Countrey Finally he resolued to Guard Acheia with the Acheins and Mercenaries from the danger of the Elyences and Etoliens This done hee pacified the Discord which was growne among the Megalopolitains according vnto that which the Acheins had ordered For you must vnderstand that the Megalopolitains beeing a little before chased out of their owne Countrey by Cleomenes had neede of many things which were wanting And although they still maintained their authority yet they had neither victuals nor necessary expences either for the publique or priuate So as all was full of mutiny rage and malice The which doth vsuall fall out in Common-weales and among priuate persons when as victuals faile First they were in debate among themselues concerning the walls of the City some being of opinion that that they should not make the inclosure greater then their power would then beare and keepe it with so small a number of men considering it had bin the cause of their former danger for that it was greater and more spacious then the power of the Inhabitants was able to defend Moreouer they were of aduice that such as had Lands should contribute the third part to the end they might people the City Others said that they must not giue a lesse circuite to the City nor contribute the third part of their possession But their chiefest contention was concerning the Laws written by Pritanides an excellent man among the Peripatetiques whom Antigonus had giuen them for a Law-giuer The City being in these combustions Arate pacified them and quencht the quarrels which were inflamed among the Megalopolitains as well publique as priuate Finally they haue grauen the Articles agreed vpon on a Pillar seated in the Omarie at the Altar of Vesta After the reconciliation of the Megalopolitains Arate parting from thence retired presently to an Assembly of the Acheins leauing the Aduenturers with Selcuous of Phare The Elienses incensed against Pirrhie as if he had not discharged his duty they called Euripides from Etolia to be their Captaine Who considering that the Acheins held their Diet tooke sixe hundred Horse and two thousand Foote and went suddainly to Field where he spoild the whole Countrey vnto Egia And when he had taken a great booty he made haste to returne to Leonce Lyce hearing this went to meete them and encountred them suddainly when they came to fight hee slew foure hundred and tooke two hundred Prisoners Among the which were found Phissias Antanor Glearcus Euanorides Aristogites Nicasippus and Aspasias men of note and withall he had all their Armes and Baggage At the same time the Captaine of the Sea-army for the Acheins came to Molicria and parting thence suddainly he turned his way to Calcea where when as the Townes-men came out against him he tooke two Gallies armed and furnished with all things necessary with many other smaller vessels Moreouer he tooke great spoiles both by Sea and Land and drew victuals from thence with other munition wherewith hee made the Souldiers more hardy and resolute for the future On the other side the Cities were in better hope for that they were not forced to furnish victuals for the Souldiers In the meane time Scerdilaide holding himselfe wrong'd by the King for that he had not giuen him his full pay as he had articulated with Philip sent fifteene Vessels vnder a counterfeite shew of carrying Merchandizes the which at their first arriuall to Leucade were kindely entertained as Friends in regard of the League with the King And when they could doe no worse they tooâ—e Agatin and Cassander of Corinthe who as Friends were entred into the same Port with foure ships Being thus taken with their Vessels they sent them presently to Scerdilaide This done they weighed Anchor from Leucade bending their course towards Maleu spoiling all the Merchants In the beginning of Summer when the Souldiers of Taâ—rion were negligent in the guard of the said Cities Arate hauing with him the choise of the Army came into the Country of Argos to get victuals On the other side Euripides going to Field with a good number of Etoliens wasted the Country of the Tritenses Lyceus and Demodochus particular Captaines of the Acheins aduertised of the descent of the Etoliens drew together the Dimenses Patrenses and Pharenses with the Aduenturers and ouer-ran the Country of the Etoliens Being come to a place which they call Phixia they sent their Foot-men that were lightly armed with their Horse-men to ouer-run the Champaigne Country and log'd their men that were best armed in Ambush thereabouts When the Elienses came to charge them without order to succour their people passing the Ambush Lyceus Company fell vpon them whose fury they being vnable to resist fled so as there were about two hundred slaine and foure score taken Prisoners with all the Booty At the same time the Commander of the Acheins Sea-army hauing sailed often to Calidon and Naupacte spoiled the whole Countrey and chased the Enemy twice He also tooke Cleonice of Naupacte who for that he was a friend to the Acheins had no harme but within few daies after was freed without ransome At the same time Agete Chiefe of the Etoliens assembled a Troupe of them putting the Country of the Acarnanians to fire and sword and spoiled the Country of Epirus This done he returnes home giuing leaue to the Souldiers to retire to their houses Afterwards the Acarnanians made a descent into the Country of Strate where being repuls'd by the Enemy they made a shamefull retreate yet without any losse for that the Stratenses durst not pursue them fearing an Ambush At the same time there was a Treason practised in the Country of the Phanotenses after this manner Alexander Gouernour of Phosis for Philip laide a plot for the Etoliens by a certaine man called Iason to whom he had giuen the gouernment of the Phanotenses He was sent to Agete Chiefe of the Etoliens promising to deliuer the Fortresse of Phanotenses vnto him whereupon they agree and sweare together When the day appointed was come Agete comes in the Night with the Etoliens when he had laid his Troupe in Ambush he made choise of a hundred men whom he sent to the Fort. Iason hauing Alexander ready with him with a sufficient number of Souldies receiues the companions into the Fortresse according to the accord whom Alexander charged with his Company and tooke all the Etoliens But when day was come Agete assured of the fact carried backe his Army into his Country hauing worthily deserued this deceipt for that he had many times practised the like At the same time Philip tooke Bylazon which is a great Towne in Peonia and in a good scituation for the entry from Dardania into Macedony By this meanes he freed them from all feare of the Dardanians who could not make any incursions into Macedony the entry being stopt by the taking of the said Towne whereas placing a good Garrison he sent Chrysagonus
aâ—d preparatâ—on and to make an Army by Sea Apolophanes of whom wee haue spoken being borne in Seleucia stood vp and ouerthrew all the Opinions which had beene formerly giuen saying that it was a solly to drawe the Warre into base Syrria and to suffer â—â—olomy to hold Sâ—â—encia for that it was the sourse and cause of their Principality That besides the disgrace hee should doe vnto his Reignâ— considering that the force of the Kings of Egypt had alwaies kept it it had moreouer great commodities for the mannaging of the Warre For whilest the Enemies shall hold it it would be very preiudiciall to all his Enterprizes For there must be no lesse care vsed to defend himselfe from this City then to assaile the Enemy And if hee held it he should not onely be able to preserue his owne with safety but also to vndertake some good action both by Sea and Land for the great opportunity of the place The whole Assembly allowed of Apolophâ—â—es aduice and resolued to take the Citty first for then Sâ—lâ—ucia was held by the Kings of Egypt from the time that Ptâ—lomy reigned who was surnamed the Bâ—nefactor Hee conquered it at such time that for the ruine of Beronicâ— and the rage he had concelued in his heâ—â—t hee made a descent into base Syrria with an Army Antiochus after Apolophanes aduice was approued hee commanded Diogone Generall of the Army at Sea to fayle speedily to Seleuciâ— And in the meane time parting from Apamia with his Army he lodgeth within fiue Furlongs of Hippodrome Hee likewise sends away Theâ—â—ore Hermioly with a sufficient Army for Syrria to the end he might gaine the streights and prouide for the affaires of that Prouince This is the scituation of Seleucia and the places about it that as the Citty is seated vpon the Sea-shoare betwixt Cilâ—cia and Phenicia so it hath vnder iâ— a wonderful great Mountaine which they call Coryphes whose side towards the West is washed with the Sea which is betwixt Cipres and Phenâ—â—ia and the other which lookes to the East ioynes to the Regions of the Antiochiens and Seleucenâ—es Seleucia scituated on the South and seperated by a deepe and inaccessible Valley which extends to the Sea being enuironed with great Rockes and Caues And on that side which lookes to the Sea it hath steps and Suburbs inclosed with walls The Citty also is fortified with a good wall and beautified with Temples and faire buildings It hath but one approach towards the sea the which is difficult and made by hand for they must ascend vnto it by Ladders The riuer of Orâ—nte enters into the Sea neere vnto it taking its sourse and beginning at Liban and Antiliban and passeth by Antiochia whereas running continually it carries away by its swift course all the filth of the people Finally it enters into the Sea neere vnto Seleucia Antiochus in the beginning sent to the Gouernours of the Citty offâ—ring them money with great hopes if without fighting they would deliuer it vnto him But when he could not winne them he corrupts some of the inferiour Captaines with whom hauing agreed he puts his men in Battaile as if he meant to assaile the Towne with his Army at Sea and at Land on that side which lookes towards Epirus Diuiding then his Army in three after that hee had inflamed the hearts of the Souldiers promising them great rewards hee appointed Zeuxiâ— with his Company to bee at the Gate which goes to Antiochia and he gaue to Hermogenes the places by which they goe to Dioscoria and giues charge to Ardâ—â— and Diogene to assaile the Suburbs and Arsenall for it had beene so agreed with the Traytors that as soone as the Suburbs were taken they should deliuer him the Citty When as the King had giuen the â—igne for an assault they all did their indeauours But among the rest they which were with Ardâ—â— and Diogene carried themselues valiantly For they could not assault noâ— scale the other places But in regard of the Arsenall and Suburbs they might assault and scale them Wherefore whilest that the Army at Sea fell vpon the Arsenall and Ardis Troupes vpon the Suburbs scaling the Walls and that they of the Towne could not succour them for that they were enuironed on all sides by the Enemy it fell out that the Suburbe was suddainly taken Which done the petty Captaines corrupted by the King ran to Leonce who at that time was Gouernour of the Citty perswading him to send to Antiochus before the City were forced And although that Leonce were ignorant of the Treason he sent presently to Antiochus being troubled with the amazement of his people to yeeld them the Citty vpon condition to haue the liues of all the Inhabitants saued The King accepting the condition promised to saue the liues of all Free-men which were about sixe thousand But when hee was entred he not onely pardoned the Burgesses but also called home the banished men of Seleucia and restored vnto them the gouernment of their publique affaires and all their goods and put a good Garrison into the Hauen and Port. Whilest Antiochus stayed at Seleucia hee receiued Letters from Theodote by the which he solicited him to goe speedily into base Syrria The King was long in suspence what councell he should take and was pensiue and troubled with the course he should take in this action you must vnderstand that Theodote borne in Etolia had done great seruices for the Realme of Ptolomy whereof wee haue formerly made mention and many times put his life in danger At such time as Antiochus made Warre against Molon hee tooke in person disdaining the King and distrusting his Courtiers Ptolemais and Tyrus by Paneteole and suddainly called in Antiochus The King hauing taken Acheus to heart and laying aside all other affaires he returnes with his Army the same way he came When he was come to a place which the Countrey people call Marsia hee camped neere the streights which are about Gerre which is not farre from the Fens lying in the midst of that Countrey There being aduertised that Nicholas Lieutenant Generall to Ptolomy held Ptolomais besieged in the which Theodote was hee left those that were best armed and gaue charge to besiege the Towne of Broches lying vpon the Fenns making haste to goe and raise the Siege Nicholas aduertised by his Spies of the Kings comming retired and sent Lagore of Candy and Dorimene of Etolia to gaine the streights which are neere vnto Beryta Where the King planted his Campe after that he had fought with them and put them to flight And when hee had drawne together the rest of his Army in the same place he makes an Oration to his Souldiers and marcheth away with great courage There Theodote and Paneteole met with him with their Friends to whom he gaue a good and gracious reception and he tooke Tyrus and Ptolemais with all their preparation of Warre There were in these Townes forty
Panegyre and practised the cruelty of Sytheans and Gallatians or Gaules so as nothing hath beene done by the Successours And when you could not excuse them you holde it a glory that you haue broken the attempts of the Barbarians falling vpon Delphos Saying moreouer that for this cause the Grecians ought to giue you thankes And if they must acknowledge this commodity from the Etoliens what honour do not the Macedonians deserue who imploy the greatest part of their liues continually to maintaine the safety of the Grecians against the Barbarians What is hee that doeth not know that the Grecians haue beene continually subiect to great dangers if the Macedonians and the bounty of their Kings had not serued them for a Rampire VVhereof behold a great Argument For when as the Gaules disdaining the Macedonians had vanquished Ptolomy sirnamed Ceraune they came presently into Greece with Brennus Army The which had often happened if the Macedonians had not had the charge And although I could holde a long Discourse of ancient deedes yet I thinke these presents will suffice But for that which among other things Philip hath done hee turnes to cruelty the ruine of the Temple But hee doth not adde their outrage and insolency which they haue committed in the Temples and Oratories of the Gods which are in Die and Dodone the which hee should haue spoken first You relate the wrongs and miseries you haue indured and make a greater shew then is needfull passing ouer in silence those which you haue formerly committed in great numbers For you know that euery outrage and wrong that is done is by all men reiected vpon those who haue first done the wrong vniustly As for the deedes of Antigonus I will onely make mention to the end his Actions may not seeme to you worthy of contempt neither must you lightly regard a deede of great esteeme I doe not thinke there were euer so great a benefit seene as that which hee hath imparted vnto you It seemes vnto me so excellent as there cannot be a greater The which may appeare by this Antigonus made Warre against you then in giuing you Battaile he vanquished you by Armes Hee was in the end Lord of the Country and Citty hee might by the Law of Armes haue intreated you roughly But hee was so far from offering you any outrage as beside other Benefits he hath chasing the Tyrant restored your Lawes and proper rights For which Fact ordaining a Testimony to the Grecians by publicke praises you haue called him Antigonus your Benefactor and Sauiour VVhat should you then doe I will tell you seeing there is hope of your good Audience The which I will doe and not without reason not to charge you with reproaches but for that the quallity of matters forceth mee to speake that which is necessary in publicke VVhat shall I then say That in the former VVarre you should haue imbraced the League of the Macedonians and not of the Etoliens And that at this day you should rather revnite your selues with Philip seeing hee calls you then with them You answere that in doing so you shall breake your Accords But tell me if you shall commit a greater mischiefe in leauing the Accord which you haue made in particular with the Etoliens then in Transgressing those which concerning all the Grecians are grauen and Consecrated vpon a Pillar Why doe you so superstitiously flie the disdaine of those from whom you neuer receiued any benefit And beare no respect to Philip nor to the Macedonians from whom you haue the power to hold this Councell Thinke you that right and equitie ought to bee preserued to Friends Yet the Sanctitie is not so great to obserue the Faith reduced in Writings as the sinne is prophane and execrable in bearing Hatred and making Warre against a publicke body What the Etoliens require now of you But we haue spoken enough of this Subiect the which would be held by the Enuious not to concerne the present businesse I returne therefore to the Continuation and Discourse of the cause which consists in this If the Affaires be at this day a like as when you made an Alliance of Warre with them the election of things propounded in the beginning must remaine in you If they be altogether changed it is fit you should consider iudiciously vpon that which they require I demand of you Cleonice and Chlenee what allies had you when as you called these men to a Common warre Had you all the Grecians With whom at this day haue you communication of your hope Or to what league doe you inuite these men Is it not of Barbarians Thinke you this present warre is like vnto the precedent and not different You contended then with the Acheins and your kinsmen the Macedonians and with Philip for principality and glory And now the warre is made by strangers against Greece for its seruitude whom you thinke to draw against Philip. Are you ignorant that their forces are call'd in against your selues and all Greece Like vnto those which during a warre retire into their City a greater Garrison then their owne forces for their owne safety make themselues subiect to their friends as soone as they are freed from the feare of their Enemy The Etoliens thinke the same at this day Whilst they desire to vanquish Philip and to humble the Macedonians they doe not obserue how they blind themselues with a westerne fogge the which happily may bring some darknesse to the Macedonians and in the end be the cause of great miseries to all the Grecians It is therefore necessary for all Greece to prouide for the threatnings of this time and especially for the Macedonians Otherwise what cause thinke you my Masters of Lacedemon had your Ancestours when as Xerxes demanded by an Embassadour which he sent vnto you Water and Earth they cast him that was sent into a Well and cast Earth vppon him Then taking him out againe they gaue him charge to tell Xerxes that hee had Water and Earth in Lacedemon Moreouer for what reason did the Company which was slaine with Leonides cast themselues vppon the Enemy in view of all the World Was it not to the end they might see them vndergoe the danger not only for their owne liberty but also for the rest of Greece Consider now if it be decent and fitting for their posterity to take Armes and to make VVarre with the Barbarians in allying themselues with them against the Epirotes Acheins Acarnanians Beocians Thessaliens and in a manner against all the Grecians holding nothing infamous so as it were profitable VVhat must they attend that doe such vnlawfull things As the Romans haue beene vnited to them so the others haue endeauoured hauing the said comfort and aide from the Sclauonians to make the war by Sea and to breake the Accord at Pyles And haue by Land besieged the Citty of the Clitoriens ruining that of the Cynetheins It is true they first made an Accord with Antigonus in
Scipio secretly commands the Captaines Milleniers that they should goe and meete with the Rebels and in choosing fiue of the chiefe of the Mutiny euery man carrying himselfe courteously at their encounter they should bring them to his Pauillion if this could not be done yet at the least they should conuay them to the Banquet and to this kind of assembly And as for the Army which was with him he gaue them notice three dayes before to make prouision of Victuals for a long time as if Marcus should goe to Andobale to fight whereof the Rebels being aduertized they were the more assured They expected to enioy a great power if the rest of the Army being separated they were admitted about a Commander when they approacht neare the City he commands the other Souldiers that being prepared the day following they should come forth at the breake of day In regard of the Milleniers and Captaines he giues them charge that after their comming forth of the City they should stay the Souldiers in Armes at the Gate hauing first lodg'd the Baggage and that afterwards they should diuide themselues by the Gates and haue a care that none of the Rebels should escape They which were appointed to receiue them ioyning to those which came vnto them entertained the offendors courteously according vnto that which had beene enioyned them Their charge was to seaze vpon these men at such time as they should be set at the Banquet and to keepe them bound So as not any of the Company being within should goe forth but onely he that should aduertize the Commander what had beene done Wherefore when the Milleniers had performed their Charge the Generall seeing in the Morning following those to be assembled in the place which were arriued he causeth an Assembly to be called When the aduertisement was giuen they all came running as of custome whether it were with a desire to see the Commander or to heare those things which were to be spoken of the present affaires Scipio sends to the Milleniers which were at the Gates and commands them to bring the Souldiers that were armed and to enuiron the whole assembly Then marching forth he amazeth them all at the first sight A great number in truth thought that he was not well disposed But when contrary vnto their opinions they found him sound and safe they were amazed at his presence Finally hee vsed this Speech vnto them saying that hee wondred for what cause some of them were offended or vnder what colour they were mooued to attempt a Rebellion There are three causes for the which men presume to fall into a mutiny against their Princes and Country VVhich are when as they blame their Gouernour and indure them vnwillingly or when they are offended with the present Gouernment or vpon a conception in their opinions of a greater and better hope I demaund of you sayth he which of these three hath mooued you Are you angry with me that I haue not deliuered you Victualls It is not my fault For you haue not wanted any Victuals vnder my Leading It is the errour of the Romans which haue not yeilded that vnto you now which hath beene formerly due vnto you Should you then accuse your Country so as you should Rebell and become its Enemy then being present to speake vnto me and to intreate your friends to assist you The which in my opinion had beene much better It is true a pardon may bee giuen vnto Mercenaries if they abandon those from whom they receiue pay But it is not fit to pardon such as carry Armes for themselues their Wiues and their Children For it is euen like as a man should come vnto his Father and charge him that he had villanously cozened him in matters of money and kill him from whom hee holds his life Haue I opprest you more with toiles and dangers then the rest giuing them more Commodities and profites then vnto you In trueth you dare not speake it neither can you conuince me although you durst attempt it I cannot coniecture the cause for the which being incensed against me you haue attempted this Rebellion I would vnderstand the occasion from your selues I thinke there is not any man among you that can alledge or pretend any thing You cannot in trueth be sad for the present When was there euer greater abundance of all things nor more prerogatiues of the Citty of Rome When was there euer greater hope for Souldiers then there is at this day Peraduenture some one of these desperate men will thinke that at this day the profits are greater in shew and the Hope better and more firme with the Enemy Which are they Is it Andobale and Mandonin Which of you doth not know that as they first falsified their Faith with the Carthaginians comming to vs And that now againe they declared themselues our Enemies inviolating their oath and Faith Were it not an honest and commendable thing that in giuing them your Faith you should become Enemies to your owne Country And yet you haue no hope in them to enioy Spaine You were not sufficient being ioyned to Andobale to fight with vs neither yet alone Whereto then did you aymâ— I would know it from your selues if you haue put your confidence in the Experience and Vertue of the Captaines which now are appointed you or in the Rods and Maces which march before them whereof of there is no honesty to vse any longer Discourse But in truth there is nothing of all this neither can you inuent any thing against me nor your Countrey Wherefore I will answere for Rome and my selfe propounding those things which seeme reasonable to all men which is this the People and all the Commons are such as such as they are easily deceiued and moued to any thing Wherefore it happens to them as to the Sea For as the Sea of it selfe is without offence and safe to those which make vse of it And if it be tormented with the violence of the Winds it is such vnto Saylers as are the Winds wherewith it is beaten The Commons in like manner are made like vnto those which gouerne them which are their Commanders and Councellors And therefore now I suffer all your Leaders vnpunished promising that hereafter I will quit all reuenge But as for those which haue beene the Authors of the Rebellion I beare them an implacable hatred for this cause we will punish them conueniently for the crimes which they haue committed against their Countrey and vs. And when he had vsed this Speech the Souldiers that were in Armes and round about made a great noise with their Swords in the Proches and presently the Authors of the mutiny were brought in naked and bound Finally the multitude grew into a great amazement for the horror of the Executions which were done in their sight so as when as some were whipt and others executed they moued not an eye nor any man spake a word remaining
