt and feare lest the hooke should be uncleane if haply the said fish swallowed it downe with the baite The Sienites will not touch the fish Phagrus For it should
estate and degree which is meet for them and according to their nature These things and such like for all the world they say are reported of Typhon who upon envy and malice committed many outrages and having thus made a trouble and confusion in all things filled sea and land with wofull calamities and miseries but was punished for it in the end For Isis the wife and sister of Osiris in revenge plagued him in extinguishing and repressing his fury and rage and yet neglected not she the travels and paines of her owne which she endured her trudging also and wandring to and fro nor many other acts of great wisdome and prowesse suffered she to be buried in silence and oblivion but inserting the same among the most holy ceremonies of sacrifices as examples images memorials and resemblances of the accidents happing in those times she consecrated an ensignement instruction and consolation of piety and devout religion to godward as well for men as women afflicted with miseries By reason whereof she and her husband Osiris of good Daemons were transmuted for their vertue into gods like as afterwards were Hercules and Bacchus who in regard thereof and not without reason have honours decreed for them both of gods and also of Daemons intermingled together as those who in all places were puissant but most powerfull both upon and also under the earth For they say that Sarapis is nothing else but Pluto and Isis the same that Proserpina as Archemachus of Eubaea and Heraclitus of Pontus testisie and he thinketh that the oracle in the city Canobus is that of father Dis or Pluto King Ptolemaeus surnamed Soter that is to say saviour caused that huge statue or colosse of Pluto which was in the city Sinope to be be taken from thence not knowing nor having seene before of what forme and shape it was but onely that as he dreamed he thought that he saw Serapis commanding him withall speed possible to transport him into Alexandrta Now the king not knowing where this statue was nor where to finde it in this doubtfull perplexity related his vision aforesaid unto his friends about him and chanced to meet with one Sosibius a great traveller and a man who had bene in many places and he said that in the city of Sinope he had seene such a statue as the king described unto them Whereupon Ptolemaeus sent Soteles and Dionysius who in long time and with great travell and not without the especiall grace of the divine providence stole away the said colosse and brought it with them Now when it was come to Alexandria and there seene Timotheus the great Cosmographer and Antiquary and Manethon of the province Sebennitis guessed it by all conjectures to be the image of Pluto and namely by Cerberus the hel-dog and the dragon about him perswading the king that it could be the image of no other god but of Serapis For it came not from thence with that name but being brought into Alexandria it tooke the name Serapis by which the Aegyptians doe name Pluto And yet Heraclitus verily the Naturalist saith that Hades and Dronisis that is to say Pluto and Bacchus be the same And in trueth when they are disposed to play the fooles and be mad they are caried away to this opinion For they who suppose that Hades that is to say Pluto is said to be the body and as it were the sepulcher of the soule as if it seemed to be foolish and drunken all the while she is within it me thinkes they doe allegorize but very baldly And better it were yet to bring Osiris and Bacchus together yea and to reconcile Sarapis unto Osiris in saying that after he hath changed his nature he became to have this denomination And therefore this name Sarapis is common to all as they know very well who are professed in the sacted religion of Osiris For we ought not to give eare and credit to the bookes and writings of the Phrygians wherein we finde that there was one Charopos the daughter of Hercules and that of Isatacus a sonne of Hercules was engendred Typhon neither yet to make account of Phylarchus who writeth that Bacchus was the first who from the Indians drave two beeses whereof the one was named Apis and the other Osiris That Sarapis is the proper name of him who ruleth and embelisheth the universall world and is derived of the word Sairein which some say signifieth as much as to beautifie and adorne For these be absurd toies delivered by Phylarchus but more monstrous and senselesse are their absurdities who write that Sarapis is no god but that it is the coffin or sepulchet of Apis that is so called as also that there be certain two leaved brasen gates in Memphis bearing the names of Lethe Cocytus that is to say oblivion and wailing which being set open when they interre and bury Apis in the opening make a great sound and rude noise which is the cause that we lay hand upon every copper or brasen vessell when