THE HISTORY OF POLYBIVS THE MEGALOPOLITAN The fiue first BOOKES entire With all the parcels of the subsequent Bookes vnto the eighteenth according to the GREEKE ORIGINALL Also the manner of the Romane encamping extracted from the discription of POLYBIVS Translated into English by Edward Grimeston Sergeant at Armes LONDON Printed by Nicholas Okes for Simon Waterson 1633. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE WILLIAM LORD CRAVIN BARON OF HAMSTEEDMARSHALL c. MOST WORTHY LORD PArdon I beseech you if being a stanger and vnknowne vnto you I haue presumed to inscribe your title on the Frontespiece of this Booke 〈◊〉 to publish it to the world vnder your Lo fauourable protection I confesse my disability might well haue deterred me But the reason which induced me to this presumption was your noble and generous inclination to Armes being the subiect of this History wherein you haue carried your selfe so worthily in many great and dangerous exploits in forraine parts vnder two of the greatest Commanders of Christendome as you haue done great honour to your Country and won vnto your selfe perpetuall fame and reputation This Consideration hath made me confident that during your vacancy from Military actions your Lordship will vouchsafe to cast your eye vpon this History written by Polybius who in the opinion of most men of Iudgement hath beene held to be very sincere and free from malice affection or passion And to iustifie the truth thereof he protests that he was present at many of the actions and receiued the rest from confident persons who were eye-witnesses It is a generall History of his time of all the warres which past in Asia Greece and the Romane State against the Gaules and Carthaginians which two Citties contended for the Empiry of the world which warre was of longer continuance and had more cruell and variable encounters and battailes than any that hath beene written of For the first Punique warre where they fought for the Conquest of Sicily lasted foure and twenty yeeres and the second in Italy vnder Hannibal Generall for the Carthaginians continued seuenteene yeeres to the subuersion in a manner of the Romane State had not Scipio forced Hannibal to returne home to defend his owne Carthage where in Battell he lost the glory of all his former Victories and brought his Countrey into the subiection of the Romanes This worke I present vnto your Lordships fauourable Censure humbly praying that you will be pleased to beare with my harsh and vnpolished stile and to pardon the errors committed at the presse during my absence for which fauour I shall hold my selfe much bound vnto your Lordship and will alwaies remâ—ine Your LordPs. most humbly deuoted to doe you seruice EDW. GRIMESTON Levves Maigret a Lionnois to the FRENCH Nobility GEntlemen wee are all borne by nature to so much pouerty and inuolu'd in so many miseries as there is no worke of Man how small soeuer which giuing order to his meanest actions doth not minister occasion of some Esteeme So as whereas his diligence guided by reason shall finde it selfe crost I know not by what power which commonly fortune vsurpes ouer the iudgement and consideration of Man wee may as we thinke iustly blame it in excusing with compassion the workeman and his misfortune And if on the other side to shew her great magnificence and bounty she imparts her fauours 〈…〉 â—rder or faire course seekes to bring some Enterprize to an end so as that notwithstanding his ouer-weaning and folly shee makes it perfect Then we hold her prodigall detesting her vnreasonable and inconsiderate bounty grieuing at her benefits so ill imployed Behold how I know not by what law receiued among men wee commend or blame euery one in his profession and workes so farre forth as they see his industry and diligence imployed or defectiue If wee haue reason then in so great Esteeme as wee seeke it in all our actions and in matters of the smallest consequence blaming him that neglects it How infamous wee hold the carelesnesse and neglect of a man in the order and conduct of affaires wherein not onely the ruine of his estate life and honour but also that of his Countrey Parents and Friends and finally of his Prince and Soueraigne is many times brought into great danger But if there be no Enterprize among those which Men pursue wherin such things ought to bee drawne into Consideration as proper and ordinary vn-him and without the danger whereof hee can reape no benefit I am of opinion that that of warre ought in reason to bee preferred before all others Although there bee many which cannot alwaies be brought to a good end without the hazard and danger of those which pursue them In truth it is a profession which experience hath taught in all Nations to bee so rough and fierce and finally so difficult to mannage as neuer man could carry himselfe so discreetly nor with so great fortune nor recouered such rich spoiles nor obtained such Triumphant victories but they haue purchased him new causes of Care and feare not onely of great Enuie and of new Enemies but also losse and ruine I will not speake of the irreparable defeate of the brauest Men in an Armie which a Victory worthy of renowne requires as it were by aduance when as the Enemies performe the Duties of good souldiers The Carthagians thrusting an Army into Sicily at their first entry obtained some Conquests so soone after they prouoked hatred of the Romanes which was but the beginning and prefage of a future ruine But when as the fortune of the warres beganne to smile vpon Hanibal and to giue him a full Gale so as his exploits were so great in Spaine as afterward hee presumed to force Nations Mountaines and riuers and in the end to fight with the Extremity of the weather for the Conquest of Italy Then as it were fearing her owne power to bee in a manner vanquished shee beganne to practize and forge meanes not onely to ruine her so much fauoured Hanibal but the whole Carthaginian Empire And therefore it is credible that I know not by what inconstancy or rather extrauagant and sauage Nature shee makes friends of Enemies and enemies of her owne friends so much shee feares as I imagine the ease and rest of those whom shee fauours It is true that traffique by Sea is not without great terrour amazement and hazard for the danger of the waues Tempests and stormes with a thousand other accidents But if warre once set vp her sailes being accompanied with rage fury and many other disasters which the malice of Men haue inuented to make vse of beleeue mee that these other furies which the winds procure at Sea and in the Aire which many times are more fearefull than mortall will not seeme in regard of those of warre but a light amazement and as it were a false allarum What torment at â—â—ea or violence of the winds hath euer beene so soddaine which the long experience of a wise Pilot could not by
Captaines saw their Men thus resolute and desirous to fight and that Xantippus sayd the time was â—itting and conuenient they suffred them to prepare to battell and gaue him leaue to do all at his pleasure Who after he had taken charge of the Captaines hee orders the battell before the whole Army hee sets the Elephants one after another After which hee causeth a Legion of Carthaginians to march with some distance and placeth the strangers vpon the Wings Then he ordereth the brauest among his foote to fight of eyther side betwixt the Wings of the Horse-men The Romans seeing the Carthaginians in battell stayed not to doe the like yet fearing the Violence of the Elephants they set in Front the most actiue of their men re-inforcing their Reare with many Ensignes and diuiding their Horse-men vpon the Wings Their Ordonance was lesse then formerly but more close for feare least the Elephants should open them But as the Romans had set a good order against the Elephants so they had neglected to keepe themselues from inclosing For as the Carthaginians had a greater number of Horse so the close Ordonance gaue them an easie meanes to breake and seperate them The two Armies being in battell either attending who should first Charge suddainly Xantippus causeth the Elephants to beginne the Charge and breake the Enemies rankes and that the Horse-men of both Wings should withall charge furiously The Romanes cause their Trumpets to sound after the manner of the Country and charge where the Enemies forces were greatest It is true that the Roman Horse-men terrified with the multitude of their Enemies abandoned the two Wings And the Foote-men of the lest Wing wauing from the Fury of the Elephants and making no account of the forreigne Souldiers charged the right Wing of the Carthaginians with great fury and put it to flight pursuing them vnto their Fort. On the other side they which indured the charge of the Elephants were broken and trodden vnder their feete by heapes It is true that the whole Ordnance continued for a time in battell for that their supplies beeing in the Reare were very close But after that the Romane Legions set in the Reareward and compassed in of all sides by the Carthaginian Horse-men were forced to make resistance there and that they who as wee haue sayd were appointed to make head against the Elephants were by them repulsed into the thickest of the enemies Battalion where they were defeated and slaine â— then the Romans beeing assaulted on all sides some were beaten downe and slaine by the intollerable fury of the Elephants and others by the Horse-men in the same place where they had their first posture giuen them some few of them seeing no more hope sought their safety by flight of which considering that the Country was very plaine some were defeated by the Elephants and the rest by the Horse-men And some flying with Marcus Attilius were taken to the number of fiue hundred The Carthaginians lost that day but fiue hundred Aduenturers strangers whom the left Wing of the Romanes had defeated But of all the Romane Army there escaped but two thousand with their Ensignes who as we haue sayd pursued a troupe of enemies into their Fort. All the rest were cut in pieces except Marcus Attilius and a few Men which fled with him in regard of those Ensignes which beyond all hope escaped they came vnto Aspis Finally the Carthaginians after the spoile of the Dead retired to Carthage with the Consull and other Prisoners making great ioy and tryumph If we shall duely consider this we shall finde many things profitable for the conduct of Man First Marcus Attilius serues for a faire example to all the World that it is a great folly and indiscretion to put his Hope in Fortune vnder the colour of good successe and enterprises brought to an end according to our desire Who of late after so many tryumphant Victories had not any compassion of the Carthaginians being reduced to extremity refusing to grant them peace which they craued with so much humility hath beene presently after reduced to that constraint as to make the like request Moreouer that which Euripides hath formerly spoken so well that the good Councell of one man alone doth vanquish a great Army hath beene this day verified by that which hath happened In truth one man alone and the Councell of one man hath vanquished and defeated an Army formerly invincible raising and restoring a Towne lost and the hearts of so many desolate men Beleeue mee I haue thought good to relate these actions for the benefit and instruction of the Readers of these Commentaries For as there are two meanes easily to correct and amend our errours whereof the one is his owne Misfortune and the other the example of another mans Miseries there is no doubt but the first hath greater efficacy but it is not without the losse and preiudice of him to whom it happens And although the second be not of so great force yet it is the better for that they are out of danger and therefore no man imbraceth the first meanes willingly for that they cannot helpe it without their owne trouble and losse As for the second euer man followes it willingly For wee may see by him without any hazard or losse what wee ought to follow for the best Wherefore if wee consider it well we shall finde that experience by the remembrance of another mans faults seemes to be a very good doctrine of a true life Without doubt it is that alone which makes the good Iudges of reason without any losse But wee haue discoursed sufficiently of this Subiect The Carthaginians hauing ended their affaires happily and to their content they reioyced in many sorts both in giuing thankes vnto God and sacrificing after their manner or in vsing amongst themselues a mutuall beneuolence and courtesie Soone after that Xantippus had raised the hearts of the Carthaginians hee returned into his Countrey as a man well aduised For the Prowesse and Valour of men and their Vertues are many times the cause of great enuy and detraction Against the which Cittizens that are well allied and haue many Friends make easie resistance But strangers which haue not that support are easily ruined and defeated They say hee went away for some other reason which wee will deliuer when it shall be fitting After that beyond all hope the Romans had receiued Newes of the defeate of their Army in Affricke and the taking of the Consull And that the remainder of their men was besieged in Aspis consulting presently of the safety of those which were remaining in Affricke they appointed an Army to bee raised to goe thither with all speede In the meane time the Carthagaginians besieged Aspis striuing to force it with hope soone to haue this remainder of the Battell But the Vertue and Courage of the Romans which defended it was so great as all the Enemies attempts could not
as passe from Trypanum or Lylibcum into Italy and it hath store of Water There are but three wayes to go vnto this Mount which are difficult and vneasy two vpon the firme Land and the third towards the Sea Amilcar Planted his Campe there where there was no conuenient Towne but was lodged among his enemies whom he did not suffer to liue in rest For many times he went to Sea and spoyl'd the coast of Italy vnto Cumes and then he led his Army by Land vnto Palermo and besieged it within eight hundred Furlongs of the Romanes Campe where he staied neere three yeares performing many braue Acts which were difficult to relate in particular For euen as when excellent Combattants re-doubling their blowes with dexterity and force the prize of the Victory being propounded it is neyther possible for them nor for the standers by to yeild a reason of euery charge and blow taking in generall a sufficient knowledge of their Valour aswell by the Prowesse of the Men as by their mutuall indeauours and by their Experience and Virtue we must conceiue the like of the Commaunders of whom we now speake For if any one will Write the causes or manner how they lay Ambushes and intertayne skirmishes and incounters he should not be able to number them and would cause a great trouble without any profit to the Reader where we may better attayne to the knowledge of things past by a generall narration and by the end of the War They likewise cannot perceiue in this present War any thing by the History of the great pollicies nor by the time nor by the feeling of the present case by things done which haue bin decided with an ouer-weaning and violent boldnesse There are many causes for the which they could not discerne betwixt the two Campes for the Armies were equal and their Forts not easie to be approached vnto for that the space betwixt both was very strong and little so as there daily hapned particular combates Finally they performed nothing which concerned the end of the Warre For many times in incounters some were slayne and others turning away and escaping the danger assured themselues and fought againe where Fortune remayning like a good Distributer changing them from Front to Front hath inclosed them in a narrower compasse and a more dangerous fight in regard of the place and precedent Combat Whilst the Romans as we haue sayd kept the top and foote of the Mountayne of Erix Amilcar surprized the Towne which was betwixt the top of the Hill and the foote of it where the Roman garrison lay By this meanes the Romans which held the top were besieged by the Carthaginians with great danger The Carthaginians likewise were no lesse in the Towne seeing they were besieged from the top of the Mountayne and from the foote and hauing but one way they could hardly draw vnto them that which was necessary Thus either Party persisted one against another with extreame obstinacy Suffring great extremities and running into great dangers Finally they purchased a sacred Crowne not as Fabius sayth as Men weakned and tyred but constant and not vanquished For before that one party ouercame the other although the War continued two yeares yet beganne to haue an end by another meanes Finally the Affaires of Erix and the forces were in this estate You may imagine that these two Common-Weales did like vnto Rauening Birds fighting among themselues vnto the last gaspe For although that sometimes their flight fayled them for want of breath yet they repulse the assaults with great courage vntill that hiding themselues willingly they fled away easily this done some take their flight before the rest In like manner the Romanes and the Carthaginians tyred with toyle grew cold in their continuall combats abating their forces for the ordinary charges And although the Romanes had abandoned the combats at Sea almost for fifteene yeares aswell for their mis-fortunes as for that they did hope to make an end of this Warre by the Army at Land yet seeing their designe not successefull considering likewise the courage of Amilcar they conceiued a third hope in their Forces at Sea They aduised well that if their designe were successefull it would be a meanes to make an end of their Affaires the which in the end they effected First they left the Sea yeilding vnto their mis-fortunes And for the second time for that they had bin vanquished neere vnto Trypanum and finally at the third time they were of another humour by the which being Victors they cut off the Victuals from Erix and made an end of the Warre This attempt for the most part was like a Combate of great courage for the publicke Treasure vnable to furnish this charge But the Citizens contributing euery Man vnto his power many together built a Quinquereme supplying the necessary expences so much the peoples hearts were iâ—flamed to Armes and to augment the Romane Empire By this meanes they made a preparation of two hundred Quinqueremes after the patterne of the Rhodien the which as we haue sayd had beene taken before Lylibeum Wherefore they afterwards gaue the commaund vnto Lucius Luctatius Consull and sent him in the Spring against the Carthaginians who being suddainly arriued in Sicily with his Army tooke the Port of Trepanum at his entry and all the rest which were about Lylibeum In the meane time all the Carthaginians ships retired to their Captaine Afterwards hee indeauoured to take Trepanum with his Engins and other things necessary to force a Towne But for that the Carthaginians Army at Sea was not farre off they had a remembrance of things past and of what importance the knowledge of the Sea was he was not idle nor negligent causing his Rowers and Marriners to bee continually kept in practice not suffring any one to be idle By this meanes the Souldiers in a short time were inured to the Sea The Carthaginians contrary to their hope hauing newes of the Roman Army at Sea presently prepared their ships and rraighted them with Corne other Munition to the end the besieged within the Towne of Erix should not haue any want of things necessary Hanno had the charge of this Army who past first to the Island of Hieronesus and from thence he made haste to sayle aboue the Enemy to Amilcars Campe to discharge his ships and to victuall it But Luctatius being aduertised of their comming and doubting of their enterprize for it was not hard to coniecture made choice of the ablest men of the Army at Land and failed directly to the Island of Eguse which is not farre from Lylibeum Then hauing giuen courage to the Souldiers he makes a Proclamation that euery man should be ready the next day to fight Three daies after the Consull seeing at the breake of day that the wind was good and prosperous for the Enemy and contrary to his Army and that the Sea was much troubled with a storme he was
moreouer seeing they were all turned to their Ruine found themselues suddainly in great difficulties not knowing which way to turne them And they found them the more desperate for that they had hapned contrary to all opinion It is true they were in hope after they had beene tyred with the long Wars of Sicily and had in the end made a peace with the Romans that they might rest for a time and take breath but it succeeded otherwise Beleeue me this War suddainly kindled was more dangerous than the other For that in the first they did not fight with the Romans but for the Conquest of Sicily but in this they were forced to vndergoe the danger for themselues for their families and their Country Moreouer they were vnfurnished of Armes of a Fleete at Sea and of Equipage for shipping for that they had lost many in their battels at Sea They had no more hope of Tributes nor in the succours of their friends and Allies Finally they saw then what difference there was betwixt a Forraine and Transmarine War and the mutiâ—y of a ciuill sedition of which mischiefe vndoubtedly they themselues were the cause For in their first War they did Lord it ouer the people of Affricke with too great Tyranny and coâ—etousnesse for that they were of opinion they had good cause so as they leuied a full moiety of all their fruites They also doubled the Tributes and did not pardon those which had offended through ignorance They gaue Offices not to such as were milde and gracious but to those which augmented the publicke Treasure although they had tyrannized the people like vnto Hanno of whom we haue spoken By this meanes it hapned that the people of Affricke seemed glad to Reuolte not onely at the perswasion of many but at a simple Messenger There is nothing more true that euen the Women of euery Towne conspired for that in former times they had seene their Husbands and Children led into seruitude for that they had not payed the Tribute so as they made no reseruation of their goods which they had remayning but moreouer they did contribute their Iewels a hard thing to belieue to supply the payment of the Souldiers By this meanes Matho and Spendius gathered together so great a quantity of siluer as it was not onely sufficient to satisfie the promises which they had made to the Souldiers from the beginning of the Conspiracy but they had more than was needfull to mannage the War Wherefore a wise man must not looke vnto the present time but also vnto the future And although the Carthaginians were enuironed on all sides with so many miseries yet they fainted not but gaue the conduct to Hanno for that formerly they held he had ended the Warre neere vnto Hecatontophylon of those Souldiers they could leuie in this necessity of time They also armed the young men of the Towne and caused their Horses to be practised They repaired the remainder of their ships and old Triâ—emes and caused new to be made In the meane time Matho and Spendius to whom three score and ten thousand armed men of Affrica had ioyned after they had deuided their Army in two as wee haue said held Bisarthe and Hippona bâ—sieged yet not abandoned their Campe neere vnto Tunes By this meanes all Affricke was shut vp to the Carthaginians You must vnderstand that Carthage is seated vpon a Promontory which aduanceth into the Sea and is in forme of an Island but that it ioynes vnto Affricke by a little space of land In regard of the Citty it is enuironâ—d of the one side by the Sea and on the other by Marishes The breadth of the Countrey whereby it is ioyned to Affricke containes not aboue three miles whereof the Towne of Bisarthe is not far off from that siâ—e which looks towards the Sea And that Tunes ioynes vpon the Marishes The Enemies hauing planted their Campes at Tunes and Bisarthe tooke from the Carthaginians the rest of Affricke and making courses sometimes by Day and sometimes by Night vnto the walles of the Citty they gaue them great Allarums and put them in feare In the meane time Hanno made preparation of all things necessary for the Warre Hee was a diligent man and well practised in such things although that soone after hee had gone to field to finde the Enemy he committed an act of little iudgement in not discerning the times You must vnderstand that assoone as he was sent to succour the besieged in Bisarthe he forced the Enemies at the first charge being terrified with the multitude of Elephants but afterwards his conduct was so bad as hee drew the besieged for whose succours hee was come into great danger and extreame misery For when he had brought greaâ— prouision of all sorts of Engins for battery and had lodged his Campe neere vnto the Towne-walles hee fought with the Enemy who could not endure the violence of the Elephants Wherefore they abandoned the Campe with great losse of their men and retired to a little Mountaine strong of it selfe and full of Groues But Hanno who had not beene accustomed to make Warre but against the Numidians who after they haue once taken a flight doe seldome stay vntill the third day had no care to pursue them supposing he had gotten an absolute victory but entred into Bisarthe not thinking of any thing but to make good cheere But the Enemies hauing made Warre in Sicily vnder Amilcar and beene accustomed many times to flye before the Enemy and suddainly to charge againe the same day hauing newes of Hanno's retreate into Bisarthe and that the Campe as Victors was secure they assayled it by surprize and slew part of them the râ—st were forced to recouer the Towne to their great shame and ignominy All the equipage of Engins was taken without resistance It is true that this was not the onely misfortune which at that time did preiudice the Carthaginians by the folly of Hanno For some few dayes after when as the Enemies camped neere vnto Sorze and that an opportunity was offered to defeate him easily hauing beene twice in quarrell and twice in battell one against another as they are accustomed hee lost these two occasions by his folly and basenesse Wherefore the Carthaginians considering that Hanno did not mannage this War well they by a generall consent made Amilcar Captaine againe to whom they gaue three score and ten Elephants and all the Souldiers and Fugiâ—iues with some Horse-men and the young men of the Towne so as hee had about ten thousand Souldiers But assoone as he had marcht forth with his Army he presently by his admirable vertue brake the hearts of his Enemies and raised the siege of Bisarthe and then he shewed himselfe worthy of the glory which they had giuen him for his prowesse in times past and that hee was worthy of the hope which all men conceiued of him Behold wherein they first discouered his diferetion and