it resoundeth so to stay the noise thereof Yet is their more apparence of trueth and reason in their opinion who hold that it was derived of these verbes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth to move as being that which moveth the whole frame of the world The priests for the most part hold that Sarapis is a word compounded of Osiris and Apis together giving this exposition withall and teaching us that we ought to beleeve Apis to be an elegant image of the soule of Osiris For mine owne part if Sarapis be an Aegyptian name I suppose rather 〈◊〉 it betokeneth joy and mirth And I ground my conjecture upon this that the Aegyptians ordinarily call the feast of joy and gladnesse termed among the Athenians Charmosyna by the name of Sairei For Plato himselfe saith that Hades which signifieth Pluto being the sonne of Aidos that is to say of shamefastnesse and reverence is a milde and gracious god to those who are toward him And very true it is that in the Aegyptians language many other proper names are significant and carry their reason with them as namely that infernall place under the earth into which they imagine the soules of the dead doe descend after they be departed they call Amenthes which terme is as much to say as taking and giving but whether this word be one of those which in old time came out of Greece and were transpotted thither we will consider and discusse better hereafter Now for this present let us prosecute that which remaineth of this opinion now in hand For Osiris and Isis of good Daemons were translated into the number of the gods And as for the puissance of Typhon oppressed and quelled howbeit panting as yet at the last gaspe and striving as it were with the pangs of death they have certaine ceremonies and sacrifices to pacify and appease Other feasts also there be againe on the contrary side wherein they
809.40 how it passeth 820. 40 the obliquity therof who first observed 820.50 Zoilus a priest died of a little ulcer 899.40 Zoilus taxeth Homer for incongruity 719.50 Zones of the heaven 820.40 Zones 5.835.10 Zona Torrida 831.10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an attribute given at Pittacus 775.20 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 775.1 Zoroastres never fed of any thing but of milke 700.10 Zoroastres very ancient 1306.1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifieth in Homer 719.20 Errata Page line Reade 2. 41. DWarf-kings 6. 34. given themselves 7. 10. The violence of warre 9. 9. so as many as 11. 19. In summe rest and repose  33. examined 12. 6. Take it a pitch against  50. Speusippui 14. 13. rule and squire  24. love the beautie 16. 18. juice or liquor 17. 20. sage lessons all which 10. 22. as in a picture drawen to the  36. entituled Theriaca life  52. with Apollo for the 22. 47. rage and madnesse 23. 2. cart wheele or pullie  34. Nay sleepe 24. 32. choler He  36. Patroclus  44. nor bare heavilie 26. 10. How then should I For Gods cause die 27. 39. credit of the worse 30. 45. This was the will 31. 9. he meaneth 39. 48. seeketh for roots 41. 39. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42. 6. Beholde one father  21. What Glaucus You  25. that Pandarus through 43. 21. Aetha which he gave 44. 45. For Atreus  49. For Atreus 45. 26. Wsse men fearefull  43. not at all 46. 30. at quailes 48. 1. Homer derideth  16. provoked him  40. armes so dred  45. thou overmatched be  53. decisions  55. to endure such doctrine 50. 50. in those cities 53. 5. poure forth any 54. 3. a certein importunate desire 55. 31. a speciall fansie 56. 45. and stuphe  52. Embrochations 57. 38. caudrons  44. laterall motions 58. 3. undo the knots 59. 41. composed 62. 27. was strange 63. 36. this counsell that 64. 1. but more 69. 9. base and treble  43. worse with 70. 38. anchor flouke  40. not unproperlie 71. 43. neuer considering 74. 5. many an house 76. 19. audacious rash also  34. dilatations  43 a sensuall  52. 〈◊〉 79. 57. giveth thereto 81. 21. to shoo 83. 56. do us pleasure 86. 31. under that visour 87. 23. soone followeth them  42 with sicke likewise sicke persons best do sort 89. 21. long first I 〈◊〉 I liked him not a great c. 91. 51. Castoreum 92. 31. this rule 93. 51. with the profusion  54. grandeur 95. 34. of his skill  40. also and precepts 96. 9. shew-places 98. 16. fellowes use  24. Cercopes 102. 18. the lines 103. 28. onely A friend 105. 13. sound judgement 106. 48. a stomacke fell 107. 12. and then spare 108. 10. made the statues 112. 8. given unto whiles he 113. 10 in clipping 115. 18. leaud courses 119. 7. which are trebles in one 8.  8. more high small become 〈◊〉 i. the Basses  34. and burne themselves 122. 12. their forme of visage 123. 1. at secret root of hart  2. but lie apart 131. 13. and a dredge  44. and forwardnesse 134. 40 an Isthm 135. 1. have I done  19. and what was the occasion 137. 34. the very mids 137. 40. if he recount 138. 3. doth ever chant and sing  37. make a start 140. 