disdayning to keepe any watch or guard The Sclauonians within the Town aduertised of the separation of the Army and of the negligence of the Enemy goe forth at mid-night and lay planks vpon the Bridge So crossing the Riuer they gaine a place strong by Nature where they passe the remainder of the Night without any noise At the break of day either side were in battell and the fight began The Sclauonians got the Victory so as few Epirotes escaped the rest being taken or slaine The Epirotes seeing themselues inuolued with so many miseries and out of all hope they sent an Embassie to the Etoliens and Acheins crauing Succours from them who hauing compassion of their afflictions desiring to relieue them marcht to Heliâ—rane whither the Sclauonians who as we haue sayd had taken the Towne of Phenice being ioyned to Scerdilaide came and lodged neere vnto them desiring battell But the difficulty of the places kept them asunder together with their Queenes letters who commâ—unded them to make no longer stay but to returne for that some Townes of Sclauonia had reuolted to the Dardaniens Wherefore after they had spoiled the whole Prouince they made a truce with the Epirofes by the which they yeelded the Citizens and the City but carried away all the slaues and pillage in their ships Thus one part retired by Sea and the other by Land by the streights of Antigonia leauing a wonderfull feare in the Sea-townes of Greece Without doubt when they considered that so strong and powerfull a Towne of the Epirotes had beene spoil'd contrary to all expectance they were not onely in feare as formerly for the Countrey but also for themselues and their Townes After that the Epirotes had ended their Affaires farre better than they expected they were so farre from taking reuenge of the wrongs which they had receiued or to thanke those which had assisted them as they presently sent an Embassie to Queene Teuca and made a league with the Arcanians and Sclauonians Wherefore following after that time the party of the Illiriens they became Enemies to the Acheins and Etoliens Wherein they were not only ingrate and vnthankefull to their Benefactors but also they had beene very ill counselled from the beginning of their affaires And where as many like men fal somtimes by the hazard of Fortune into great aduersities and miserâ—es it happens not so much by their owne fault as by that of Fortune or by such as are the procurers But when as men seeke their misfortune by their owne indiscreâ—ion their fault iâ— euident And therefore when we see some great disaster and aduersity beâ—all some men by Fortune we doe not onely pitty them but relieue them to our power whereas we blame condemne and hate those whom we know to haue beene the cause of their owne misfortunes by indiscretion and malice The which the Grecians might at that time do with reason vnto the Epirotes But what man is so confident which hauing no feare of the common fame of the Gaules inconstancy would haue dared to commit so noble a Citty vnto their charge who had so many reasons to doubt of their faith being banisht out of their Countrey for that they had falsified their faith with their owne Nation and who afâ—erwards being retired by the Carthaginians at such time as they had Warre with the Romans and hearing a bruite of the reuolte of mercenary Souldiers for pay which they had pretended was due vnto them begâ—n first to spoile Agragas whereof they had the Guard being about a thousand men Afterwards they were put in Garrison into Eâ—ix by the Carthaginians the which they would haue betrayed whilest the Romans besieged it The which not able to effâ—ct they retired to the Romans who receiued them After which they spoyled the Temple of Venus Ericina When as the Romans saw the treachery and falsehood of these Barbarians hauing concluded a peace with the Carthaginians they disâ—rmed them and shipped them away chasing them out of all Italy These are the men whom the Epirotes made the Guardians of their Lawes and Commonâ—wealth to whom they intrusted â—o faire and rich a City Who will not then blame them Who will not say but they haue beene the cause of their owne miseries Without doubt it is a great folly and indiscretion to entertaine forces especially of barbarous men and to put them into a Towne where they may bee the stronger or more in number than the Cittizens But wee haue spoken sufficiently of the Epirotes folly The Sclauonians before and many times spoiled such as saild from Italy and Phenicia seeing that of late dayes they inhabited there who separating thâ—mselues sometimes from the Army at Sea spoiled many Italian Merchants or slew them They had also carried away a good number of Prisoners When this had beene often complained of to the Senate they made no accompt thereof Yet in the end they sent into Scâ—auonia Caâ—us and Lucius Coroncanus in Embassie when as the complaints of many came vnto them concerning the outrages of the Illiâ—ians VVhen the ships were returned from Phenicia in safety Teuca wondring at the beauty and greatnesse of the spoile had a great and longing desire to make Warre against the Grecians for in truth it was the richest Towne of all Epirus But for that her Countrey was then in Combustion shee could not attempt it Moreouer after shee had pacified Sclauonia and at such time as shee held 〈◊〉 besieged which had alwayes continued firme the Romans Embassie arriued who hauing a day of audience appointed them by the Queene they made knowne vnto her the outrages her men had done them The Queene gaue â—are vnto them with great 〈◊〉 and arrogaâ—cy After they had deliuered their chargeâ—he made answere that she would take order that her Subiects should not make open War against them but it was not the custome of Kings to prohibite their priuate subiects to make what profit they could at Sea At which words the yongest of the Embassadours made a bold and couragious answere but in bad season And therefore sayd he Madame it is the custome of the Romans to take a publicke reuenge for priuate wrongs and to relieue the aâ—flicted So as if it please God wee will take such order that her eafter you shall not be much troubled to reforme this kinde of royall customes The Queene an ouer-weening woman grew into such a rage as neglecting the right of Nations shee sent men at the returne of the Embassadours to kill the youngest who had vsed this Speech The Romans being aduertised of this great affront prepared presently to Warre leuied men and made a good number of Vessels Finally they prepared all things necessary to take reuenge of so great a crime In the meane time the Queene sent in the Spring a greater number of ships into Greâ—ce than formerly whereof one part saild to Corfue and the other bent their course to the Port of Durazo Where
haue formerly sayd an augmentation and wonderfull accord in our time For when as many laboured formerly to reduce Morea to one accord and could not effect it considering that all men aime more at their priuate profit than the liberty of the Countrey there hath beene at this day made so great a change as they haue not onely contracted friendship and a strict league but moreouer they vse the same Lawes the same weight the same measure the same money and more the same Princes the same Councell and the same Iudges So as there is no defect in Morea for the making of a Burgesse but that they dwelt not all in one Towne All the rest was alike and the same thing It shall not bee therefore vnfitting to shew how the Name of the Achaiens hath first reigned in Morea You must vnderstand that they which were first so called had no better Countrey nor more Townes nor more Wealth nor more virtue Without doubt the Arcadians and Lacedemonians doe farre exceed the other people of Morea both in number of men and Townes Neither is there any Nation in Greece which passeth them in prowesse and virtue What is the cause then that these men whom wee haue named and the other people of Morea haue willingly suffred not onely the Comminalty of the Achaiens but also to take the Name It were a folly to say that it was by chance Wherefore it were better to seeke the cause without the which wee cannot finish those things which are done with reason nor those which seemne to bee done without it For my part I conceiue it was the equality and the common liberty which was kept amongst them all as a certaine president of a true Common-wealth For there is no Citty in all Greece where there are found better Lawes Behold the cause which hath caused the greatest part of Morea willingly to follow this Common-wealth Some thorough reason and parswasion others forced by little and little with the time and yet they haue presently pacified their discontents And for that they did noâ— from the beginning leaue more to one then to another but would haue all things equall to all men it presently brought the Acheiâ—s to this great Authority vsing two meanes of great efficacy that is Equality and Clemency Behold the cause which wee must imagine for the which all Morea being of one will and accord attained to this prosperity and peace wherein wee see it at this day It is true that this manner of liuing and meanes of gouernment of a Common-wealth was long obserued by the Acheins the which is probable by the testimony of many witnesses Yet wee will produce but one or two at this time You must vnderstand that at what time a Company of the Pythagorians were burnt for a secret conspiracy in the Region of Italy which they then called great Greece It happened that the Countrey and the Townes were much afflicted with murthers and sedition by a strange alteration of Common-weales whose Princes were wickedly slaine And therefore Embassadours came from all parts to pacifie their debates Who leauing all the rest they referr'd themselues in all their quarrels to that which the Acheins should decree Soone after they resolued to vse their Lawes and to frame their Common-wealth like vnto theirs Without doubt the Crotoniates Sybarites and Caulonites after they had ended their quarrels in a friendly manner edified a Temple in publique to Iupiter Omarie where they might assemble the people and giue them iustructions Moreouer hauing accepted the Institutions and Lawes of the Acheins they would onely liue in them and erect their Common-wealth But the tyranny of Denis of Syracusa and the Gaules who at that time spoiled the Countrey hindered them from bringing their enterprize to an end Moreouer after the defeate of the Lacedemonians beyond all hope before Luctres and that they of Thebes had already troubled the Empire of Greâ—ce there was a great mutiny and a strange combustion throughout all Greece namely betwixt the Lacedemonians and the Thebains For that the Lacedemonians conceiued they had beene vanquished and the others did not thinke they had gotten the Victory Notwithstanding either of them by a common consent made choice of the Acheins among all the Grecians to whose iudgement they submitted themselues touching their quarrels not hauing so much regard to their forces or power for in truth it was the least of all the Prouinces of Greece as to the faith and iustice of the people which at that time was held great in the opinion of the World It is true they had then but bare virtue hauing done nothing worthy of fame or estimation Wherefore their comminalty did not increase much for that they had not any Lord which was worthy to gouerne them for that they had beene alwaies kept vnder by the Empire of the Lacedemonians or Macedonians But after by succession of time they had found Gouernours worthy of their estate they presently purchased honour and glory They reconciled all Morea which was an excellent worke whereof no man doubts but Arate the Sicyonien had beene the Authour and contriuer the which Philopomene the Megalopolitein finished and afterwards confirmed and that Licerta was the third which amplified and augmented it and subsequently all his Companions Hereafter wee will endeauour as much as the Subiect shall require to relate their deeds the manner and the time Yet wee will make a summary mention of the actions of Arate at this time and hereafter for that hee hath comprehended all things in his Commentaries according vnto truth plainely and amply But as for others our discourse shall be something more diligent and more copious It is true that in my opinion the declaration would bee more easie and the History more plaine to those that desire to know it if wee take it from the time when as the Acheins who had beene dispersed into diuers Citties by the Princes of Macedon drew themselues againe together as it were in one body and afterwards they augmented in such sort as they came to this great amplitude whereof wee haue hitherto spoken in particular and which continues vnto this day They of Patras and the Dymensorins made a league together in the hundred and foure and twentieth Olympiade at such time as Ptolomy the Sonne of Lagus Lysimachus Seleucus and Ptolomy Ceraunien dyed without doubt they all dyed during this Olimpiade Behold in what estate the Acheins were in former times They began to be gouerned by Kings at such time as Tysamenes the Sonne of Hâ—restes chased from Lacedemonia after the descent of Heraclites held the Countrey which is about Acheia After whom Kings gouerned continually by succession vntill the time of Sygus After whom the Regall power began to be tedious for that the Children of Sygus did not gouerne the Prouince legally but by Tyranny Wherefore they chased away their Kings and gouerned in common wherein they liued diuersly
far from being punished for the offence committed as this easie and suddaine reâ—vnion of two people into one Common-wealth seemed incredible to the whole VVorld For as soone as Arate was entred he forbad his men to touch their good Calling the Burgesses afterwards together wishing them not to care and that they should inioy their goods and be assured to liue in peace as long as they were vnder the Acheins Common-weale The Mantiniens who seemed to be without hope were wonderfully reioyced at the words of Arate VVherefore they presently changed their opinion receiuing those into their Houses to whom formerly they had beene deadly enemies with whom they did communicate their Goods and VVealth Finally they omitted nothing of that which seemed necessary for the setling of a firme friendshippe and in truth it was not without cause I doe not know if euer any fell into the hands of more gracious enemies or being falne into so great inconueniences haue relieued and raised themselues with so little losse the which proceeded from the humanity of Arate and the Acheins Afterwards seeing a farre off the seditions which were renewed amongst them and the practize of the Etoliens and Lacedemonians they send an Embassie to the Acheins to deliuer their Town into their protection and to receiue a Garrison VVho presently leuied three hundred men and sent them to Mantinea these three hundred men of the Acheins nation leauing their Countrey and all their estates they remained at Mantinea to preserue their liberty They had moreouer two hundred Souldiers that were strangers Soone after there grew a sedition among the Mantiniens wherfore they called the Lacedemonians deliuering them the Towne and to the end their wickednesse might be full and compleat they murthered all the Acheins a crime which was most execrable For seeing they would leaue the party and friendship of the Acheins they should at the least haue sent backe the Garrison safe into their Country It is a Custome which enemies obserue daily by a Common Law But to the end they might with more ease shewe their affection to Cleomenes and the Lacedemoâ—ians there proceeded to this great cruelty and basenesse who in breaking the Law of Nations would not spare their Friends Seeing then they haue practised such great cruelty towards those who hauing lately taken their Towne intreated them like men without offence and now defended and kept their Towne of what paines shall wee iudge them worthy VVhat punishment may wee ordayne for so foule an outrage Shall they be sold with their wiues and Children But by the Law of Armes they may doe it to those which haue not committed such crimes nor such cruelties They were therefore worthy of a greater punishment and a more grieuous example Wherefore if they haue suffered no more but that which Philarchus mentioned we must beleeue that the Grecians were not mooued to pitty but rather commended the iudgement of the Acheins who had resolued that so great a cruelty the like whereof had neuer beene spoken of should be grieuously punished Seeing then the Mantiniens at that time had no other harme but the losse of their goods and were sold by their enemies who will not hold this Historiographer to be a lyer and moreouer to haue Written incredible things And to the end he might shew his ignorance he hath not obserued that the Acheins at the same time did not the like vnto the Tegeates whom they tooke in battell For if the cruelty of the Acheins had beene the cause thereof there is no doubt but the Tegeates had suffered in like manner But seeing that this Rigour fell onely vppon the Mantiniens it is apparent that the cause of their choller was diuers Moreouer this same Historiographer tells vs that Aristomacus the Argine of a noble Family and of an auncient Tyrannicall Race was Tyrant of Argos who being taken by Antigonus and the Acheins and brought to Cenchrea hee suffered the most vniust Death that euer man indured He makes him moreouer as it is his custome to cast out lamentable cries the night that he was strangled And that the neighbours terrified partly with the cruelty and partly desirous to know what it was some of them wonderfully incensed ranne thither He also sets downe other effeminate things which we will leaue for the present beeing content with that which we haue here related For my part I conceiue that if Aristomacus had done no other thing against the Acheins but to turne the Common-weale into ruine and the liberty of the Country into Tyranny that he hath worthily deserued very great punishment Although that this gentle Historiographer desirous to attribute great glory vnto him and to begge pitty from the Auditors by a commemoration of the paines which he indured he doth not once say that he was a Tyrant but that hee was descended of a Tyrannicall Race What could he say worse or more pernitious For the very name is the field where all cruelty is sowne and which imbraceth all the outrages and villanies of men And admit that Aristomacus had indured great torments as Philarchus sayth yet he was not sufficiently punished for that which he committed in one day for when as Arate entred into Argos with a Troupe of Acheins without Discouery labouring to restore the Argiues to their liberty hee was in the end forced to leaue the Towne for that hee found not any man would take Armes for the feare they had of this Tyrant Wherefore Aristomacus taking his occasion for that they had consented to the comming of the Acheins put to Death fourescore Cittizens in the presence of his familiars Beleeue me it will bee tedious to relate the cruelty which he committed in his life time He held it of his Predecessors by right of inheritance And therefore wee must not thinke they haue done him wrong if they haue made him serue for an example with torments For it would haue beene much more vnworthy that so wicked a man after the murther of so many and afterâ— many thefts and spoyles should haue died vnpunished like an Innocent Neither can they charge Antigonus nor Arate of cruelty to haue put a Tyrant to death in Prison whom they had taken in open Warre and whom they might with reason and honour haue taken during a peace and haue put him to a cruell death But of what punishment will not you hold him worthy who besides all these things brake his accord with the Acheins A little before hee had relinquisht the tyranny being destitute of all hope and succours after the death of Demetrius At what time the Acheins did not onely saue him but entertaine him so courteously and graciously as they remitted all the wrongs which hee had done during his Reigne and gaue him great aduancements in their Common-wealth Finally they made him Chiefe of the Acheins But this wicked man amongst all others forgetting that great humanity and clemency began presently to plot how
good to deliuer summarily the accidents which hapned from the beginning vnto the end of these VVarres Immagining that they which desire to see our Worke will more easily come to the knowledge of the whole History Beleeue me that our vnderstanding conceiues many things necessary for a perticular History by the knowledge of the generall for the vnderstanding whereof the experience of perticular actions is of no small importance and if they be both ioyned together so as it may bee but one description they will be wonderfull profitable to the Reader But as for the contents of our Worke wee haue sufficiently spoken thereof in the two first Bookes And as for the perticular actions which haue hapned they haue taken their beginning in the Warres which we haue Related and there end at the death of the Kings of Macedon So as from the beginning vnto the end there were fifty yeares during the which there were as great and admirable things performed as euer were in so short a spâ—ce To speake whereof wee will beginne to write from the hundreth and fortieth Olympiade and will obserue this order First wee will shew the causes for the which this VVarre which they call of Hannibal beganne betwixt the Romanes and Carthaginians So as entring into Italy they reduced the Romans to so great an extreamity as they suddainly grew in hope to be Lords not only of the rest of Italy but also of the Citty of Rome And afterwards we will continue our narration vpon what occasion Philip King of Macedon after that he had made VVarre with the Etoliens and pacified Greece entred into hope with the Carthaginians And as for Antiochus Ptolomy and Philopater they in the end had Warre together for the lower Syria after a long dissention Moreouer the Rhodiens and Prufiens making VVarre against them of Constantinople forced them to abandon Pontus And there ending our Diâ—course we will beginne to speake of the manner of liuing of the Romanes of their Lawes and of their Common-weale By the which as proper to them they haue attained vnto such great power as they haue not only made subiect to their obedience Italy Sycile and the Gaules and likewise Spaine in a short time but in the end they haue vndertaken the Empire of the whole World after they had vanquished the Carthaginians by Armes Then passing on we will shew how the Kingdome of Hieron of Saragosse was defeated and ruined The like we will do of diuers troubles which were in Aegypt Moreouer how after the death of King Ptolomy Antiochus and Philip being agreed touching the diuision of the Realme left vnto the Sonne began the Warre Philip against Aegypt and Samos and Antiochus against Syria and Phenicea And when as we haue summarily set downe the affaires of Spaine Lybia and Sycile we will presently turne our Discourse to Greece as the affaires shall change For after that we haue related the VVars at Sea which Attalus and the Rhodiens made against Philip and hauing set downe the Romanes VVarre against him how and by whom it had beene mannaged and what successe it had obseruing the order of things we will come to the indignation of the Etoliens who proclaimed VVarre against the Romanes and drew Antiochus out of Asia And when we haue deliuered the causes and related Antiochus nauigation into Europe we will first shew how he fled out of Greece and being vanquished by Armes how he abandoned vnto the Romanes all the Counâ—ries which lie on this side Mount Taurus Thirdly we will shew with what power the Romans conquered the Empire of Asia after they had wholy defeated the Gaules who wandred vp and downe and how they freed the whole Countrey on this side Mount Taurus from the feare of the Barbarians and the insolency of the Gaules And when we haue related the mis-fortune of the Etoliens and Cophalins in their Warres we will make mention of those of Eumenides of Prshia and of the Gaules the like we will do of that of Ariarate against Pharnace From thence dispatching the accords of them of Morea and the increase of the Rhodien Common-wealth we will make an end of our worke setting downe in the end the Voyages which Antiochus sirnamed Epiphanes made into Aegypt And in like manner the Warres of Persiâ— with the ruine of the Kingdome of the Macedonians These are things whereby we may easily vnderstand how the Romanes in a short submitted the whole Earth vnder their obedience assailing them in perticular And if it were lawfull to discerne vertue from vice by the good or bad successe of affaires or from the praise or dishonour of men we must of necessity make an end here and turne our Relation to things which in the beginning we propounded to set down for this hath continued fifty three yeares during the which the Roman Empire hath gotten so great an increase as the whole World might well know that they must do what their people commaunded But for that such things cannot be rightly iudged by the good Fortune of affaires considering that many times those that seeme to be well done are the cause of great inconueniencies if they be not done in time And contrary-wise they which are fallen into some disaster many times turne their mis-fortunes to good if they know how to haue patience We haue thought it fitting to adde to that which we haue Written what the nature of the Victors were what meanes they held in the gouernment of their Empire and how the rest of the Townes Regions and Countries yeilded willingly vnto them And moreouer what course of life and what Lawes they held with all the World aswell in particular as generally with all their Common-wealths By this meanes they which liue at this day shall plainy see whither it be good to flie or voluntarily to submit to the Empire of Rome and they which shall come after may iudge whither the actions of the Romanes be commendable and worthy of memory or altogether blameable Behold wherein the profit of our History will consist aswell for the present as the future time They which mannage a Warre and they which vndertake to iudge of it do not propound the Victory for the last end nor wholy to subiect himselfe Beleeue me a wise man doth not make Warre with his neighbours to see the defeat and ruine Neither doth any man saile in diuers Seas onely to make Voyages nor pursues many Sciences and Disciplines in regard onely of them Without doubt we pursue these things for that which followes seemes pleasant profitable or decent and therefore wee may with reason say that the end of our Worke hath beene to know the condition of all things after the Conquest of the World made by the Romanes vntill they fell againe into new combustions Of which troubles I haue resolued to write making as it were a new beginning For that there hath beene great and memorable things hauing not onely beene present at