48. not to amuse 141. 51. that regard the street 143. 1. cause great remorse  5. to heare 146. 30. by line descended 147. 16. when they be under saile 149. In the marg 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 150. 6. weaknes of yours you shall  42. to refresh be sure 151. 3. that ran away who being demanded what his Master  37. that they were absent 152. 52. monntaine Athos 153. 48. passions do falsisie 154. 54. surnamed Enyalius 155. 43. if there be more 156. 4. live by grasing  20. upon the dore-sill  26. and to make 157. 3. a table do say  6. falle out to their minds for 158. 11. of them I wist 162. 43. scope 163. 28. a sad heavinesse 167. 41. to dispense 169. 16. Helicon a Cyzicene 172. 57. and to repeat 180. 17. he hath him alone 186. 4. in siding 188. 57. our sight unto those bodies 190. 44. cry out upon him 194. 29. to mocke him 195. 54. harried Asia him 199. 29. an imputation charged upō 200. 52. tidings whiles they 202. 21. by his treason 204. 5. guests were present 206. 12. give me then  30. 〈◊〉  44. Bacchu  49. writh himselfe 207. 28. refuted the sect 209 34. of meane raiment 210. 10. ordinarily he that hath 212. 11. of the baine 213. 32. or Lyceum 215. 8. run a madding 218. 55. craw and gesier 219. 7. with their coovie  21. but for themselves  24. to fight for them 220. 17. providence industry and diligence 221. 19. that induced them 222. 12. wanton love whoring and 223. 13. taking it to be a prodigious wonder confessing 227. 47. it well besits 228. 34. who died most 229. 17. to sue and mung 231. 3. sight of eies  5. by the eare to the braine  56. attributed to fortune 233. 12. Jove shall lend 234. 18. be the same  48. grandeur 238. 42. the geirs or vultures 239. 24. was now setled 240. 54. honest another day 243. 48. ambition declaring 244. 45. with their diligence 246. 54. My lying dreames 250. 26. many there be 251. 14. and profited more 254. 46. or Sutures 255. 48. Aphyae 261. 12. in Galaetia  17. morimals 266. 44. Phoebas 268. 4. those Galatians 270. 49. Celmis or Bacelas  50. upon the pleasant tabor 〈◊〉 271. 34. to dispense  40. more potable 272. 15. not include 273. 36. where as one 275. 38. 〈◊〉 277. 8. who hither 280. 52. Mad Bacchoe running 282. 49. exposed to 283. 36. towne Aulis  50. occasions  53. from our table  54. is needlesse 285. 1. their spurnes  2. stoupe and sincke 289. 18. seigneurs  54. things profitable 290. 8. everrunning 292. 56. grandeur 295. 13. realme a prince  40. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 300. 6. called Napeltus 306. 15. Zaleucus 308. 1. A plaine and common souldiour might enjoy c. 310. 4. all els 312. 26. no decision 314. 36. maugre 318. 3. superficies 319. 5. their havoir 322. 39. Lady Hermione 327. 45. amisse And in trueth 329. 31. whom not before 331. 32. hornes so brag  54. begin with me 332. 38. of the negotiation 336. 8. grandeur 337. 1. last yeere and not 339. 5. physicians name  26. of this faire 341. 20. sicke any more  35. wine do drinke 342. 3. coming toward kissed him 344. 27. unto the temple 〈◊〉 346. 2. Hector 349. 29. that he is now able 352. 11. magnificent port 353. 51. affectation 357. 29.
incontinencie is to be reprooved but if by his speech and talke she perceived that he was a man of wit and wise behaviour and thereupon wished in her heart to be his wedded wife and to dwell with him rather than with one of her owne countrie who could skill of nothing else but to daunce or be a mariner I cannot blame her but thinke her praise woorthy In like case if when Penelope deviseth and talketh courteously with her woers who sued unto her for marriage and thereupon they court her againe and bestow upon her gay clothes rich jewels and other goodly ornaments fit for a Lady Vlisses her husband rejoice That she was well content to take Their gifts and did to them love make As though she would be kinde againe And yet her shewes were all but vaine If I say he joyed in that his wife received their courtesies and tokens and so made againe of them surely he surpasseth Poliager the notorious bawd playing his part in the Comedies of whom there goeth this by-word Bawde Poliager happie man hee That keepes at home in house a shee A heavenly goate whose influence Brings in riches with affluence But if he did it to have them by that meanes under his hand whiles they upon hope of obtayning their suit little thought of him how he watched them a shrewd turne then his joy and confident assurance was grounded well upon good reason Semblably in the counting that he made of those goods which the Phaeacians had landed when they set him on shore and having so done spred saile and departed backe againe if being thus left solitarie alone and finding him selfe forlorne he doubted of his estate and what should become of him and yet his mind was so set upon his goods that he feared Least part thereof they tooke away Whiles that on shore asleepe he lay His avarice were lamentable nay it were abominable I assure you But if as some