the greatest part but also a comfoâ—t and assistant This trouble grew when as the Romans made Warre against the Celtiberâ—ans and the Carthaginians against Massinissa King of Lybia and what time Attaâ—us and Prusias were at Warre in Asia And then Ariarate King of Capadocia expell'd his Realme by Roferne by the meanes of Demetrius was soone after restored by him But Demetrius the Sonne of Seleucus lost his Realme and life by the conspiracy of other Kings after hee had held Syria twelue yeeres And the Romans restored the Grecians to their Citties whom they had charged to bee the Authours of the Persian Warre after they had accepted the excuse of their innocency Soone after they made Warre against the Carthaginians for the causes which wee will specifie so as they resolued first to transport them and afterwards wholly to ruine them And for that the Macedonians abandoned the part of the Romans and the Lacedemonians the Common weale of the Acheins there followed the vtter ruine and destruction of all Greece This shall serue for the Preamble of our Worke. I haue neede of the fauour of Fortune to the end that by the meanes of life I may finish this my resolution although I hold it for certaine that if a long life should faile mee yet there would bee alwayes some one found among so great a multitude of wise and learned men that would finish our Worke and endeuour to bring vnto perfection that which suddaine Death might hinder and preuent in vs. As wee haue related at large the deeds which seeme most memorable desiring that our whole worke might bee knowne to the Reader as well in generall as perticular it is now time vnto the declaration of our designe The greatest part of those which haue written the deeds of Hannibal desiring to shew the cause of the Warre which kindled betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians say that the siege of Sagonte was the first and the second that contrary to the accord made with the Romans they had past the Riuer of Ebro For my part I am of opinion that these were the beginnings but not the causes for there is a great difference betwixt the causes and beginning of things vnlesse some will say that the Voyage of Alexander the great into Asia hath beene the cause of the Warre which he made against the Persians Or that the descent which Antiochus made at Demetriade hath beene the cause of that which was begun against the Romans the which is neither true nor likely But what man is so much blinded with ignorance that will affirme and maintaine that the preparations which were made partly by Alexander and partly by Phillip in his life time for the Warre of Persia Or by the Etoliens to make Warre against the Romans before the comming of Antiochus hath beene the causes of the Warre These are the opinions of men who doe not obserue how much the beginnings and the cause differ and that the causes in all things are the first and the beginning are the end of causes I am of opinion that the beginnings are called the first workes of things which are resolued and concluded and that the causes are those which preceed the decree and resolution and makes vs so to iudge as are the thoughts the aduices the discourses of reason and such other things This will be apparent for that which followes For it will be easie for any man to see for what cause the Warre of Persia was made and whence the beginning came The first was the returne of the Grecians with Xenophon into their Countrey by infinite fierce and barbarous Nations where not any one durst make head against him in so long a Voyage The second hath beene the Voyage of Agesilaus King of Lacedemonia into Asia by Sea Where hauing found nothing answerable to his forces nor that presented it selfe hee was forced to returne into Greece for the troubles which were kindled there as if he had triumphed ouer the Barbarians For which causes Phillip King of Macedon hauing experience of the basenesse and sloth of the Persians and relying vpon the readinesse of the Macedonians in matters of War being likewise drawne with the hope of great gaine he prepared Warre against them with all his forces as soone as he found himselfe assured of the amity and friendship of the Grecians taking his occasion that the Persians had vsed great cruelty against them And therefore wee must say that the causes of this Warre are those which wee haue first related and the occasions are those whereof we now speake and the beginning was Alexanders Voiage by Sea into Asia And in that which was made against the Romans vnder the conduct of Antiochus the wrath and indignation of the Etoliens was the cause You must vnderstand that for the opinion which they had conceiued that the Romans made no accompt of them as long as the Warre of Phillip continued they not onely called Antiochus vnto their Succours but also resolued to put all in hazard so great their spleene and fury was for that which was past It is true the liberty of Greece was the occasion vnder hope whereof they laboured by all meanes to draw the neighbour Citties to their Enterprize But the beginning of the Warre was the Voyage to Sea of Antiochus to Demetriade Wee haue beene tedious in this Discourse not to blame any one of the auncient Historiographers but for the profit of those which haue a desire to learne For as Phisitians cannot cure their Patients if they haue not knowledge of the causes of the Diseases wherewith they are troubled So they which treate of Histories are altogether vnprofitable if the reason of the place of the time with the causes and occasions bee not knowne There is therefore nothing more necessary nor more to be desired than to know the causes of all things that happen For opportunity doth many times rectifie great affaires and it is easie to preuent their beginnings It is true that Fabius a Roman Historiographer faith that the cruelty and inhumanity of Hannibal towards the Sagontins and the ambition and insatiable desire of Rule in Asdrubal haue beene the causes of the Warre betwixt the Romans and Hannibal Generall of the Carthaginians Then hee sayth that he had much augmented the Carthaginians Empire in Spaine and that being returned to Carthage hee sought to tirannize the Common-wealth and to ouerthrow their Lawes The which the chiefe men discouering they opposed themselues against Asdrubal Wherefore leauing Affricke in a rage hee returned presently into Spaine and afterwards mannaged the affaires according to his owne fancy and without the authority of the Senate of Carthage Moreouer he saith that Hannibal who from his youth had beene at the Warre vnder him was of the same enterprize and therefore after he was Lord of Spaine hee followed the courses of Asdrubal So as this Warre which was made against the Romans was begun by
him in spight of the Carthaginians and that there was not any man in Carthage which loued the Common-wealth but did much blame the deeds of Hannibal against the Sagontins Moreouer hee sayth that after the taking of Sagont there was an Embassie sent from Rome to Carthage demaunding Hannibal to bee punished for the breach of the accord and if they would not yeeld vnto it they should declare Warre against the Carthaginians But if a man should demaund of Fabius what could succeed better nor more reasonable and expedient for the Carthaginians than to deliuer vpon the Romans request the authour of the offence and him that had committed the fault to punish him Seeing that as hee sayth they had dislik't the actions of Hannibal and by this meanes might reuenge by another the common Enemy of the Countrey and maintaine the estate of their Citty in peace chasing away the authour of the warre considering that this might bee well effected by a bare resolution What can he answere Nothing without doubt Contrariwise they were so farre from doing it as they maintained the Warre seuenteene yeeres continuall against the Romans Neither did they cease vntill destitute of all hope they not onely hazarded their Countrey but also their liues Finally to what end doe wee vse this discourse of Fabius or of his writings It is not to cry him downe For his lying writings are apparent to those which reade them It is onely to aduertise those which giue the credit not somuch to regard the title of the Authour as the truth of things For there are men which doe not beare so much respect to the writings as to him that made them and which thinke that for as much as Fabius liued in those times and had beene of the Senate that hee could not but speake truth It is true and I am of opinion that we must giue beleefe and credit vnto him in many things but yet wee may not beleeue all for wee must consider things as they are and how they agree Finally to returne to our Discourse we must not thinke that the first cause of the Warre which the Romans had with the Carthaginians was the indignation of Amilcar sirnamed Barca Father to Hannibal And we must vnderstand that he was not vanquished by the Romans during the Warre of Sicily for he preserued the Army which was about Erix with great Iudgement but when he saw the Carthaginians had lost the battell at Sea hee thought good to veeld vnto the time and made a peace with the Romans yet hee left noâ— his indignation so as he expected continually an opportunity to be reuenged of them And if the Carthaginians had not found themselues troubled with the mntiny of their Souldiers hee would presently haue renewed the VVarre with all his power and therefore being hindred by an intestine mischiefe he deserr'd it to another time The Romans considering the danger wherein the Carthaginians were by the mutiny of their Souldiers threatned them with VVarre To preuent the which the Carthaginians made an accord as we haue specified in the former Booke without which no man can vnderstand that which wee haue now sayd nor that which followes Finally they quit them Sardinia as vnfurnished both of counsell and aide For that the Romans would not otherwise desist from their Enterprize and they payed them beside the Summe already accorded seuen hundred thousand Crownes which was the second and the greatest cause of the VVarre which after wards began VVhen as all the people of Carthage were entred into the like indignation with Hannibal and that Amilcar saw the mutiny of the Souldiers supprest and the affaires of the Countrey pacified he began to make VVarre in Spaine seeking to make vse of it as a preparatiue to leade them against the Romans Behold that which we must imagine for the third cause that is to say the good fortune which the Carthaginians had For that their hearts grew great and therefore they vndertooke thâ—s VVarre more boldly There is proofe sufficient that Amilcar was the principall cause of the second Punique VVarre although he were dead ten yeeres before but it shall suffice for the present to relate that which followeth At what time that Hannibal was vanquished by the Romans he retired to Antiochus leauing Affricke the Romans aduertised of the Etoliens attempt sent an Embassie to Antiochus to know his will and to discouer by this meanes his preparation for Warre But hauing vnderstood that he held the party of the Etoliens and that he was resolued to make Warre against the Romans they frequented daily with Hannibal seeking by their continuall familiarity to draw him into suspition and dislike wherein they were not deceiued For Antiochus thinking he had beene gain'd by the Romans suspected him long But it happened on a time when as the King called him to his Councell whereas he had good liberty to speake And then after many discourses in the end as it were by indignation hee began to vse these termes VVhen as my Father Amilcar was to passe into Spaine with an Army I was about the Age of nine yeares and when as he sacrificed to Iupiter I was neere vnto the Altars But when as the Sacrifices were ended my father caused the rest to retire backe and hauing called me alone he demaunded kindly of me and as it were with imbracings if I would go the Voyage The which when I had not onely accepted but moreouer intreated him like a childe then taking my right hand and laying it vpon the Altar hee would that touching the things sacrificed I should sweare that presently when I came to age I should be an enemy to the Romanes And therefore Sir as long as you shall be their enemy you may relie confidently in me and haue no suspicion of Hannibal but when you shall be reconciled or that you shall contract friendshippe with them then expect no other accuser and haue a care to keepe your selfe from me as from an enemy to the people of Rome for I shall be alwayes opposite vnto them with all my power Antiochus hearing this kind of Speech and that Hannibal spake truly and with affection in regard of his griefe he presently abandoned all suspition Behold then a manifest testimony of the harred and bad affection of Amilcar towards the Romanes for hee left Asdrubal his sonne in Law and his sonne Hannibal for their enemies such as there could be none greater It is true that Death tooke an order that Asdrubal could not shewe the hatred he bare them But Hannibal had time at will so as preuailing in his interprize he hath sufficiently made knowne the hatred which he held from his Father And therefore they which haue the Gouernment of a Common-weale must carefully consider this and ruminate in their vnderstanding to know the humours of those with whom they make any accord or friendship whither it be for the necessity of the time
or to giue ouer the Warres to the ende they may alwaies defend themselues from those which seeke an opportunity to do euill and to make vse of those whom they know to bee their Subiects or true friends when necessity shall require These causes which we haue specified are those of the second Punique Warre and the beginning of that which we will now relate The Carthaginians hardly induring the losse of Sycile which the Romanes had taken from them It is true that as we haue said Sardinia which they had surprized by Treason during the mutiny of Affricke and this summe of money which they had caused them to pay did much increase their hatred And therefore it was likely that as soone as they should grow great in Spaine they would transport the VVarre into Italy But after the death of Asdrubal who after the death of Amilcar was Generall of the Carthaginians they desired to know the will of the Souldiers before they would place a new Commaunder And when as the newes came from the Campe that Hannibal had bin chosen Captaine by a generall consent they presently assembled and confirmed with one accord by the election of the men of VVar. Hannibal hauing receiued all power and considering that to linger was of no worth he marcht with his army to the skirts of the Olcades to ruine them And therefore he besieged Carteia the chiefe Towne of that Countrey and tooke it by assault after some dayes resistance So as the other Townes being terrified yeelded of themselues to the Carthaginians After this Victory the Army retired to winter at Carthagena with great booty whereas Hannibal vsing great bounty deuided it amongst the Souldiers So as hee gained their hearts wonderfully leauing them in great hope for the future In the Spring hee led his Army against the Vacceens and presently conquered Ermandique Afterwards hee tooke Arbacale by force not without great danger hauing held it long besieged For that it had beene well defended by the greatnesse of the Citty and the multitude and courage of the Inhabitants After this hee suddainly fell by chance into a maruellous danger by a charge which the Toletains haue him at his returne from the Vacceens with a great booty For it is a people which exceeds all the rest of this Prouince in courage and multitudes of men with the which also there ioyned the Fugitiues of Ermandique Whereunto the banished men of the Olcades had perswaded them Without doubt the Carthaginians had beene vanquished and defeated if they had offered Battell but Hannibal gaue order to the contrary and striking Sâ—ile to enemy he planted himselfe vppon the Banke of the Riuer of Tagus giuing charge vnto his Horse men that when they should see the Enemies enter into the Water they should charge the Battalion of foote He lodg'd forty Elephants along the Bankes By this meanes all things succeeded happily for that he had the riuer and the Elephants as it were for Combattants For the Barbarians thinking that the Carthaginians were retired for feare they cast themselues confusedly into the Riuer with great cries Wherefore a great number of them were defeated vpon the Bankes of the Riuer by the Elephants which stood there and flew them at their landing Some were also slâ—ine in the Riuer by the Horse men for that the Horsemen being at ease and without Armour could better helpe themselues and annoy the enemies who durst not relye vpon the Ford. They which were in the Reare and might easily recouer the Banke retired vntill in the end the Carthaginians cast themselues into the riuer with all their bands and companies and put them to flight The Toletains army with the Olcades and Vacceens consisted of a hundred thousand men After which defeate there were not any found beyond the riuer of Ebro that durst resist the Carthaginians except the Sagontins It is true that Hannibal would not fall vpon them least hee should offer an occasion of Warre to the Romanes before hee had seized vppon that which his Father Amilcar had aduised him to do In the meane time the Sagontins sent often to Rome aswell for the care of their owne priuate affaires as also fore-seeing future things and likewise to aduertise them of the good Fortune of the Carthaginians in Spaine Finally the Romanes hauing thereupon many and diuers aduertisements they sent an Embassie into Spaine to discouer the course of Hannibals actions But he was retired to Winter at Carthagena hauing mannaged his affaires to his owne liking Being suddainly arriued there he cals them and giues them audience and power to deliuer their charge The Embassadours at the first signifies vnto him that he should demaund nothing from the Sagontins being allied vnto the Romanes And moreouer that he should not passe the riuer of Ebro for that it had beene so concluded by the Treaty made with Asdruball The which being heard by Hannibal like a young man and greedy of War and who easily did what he would with the Senate of Carthage by the meanes of the heads of his faction together with the hatred he bare against the Romanes he answered the Embassadours as a friend to the Sagontins blaming the people of Rome who when they had lately receiued Letters from the Sagontins for a mutiny which was growne amongst them to the end they might send some Embassie to pacifie it they had wickedly put to death some of the principall of the Citty Whereof he threatens them to take reuenge saying that the Carthaginians had a Custome not to disdaine outrages On the other side he sent vnto Carthage to aduertise them of that which they were to do considering that the Sagontins relying vppon the Alliance with the Romanes had done great outrages to many Townes subiect to the Carthaginians Finally as one full of inconstancy and rage and inflamed with a desire to make Warre he propounded no other valuable reason pursuing only certaine friuolous and impertinent causes The which is incident to those who transported by their passion forget their duty But had it not beene much better to say thus That the Carthaginians do rightfully demaund of the Romanes that they restore vnto them Sardinia and the siluer which for so many yeares they had vniustly drawne from them during their great affaires and if they did it not they will proclaime Warre against them Where as contrariwise it seemes now in leauing the true cause and supposing a false one of the Sagontins they would make it not only without occasion but also with great outrage And although the Embassadours vnderstood well that vppon necessity they must enter into Warre yet they went vnto Carthage where they vsed the like speech It is true the Romanes meant to Transport it into Spaine and not into Italy and to haue Sagont for a Fort. Wherefore in the interim they laboured first to pacifie the Wars of Sclauonia as if they intended to make a Warre that was
from returning Finally the whole Army was in great trouble and paine and they languished the more for that they had watch'd foure daies and three nights going through the Waters But amongst all the rest the Gaules were most tormented Most part of their carriage Horses falling into the Mire dyed seruing the tyred Souldiers to rest themselues vpon and the baggage lying downe vpon them in the Water so as they tooke their necessary rest some part of the night Many Horses also lost their hoofes by their continuall going in the mire Hannibal could hardly escape the moares but that he was carried vpon an Elephant which was onely remaining Who by a great paine in his eyes which had hapned by the bad condition of the Ayre in the end hee lost an eie for that he had neither time nor place to prevent it After that he had past the Moares contrary to the opinion of all the World and was aduertised by his Spies that Flaminius was about the Wals of Aretzo he planted himselfe neere vnto the Marishes partly to refresh his army being tyred with so great toyle and likewise to learne the Resolution and forces of the Enemy with the scituation of the Country and Wayes But being aduertised that among the Regions of Italy that was very fertile and that the Champaigne betwixt Aretzo and Fesula was very rich in Corne and all other things necessary and that moreouer the Consull was a proud man affecting the applause of the people but without experience of Warre and relying much vpon Fortune he thought it fit that in leauing the enemy on the left hand he should drawe towards Fesula to spoyle the Country of Tuscany being conceited that the Consull for the naturall desire he had to purchase the fauor the people would neuer suffer the Country to bee spoi'd Nor attend his Companion as desiring him not in things well done But contrariwise would follow him wheresoeuer he went without feare hauing a desire to fight By this meanes he foresawe good opportunities to giue Battaile making therin a wise and politique discourse of future things Beleeue mee he is deceiued that thinkes any duty greater in a Captaine then to discouer the opinion and Nature of the enemy For as you must obserue in a Combate betwixt man and man the place where you meane to strike and consider diligently where he lies open and discouered So in a great Warâ—e you must seeke the Enemy not so much to vnderstand where the the parts of the body are naked but by what meanes you may discouer the Nature and proceedings of the Generall There are many which not onely forget the publicke Affaires by a dulnesse and negligence but also many times those which concerne their priuate Liues Others subiect to Wine cannot rest vntill they be drunke and some giuen too much to women not only ruine Townes and Common-weales but also their Liues with infamy Moreouer Cowardize and feare in priuate men is full of Reproach and disgrace but in a Commaunder it is sometimes the cause of great losse Ouerweening rashnesse Choller and vaine bragging is preiudiciall and profitable to the Enemy Beleeue me such kind of men doe easily fall into the Snares and Ambushes of their Enemies And therefore if any one hauing discouered the Vices of the Enemy findes some occasion whereby he may circumvent the Generall he may easily preuaile ouer the rest For as an Enemy doth easily boord a Shippe when it is without a Gouernour So if any one during the Warre defeates a Commaunder by his Iudgement and good aduice hee will soone be master of the rest of the Army As Hannibal had made this Discourse of the Roman Consull so he was not deceiued in his opinion for parting with all speede thorough the Fesulans Countrey leauing the Enemy behind he began to put all Tuscany to fire and Sword The Consull inflamed herewith thinking that the Enemy made no account of him holding it a great dishonour to suffer the Goods of their Allies to bee thus spoil'd aâ—d carried away before his face could not take any rest And therefore although that many aduised him not to pursue Hannibal nor to fight with him but to keepe his Horse and foote entire vntill the comming of his Companion to the end that both Armies being ioyned they might mannage the Warre by a common Councell hee would not doe any thing giuing them no other answere but that they should consider what the people of Rome would say seeing the Enemy Camp'd in the middest of Italy and march directly to Rome without resistance they sleeping in Tuscany at his backe Hauing vsed this Speech he began to pursue the Enemy after that he had suddainly drawne his Troupes together without consideration either of time or places desiring onely to fight as if the Victory had beene certaine He had put his whole Army in hope of winning the Battaile so as there were more which charged themselues with chaines and fetters and such like things then with armes to fight Hannibal marching directly to Rome spoil'd all the Champaigne Country which lies betwixt the Towne of Cortone and the Lake of Perouze vsing all manner of cruelty to draw the enemy to fight But when he had newes of Flaminius pursuite with his Army seeing the place conuenient to lay his Ambushes hee began to prepare himselfe for a battaile There was a large plaine enuironed round about with high Mountaines ioyned together hauing within it a lesser Hill which was painfull and difficult and behind lies the Lake of Perouze betwixt the which and the Mountaines there is a narrow passage whereby they enter into the plaine Hannibal gaines these first Hils planting his Campe there and lodgeth with the Spaniards and Affricans laying behind the Mountaines the Souldiers of Maiorque and Minorque with others that were lightly armed He doth also place in the streight the Horse-men with the Gaules to the end that as soone as the Romans should be entred they should be wholy inuironed by the Lake and Mountaines opposing the Horse-men in Front And hauing thus disposed of his men in the night he went to take his rest Flaminius pursuing his enemy with great heate came vnto the Lake before the Sun setting and the next day early began to lead his Army through the streight The day was thicke and misty by reason of a Fogge which came from the Lake and the Neighbour mountaines When as Hannibal saw the greatest part of the Army entred into the Plaine and that the fore-most approached neere vnto him hee then gaue his men a signe of battaile Which done they fall vpon them that were neerest The Romans were amazed at this suddaine surprize for that the mist hindred their sight and with all the Enemies charg'd them on all sides at one instant so as they could not put themselues into battaile nor make vse of their Armes nor scarce know what had beene done being assailed by some in front by
to the old Army and let many vnderstand the will of the Senate wishing the multitude to be of good Courage considering the season of the time Wherewith Emilius made an Oration whereof this in a manner is the Substance THat for losses lately made they should not faint like men amazed For the losses in former Battailes had not hapned for one or two causes but for many And if at this day they be Men of Courage and Resolution there was nothing could hinder but they should obtaine a goodly Victory That neuer vnto this houre the two Consuls had fought with all the Legions together nor with more warlike Men nor of greater Experience And if on the other side they haue made vse of young Men and little acquainted with the Art of warre and who moreouer were so ill aduertised of the Enemies enterprizes of the scituation of places and the nature of the Region so as many times they haue found themselues in danger when they had scarce seene the Enemy which was a matter of great consequence For they which were defeated in Gaule neere vnto the Riuer of Trebia came to fight without reason neuer inquiring of the enemies enterprize within three daies after their arriuall from Sicily and they which were neere vnto the Lake of Peronza were defeated before they could see the enemy by reason of a great Fogge. But now Companion saith he all things are for vs for wee are two Consuls vnited in one will and the same forces and we haue with vs those of the last yeare And for your part you haue not onely seene the daily combates the order which Souldiers obserue and the enemies Troupes But moreouer behold the second yeare wherein you haue had experience of all this in practising your selues and fighting continually Wherefore seeing that things are contrary to those which hapned in former Battailes it is not likely but the end should prooue otherwise It is not credible nay I say it is impossible seeing that in fighting with the enemy with an equall number in so many incounters you haue parted Victors that now you should be vanquished by them with all the Troupes seeing you haue a double Army Seeing then Companions that you haue the Victory in your owne hands you haue no more neede of our Counsell and care I might make you a longer Speech if I did hold it necessary for this must be expected from those which are mercenary or being drawne from the Allies are Commaunders of an Army to whom nothing is more troublesome then a day of Battaile In regard of those which are like vnto vs whose liues are not onely in danger but their Country Wiues and Children whose remembrances happily should be of more force then any remonstrance What man is he that would not eyther vanquish in fighting or die in the Combat then to liue in misery and attend so great a storme and pouerty Courage Companions consider with your selues what a difference there is betwixt vanquishing and to be vanquished and what followes the one and the other and prepare your selues to Battaile so as you will remember that it is not the Roman Army that is in danger but the Countrey and moreouer the head of the World What shall the Romans haue remaining after your defeat They haue put all their forces and power into your hands and all their hope is in you I intreate you for the honour of the immortall Gods that you would not frustrate their expectation Yeeld the thankes which you owe vnto your Countrey let all the world know that the losses formerly made were not by the prowesse of the Carthaginians more then by the Romans but for that the Roman Souldiers were at that time new and ignorant of the Warre After this Speech or the like Emilius dismist the Souldiers Three dayes after the Army marcht towards the Enemies Campe and on the third day they planted themselues neare vnto them But Emilius seeing that the Plaine was large hee was not of opinion to fight with the Enemy for that hee was stronger in Horse-men and that they must draw them into some place where the Foote-men might haue the aduantage Contrariwise Varro being of little experience in the Warre was of aduice not to deferre the battaile lest the Enemy should escape from them And therefore these two Consuls were in contention and debate which is the worst thing that can happen in a Campe. That day for they gouerne it by dayes Varro had the Commaund who dislodging from his Campe made haâ—e to approach neare vnto the Enemy notwithstanding that Emilius opposed himselfe to the contrary Hannibal marcheth against them with his men lightly armed and his Horse-men and assaults them with a fight more likely to their fore-runners then to a pitcht Battaile The Romans receiued them valiantly Finally the Night parted them The Carthaginians hauing gotten little retired to their Campe. And when as three dayes after Lucius Emilius had resolued not to fight and could nor disswade the other hee diuides the Army into three and fortifies two parts on this side the Riuer of Fante which alone diuides the Appenine Hills and bending towards the Sea of Italy runnes into the Adriatique The other third part hee lodgeth on this side the Riuer about two Miles and an halfe distant from the other two and in a manner as much from the Enemies Campe. When as Hannibal had found out a conuenient place for his Horse-men to fight in and thinking that the Consuls would come to the Combat hee began to put his men in Battaile But fearing that the Army was amazed by reason of this last Fortune hee resolued to preach vnto them He drawes them together and commaunds them to looke vpon the Countrey which was about him demaunding of them what they could desire of the Gods more beneficiall and profitable then the offer of a battaile in those places where they might make vse of their Horse-men which were inuincible And when as all had confest it freely therefore saith hee giue thankes first vnto the immortall Gods for in preparing vs the Victory they haue brought the Enemy into this place of aduantage for vs and secondly to vs who by our industry and labour haue forced them to come to fight The Romans cannot flie nor auoide the Combate and therefore the battaile and victory is in your hands I hold it folly now to perswade you to performe the duties of braue men It had beene well spoken when you had no experience of the Roman Forces the which at this present time wee made knowne vnto you by words and example But what preaching can more inflame and encourage your hearts then the workes themselues seeing you haue obtained the Victory in three great seuerall battailes You haue beene Masters of the Field in the Combats past and haue had abundance of all things as wee haue promised you So as hitherto I haue neuer failed of my promise But the Combate at
worke and especially of the Common-weale of the Acheins Considering that their manner of gouernment tooke a great increase as well before as in our time And therefore beginning with the time of Tisamenes one of the sonnes of Orestes we haue said that the Acheins liued from his time vnto the Reigne of Gyges vnder Kings descending from him And that hauing chased them away the Citie being well aduised gaue the gouernment vnto the Commons Some few yeares after the Townes and Burroughes began to fall into dissention by the meanes of the Lacedemonian Princes Yet afterwards as we haue said the Acheins reunited themselues which was the first meanes that all Morea tooke the sirname of Acheins Wee haue moreouer deliuered their actions in perticular vnto the Defeate of Cleomenes King of the Lacedemonians And there we haue concluded our preparation with the death of Antigonus Seleucus and Ptolomy for they all died in one Olimpiade It rests now that in writing the Remainder wee should begin there The subiect seemes good first for that the deedes which Arate hath written end at that time to the end that to continue the Narration of the Grecians actions wee should prosecute as wee haue promised those which follow And for that the times are so vnited as one part hath beene in our age and the other in the time of our Parents By this meanes we haue seene part and heard the rest from those which haue seene them I haue not held it fit to seeke things farre off nor to make a relation growing from heare-say or report for that I conceiue it would not be profitable for the Reader And therefore let vs begin with the time when as Fortune seemed to haue made a new world Philip the lawfull sonne of Demetrius being in his younger yeares had taken possession of the Empire of Macedon Acheus Lord of all the Prouince neere vnto Taurus had not onely the Name of a King but also the Forces Antiochus sirnamed great succeeded his Brother Seleucus lately dead in the Realme of Syria although hee were but young and Ariarates had taken the Realme of Capadocia At the same time also Ptolomy Philopater had gotten the Empire of Egipt and soone after Lycurgus was chosen King of the Lacedemonians The Carthaginians likewise had chosen Hannibal for their Generall in the Warres as we haue mentioned And therefore it seemes that there was an alteration seeing that all the Potentates were renewed which is a naturall thing and which happened at one time The Romans and Carthaginians made the warre which we haue mentioned and Antiochus and Ptolomy that of Syria In regard of the Acheins and Philip they had warre against the Etoliens and Lacedemonians Whereof see the causes The Etoliens being long discontented with peace were not content to liue vpon their owne charges as being accustomed to liue vpon their Neighbours for the necessity of their great expences by reason of their Naturall arrogancie whereunto being subiect they lead a cruell and brutish life obseruing no law of friendship nor alliance so as all things are of good prize vnto them And although that during the life of Antigonus they did not stirre fearing the forces of the Lacedemonians Yet after his death when as Philip had succeeded him they began disdaining his youth to seeke occasions of warre with them of Morea and namely for that by an ancient custome of iniuries they had vsed to rob and spoile at Sea And that moreouer they held themselues more powerfull to make warre then the Acheins Being in this humour soone after they found this occasion together with the fauour and fortune of their enterprize Dormiache Triconee was sonne to Nicostrates who violated the affaires of the Pambiotins who being yet young and full of arrogancie and pride an Etolien had beene sent by the Common-wealth to Phigalea It is a Towne scituated right against the Messenian Mountaines and which by fortune was then allied to the Etoliens Hee let them vnderstand that hee had beene sent thether to gouerne the Towne and the Country Although they had done it of purpose to discouer the estate of Morea But for that in regard of the alliance they could not victuall the Pyrats who wandring there abouts retired to him to Phigalea for their Munition and the rather for that the peace made with Antigonus continued still hee aduised them to carry away the Messeniens Cattell who were their Friends and Allies The which they began at the first to chase out of their limits and afterwards as their obstinacie increased by little and little to ruine the houses in the night standing scattered in the Fields and to spoile and ruine the whole Country The Messeniens discontented herewith send an Embassie to Dorimache to complaine of the outrages done by the Pyrates who at the first made no account of it doing it partly for the benefit of the Pyrates and partly for his owne interest hauing a share in the Booty But being often prest by Embassies by reason of the continuance of the wrongs he told them that he would be soone at Messena to doe them right for the complaints they made against the Etoliens Being arriued and that many presented themselues vnto him hauing bin wronged hee sent some away with scoffes others with iniuries and some he terrified with bigge and outragious words During these pursuits at Messena the Pyrates came in the night to a Burrough called Chiron and tooke it by Scalado and sacking and spoiling it they slewe some of those which were found in Armes and carrie away the rest Prisoners with the Cattell The Messenians being more incensed herewith considering his Presence and finally thinking that they were deluded they cause him to come before the Magistrates By good fortune Schiron a man of good esteeme and at that time Gouernour of the Messeniens was of opinion not to suffer Dorimache to part out of the Towne before hee had restored the spoiles which the Pyrates had made and repaired the houses in the Country and deliuered those which had committed the Murthers And when as all the assembly approued of this Councell Dorimache inflamed with choller told them they were fooles and if in doing that they thought to wrong Dorimache and not the Etoliens And that moreouer they did him great wrong and that within a short time reuenge would be taken There was at that time in Messena a man of base condition called Babyrthe so like in face body lineaments and voyce to Dorimache that if they had giuen him his Crowne and Robe you could hardly haue discern'd them This Dorimache knew well And when he vsed proud and audatious words to the Messeniens Schiron grew into choller telling him thinkest thou that we care for thee or Babyrthe for this thy rashnes After which words Dorimache thought good to strike saile restoring to the Messeniens all the pillage And going then
as they which were lightly armed which had beene sent to succour them met with them that fled they were forced to doe the like being amazed with this new accident and partly broken by them that fled So as the defeate was but of fiue hundred whereas the â—light was of aboue two thousand The Etoliens seeing plainely what they had to doe pursued the Acheins with cries and ioy Who thinking to finde their men in Battaile where they had left them retired to Arate And therefore their flight in the beginning was honest and for their safety But when as they saw them dislodge and to come by files and in disorder then some flying here and there sought for their safety others marching directly to their owne men disordred one another without any Enemy Finally they all flie and saue themselues in the neighbour Townâ—s for Orchomenes and Caphies were not farre off otherwise they had beene all taken or slaine that day Thus the Acheins were defeated neere vnto Caphies The Megalopolitains being aduertised that the Etoliens had planted their Campe neere vnto Methydrie they assembled all with one consent and went to Field three dayes after the Battaile to succour the Acheins but they were forced to bury those with whom they did hope to fight against the Enemy And therefore they made a great Ditch wherein they put all the dead Bodies and performed their obsequies after the manner of the Countrey The Etoliens being Victors past through Mroea without feare of danger At what time after they had sought diuers wayes to gaine the Pellenesiens and had ruined the Country of the Sicyoniens in the end they retired by the streight of the Isthmus These were the cause of the warre of the Allies whereof wee haue formerly spoken whereof the beginning was by a Decree which was afterwards made among the Allies and confirmed at Corinthe where they were all assembled for that cause Philip King of Macedon consenting thereunto Some few dayes after the Acheins being assembled they blamed Arate both in publique and priuate as if he had beene the cause of this defeat and losse and the Commons were the more inflamed for that the Enemies league made it to seeme greater First it seemed hee had committed a great fault to haue seazed vpon the Magistracie before his time and to haue made enterprizes doing another mans office wherein hee had many times before beene vnfortunate But it seemed hee had done worse dissoluing the Acheins Army the Etolien Commaunders being still in the midst of Morea Thirdly that being ill accompanied he had giuen Battaile without force considering that hee might easily haue retired to the Neighbour Townes vntill the Acheins had made a new head and then giue Battaile if he had thought it fit Finally that hee had carried himselfe so inconsiderately that in leauing the Plaines where without doubt his Men had beene the stronger he had assailed the Enemie in the Mountaines with Souldiers lightly armed whereby the Etoliens could haue no greater aduantage Yet suddainly when as Arate was returned and 〈◊〉 into the assembly and that he began to deliuer the things which he had formerly done for the publique good and had made knowne the causes of the last Defeat and giuen them to vnderstand that he was not the cause thereof as his Enemies had falsly slaundred him and that finally hee would haue craued pardon letting them know that if hee had commited any fault the Acheins should not consider the euent of things so bitterly nor with such rigour but with fauour and mildnesse the opinion of the Commons was suddainly so changed as where before they seem'd to be wonderfully incensed against Arate they sodainly turned their choller against his ill-willers so as from that time they followed the Councell and opinion of Arate These things happened in the hundred and nine and thirtieth Olympiade and those which follow in the hundred and fortieth It was then resolued by the Acheins to send Embassies to the Epirotes Peociens Phocenses Acarnaniens and to Philip King of Macedon to let them vnderstand that the Etoliens had entred twice into Acheia contrary to the former accords and likewise to demaund succours according to the league and moreouer that the Messeniens might bee receiued and that the chiefe of the Acheins might leauie fiue thousand Foote and fiue hundred Horse and succour the Messeniens if the Etoliens did reassaile them Finally that he might agree with the Lacedemnians and Messeniens touching the number of Foote and Horse which they should keepe ready for the common affaires of the league After these things thus resolued the Achiens stomacking the Defeate whereof we haue spoken did not forget the Messeniens affaires nor their resolution The Embassadours execute their charge diligently The chiefe likewise assemble the youth as it had beene decreed and agree with the Lacedemonians and Messeniens that either of them should furnish two thousand fiue hundred Foote and two hundred and fifty Horse to the end that the whole might amount to ten thousand Foote and a thousand Horse The time being come when as the Etoliens were to hold their Diet they assembled the Commons and consulted how to make a peace with the Lacedemonians and Messeniens and with other people their neighbours being forced partly by pouerty and partly weakned by the Acheins Allies As for the Acheins they resolued to contract with them if they would leaue the Alliance of the Messeniens But if they would hold it still they were of aduice to make Warre against them which was a most idle and sencelesse thing For being allied to the Acheins aud Messeniens they declared Warre against the Acheins if they contracted any Friendship or alliance with the Messeniens and contrariwise a peace was confirmed if they held them for their Enemies And therefore their villany could not take place by reason of the contrariety of their subtill inuention The Epirotes and Philip hauing heard the Embassadours charge receiued the Messeniens into the league and although they disliked the outrages of the Etoliens yet it seemed they made no great accompt of it for that they had done no new action considering they had beene accustomed to such things Wherefore they willingly continued a peace with them Thus sometimes outrages growne old and continued are sooner pardoned then those of new date The Etoliens vsing this course of life in ruining Greece by their incursions and making Warre many times before they declared it did not vouchsafe to answer to the complaints Many times also they made no accompt and mockt at those which demanded satisfaction for those things which they had done or would doe And although that the Lacedemonians had beene lately restored to liberty by Antigonus by meanes of the Acheins hauing promised to Philip and the Macedonians not to attempt any thing against them yet they sent an Embassie secretly to the Etoliens and confirmed friendship and alliance with them When as the
any paine or danger They are also very profitable to the other Cities of Greece And therefore the Grecians did honour and esteeme them worthy to whom they not onely giue thanks but they are bound to giue them Succours against the Barbarians as doing good to all men We haue thought good to shew the cause why this Citie is so happy for that there are many which know not the nature and property of the place and it hath beene alwayes our desire that such things might come to the knowledge of many and that if it might be they might be visible to the eye if not yet at the lest as much as should be possible they might be comprehended in the vnderstanding The Sea then which they call Pontique hath in circuit two and twenty thousand furlongs or there-abouts hauing two mouthes opposite one to the other whereof the one comes from Propontis and the other from the blacke Sea the which hath in circuit eight thousand furlongs But for that diuers great Riuers fall from Asia into it and more out of Europe it sometimes flowes into the Pontique Sea by its mouth and from thence into Propontis The Mouth of the blacke Sea is called Bosphorus Cimeriques and is thirty furlongs broad and threescore in length As for the mouth of the Pontique Sea it is called the streight of Constantinople whose length is not in euery place equall for from the Propontis the space betwixt Chalcedon and Constantinople containes foureteene furlongs and from the Pontique Sea the which they call Fanum scituated in Asia whereas Iason first as they sacrificed to the twelue Gods returning from Cholchos is distant from Europe tenne furlongs Moreouer they deliuer two reasons why the blacke Sea and the Pontique runne continually whereof the one is well knowne for that the water encreaseth by the multitude of Riuers which fall continually into it and hauing no other meanes to voide it it must of necessity encrease so as it is forced to passe away by its mouth The other is that the bottome is fill'd with aboundance of sand which the Riuers bring continually into it so as the water is forced to swell and so to passe away These are the true causes of their course which neede not the relation of Marchants to purchase credit but onely of naturall reason which is the truest testimony that can be found But seeing wee are fallen vpon this discourse wee must not omit any thing as many Historiographers doe to seeke out the secrets of Nature and wee must vse as much as possibly wee may a demonstratiue relation to the end wee may leaue nothing in doubt to those which desire to vnderstand Neither were it sitting in these times when as all things haue beene discouered to seeke the testimony of Poets or fabulous Writers in doubtfull things the which former Historiographers haue done By this meanes as Heraclides saith they haue not propounded testimonies worthy of credit in doubtfull things and which are in debate Wee therefore say that the Pontique Sea fills it selfe continually with sand which the Riuers bring into it and that in time it will be made euen with the land The like we say of the blacke Sea so as the scituation of places continue as wee see them at this day and that the causes of the sand which fall continually into it cease not For seeing the time is infinite and the bottomes whereof wee speake are enclosed with certaine limits it is manifest that by a long succession of time they would be fill'd vp by the descent of that which falls into them bee it neuer so little so as it continues And for that the sands which are brought into them are of no small quantity but in a manner infinite it is apparent that what wee say will soone happen and wee see it partly already for that the blacke Sea is in a manner fill'd vp for the greatest depth hath not aboue fiue fathome or seauen at the most wherefore they cannot saile without great Ships vnlesse the Marriners towe them off by their Masts And although in the beginning the blacke Sea was like vnto the Pontique in taste as the Ancients confesse Yet it is now a very sweete Marish for that the sea hath beene surmounted by aboundance of sands and the many sweete Riuers which fall into it The like will happen to the Pontique and begins already But it cannot be so easily discouered by reason of the great depth And yet if we shall obserue it well we shall finde it euident for there are made within it by the substance which by the descent is carryed for that the Danowe enters by many mouthes hills which the Marriners call Shelfes a daies iourney from the shore where many times in the night they suffer Shipwracke Behold the cause why these Shelfes are rather made farre within the Sea then neere the shore for the greater force the Riuer hath in their course driuing the waues into the sea it is necessary that the sand and other substance should be carried farre into it And whereas the violency of the Riuers ceaseth by reason of the depth of the Sea rather then by a naturall reason all the sands sinke and findes a bottome where it stayes Wherefore it happens that the shelfes of swiftest Riuers are found farthest into the Sea and their depth neere vnto the shore where as they which haue a slow course are not farre from the mouth Finally wee must not wonder at the great quantity of wood stone and sand which is carried into the Pontique Sea for that many times wee see a torrent or land flood ouerflowe a great Countrey in a short time carrying away earth and stone So as it sometimes happens there is such an alteration made of a great Countrey as in seeing it soone after we doe scarce know it Wherefore wee must not wonder if so many and such great Riuers fall continually into the Pontique Sea in the end fill it vp for this is not onely likely but also necessary if wee will diligently examine the reason the likelihood it should proue so is great for as much as the Pontique Sea differs from ours for that the blacke Sea is sweeter Wherefore it followes that when as the Pontique Sea hath past as much more time as the blacke for that it is of a greater depth it will be sweet and moorish like vnto it and the sooner for that there are more Riuers and greater fallen into it Wee haue spoken these things for those which thinke that the Pontique Sea cannot bee fill'd vp nor become moorish being now a full Sea Wee haue likewise done it for that Saylors report such variety of lyes to the end that like children we should not alwayes giue credit vnto them for that wee haue not visited the places and that hauing some knowledge of the trueth we may discouer whether that which they relate be true or false But let vs returne to the commodity