do thinke and say being not sure whether he were in the Isle Ithaca or no he supposed that the safety of his gods and money was a certaine proofe and demonstration of the Phaeacians loyaltie and sidelitie for never would they have transported him into a strange land but for lucre nor when they left him and departed would have forborne his goods he used herein no foolish argument and his providence in so doing is commendable Some there be who finde fault with this verie landing of him upon the shore in case the Phaeacians did it whiles he was asleepe in deed and they say that it appeereth by a certaine Chronicle or Historie among the Tuskanes which they keepe by them that Vlisses was given by nature to be verie drowsie which was the cause that to many he was not affable and men oftentimes might hardly speake with him Now if this was no sleepe in very truth but that being both ashamed to send away the Phaeacians who had conducted him over sea without feasting them giving them presents and rewards for their kindnesse and also in feare least if they were seene there still upon the coast whiles he entertained them so kindly himselfe might be discovered by his enimies he used this pretense of feigned sleepe to cover and hide the perplexitie wherein he was or to shift off this difficultie wherein he stood in this case they allow and commend him for it In giving therefore to yoong men such advertisements as these we shall never suffer them to runne on still to the corruption of their manners but rather imprint in them presently a fervent zeale and hartie desire to chuse better things namely if we proceed directly to praise this and to dispraise that And this would be done especially in Tragedies those I meane where in fine words and affected speeches be oftentimes framed to cloke dishonest and villanous deeds For that which Sophocles saith in one place is not alwaies true If that it be a naughtie deed Of it good words cannot proceed For even himselfe is woont many times to palliat wicked conditions yea and naughtie acts with pleasant speeches and familiar apparant reasons which carie a probabilitie of sufficient excuse And even so plaieth Euripides his companion who shewed himselfe upon the same stage for see you not how he bringeth in Phoedra to begin with her husband Theseus First laying all the blame on him as if forsooth the wrongs and abuses that he offered unto her were the cause that she was enamoured upon Hippolytus The like audacious and bold speech he putteth in Helenas mouth against queene Hecuba in that Tragedie which is entituled Troades objecting unto her and saying That she was rather to be punished for bearing such a sonne as Alexander Paris who committed the adulterie with her A yoong man then ought not to accustome him selfe to thinke any such inventions as these to be pretie gallant and wittie ne yet laugh at such subtile and fine devices but to abhorre and detest as much or rather more wanton and filthie words than loose and dishonest deeds Moreover it would be expedient in all speeches to search the cause whereupon they do proceed after the example of Cato when he was a litle boy For do he would whatsoever his Master or Tutour bad but ever and anon hee would be inquisitive and questioning with him the reason of his commandements And yet we are not to beleeve and obey Poets as we ought either Schoole-masters or Law-givers unlesse the matter by them proposed have reason for the ground and grounded then it shal be thought upon reason if it be good and honest for if it be wicked it ought to seeme foolish and vaine But many of these men there be who are verie sharpe and curious in searching and demanding what Hesiodus should meane in this verse Whiles men are drinking doe not set The flagon over the wine goblet as also what sense may be made of these verses in Homer Another chariot who mounted is when from his owne he is alight Must not his speare and iavelin mis But trust thereto and therewith fight but other sentences iwis of greater importance and danger they admit soone and giue credit thereto without further enquiry examination as for example at these verses they sticke not The privitie to fathers vice Or mothers fault reprochable Will him debase who otherwise Is hardie stout and commendable no more than they doe at this Vpon a man if fortune frowne His heart therewith must be cast downe And yet such sayings as these come nere unto us and touch the quicke troubling our maner and behaviour in this life imprinting in us perverse judgements base and unmanly opinious unlesse we acquaint our selves to contradict ech of them in every point after this maner And wherefore ought he to beare an abject minde who is crossed with adverse fortune why rather should not he make head againe and wrestle with her bearing himselfe so much the more aloft and never endure to be troden downe and
depressed by her what reason is there that my heart should be done for that my father was vicious and foolish in case I be a wise and honest man my selfe Is there greater cause that the ignorance and imperfection of my father should keepe me downe and discourage me that I dare not looke up than mine owne knowledge and valour make me take heart and put my selfe forth He that will thus encounter withstand and not give way to every speech turning side as it were to every puffe of wind but rather esteeme that sentence of Heraclitus to be well and truely spoken A foolish and witlesse man is he With every word who stricken will be Such a one I say shal be able to put by and repell many sayings of Poets that are neither true nor profitable And thus much as touching those observatious which may serve a yoong mans turne that he may reade and heare Poets safe without any danger But forasmuch as it falleth out that as in Vines many times the grapes lie hidden among the leaves and branches and cannot be seene by reason that they are covered and shadowed therewith so also in poeticall verses under fables and fictions there be covertly couched many profitable and holsome lessons which a yong man cannot espie by himselfe and therefore he misseth that commoditie and fruit which is to be reaped out thereof Howbeit we must not suffer this nor let him turne away and give over he ought not I say to wander aside but sticke close and fast to those matters especially which leade unto vertue and make any thing for the framing or reforming of maners In which regard I shall not do amisse if I treat also of this matterbriefly making as it were a first draught onely and touching summarily the principall points leaving long discourses by way of narration confirmation and a multitude of examples to those that write of purpose for more shew and ostentation First and formost therefore when a yoong man knoweth throughly the persons of men and women their natures also and maners both good and bad let him then regard and consider well the sayings and doings which the Poet doth attribute aptly unto either of them As for example Achilles saith unto Agamemnon these words although he speaketh them in choler For never shall I honour have Nor equall recompense to yow When populous Troy that city brave The Greeks shall force as they do vow But Thersites reviling the selfe same Agamemnon useth these termes Much brasen vessell thou hast now in many a goodly tent Of captive women eke like choise in beauty excellent In thy pavilion whom we Greeks as to our Soveraigne Do give so soone as any towne by martiall force we gaine Againe Achilles in another place hath this humble speech If Iupiter will be so good as to fulfill our joy And grant that we one day may win the stately city Troy But Thersites commeth out with this proud word Whom either I or in my stead Some Greeke shall bound as captive lead Semblably in another place when in the review of the armie Agamemnon passing along the bands rebuked and taunted Diomedes he answered not againe nor gave him one crosse word For why he feared in mode stie The checks of his dread Majestie But Sthenelus of whom no man made any reckoning was so bolde as to reply and say Sir Agamemnon Atreus sonne for beare thus for to lie You can if that you list with me report a trueth for why Pronounce I dare andit avow we better warriours be In these dayes than our fathers were by many a degree The difference which is in these personages if it be well marked will teach a yoong man thus much That to be modest temperate void of pride and humble is a most civill and excellent vertue and contrariwise it will advertise him to take heed of pride and overweening to beware also of boasting and vaunting much of himselfe as a detestable vice And heere in this place expedient it is and profitable to observe the action of Agamemnon He passed by Sthenelus and would not stay to speake unto him As for Vlysses who found himselfe grieved him he neglected not but shaped him an answere For as Homer writeth No sooner he perceived him offended for to be But presently he spake againe and thus replied be For as it is a base and servile thing and not beseeming the majestie of a Prince to answere everile one and by way of Apologie to justifie a thing done or said so to despise and disdaine all men is meere pride and extreame follie As for Diomedes he did passing well to hold his peace during the time of the battell when he was rebuked and reviled by the king but after the fight was ended he spake his minde freely and boldly in this wise You are the first of all the Greeks who in reprochfull wise Have charged me for my false heart and fearefull cowar dise Good also it is to see the difference betweene a wise man in deed and a vaine soothsayer who loved to be seene and to heare himselfe speake among the multitude For Calchas without all respect of chusing his time and a sit opportunitie bashed not in publike place and before all the people to challengeking Agamemnon imputing directly unto him and to no other the cause of