opposed themselues So as they returned without effect So one after they sent to declare VVarre vnto them for the afore-said causes Presently after the Rhodiens sent Embassadours to Prusias to perswade him to make Warre against the Constantinopolitains for they knew well hee was offended with them for certaine causes The Constantinopolitains in like manner solicited Attalus and Acheus by many Embassies to succour them against the Rhodiens It is true that Attalus was at liberty but hee was much oppressed with pouerty for that Acheus had forced him to retire himselfe within the liberties of his Fathers Empire Finally Acheus who tearmed himselfe Lord of all the Countrey which lies on this side Tauris and publishing himselfe for King promised succours vnto the Constantinopolitains which gaue them occasion of great hope and terrified very much the Rhodiens and Prusias For Acheus was allied vnto Antiochus who raigned in Syria and had attained to this Principallity by such or the like meanes After the death of Seleucus father vnto Antichus and that his Sonne Seleucus the eldest of the brethren had succeded in the Realme Acheus past the Mountaine of Tauris with him in regard of his kindred about two yeares before the time whereof wee now speake For as soone as Seleucus was King and hearing that Attalus had taken the whole Country which lies on this side Mount Tauris considering that hee must giue order to his Affaires passeth the Mountaine with a great Army VVhere within few dayes after hee was slaine by Apaturin a Gaule and Nicanor Acheus resoluing to reuenge the death of his kinsman kills them presently And then he gouernes the Army and all other affaires with great VVisedome and Courage For when as the opportunity of the time and the generall consent of all the Souldiers perswaded him to take the Crowne yet hee would not doe it but kept the Realme for the younger Brother Antiochus and gouerning all other matters carefull he resolued to subdue the whole Country which is on this side Tauris But when as all things had succeeded happily and that in the end he had left nothing but Pergamus to Attalus hee presently changed his minde and caused himselfe to bee called their King being growne proud with the Victories which hee had obtained contrary vnto his Hope So as it fell out that his name was more feared by the Inhabitants on this side Tauris then of any other King or Prince Wherat the Constantinopolitains being moued they made no difficulty to vnder-take a Warre against the Rhodiens and Prusias Who accused them that when they had promised to set vp his Images yet they afterwards forgot it thorough negligence And withall hee was much more incensed for that they had done what possibly they could to pacifie the Warre which was kindled betwixt Acheus and Attalus For that euery man knew that their peace was dangerous to him for many Reasons Finally hee obiected against them that whereas they had sent an Embassie to Attalus at the Games which he had made in the honour of Minerua they had not sent any one vnto him when hee gaues thankes vnto the Gods For which reasons being incensed hee willingly embraced the Rhodiens party against them of Constantinople And therefore hee agreed with their Embassadours that they should send foorth a very strong Fleete to assaile the Constantinopolitains by Sea promising likewise to inuade them by Land with no lesse forces then they should This was the the beginning and the causes of the Warre which the Rhodiens made against the Constantinopolitains They also at the first entred into it with great Courage hoping that Acheus would succour them according vnto his promise They had also called Thibete of Macedony whom they opposed against Prusias to take from him the meanes to make VVarre against another being much troubled for the defence of his owne But Prusias parting with great rage and fury against the Constantinopolitains hee presently tooke Fanum a place very strong by Nature and seated vpon the mouth of the Pontique Lea which they of Constantinople had lately purchased for a great summe of money mooued with the opportunity of the place to the end that no man might enter or goe foorth of the Pontique Sea but by their fauour Moreouer he put all the Countrey of Asia which the Constantinopolitains had long helde to fire and Sword On the other side the Rhodiens hauing made sixe shippes and taken foure from their Allies whereof they made Xenophante Commaunder they sailed vnto Hellesponte with an Army of ten saile of very strong Shippes And hauing left nine neere vnto Seste for the defence of the entry into the Pontique Sea the Commaunder hauing a good VVinde sailed with the tenth vnto Constantinople to view their Countenance And whither at this first beginning of the VVarre they would be better aduised But finding them ill affected hee retired vnto his whole Army with the which hee returned to Rhodes In the meane time the Constantinopolitains sent Embassies some vnto Acheus intreating him to hasten his Succours Others into Macedony to draw downe Thibete for it seemed that the Realme of Bythinia did as rightly belong to Thibete as to Prusias for that hee was his Vncle. The Rhodiens being aduertised of the obstinacy of the Constantinopolitains vsed Wisedome and Policy For when they vnderstood that all their Hope was in Acheus whose Father Ptolomy kept in Prison at Alexandria and that Acheus leauing all other Affaires whatsoeuer was carefull of his deliuery they thought good to send an Embassie to Ptolomy and to intreate him with great Affection to deliuer vnto them the father of Acheus to the end that by this means they should make him bound vnto them Ptolomy after he had heard the Embassadours did not seeme very willing to deliuer Andromochus hoping to make vse of him at neede for that hee was not yet well pacified with Antiochus and that Acheus hauing seazed vppon the Realme without any contradiction and farre extended his power For Andromochus was Father vnto Acheus and brother to Laodicea Wife to Seleucus Yet to please the Rhodiens hee deliuers him vnto them to restore him vnto his Sonne if they thought good The Rhodiens by this meanes hauing done according to their owne desires and reconciling themselues vnto Acheus by some other meanes they did frustrate the Constantinopolitains of their principall hope There fell out also another accident which troubled them very much For Thibete whom they had drawne out of Macedony as we haue said died suddainly of sicknesse For which accidents the Constantinopolitains began to faint Contrariwise Prusias hauing a greater hope of his Enterprize parted from Asia to make Warre and leuied men in Thrace pressing the Constantinopolitains so neere as they durst not issue or sally out of the Gates which looked towards Europe Wherefore being thus destitute of all hope and suffering all the iniuries of Warre they sought and inuented some honest meanes to be
and certaine Countries nor finally the difference of circumstances For these are things common to all men It is also the meanes to aduertise the Reader of things vnknowne as we haue sayd The scituation of places whereof we speake is this Although that Lacedemon seemes to stand in a plaine yet it hath here and there rough and hilly places Neere vnto which towards the East passeth this Riuer which they call Erota the which for the most part of the yeere is not to be waded thorough by reason of its great depth The Mountaines wherein Menelaie stands are on the other side of the Riuer towards the Citty which looke towards the Winters East the which are tough and difficult and wonderfull high And bend ouer the Plaine which lies betwixt the Riuer and the Citty by the which it takes its course along the foote of the Mountaines The King was of necessity to passe that way hauing the Citty on the left hand and the Lacedemonians ready and in Armes And on the right hand the Riuer and those which were in the Mountaines with Licurgus Matters standing in this estate the Lacedemonians bethought themselues of a stratagem by the which in breaking of a Damme they should drowne all the Plaine betwixt the Citty and the foot of the Mountains so as neither Horse nor Foote should be able to passe By this meanes they saw the King should bee forced to lead his Army by the foote of the Mountaines the which he could not doe without great danger for that he should be forced to extend his Army in length and not vnited and close and to march a slow pace Philip seeing this assembles his Friends and was of opinion that he must first chase away Licurgus from the places which hee held Wherefore he takes in his company the Mercenaries the Targeteers and the Sclauonians and began to march directly towards the Mountaines to passe the Riuer Licurgus vnderstanding of the Kings resolution put his men in Battaile and perswades them to doe their duties in fighting and withall hee makes a signe to them of the Citty as he had promised Which done the Souldiers presently sally forth putting the Horse-men on the right wing When Philip came neere vnto Licurgus he sent the Mercenaries to giue the first charge of whom the Lacedemonians had the better at the first by reason of the aduantage of the place and the manner of their Armes But when as he had sent the Targeteers with the Sclauonians to succour the Mercenaries there was so great an alteration as the Mercenaries seemed to haue the victory in their hands And the Lacedemonians amazed at the fury of them that were well armed fled presently as despairing of their safety There died about a hundred men and some few more taken the rest recouered the Citty Licurgus taking his way by inaccessible woods arriued the night following at the Citty When as Philip had put a sufficient strength of Sclauonians into the Mountaines he returned with them that were lightly armed and the Targeteers to his Army At the same time Arate bringing back the Army from Amycle was not far from the City with whom the King passing the Riuer ioyned and appointed them that were well armed to make head against the Horse-men at the foot of the Mountaine When as the Lacedemonian Horse-men had charged the Macedonians and the targeteers had fought valiantly and withal the King had performed his duty well they were in the end repuls'd shamefully to the gates of the City Afterwards the King past Eurota safely and was forced to settle his Campe in the night at his comming forth of the streights in a place which was very strong by nature Finally the King had an humour to ouer-run the Countrey neere to Lacedemon In the beginning of the said streights vpon the approaches from Teges by the firme Land to Lacedemon there is a place about two Furlongs distant from the Citty vnder the which the Riuer hath its course the which imbraceth the Citty and the side of the Riuer with a steepe and inaccessible Mountaine The foote of this Mountaine is a slimy and watery Plaine as well for the entry as the going forth of an Army so as whosoeuer plants his Campe there in seazing vpon the Hill seemes to campe safely and to be in a sure place in regard of the Towne which is opposite hauing vnder its power the entry and issue of the streights Philip hauing seated his Campe there he causeth the Baggage to march the next day and drawes his Army into the Plaine in view of the Towne Where after he had stayed some time hee wheeles about like a Bowe and takes his way towards Tegea And when hee came into the Countrey where that famous Battaile was fought betwixt Antigonus and Cleomenes he planted his Campe there Three dayes after when the places were well viewed and the Sacrifices performed in two Mountaines whereof the one is called Olympe and the other Eua he went on his way and came to Tegea where he stayed some time to diuide the spoile Then suddainly hee returned to Corinthe with his Army Thither came Embassadours from Rhodes and Chios to the King to mediate a peace betwixt him and the Etoliens To whom the King giuing a gracious reception he told them that he had long and at that present was ready to imbrace a peace if the Etoliens held it fit and that they should goe vnto them and consider of the meanes therof From thence he went to Leche and prepared himselfe to imbarke desiring to decide some pressing affaires at Phocis At the same time Leonce Megalee and Ptolomy thinking yet to terrifie the King and by that meanes to repaire their errours calls the Targeteers and those whom the Macedonians terme the Kings Troupe whom they informe that they are dayly in great danger without any recompence or any share in the spoile according to the ancient custome approued by all men By meanes whereof they perswade these young men to assaile and spoile the Lodgings of the Kings principall Minions and that falling vpon the Kings owne Lodging they should ouerthrow the Gates and couering The which when they had done there grew a great mutiny in the Towne Philip hearing the noise makes haste to returne from the Port And drawing the Macedonians together he pacifieth them partly with words and blaming them for the things which they had done And when as the fury increased and that some were of opinion to chase out of the Towne those that had beene the cause of the mutiny others saying that this fury of the Commons ought to bee pacified without any greater punishment the King dissembled his conceite for the present And being as it were perswaded by them hee returned to the Hauen after hee had giuen them many admonitions knowing well the heads of this villany But hee thought good to deferre it to a more conuenient time Leonce and his Faction despairing for that
in the depth of Winter had retired into Macedony and that Eperate Chiefe of the Acheiâ—s was made a scorne to the Youth of the Towne and to the Mercenaries and was not obeyed nor made any preparation for the defence of the Countrey Pyrrhee whom the Etoliens had sent to the Elienses for their Captaine accompanied with thirteene hundred Etoliens and a thousand Foote as well Souldiers as Burgesses of the Elienses and with two hundred Horse being in all about three thousand men aduertised thereof spoiled not onely the Countries of the Dimenses and Pharenses but also of Patres Finally he pitched his Campe neere vnto the Mountaine Panachaique which lookes towards Patres and wasted all the neighbour Region The Townes thus vexed being no was succour'd they payed the Taxe and charge vnwillingly The Souldiers would not be drawne to succour them for that their pay was delayed By this mutuall trouble the Acheins affaires were in bad case And the Mercenaries retired by little and little the which happened by the negligence of the Commander And when the affaires of Acheia stood in this estate and that the time of the Election was come Eperate left the gouernment and the Acheins in the Spring made choise of old Arate Thus past the Affaires in Europe But seeing that in the distinction of times and the order of actions we haue found a conuenient place for this Subiect let vs passe to the Warres of Asia vnder the same Olympiade Relating first as we haue promised in the beginning of our worke the Warre of Syrria which was betwixt Antiochus and Ptolomy And for that I know well that this Warre was not ended at such time as I left to treate of the Actions of Greece and being resolued to follow this perfection and distribution to the end the Readers may not be deceiued in the true knowledge of euery time I hope to leaue a sufficient instruction for those which desire to know it in setting downe at what time in this present Olympiade and of the deeds of the Grecians the beginning and ending of other actions happened Moreouer wee esteeme nothing better nor more honourable in this Olympiade then not to confound things to the end the discourse of the History may be plaine and easie And that distinguishing matters by order as much as may be possible vntill that comming to other Olympiades wee may yeeld to euery yeere its actions according to order And for that we haue not resolued to write them all nor the actions of all places and that wee haue vndertaken with greater affection to write Histories then our predecessours haue done it is fitting wee should be carefull to expresse them in order and that the generall worke of the History may with its parts be plaine and apparent Wherefore we will now write the Reignes of Antiâ—chus and Ptolomy reducing things from farre and pursuing our discourse from a beginning which may bee notorious and which squares with that which wee haue to say For those ancients which haue sayd that the beginning is a moiety of the whole they haue vndoubtedly taught vs that in all things wee should vse great diligence that the beginnings may be well ordered And although some thinke they haue vsed a high Stile yet in my opinion they doe not seeme to speake with truth Without doubt you may boldly say that the beginning is not onely a moiety of the whole but hath also a regard to the end Tell mee how canst thou make a good beginning if thou hast not first comprehended in thy vnderstanding the end of thy Enterprize And if thou knowest not in what part to what purpose and the cause why thou wilt make it For how can a History haue order if at the beginning or entrance thou doest not deliuer plainely from whence and how or wherefore thou art come vnto the relation which thou doest presently make of actions Wherefore they which will haue things heard and vnderstood fully thinke that the beginnings doe not onely serue for the one halfe but also for the end wherein they imploy themselues with great care and industry the which I will carefully indeauour to doe Although that I am certaine that many of the ancient Historiographers haue bin confident to haue done the like when as they pretended to write all generally and to haue written a longer History then their predecessours of whom I will forbeare to speake much or to name them Among the which I excuse Ephorus the first and onely man which hath attempted to write a generall History But I will vse no longer discourse nor name any of the rest But I will say that some Historiographers of our time comprehending the Warre betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians in three or foure small Pages brag publiquely that they haue written all It is certaine that for as much as there hath beene many and great exploits performed in Spaine Affricke Stoily and Italy and that the Warre of Hâ—nnibal hath beene the greatest and longest except that of Sicily We must also vnderstand that the excellency of this warre hath beene the cause that wee haue all cast our eyes vpon it and the rather for that wee were in doubt of the end This is a Warre which euery man be hee neuer so dull and simple knowes Yet some of those which haue handled the History writing onely superficially the actions of some times yet they imagine they haue comprehended the deeds of the Grecians and Barbarians Whereof the cause is for that it is an easie thing to promise many great things by mouth but it is not easie to bring a great enterprize to an end And therefore this other is common and as a man may say in the hands of all men so as they haue courage But the last is rare and few men attaine vnto it Finally the arrogancy of some which glorifie themselues too much and commend their Writings hath caused mee to make this digression But now I returne vnto my enterprize When Ptolomy surnamed Philopater had seized vpon the Empire of Egypt after the death of his Father and had made away his Brother with his adherents thinking there was no more cause of feare in his Family for the afore said crime and that for strangers Fortune had in good time assured all things considering the death of Antigonus and Seleucus to whose Realmes Antiochus and Philip had succeeded who were scarce eighteene yeeres old he abandoned himselfe to pleasures whose example the whole Countrey followed For this cause his owne people made no esteeme of him And not onely his subiects but also the rest which mannaged the affaires both within and without Egypt The Lords of the lower Syrria and of Cypres haue made Warre against the Kings of Syria as well by Sea as Land They also which hold the chiefe Cities places and Ports which are along the Sea-coasts from Pamphilia vnto Hellespont and the Country of Lysimachia confined with the Principalities of
Asia and the Ilands And as for Thracia and Macedony the Princes of Enos and Maronia and of Townes that were more remote had alwayes an eye ouer them Wherefore imploying their forces to assaile forreine Princes farre from their Realmes they were not troubled for the Empire of Egypt Their chiefe care then was for the Warres of forreine Countries In regard of this King of whom wee speake there were many in a short time who for his infamous loues and ordinary excesse in drinking had an eye vpon him and his Realme Amongst the which Cleomenes of Lacedemon was the first He made no alteration whilest that the other King liued who was surnamed Benefactor as if he were perswaded that during his life he should want no meanes to reconquer his Realme But when as after his death the affaires required his presence Antigonus being also dead And that the Acheins with the Macedonians made Warre against the Lacedemonians which they maintaine according vnto that which hee had aduised them in the beginning being allied to the Etoliens Then hee was forced to thinke of his departure from Alexandria Wherefore hee first solicited the King to send them backe with an Army and sufficient munition And when as the King would not giue eare vnto it he intreated him at the least to suffer him to depart with his family for the time was now come when as great opportunities were offred to recouer his Fathers Realme The King neither considering the present nor fore-seeing the future for the causes aboue specified like an ouer-weening man and without iudgement neuer made any esteeme of Cleomenes But Sosibius who chiefely gouerned all the affaires of the Kingdome at that present holding a Councell with his Friends was not of aduice to suffer Cleomenes to goe with an Army at Sea and munition disdaining forreine affaires and holding this charge lost considering the death of Antigonus fearing likewise that this death being so fresh the way might be made easie to stirre vp some Warre And there being no man found to resist Cleomenes he would soone make himselfe Lord of all the Citties in Greece Finally they feared he would become their Enemy considering the present in regard of the Kings manner of life which was well knowne vnto them With this disaduantage that Sosibius saw the Prouinces of the Realme to lie one farre from another and to haue great opportunities of reuolte For there was neere vnto Samos a good number of Vessels and great Troupes of Souldiers neere vnto Ephesus Wherefore he did not hold it fit to send backe Cleomenes with an Army for the afore-sayd reasons But when they considered that it would not be profitable for their Common-wealth to let goe so great a personage who afterwards might proue their open Enemy there was no preuention but to retaine him by force The which notwithstanding the rest disliked conceiuing that there would be great danger to keepe the Lyon and Sheepe in one fold Sosibius was of the same opinion for that or the like cause At such time as they resolued to take Mega and Beronice and that they feared to bring their enterprize to a good end in regard of the fiercenesse of Beronice they were forced to drawe together all those which followed the Court and to make them great promises if they preuailed Then Sosibius knowing that Cleomenes wanted the Kings fuccours to recouer his fathers Realme and that he had found him by experience to be wise and politicke in great affaires he discouered his whole secrets vnto him propounding vnto him great hopes Cleomenes seeing him pensiue and fearing the strangers and Mercenaries perswaded him not to care promising him that the Souldiers should not trouble him and that moreouer they should giue him great assistance to bring his enterprize to an end And when as the other stood in admiration doest thou not see sayd Cleomenes that there are about three thousand men of Morea and a thousand Candyots all which will bring vs where we please Hauing these whom else doest thou feare What The Companions of the Warre of Syrria and Caria And when as Sosibius liked of his words hee entred more boldly into the Action And afterwards considering of the Kings soolery and negligence hee often called to minde this Speech and had alwayes before his eyes the Courage of Cleomenes and the affection the Souldiers bare him Wherefore considering this at the same time hee gaue the King and his other familiars to vnderstand that hee must seaze vpon him and keepe him close and priuate For the working and effecting whereof hee vsed this meanes There was one Nicagorus a Messenien a friend to the father of Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians betwixt whom there had formerly beene some friendship But at such time as Archidamus was chased from Sparta for feare of Cleomenes and fled to Messena hee not onely gaue him a good reception into his House with his friends at his first comming but hee alwayes liued with him afterwards during his flight so as there grew a great and strict familiarity betwixt them When as after these things Cleomenes made shewe of some hope of reconciliation with Archidamus Nicagorus beganne to treate of the Conditions of peace VVhen the accord had beene made and that Nicagorus had taken the faith of Cleomenes Archidamus returned to Sparta assuring himselfe of the conuentions of Nicagorus whom Cleomenes meeting vpon the way slew suffering Nicagorus and his company to passe away In regard of Nicagorus he carried the countenance of a very thankfull man for that he had saued his life But hee was vexed in his Soule and incensed for the deede for that hee seemed to haue giuen the occasion This Nicagorus had failed vnto Alexandria some little time before with Horses whereas going out of the ship hee met with Cleomenes Panthee and Hippite walking vpon the strande whom Cleomenes perceiuing saluted curteously demaunding what businesse had brought him thither To whom he answered that he had brought Horses I had rather sayd Cleomenes thou hadst brought Concubines and Bawds for these are the things wherein the King at this day takes his chiefe delight Then Nicagores held his peace smiling VVhen as within few dayes after he discoursed by chance with Sosibius by reason of the Horses he related vnto him that which Cleomenes had arrogantly spoken of the King And seeing Sosibius to heare him willingly he acquainted him with the cause of the â—pleene he bare him VVhen as Sosibius knew him to be wonderfully incensed against Cleomenes hee did him great curtesies for the present and promised him great fauours hereafter Finally hee wrought so that imbarquing he left Letters concerning Cleomenes which a seruant of his brought after his departure as sent from him The which Nicagorus performing the seruant vsed speed to go vnto the King assuring him that Nicagorus had giuen him the Letters to carry to Sosibius The Tenour whereof was That if Cleomenes were not soone dispatcht