the pestilence which reigned in the campe But Nestor contrariwise intending to make a motion as touching the reconciliation and pacifying of Achilles and to speake directlie unto that point because hee would not seeme to blame and accuse the king in the audience of the people namely that he had passed himselfe in choler and done amisse adviseth him in this maner saying To supper bid the ancient peeres this doth your person fit And when they are together met in order as they sit Let them opine Heare their advise and looke who speaketh best His counsell take I reede and then therein see that you rest And after supper he sent forth the Embassadours accordingly This was the onely way to correct a fault and amend that was amisse whereas the other had bene a very injurious accusation and a contumelious reproofe to his no small disgrace Furthermore there would be noted and considered the diversitie that is in sundry nations and that after this maner The Trojans give the charge in battell to their enemies with great shouts out-cries and exceeding violence whereas the Greeks The onset give with all silence To leaders having reverence For soldiours to dread and feare their captaines and commaunders at what time as they be readie to joyne battaile with the enimie is a signe both of valour and also of obedience and militarie Discipline Which is the reason that Plato would inure us to be afraid of rebukes reproofes and silthy acts more than of any travels and dangers Cato likewise was woont to say That he loved those better who blushed and looked red than the pale faced As for promises there is
the wife and thought them to be of the same nature Or was it not thought that giving of presents was of all other the least worst signe of amity and good will for even strangers and such as beare no love at all use in that sort to be giving and in that regard they would banish out of marriage such kind of pleasing and curring favour to the end that the 〈◊〉 love and affection between the parties should be free and without respect of 〈◊〉 and gaine even for it selfe and nothing else in the world Or because women commonly admit and entertaine straungers as corrupted by receiving of presents and gifts at their hands it was thought to stand more with honour and reputation that 〈◊〉 should love their owne husbands though they gave them nothing by way of gift Or rather for that it was meet and requisit that the goods of the husband should be common to the wife and to the wife likewise of the husband for the partie who receiveth a thing in gift doth learne to repute that which was not given to be none of his owne but belonging to 〈◊〉 so that man and wife in giving never so little one to another despoile and defraud themselves of all that is beside 8 What might be the cause that they were forbidden to receive any gift either of Sonne in law or Father in law OF Sonne in law for feare lest the gift might be thought by the meanes of the Father to passe about the returne unto the wife and of the Father in law because it was supposed meet and just that he who gave not should not likewise receive ought 9 What should be the reason that the Romans when they returned from some voyage out of a farre and forraine countrey or onely from their ferme into the citie if their wives were at home used to send a messenger unto them before for to give warning and advertisement of their comming EIther it was because this is a token of one that beleeveth and is verily perswaded that his wife intendeth no lewdnesse nor is otherwise busied than well whereas to come upon her at unwares and on a sodain is a kind of forlaying and surprize Or for that they make haste to send them good newes of their comming as being assured that they have a longing desire and doe expect such tidings Or rather because themselves would be glad to heare from them some good newes to wit whether they shall find them in good health when they come and attending affectionately and with great devotion their returne Or else because women ordinarily when their husbands be away and from home have many petie businesses and house affaires and other whiles there fall out some little jarres and quarrels within doores with their servants men or maidens to the end therefore all such troubles and inconveniences might be overblowen and that they might give unto their husbands a loving and amiable welcome home they have intelligence given unto them before hand of their arrivall and approch 10 What is the cause that when they adore and worship the gods they cover their heads but contrariwise when they meet with any honourable or worshipfull persons if their heads haplie were then covered with their cover they discover the same and are bare headed FOr it seemeth that this fashion maketh the former doubt and braunch of the question more difficult to be 〈◊〉 and if that which is reported of Aeneas be true namely that as Diomedes passed along by him whiles he sacrificed he covered his head and so performed his sacrifice there is good reason and consequence that if men be covered before their enemies they should be bare when they encounter either their friends or men of woorth and honour for this maner of being covered before the gods is not properly respective unto them but occasioned by accident and hath since that example of Aeneas beene observed and continued But if we must say somewhat else beside consider whether it be not sufficient to enquire onely of this point namely why they cover their heads when they worship the gods seeing the other consequently dependeth heereupon for they stand bare before men of dignitie and authoritie not to doe them any more honor thereby but contrariwise to diminish their envie for feare they might be thought to require as much reverence and the same honor as is exhibited to the gods or suffer themselves and take pleasure to bee observed and reverenced equally with them as for the gods they adored them after this sort either by way of lowlinesse and humbling themselves before their majestie in covering and hiding their heads or rather because they feared lest as they made their praiers there should come unto their hearing from without any sinister voice or inauspicate and ominous osse and to prevent such an object they drew their hood over their eares And how true it is that they had 〈◊〉 eie and regard to meet with all such accidents it may appeere by this that when they went to any oracle for to beresolved by answer from thence upon a scrupulous doubt they caused a great noise to be made all about them with ringing of pannes or brasen basons Or it may well be as Castor saith comparing in concordance the Romane fashions with the 〈◊〉 of the Pythagoreans for that the Daemon or good angell within us hath need of the gods helpe without and maketh supplication with covering the head giving thus much 〈◊〉 to understand thereby that the soule is likewise covered and hidden by the bodie 11 Why sacrifice they unto Saturne bare-headed IS it because Aeneas first brought up this fashion of covering the head at sacrifice and the sacrifice to Saturnus is much more auncient than his time Or for that they used to be covered unto the celestiall gods but as for Saturne he is reputed a Subterranean or terrestriall god Or in this respect that there is nothing hidden covered or shadowed in Trueth For among the Romans Saturne was held to be the father of Veritie 12 Why doe they repute Saturne the father of Trueth IS it for that as some Philosophers deeme they are of opinion that Saturne is Time and Time you know well findeth out and revealeth the Truth Or because as the Poets fable men lived under Saturnes reigne in the golden age and if the life of man was then most just and righteous it followeth consequently that there was much trueth in the world 13 What is the reason that they sacrificed likewise unto the god whom they tearmed Honor with bare head now a man may interpret Honor to be as much as Glory and Reputation IT is haply because Honor and glory is a thing evident notorious and exposed to the knowledge of the whole world and by the same reason that they veile bonet before men of worship dignitie and honor they adore also the deitie that beareth the name of Honor with the headbare 14 What
may be the cause that sonnes cary their Fathers and Mothers foorth to be enterred with their heads hooded and covered but daughters bare headed with their haires detressed and hanging downe loose IS it for that Fathers ought to be honored as gods by their male children but lamented and bewailed as dead men by their daughters and therefore the law having given and graunted unto either sex that which is proper hath of both together made that which is beseeming and convenient Or it is in this regard that unto sorrow and heavinesse that is best beseeming which is extraordinarie and unusuall now more ordinarie it is with women to go abroad with their heads veiled and covered and likewise with men to be discovered and bare headed For even among the Greeks when there is befallen unto them any publike calamitie the manner and custome is that the women should cut off the hayres of their head and the men weare them long for that otherwise it is usuall that men should poll their heads and women keepe their haire long And to prove that sonnes were wont to be covered in such a case and for the said cause a man may alledge that which Varro hath written namely that in the solemnitie of funerals and about the tombs of their fathers they carry themselves with as much reverence and devotion as in the temples of the gods in such sort as when they have burnt the corps in the funeral fire so soone as ever they meet with a bone they pronounce that he who is dead is now become a god On the contrary side women were no wise permitted to vaile and cover their heads And we find upon record that the first man who put away and divorced his wife was Spurius Carbilius because she bare