Letters from Molon and when hee affirmed no the other was confident that he would finde some Wherefore entring into the House to search he found the Letters and taking this occasion slew him These things happening thus the King thought that hee was iustly slaine And although the rest of the Court and of his friends were much grieued at this suddaine disaster yet they dissembled their sorrow for feare When as Antiochus was come vnto Euphrates he marcht with his army vnto Antiochia and stayed at Michdionia about the midst of Decâ—mber desiring to passe the â—oughnesse of the Winter there where staying about forty dayes hee went vnto Liba where hee called a Councell And when as they consulted of the way which they should hold to find Molon and from whence and how they might recouer Victuals for at that time hee made his abode in Babylon Hermes was of opinion that they should keepe their way vppon this side the Riuer of Tygris and along the Bankes doubting and not a little fearing the Riuers of Luque and Capre Zeuxis was of another opinion but hee durst not speake nor declare his minde plainely remembring still the death of Epigene But when as the ignorance of Hermes seemed apparent to all the assistants hee with some difficulty deliuered his aduice that they must passe Tygris aswell for many other difficulties which are on this side as for that they must of necessity after they had past certaine places in marching sixe daies iourney by a Desart Country came vnto a Region which they call Diorex where the passage was not safe for that the enemy had seized thereon And that moreouer the returne would be dangerous especially for want of victuals If the King likewise did passe Tygris all the people of Appolonia transported with ioy would come vnto him who at this day obeyed Molon not for any affection but through necessity and feare And withall they should haue abundance of victuals by reason of the fertility of the Countrey and the passage of Media would be shut vp for Molon so as of necessity he should be forced to come and fight Or if hee fled his Troupes would soone yeild vnto the King When the aduice of Zeuxis had beene allowed in Councell they presently past the whole Army with the baggage in three places And marching from thence vnto Dâ—re they raised the siege for one of Molons Captaines had some few dayes before besieged it and afterwards continuing on their way and hauing past the Mountaines which they of the Countrey call Orie in eight daies they came into Apolonia At the same time Molon hauing newes of the Kings comming and not holding himselfe assured of the Sâ—sians and Babilonians beeing lately made subiect vnto him and by surprize fearing moreouer that the passage of Media was stopt hee afterwards resolued to passe by the Riuer Tygris speedily with his whole Army making haste to gaine the Woodes which bend towards the playnes of Apolonia for that he had great confidence in his Slingers whom they call Cyrtles When hee approached neere these places from the which the King parting with his Army from Apolonia was not farre it happened that the forerunners of eyther side lightly armed met vppon a Hill where they skirmished But vpon the approach of both Armies they began to retire and the two Campes lodged within forty furlongs one of another When night came Molon considering that a battaile by day with the King would bee dangerous for him not relying much vppon his men he resolued to assaile Antiochus at mid-night Wherefore hee made choise of the ablest men of his whole Army and takes his way by vnknowne places resoluing to charge the enemy from the higher part But being aduertised vppon the way that ten of his Souldiers had stollen away in the night and retired vnto Antiochus hee gaue ouer his enterprize So as taking another way hee returned to the Campe at the breake of day the which was the chiefe cause of great trouble in his Army For they awaking with this suddaine and short returne of their Companions they were so terrified and amazed as they were in a manner ready to flie and abandon their Campe. Molon when the trueth was knowne and well perceiued pacified this terrour and amazement what hee could in so short a space although it in some part increased still The King being ready to fight drawes his Army to fielde at the breake of day and on the right Wing hee sets the Launces vnder the Commaund of Ardis a man of great experience in the Warre To whom hee gaue for a supply the Candyots his Allies and after them the Gaules and Rhigosages who were followed by the Souldiers of Greece and finally by a great battalion of Foote-men In regard of the left Wing he gaue it to the Allies which were all on horse-backe Hee likewise set the Elephants in Front betwixt the two Wings beeing ten in number In regard of the supplies of Horse and Foote distributed on eyther Wing hee giues them charge to wheele about and to compasse in the enemy as soone as the Battaile should beginne to charge After all this hee encourageth the Souldiers telling them in few words what was necessary for the present And he giues to Hermes and Zeuxis the leading of the left Wing and takes the right vnto himselfe On the other side Molon drawes his Army to Field with great difficulty and puts it but ill in Battaile by reason of the disorder which had happened in the night Yet hee diuided his Horse-men in two wings thinking the enemy had done the like placing the Targetteers and the Gaules with others that were of most apt courage great experience and best Armed in the middest of the Horse-men putting the Archers and Slingers vppon the two Wings without the Troupe of Horse-men and in Front were placed all the Carriages and Bill-men He gaue the leading of the left Wing vnto his brother Neolaus and him selfe takes the right This done the two Armies marcht Molons right Wing was loyall and faithfull vnto him charging Zeuxiâ— with great Courage and fury But when as the left Wing drew somewhat neere vnto the King it retired to the enemy This happening Molons Troupes fainted suddainely And the Kings Army grew more stoâ— and couragious But when as Molon saw and well perceiued himselfe thus betrayed and inuironed by the enemy thinking and immagining of the Torments which hee must indure if hee fell aliue into their hands hee slew himselfe The like the rest did which had beene Traytors vnto the King who recouering their Houses by flight slew themselues When as Neolaus had escaped from the Battaile and was retired vnto Alexander Brother to Molon in Persis hee slew the mother of Molon and his Children After whose death he slew himselfe perswading Alexander to doe the like When as the King had spoiled the enemies Campe hee commaunded that the body of Molon should be hanged vpon a Crosse in the
either for themselues or their Countrey Wherefore they assembled the Counsell to resolue to send one of their Cittizens called Logbase in Embassie who had had great Friendship and familiarity with Antiochus which died in Thrace And moreouer he had bred vp Laodicea the wife of Acheus and his owne Daughter whom they had giuen him in her infancy to instruct They sent him therefore as their Embassadour thinking him sufficient for that businesse But being come to Garsyere he was so farre from doing that which hee had in charge and which the duty of a good Cittizen required that contrariwise he solicited him to write to Acheus that he promised to deliuer him the Towne Garsyere giuing a willing â—are vpon hope of taking it sent men to Acheus to solicite him and to let him vnderstand how matters had past Finally hee makes a truce with the Selgenses delaying still to make an absolute accord with him vnder colour that he would consider better thereon to the end that in the meane time hee might expect Acheus and giue Logbase opportunity to finish the Enterprize But whilest they in the meane time confâ—rred together the Souldiers by a kind of familiarity went freely into the Towne to fetch Victuals which is many times the cause of a great Defeate So as in my opinion there is not any Creature amongst all the rest more simple then man or that hath lesse sense and iudgement whom notwithstanding the greatest part of the World hold for the wisest But how many Armies How many Forts How many and what Citties haue fallen into the Enemies hands thereby And although these be things which daily happen and that all the world sees yet wee shew our selues I know not how new and Apprentizes This happens for that wee doe not consider the fortunes which haue happened to our Ancestors in former times and that we busie ourselues with toile and charge to make prouision of Corne Siluer Foâ—tifications and Armes Moreouer wee make no esteeme of that which is of great profit in great dangers but disdaine it although it be in our power to learne it in the time of peace by the Histories and Commentaries of former actions and as it were to practise them But to the end we may returne to the discourse from whence we parted Acheus came at the day appointed The Sâ—lgenses going to meet him had great hope and confidence in his bounty In the meane time Logbase hauing drawne into his house a good number of those which came into the Citty for Victuals hee began to perswade the Cittizens not to lose any time and that considering the good-will which Acheus bare them they should thinke of their affaires and that in assembling the people they should consider of the conditions of peace These things being propounded they presently assembled to conferre of their present affaires calling those which were deputed for the guard of the Citty Logbase making a signe vnto the Enemy as he had promised suddainly armes all those which were in his house doing the like himselfe with his Children to vndergoe the danger On the other side Acheus came to the Towne with halfe the army Garsyere marcht with the rest to Câ—sbedia This is a Temple of Iupiter so well scituated aboue the Towne as it seemes like a Fort. When as by chance some one saw the Enemy approach hee ran suddainly to acquaint the Assembly whereupon there was so great an amazement among the peole as leauing the Company some ran to Cesbedia others to the places where they were set in Guard and the Commons ran to the house of Logbase where discouering the treason some in fury got to the house-top others forced the Gate and slew Logbase his Children and all the partners of the Conspiracy This done they proclamed liberty to al Bondmen by the sound of the Trumpet and encouraged one another to succour and defend the Citty running to all places necessary When Garsyere saw Cesbedia seazed on by the Burgesses he changed his resolution and Acheus seeking to force the Gates the Seâ—genses made a sally killing seauen hundred of his men and repuls'd the rest from the Towne This done Acheus and Garsyere returned to their Campe with shame and disgrace The Selgenses afterwards fearing the sedition of the Towne and the presence of the Enemy they sent their most ancient Cittizens to demand a peace Who being come to Acheus they agreed vpon these conditions that Acheus and the Selgenses should liue in peace and that they should pay vnto him presently two hundred and forty thousand Crownes That they should â—estore the Prisoners of the Pednelissenses and that at a certaine time prefixt they should pay moreouer nine score thousand Thus the Selgenses who by the Treason of Logbase were in danger of their Country and Liberties defended themselues valiantly and with great courage and neither lost their Liberties nor that honour which they deriued from the Lacedemonians When as Acheus had reduced vnder his obedience the Meliades and the greatest part of Pamphilia and had brought his Army to Sardis hee made Warre against Attaâ—us All the Inhabitants on this side Tauris feared him wonderfully At the same time when he made War against the Selgenses Attalus accompanied with the Egâ—sâ—ges Galates ouer-ran Eolia and the neighbour Townes who for feare had yeelded to Acheus Whereof the greatest part submitted themselues willingly vnder his obedience the rest were forced Cyme Smirne and Phocea were the first that yeelded vnto him Afterwards the Egenses and Lemnites fearing a Siege yeelded in like manner There came likewise Embassadours from Thâ—ia and Colophon submitting themselues and their Townes vnto him Which being receiued according to the ancient accord and hostages taken he made great accompt of the Smirniens for that they had kept their faith best Afterwards continuing his course he past the Riuer of Lyce and went first to the Mysiens and then to the Carsees whom he terrified The like he did to the Guards of the double walls and tooke them and their Garrisons For that Themistocles whom Acheus had left there for Gouernour deliuered them vnto him And parting presently ruining the Countrey of Apia he past the Mountaine of Pelecas and planted himselfe neere vnto a great Riuer where the Moone falling into an Eclipse and the Galates discontented with the tediousnes of the way hauing a traine of women and children in their Wagons obseruing the Eclipse protested that they would passe no farther And although that King Attalus drew no seruice from them yet fearing that if he left them as it were in disdaine they would retire to Acheus and that thereby hee should purchase an ill fame as if through ingratitude he had abandoned those who with great affection had followed him into Asia he intreated them to endure a little toile of the way and that he would soone bring them to a good place where they should rest And withall hee would doe for them whatsoeuer they
and could not vnderstand the practise Yet he sent men to the Gate which succours came somewhat late for that they descended by straights and hollow places Aribaze who was Captaine of the City went simply to the Gates which he had seene Antiochus assaile appoynting some to goe vnto the wall others to make sallies by the Gate to keepe the Enemy from approaching and to fight with them In the meane time Lagoras Theodote and Denis with their troupe hauing recouered the walls came to the Gate vnderneath whereof some maintayned the charge which the Inhabitants gaue them others brake the barres and bolt of the Gates The like did they without which were appoynted to that Quarter When as the gate was opened the other two thousand entred the City and seize vpon the place of the Theater This done all they which had runne to the walls and to the Gate which they call Perside who had beene sent by Aribaze to defend it against the Enemies assault came running thither After which retreate the Gate was opened so as some of the Kings troupe pursuing those which abandoned it entred pell mell When they had taken the Gate by force some entred the City others forced the next Gates They that were of Aribazes band with all the Citizens recouered the Fort by flight after they had made some little resistance After this route Legoras and Thodotes band stood firme in the place of the Theater seruing as a Fort to all the rest Finally the rest of the Army charging of all sides tooke the City By this meanes the City was wholly sackt and ruined some killing those they encountred others setting fire of the houses and some gaping after spoyle for their priuate profit And thus Antiochus vanquished the Sardins A PARCELL OF the Eighth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS concerning the Difference of a Perticular and Generall History NO man can iustly say if they to whom these kindes of Calamities and disasters haue befalne ought to be blamed or censured or helde worthy of pardon and pitty in regard thereof For that it falls and happens to many to whom all things haue beene done conformable and agreeable vnto reason to bee subiect to those which transgresse with great desire the things which are iust and reasonable before men Yet wee may not be silent here being necessary hauing regard to the time and circumstance of accidents to blame some Captaines and to pardon others The which will appeare plainly by this When Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians suspected that Cleomenes aspired to the Crowne he fled from Lacedemon Who soone after being againe perswaded put himselfe into his hands Being therefore by this meanes stript of Crowne and Life hee hath left no excuse to posterity of those things which he hath suffred For what colour is there the cause being still the same and Cleomenes power increasing but he should suffer the things which we haue spoken hauing put himselfe into their hands from whom he formerly had fled giuing order for his safety contrary to all hope Although that Pelopidas of Thebes had beene the cause of King Alexanders iniquity and that hee knew well that all Tyrants are capitall Enemies to those which defend liberty yet he perswaded Epaminundas to be Gouernour not only of the popular Common-weale of the Thebeins but also of the Grecians And as he was an Enemy to Thessaly to the end he might ruine the Monarchy of Alexander yet he presumed to go the second time in Embassie vnto him Wherefore when he fell into the hands of his Enemies hee was the cause of great preiudice to the Thebeins and the ruine of their glory which vntill that time they had preserued for the confidence he had in those whom he should not haue trusted The like hapned to Cheius Chiefe of the Romans during the Warre of Sycily for that he had indiscreetly thrust himselfe into the Enemies power Diuers others haue suffered the like Wherefore they are worthy of blame who without great consideration submit themselues vnto their Enemies and not they who asmuch as in them lies mannaged their Affaires discreetly for in truth no man can gouerne them well relying vpon another If thou dost them by certaine occasions which are conformable to reason thou shalt be blamelesse The most likely causes of this kind are an Oath Children Wife and for the most certaine the fore-passed life And if it happens that vnder colour of these things thou falst into an inconuenience the faulte shall not bee thine in suffering but theirs who commit the wrong Wherefore we must seeke such Arguments and assurances as in regard thereof he in whom you trust may not breake the faith which hee hath giuen But for that there are few such the best will bee to haue a care of those which are conformable to reason so as if wee be decelued therein wee may not loose our excuse with strangers the which hath hapned to many of our Predecessors It is a thing much more manifest in those times whereof wee haue made mention and of a later date in that which hath befaene Acheus who fell into his Enemies hands although hee omitted nothing that might be done for his safety prouiding for all things as much as Humane sense could effect Wherefore the euent hath caused commisseration and pardon in him which hath suffered with strangers and blame and hatred to those which haue done the outrage Moreouer I do not find it strange to my Enterprize and first intention to aduertise the Readers of the greatnesse of these things and of the ambitious desire of the Roman and Carthaginian Common-weales Who will not hold it fit to be considered how the Gouernours of such great Cities not being ignorant of the things which had happened in Italy and Spaine hauing moreouer of either side an equall hope of the future and a present danger of the Warre haue not beene contented with this apparent discommodity but contended for Sardinia and Sycily imbracing the whole not onely in hope but with Expences and Preparations of Warre which will mooue any man to wonder that shall obserue it all in perticular The Romans had two sufficient Armies in Italy with their Consuls for their preseruations And two others in Spaine where Gneius had the leading of that by Land and Publius of the other by Sea These are things which happened to the Carthaginians Moreouer they sent an Army by Sea to crosse the attempts of Philip in Greece In the which Marcus Valerius commaunded first then Publius Sulpicius with whom Appius likewise ioyned with a hundred Quinqueremes Moreouer Marcus Claudius furnished with an Army at Land had assailed Sycily The like Amilcar had done being sent by the Carthaginians By the which things I am confident the which I haue often spoken in the beginning of this Worke to find a certaine assurance by the accidents which consist in this that it is not possible for those which Write perticular Histories to be able
and the knowledge would bee common to all But as the afore-said things haue a difference not onely betwixt them but also in themselues it is most necessary to know what bee their augmentations and diminutions How can the course and perfections of the Day and Night be knowne without the consideration of the said difference No man can without their experience attaine vnto those things which concernes a competency of time being otherwise forced to worke sooner or later then is needfull Haste in these affaires is more defectiue then the delay of an Enterprize Hee that exceeds the time appointed is frustrated of his hope But hee may repaire it in giuing good order knowing after what time it may be done whereas hee that preuents the opportunity of the approaching time and being discouered not onely failes of his Enterprize but is in danger to be wholly defeated Occasion is the Mistresse of all humane affaires and especially in the Art of Warre A Commander therfore of an Army must haue knowledge of the Soâ—stice of Summer and of the Equinoctials and of the intermixt increases and decreases of Dayes and Nights By this onely meanes hee may hold a meane in things which are to be effected as well by Sea as Land Moreouer hee must know euery point of the Day and Night to the end that hee may vnderstand the time when to plant his Campe and to raise it It is not possible that hee shall attaine to a good end which doth not consider the beginning It is not impossible to see the houres of the Sunne by the shaddowes whilest he makes his course and the distances which are made by it in this world In regard of those of the Night it is a difficult thing vnlesse some doe follow and obserue the Starres after the disposition of the Heauen and the order of the twelue Signes in the Zodiacke It is in truth easie for those which diligently obserue the Celestiall Starres For although the Nights be vnequall yet in euery one of them sixe of the twelue Signes do mooue so as it is necessary that to euery part of the Night an equall portion of the Zodiacke be turned and as daily it is apparent what part the Sun driues behind which is that which it separates from the Diameter it is necessary that accordingly there should be so much consumed of the Night that after this part it appeares eleuated from the rest of the Zodiacke The Signes of the Zodiacke being knowne as well for their number as greatnesse it falls out afterwards that they shew themselues such all times of the Night But when the Nights are cloudy we must obserue the Moone for her greatnesse her light appeares vniuersall in what part of the world soeuer she be And wee must sometimes search by the times and places of the East and sometimes of the West for that in this part there is a knowledge so as she followes the Diurnall differences of the East There is also in this knowledge a manner of easie consideration There is likewise the same end almost within a figure and all are of Sence For this cause they iustly commend the Poet who brings in Vlisses an excellent Prince taking coniecture of the Starres not onely to direct a Nauigation but also to mannage Warre at Land Wee may in truth exactly fore-see vnexpected chances although that many times they be of great preplexity as inundations by Raine and Riuers Snows and violent Frosts and finally Fogs and Clouds with such like things Shall we not with reason be destitute and voide of many things by our owne fault if wee disdaine those which wee may fore see Wee may not therefore contemne or despise any of these things lest wee fall into such a consideration which they say hath happened vnto many others Concerning which wee must now speake by way of Example Arate Chiefe of the Acheins labouring to surprize the City of Cynethe appointed a day to them of the Towne which had the same intelligence who comming by Night to the Riuer which fals to Cynethe he was to stay there with his Army and they of the Towne taking their occasion about Noone should send forth one of them secretly out at the Gate couered with a Cloake and should command him to stay before the Gate vpon a Dunghill and in the meane time the rest should take the chiefe men sleeping who were accustomed to guard the Gate about Noone Which being done comming out of their Ambush they should plant their Battalion against the Gate These things thus concluded Arate came at the time appointed and keeping the accord he laid his Ambush neare vnto the Riuer But about fiue of the Clocke a man hauing weake Sheepe of those which are accustomed to feede about the Towne came forth of the Gate in a Cloake as it was needfull who according to the reason of the time enquired of the life of the Shepheard And staying vpon the sayd Hill looked where hee was Arate thinking they had giuen him the Signe makes haste to gaine the Towne with his men But when the Gate was suddainly shut by the Guards that were present for that they within had nothing ready it happened that Arate was not onely frustrated of his purpose and intention but was the cause of extreame calamities to the Burgesses with whom hee had intelligence For being apprehended they were presently chased away or slaine What shall wee thinke to be the cause of this accident Doubtlesse for that this Commander had executed this agreement with more lightnesse then was fit who being young had not an exquisite knowledge of these two accords nor of the things annexed The affaires of Warre haue an alteration in a moment wauering from one side to another in the Euents When as likewise Cleomenes the Lacedemonian had resolued to take the City of Megalopolis by practice he agreed with the Guards of the Walles that hee should come in the Night with his Army to the Gate which they call Pholee at the third renewing of the Watch. For they which held his party had then the guard of the Wall But when he had not foreseene that the Nights were shorter at the rising of the Pleiades hee parting from Lacedemon with his Army at Sun setting and as hee could not come thither in time arriuing when the Sunne was vp he was repuls'd making his attempts in vaine and without reason with a great and shamefull losse of his men and in danger to lose all Whereas if hee had aim'd truely at the time appointed by the agreement and had brought his Army when as his Confederates had power to let him in he had not failed in his Enterprize In like manner Philip as wee haue formerly sayd hauing plotted a secret surprize of the City of the Meliteens failed doubly He brought not Ladders of a sufficient length as the businesse required neither did he obserue the time For hauing resolued to arriue at Mid-night
when as all the World slept hee dislodg'd before the time from Larisse with his Army and came too soone into the Meliteens Countrey For this cause as he could not stay fearing to be discouered by the Citizens nor yet steale away he gaue an assault to the City the Inhabitants being yet awake So as it was not in his power to get to the top of the Walles by his Ladders for that they were not of a iust length neither could hee enter by the Gate for that the Confederates which hee had in the City could not succour him being excluded by the time And as hee had incensed the Citizens and made a great losse of his men hee returned with shame and disgrace it being a warning and caueate vnto all others not to put any trust or confidence in him hereafter As likewise Nicias which was Chiefe of the Athenians might haue preserued the Army which hee had neare vnto Saragosse and had taken a fit occasion in the Night to lay an Ambush to the end hee might not bee discouered by the Enemy hee retired into a safe place Afterwards hee remooued not his Campe through superstition for that the Moone was Eclipsed as if shee had fore-told some ensuing danger and misfortune But it happened vnto all as â—ell to the Army as Captaines to fall into the hands of the Saragossins when as the Night following Nicias raised his Campe being discouered by the Enemies Notwithstanding hee might in such affaires haue beene made wise by such as haue had experience that the coÌ„modity of time ought not to be neglected for such things making the ignorance of the Enemy his comfort Ignorance in truth giues a great helpe to men of experience to bring their affaires to a good end Wee must then for the afore-said things haue recourse to Astrology in regard of the measure of ladders the manner is as followeth If any one of the Conspirators haue giuen the height of the Wall they may presently know of what length the ladder shall be As if the Wall bee ten foote high in some places the ladders must be twelue foote long Finally they must giue vnto the ladder good footing according to the proportion of the staues left burthening it too much it breake not easily by reason of the multitude and againe set vp straight it will be very dangerous vnto them If there be no meanes to take the measure nor to approach the Wall let them take the greatnesse of those things which are eleuated on the Plaine by the space of all the height which is a kinde of measure not onely possible but also easie for those which study to learne the Mathematiques Wherefore it is necessary for them that will aime truely in their resolutions of the course of Warre to know the vse of Geometry If not perfectly yet at the least that they haue the knowledge of proportions and consideration of Similitudes It is not onely necessary for this but also for the comprehension of Designes in the scituation of a Campe to the end that when as wee sometimes change its generall disposition we may obserue the same proportion of things which are there comprehended And if sometimes we retaine the same Designes of Camps we may extend the place comprehended by them or straighten it according to the reason of things before decreed or set apart the which we haue declared more exactly in our Commentaries for the ordring of Battailes I doe not beleeue there is any man that will be discontented with our study for that wee charge the profession of Warre with many things commanding those that loue it not to disdaine Astrology nor Geometry For my part I striue especially and with great desire to command things necessary as I doe reproue and blame the excesse of vaine and superfluous things in regard of the subtilties and dreames in euery Science So doe we those which are out of necessary vse It is strange thing that they which practise Dancing or playing of the Flute take the preparatiues which concernes the accords and Musicke And likewise Wrestling for that this kind of Art seemes behoouefull to bring this exercise to an end And yet they which terme themselues Souldiers are discontented if they must allow of any other Studies So as they which practise Mecanique Arts are more carefull and studious then those which challenge an Excellency in things which are of great honour and glory the which no man of Sence will deny But wee haue spoken enough of this Subiect Many coniecture the greatnesse of things by the Circuiâ—e to whom notwithstanding it seemes incredible that although the City of Megalopolis bee contained within the Circuite of fifty Furlongs and that of Lacedemon within forty eight yet it is twice as great as that of Megalopolis And if any one meaning to make this doubt greater sayth it is possible that a City or the Pallisadoe of a Campe hauing the Circuite of forty Furlongs may bee more ample and compleate then that of a hundred this will seeme vnto them a mad and extrauagant speech the cause is for that wee remember not the things which inhumane Disciplines are deliuered vnto vs by Geometry This is the cause why I haue vndertaken this Discourse For that not onely many people but also some of those which gouerne the Common-weale and likewise Commanders and Captaines are amazed and wonder how it can be possible that the City of Lacedemon should be greater then that of Megalopolis seeing the circuite is lesse and that consequently they coniecture the number of men by the circuite of the Campe. There is another such like errour which they commit in the description of Townes For many conceiue that Cities containe more houses which are crooked and hilly then those which are in a flat Countrey But this is not true for that the houses are not of a good building in a declining Streete but in a plaine Countrey for the which it happens that the Hils yeeld the which may appeare by that which is apparent in a Plaine If thou doest consider the houses which are built high and set vpon the declining of a Hill so as they are all of an equall hight it is apparent that their tops being leuell the distance is equall as well of those which are built vnder the Hils as those which are seated on the Plaine neare vnto the foundations of the Wall It sufficeth at this time to haue spoken to those which desiring the preheminence ouer others and to gouerne Common-weales are ignorant of these things being amazed and wonder at this relation The City of Agragas is not onely more excellent among many other Cities but also for the force of its Rampire and for the grace and building It is built eighteene Furlongs from the Sea so as euery man may be partaker of her commodities the Walles are excellently fortified by their scituation and the industry of man The Wall is seated vpon a hard and