him no children the second Sulpitius Gallus for that he saw her to cast a robe over her head and the third Publius Sempronius for standing to behold the solemnitie of the funerall games 15 How it commeth to passe that considering the Romans esteemed Terminus a god and therefore in honour of him celebrated a feast called thereupon Terminalia yet they never killed any beast in sacrifice vnto him IT is because Romulus did appoint no bonds and limits of his countrey to the end that he might lawfully set out take in where pleased him and repute all that land his owne so far as according to that saying of the Lacedaemonian his speare or javelin would reach But Numa 〈◊〉 a just man and politick withall one who knew well how to govern and that by the rule of Philosophie caused his territorie to be confined betweene him and his neighbour nations and called those frontier bonds by the name of Terminus as the superintendent over-seer and keeper of peace and amitie between neighbours and therefore he supposed that this Terminus ought to be preserved pure and cleane from all blood and impollute with any murder 16 What is the reason that it is not lawfull for any maid servants to enter into the temple of the goddesse Leucothea and the Dames of Rome bringing in thither one alone and no more with them fall to cuffing and boxing her about the eares and cheeks AS for the wench that is thus buffeted it is a sufficient signe and argument that such as she are not permitted to come thither now for all others they keepe them out in regard of a certaine poeticall fable reported in this wise that ladie Jno being in times past jealous of her husband and suspecting him with a maid servant of hers fell mad and was enraged against her owne sonne this servant the Greeks say was an Aetolian borne and had to name Antiphera and therefore it is that heere among us in the citie of Chaeronea before the temple or chappell of Matuta the sexton taking a whip in his hand crieth with a loud voice No man servant or maid servant be so hardie as to come in heere no Aetolian hee or shee presume to enter into this place 17 What is the cause that to this goddesse folke pray not for any blessings to their owne children but for their nephewes onely to wit their brothers or sisters children MAy it not be that Ino being a ladie that loved her sister wonderous well in so much as she suckled at her owne breast a sonne of hers but was infortunate in her owne children Or rather because the said custome is otherwise very good and civill inducing and moving folks hearts to carie love and affection to their kinreds 18 For what cause were many rich men wont to consecrate and give unto Hercules the Disme or tenth of all their goods WHy may it not be upon this occasion that Hercules himselfe being upon a time at Rome sacrifice the tenth 〈◊〉 of all the drove which he had taken from Gerton Or for that he freed and delivered the Romans from the tax and tribute of the Dismes which they were wont to pay out of their goods unto the Tuskans Or in case this may not go current for an authenticall historie and worthie of credit what and if we say that unto Hercules as to some great bellie god and one who loved good cheere they offered and sacrificed plenteously and in great liberalitie Or rather for that by this meanes they would take downe and diminish alittle their excessive riches which ordinarily is an eie-sore and odious unto the citizens of a popular state as if they meant to abate and bring low as it were that plethoricall plight and corpulency of the bodie which being growen to the height is daungerous supposing by such cutting off and abridging of superfluities to do honour and service most pleasing unto Hercules as who joied highly in frugalitie for that in his life time he stood contented with a little and regarded no delicacie or excesse whatsoever 19 Why begin the Romans their yeere at the moneth Januarie FOr in old time the moneth of March was reckoned first as a man may collect by many other conjectures and by this especially that the fift moneth in order after March was called Quintilis and the sixt moneth Sextilis and all the rest consequently one after another until you come to the last which they named December because it was the tenth in number after March which giveth occasion unto some for to thinke say that the Romans in those daies determined and accomplished their compleat yeere not in twelve moneths but in ten namely by adding unto everie one of those ten moneths certain daies over and above thirtie Others write that December indeed was the tenth moneth after March but Januarie was the eleventh and Februarie the twelfth in which moneth they used certaine expiatorie and purgatorie sacrifices yea and offered oblations unto the dead as it were to make an end of the yere How be it afterwards they transposed this order and ranged Januarie in the first place for that upon the first day thereof which they call the Calends of Januarie