his defence and guard And when he saw his Father in danger and enuironed by the Enemy accompanied onely with two or three Horse hauining receiued a dangerous wound he began at the first to encourage his company to succour his Father But when they wauered for the great multitude of the Enemies hee cast himselfe desperafely as it seemes and charged them couragiously Afterwards when the rest were forced to fight the Enemies amazed with feare ceas'd the Combare Old Publius being thus preserued contrary to all hope hee was the first who in hearing of them all called him his Sauiour When by this action the fame of his prowesse and dexterity began he afterwards ingag'd himselfe in greater dangers whensoeuer the supreame hope of the Countrey required it by necessity This was not with a courage relying in Fortime but of a iudicious Captaine Afterwards Lucius his elder Brother aspiring to the Dignity of Edile the which among the Romans was the Noblest command of the Youth and that by custome they made choise of two Ediles among the Paricij and that there were many at that time which aim'd at it he was long before he durst demand it of his Brother When the Election grew neare and that he had made a coniecture by the humour of the multiude that his Brother would hardly obtaine it seeing himselfe on the other side in great fauour with the people and might attaine vnto his attempt if with their consent he vndertooke the cause he fell into this conceit When he saw his Mother visite the Temples and sacrifice vnto the Gods for his Brother and that she entertained a great hope of the future which she had in singular recommendation and that his Father being then Commander of the Army in the sayd War had sayled into Spaine he told his Mother that hee had one dreame twice and that it seemed vnto him that he returned being made Edile with his Brother from the place to goe vnto their house And that running vnto the doore shee had saluted them with imbracings When hee had ended this Speech the Mother being very passionate with an effeminate affection and answering I know not what shee added Oh that I might see that Day will you saies he that wee make a tryall Whereunto consenting for that she did not thinke he would dare to attempt so great a matter considering that he was very young shee required as it were in sport that he should presently prouide him a long Cloake For they which stand for gouernment are accustomed to be so attired In regard of his Mother shee had no eonfidence in his words Publius when he had this braue Robe went suddainly to the place his Mother being yet asleepe When the Multitude had receiued him with amazement as well for this nouelty contrary to all hope as for the loue and affection they had formerly borne him and afterwards drawing to the place appointed he was neare vnto his Brother many adiudg'd this gouernment not onely to Publius but also to his Brother for the loue of him and being both of them created Ediles in this manner they returned to their house When the Mother had receiued the newes she ran vnto the Gate and with affection and loue saluted them Wherefore although that Publius disdained Dreames yet it seemed by this action to all those which haue heard speake of it that he had speech with the Gods not only sleeping but much more in the day waking But for that he was bountifull and pleasing in his words and had well obserued the affection of the Commons towards him and had accommodated the time to the people and his Mother hee not onely perfected his Enterprize but also seemed to haue dispatcht in by some Diuine inspirarinn They without doubt which cannot duely consider the occasions nor the causes and dispositions of euery thing by the vice of Nature or ignorance and dulnesse referre vnto the Gods and Fortune the causes of things which are decided by industry and discreete reason These things I speake for the Readers to the end that falling through errour into the vulgar opinions of this man they should not leaue good and commendable graces that were in him that is to say his Dextity and Industry In regard of that which I speake of him it will appeare manifest by his actions Publius Scipio being then Generall of the Army in Spaine calling his Troupes together he aduised them not to be amazed for the aduentures and disgraces past For the Romans had neuer beene vanquished by the prowesse of the Carthaginians but by the treason of the Celtiberians And the rashnesse of the Commanders seperated one from another for that they trusted in them which are things he sayd were then among the Enemies For besides that they made Warre being farre distant one from another they offer'd outrages to their Allies and made them Enemies And that for this cause some were already sent home and the rest will speedily when they shall be assured come when you haue once past the Riuer not so much for the good will they beare you as to seeke a reuenge for the wrongs receiued by the Carthaginians But moreouer the Captaines are in dissention among themselues and will not willingly ioyne together to fight with you And being thus diuided they would be defeated and fall easily into their hands Wherefore he perswaded them that considering these things they should passe the Riuer boldly promising to giue good order for the rest When he had vsed this speech vnto the other Captaines he left his colleague Marcus vpon the passage of the Riuer accompanied with three thousand Foote and fiue hundred Horse to the end hee might succour his Companions being in the Riuer hee himselfe past with the rest of his Army holding his intention secret from all the World Hee resolued things which he did not impart to many men His resolution was to lay siege to the City of Carthage scitnate in Spaine by the way of course The which euery man might vnderstand and that it is an excellent presumption of his esteeme whereof of I haue formerly spoken For as hee was but seuen and twenty yeares old he gaue himselfe first to things which in the iudgement of the World seemed desperate for the great precedent dangers and misfortunes leauing all things that were vulgar and easie and resolued and attempted those which seemed impossible vnto the Enemie euery one of which required an exact wisedome knowledge and vnderstanding In the beginning being yet at Rome when hee had considered by himselfe and eniquired diligently of the treason of the Celtiberians and of the diuision in the Armies what might happen and what fortune had befalne his Father he was nothing amazed at the Carthaginians neither did he faint as many vsually doe But after that he vnderstood that the Allies on this side the Riuer of Ebro continued constant in their Friendship and that the Commanders of the Carthaginians were in discord
of making the round how they might draw the Enemies vnto them For the effecting whereof their Armes was of great seruice Finally they come to the Gate where as some going downe cut the barres others entered from without In regard of those which made their attempts at the Isthmus with Ladders after they had defeated them which defended the VValls they lept ouer and by this meanes the VVall was gotten As for the Hill scituated towards the East they which entred by the Gate recouered it chasing away the Guards VVhen as Scipio saw that there was a sufficient number entred into the City hee sent many of them according to the Custome against the Citizens giuing them charge to kill all they met without taking any to mercy and not to busie themselues with spoile vntill they had a signe giuen them The Romans doe this to terrifie them And therefore wee often see that when they take Cities by force they doe not onely kill the men but they cut their Dogges in pieces and dismember their other Cattle Many such things happened in that Citie by reason of the multitude of Prisoners Finally Publius Scipio accompanied with a Thousand men assailes the Fort whereunto making his approaches Mago at the first striues to defend it But when hee vnderstood the Truth of the taking of the City hee sends men to parley for his safety and by this meanes hee deliuers the Fort. This done a signe being giuen the massacre ceased and they fell to spoile And when as night approached some remained in the Campe ordained for that end And the Generall spent the night in the Fort accompanied with a Thousand men Appointing the rest being retired from the Houses by the Captaines of Thousands to carry the booty to the Ensignes in the market place In regard of them that were lightly armed called from the Campe on the Hill hee sent them to the Easterne parts The Romans tooke Carthage in Spaine after this manner The day following after they had carried the baggage of the Carthaginian Souldiers and the substance of the Burgesses and Artizans to the place the Captaines of Thousands according to Custome diuided it among their Bands Among the Romans this order is obserued touching Cities taken Sometimes to euery day they number the men and distributing them according to the greatnesse of the City sometimes they diuide them by Ensignes They neuer appoint aboue halfe the Army for this businesse The rest remaine in Battaile for the Guard sometimes they are without and sometimes within the City vnto the end they may be alwayes ready The Army being diuided for the most part in two of Romans and two of Allies they which are deputed for the diuision do euery man bring his booty vnto the Campe. This done the Millaneers or Captaines of Thousands diuide it equally to them all Not onely to those which remaine in Battaile but also to the Guards of the Tents to the sicke and vnto all those which are ordained for any publicke seruice When they are together in Campe to go vnto the War they sweare not to commit any fraud in the pillage and that they keepe their faith according vnto the oath which they haue taken But wee haue spoken sufficiently heere of in Discoursing of their pollicy Finally when an Army is thus diuided one part attending the Booty and the rest standing in Battaile for their Guards yet the Romans had neuer any difference through Couetousnesse For when as none of them are frustrated for the Hope of gaine and that in the meane time some follow the spoile and the others remaining in Battaile guard them no man abandons his Ensigne The which many times is the cause of great losse and danger to others Many suffer losse and are in danger in regard of gaine For it is apparent that they which remaine in Campe or are in Battaile containe themselues vnwillingly for that most commonly all the spoile vnder his Commaund and power which rules if he be an absolute Monarch And if he be a Commaunder euery man holds that his owne which may be hidden and purloin'd although that all things be carefully brought together And for that most part of men desire booty and for this cause are in danger hauing no meanes to obtaine an absolute Victory it fals out that they are in danger to lose all The which happens to many who although they haue preuailed in their Enterprize whether they haue cast themselues into the Enemies Campe or haue taken a City yet they haue not onely beene repuls'd but moreouer had lost all and for no other cause but that aboue mentioned Whereefor CoÌ„manders ought to haue nothing in greater recommendation and care then that where of wee speake which is that as much as may be possible this hope may remaine to the greatest part that if such an accident happens the diuision may be equall to them all Then the Captaines of Thousands gaue order â—o the Booty and the Roman Commander hauing drawne together theâ— Prisoners which were little lesse then a thousand hee commands them first to separate the Citizens with their Wiues and Children and then the handy-crafts-men This done hee aduiseth the Citizens to imbrace the Friendship of the Romans and to remember the fauour which they receiued and then hee sent them backe to their houses Whereof some weeping and others ioyfull for their vnexpected safety they retire hauing done their duties to the Generall In regard of the Worke-men and Artizans hee told them that for the present they were publique Seruants to the City of Rome But if euery one did his duty cheerefully and willingly he promised them liberty if the Warre vndertaken against the Carthaginians had a good end Then he gaue charge to the Questor to take the Names of these men and that he should appoint thirty Roman Commissaries for the whole multitude contained in a manner two thousand He also made choise of the strongest and the most flourishing in age and forme to furnish the Troupes and fill'd the captiue ships with all the Marriners exceeding the former one halfe so as euery ship had in a manner twice as many men There were eighteene captiue ships and in the beginning they had beene fiue and thirty To whom he promised liberty if they shewed themselues friends and valiant and that if in this Warre he should happen to vanquish the Carthaginians When he had declared himselfe in this manner he made the Burgesses affectionate and loyall as well to himselfe as to the Roman Common-weale The Worke-men and Artizans are in like manner ioyfull vpon the hope of liberty But when he had by this supply much augmented the Troupes in the end he separates Mago and the Carthaginians For he had two Senators and fifteene Councellors whom hee gaue in charge to Caius Lelyus commanding him to haue a speciall care Moreouer hee calls all the hostages vnto him which were aboue three hundred Then he makes much of
and ioyfull hearts Andobale had before sent vnto Publius but when he approached neere vnto this Country he came vnto him accompanied with his friends Where after he had spoken vnto him hee concluded the League of friendship which he formerly had with the Carthaginians giuing him to vnderstand what seruice and loyalty hee had obserued towards him and finally he exposeth the outrages and iniuries which hee and his had suffered intreating him to be the Iudge of that which he sayd And if he seemed to accuse the Carthaginians vniustly hee might certainly know that he would neuer keepe his faith to the Romans If being forced for the necessary respect of many iuiuries hee had desisted from his affection yet he had good hope that ioyning to the Romans to keep his faith firme with them After he had vsed many such Speeches he made an end To whom Publius answering sayd that he beliued it and had vnderstood the outrages of the Carthaginians which they had vsed to other Spaniards and their lasciuiousnesse towards their Wiues and daughters Of whom notwithstanding he hauing taken many reduced rather into the estate of Captives and slaues then Hostages hee hath kept them with such honesty as the Parents themselues could not haue done And when as Andobale and his Company confest it and making an obeisance vnto him they saluted him as King the assistants obserued those words Publius blushing commands them to be of good hope promising them they should finde curtesie and fauour with the Romans and presently deliuers them their Daughters and the day following makes an accord with them The principall Articles of their Accord was that they should follow the Roman Princes and obey them willingly These things thus concluded they returne vnto their Campe and come with their Army to that of Publius and making Warre with the Romans they march with them against Asdrubal The Commaunder of the Carthaginians staying neere to Catolâ—gne fast by the City of Babylis and neere vnto the Mines of Gold and Siluer he changed his Campe when he was aduertised of the comming of the Romans so as he had the riuer at his backe in manner of a Rampire and in front and on the sides a Pallisadoe with a sufficient depth for the Fortification there was finally a length in the Vallies sufficient to put them in battaile And as for the side of the Hill there were vsually men When as Publius approacht he was ready to hazard the Combate although hee were in doubt seeing the aduantage and force of the places where the Enemy lay in Campe. But when he had contained himselfe two daies and was in feare that Mago and Asdrubal the sonne of Gescon comming he might be inuironed round he resolued to fight and to hazard a battaile Making therefore another Army he labours to gaine the Pallisado In regard of those that were lightly armed and the choise footmen he sends them to the side of a Hill giuing them charge to assaile and to view the Enemies forces And when that this was done with great Courage the Commander of the Carthaginians attends the euent from the beginning But when he saw his men prest and in danger by the courage of the Romans he drawes his Army into the field and plants in neere the side of the Hill relying vpon the opportunitie of the place At the same time Publius sends his brauest men to succour those that were in danger and stayed the rest ready He takes the one halfe and assailes the Hill vpon the left side of the Enemy fighting against the Carthaginians And deliuers the rest to Lelyus giuing him charge to assaile the Enemy on the right hand When this was done Asdrubal drawes his Army out of the Fort. He had hitherto kept it relying vpon the fortified places hauing an opinion that the Enemies durst not assaile him But for that this charge of the Romans came vnexpected hee puts his Army into Battaile later then was needfull The Romans vndergoing the danger of the fight whilest that the Enemies were not yet vpon the Wings they not only assailed the Hill without danger but in approaching slew those which crost them whilest that the Enemies made ready their battaile forcing those to turne which prepared themselues and made head against them When as Asdrubal according to his first resolution saw his Army giue backe and shamefully repuls'd hee had no will to fight vnto the last gaspe Taking therefore the Treasure and the Elephants and all those hee could draw together in the flight he retires to the Riuer of Tagus and to the Hills of the Perinee Mountaines and to the Gaules inhabiting there Scipio held it not fit to pursue the Victorie suddainly doubting the comming of the other Commaunders Finally he gaue the bootie of the Fort to the Souldiers The day following he drawes together all the Prisoners whereof there were ten Thousand foote and two Thousand horse to dispose of them All the Spaniards of that Countrey which were allied vnto the Carthaginians come and submit themselues to the fauour of the Romans And when he had giuen them audience they saluted Scipio as King The which Edecon beganne when he did his obeisance and after him Andobale with his friends Scipio at that time regarded not their words but was silent But when after the Battaile all saluted him as King he was mooued therewith so as hee forbad it Drawing all the Spaniards together he told them that he would be truely Royall and so held but hee would not be called a King by no man liuing This done hee ordained they should call him Chiefe or Commaunder It is not without cause that we may iustly commend the magnanimity of this man By the which being yet young hauing the fauour of Fortune such as all the Subiects had him in so great esteeme as they saluted him by so excellent a name yet hee was alwaies so continent as hee would not accept of this will and humour of the Subiects But he will wonder much more at the excellency of his magnanimitie if hee lookes to the last daies of his life when besides the valiant exploits which hee hath done in Spaine hee hath ruined the Carthaginians and made subiect vnto the Romans many good Countries in Lybia from the Philenin Altars to the pillars of Hercules Hee hath also ruined Asia and the Assirian Kings Finally hee hath reduced to the obedience of the Romans the best and greatest part of the World And therefore if hee had pleased hee might well haue imbraced the opportunity to vsurpe a royall power in these Countries which hee hath inuaded and taken The disdaine of such things as Scipio hath wisely done surpasseth not onely humane nature but a diuine This magnanimity doth so much excell other men as no man would demaund of the Gods a greater fauour I meane then a Crowne the which hee hath so often refused being deliuered vnto him by fortune and hath had
to all his Army he marcheth with all his forces Moreouer he sends Androsthenes the Cyzecenien to receiue Gaza which by the accord was deliuered vnto him by the King And when hee had past Arachosia and the Riuer of Erymanthus he arriued in Carmania by Dratigene where he wintred for that Winter approached This was the end of Antiochus Voyage which he made by the high Countries by the which he drew to his obedience not onely the Satrapes and Gouernours of the high Countries but also the Marritine Cities and the Potentates inhabiting neare vnto Tauris Finally he hath assured his Reigne making by his confidence and good industry all his Subiects amazed For he seemed by this Voyage worthy to reigne not onely ouer the Asiatiques but also ouer the Europians A PARCELL OF the Twelfth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS WHo will wholly commend the Excellency of this Region In regard of Tymeus thou maist with reason terme him ignorant not onely of things concerning Lybia but also a Child and without vnderstanding and also subiect to a foolish ancient report according to the which we haue heard that Lybia is all sandy dry and desarts The like they sayd of Creatures And yet it hath so great abundance of Horses Sheepe and Goats as I know not where we may finde the like in the World For that many people of Lybia make no vse of the fruits which proceede from the hands of man but liue with Mares Milke Moreouer who doth not know the multitude and force of Elephants Lyons and Panthers and consequently the beauty of Bugles or wilde Oxen and the greatnesse of Ostridges whereof there are none in Europe and yet Lybia is full of such things whereof Tymeus being wholly ignorant he deliuers as it were of purpose things contrary to truth As he hath lyed in matters concerning Lybia so hath he done the like of the Island of Cyrnon Whereof making mention in his Second Booke he saith that it abounds in Goats Sheepe and wilde Oxen and moreouer in Stage Hares and Wolues with some other Beasts and that the men are much giuen to Venery and spend their whole liues therein When as in the said Iland there is neither wilde Goate Oxe Hare Wolfe nor Stagge nor any such kinde of Beast Except Foxes Conies and wilde Geese It is true that a Coney seene a farre off seemes like vnto a Leueret But when they hold it it differs much as well in sight as in taste It breeds and liues most commonly in the ground For this cause all the Beasts of this Iland seeme wilde for that the Keepers cannot follow them in regard this Iland is woody hilly and steepe But when they will draw them together staying in commodious places they call them by a Trumpet and euery one runs to his owne Finally if sometimes they which come into the Iland see Goats or Oxen feeding alone and seeke to take them they will not come at them but flye from them as strangers and when the Keepers discouering those which come from the ships sounds his Trumpe they make haste and runne vnto him which put ignorant men in conceite that the Beasts of this Iland are wilde whereof Tymeus hath made dreames writing impertinently It is no great wonder that they obey the sound of the Trumpe For they which breed Swine in Italy haue no Hogheards which follow them after the manner of Greece but going before them a little space they sound their Trumpes and the Swine follow them behinde running after the sound These Beasts are so accustomed euery one to his Trumpe as it is a wonder and in a manner incredible to those that shall heare speake of it For it happens that for the abundance of Swine and other things necessary the troupes are in such great numbers in Itâ—ly especially in the ancient and among the Tyrrbeins and Gaules so as of one breeding there are sometimes aboue a thousand Wherefore they send them generally according to the age by troupes in the Night So as many being sent together they cannot keepe them according to their kinde and they mingle as well going and passing as in their returne For this cause they haue inuented the sound of the Trumpe to the end that when the Swine mingle they may separate them without difficulty When as the Hogheards march one way and the other another in sounding the Trumpe the Swine part of themselues euery one following his owne Trumpe with such great heate as it is impossible to stay them or to hinder their course But when in Greece they mingle hunting and running after Fruites hee that hath the greatest number and retires soonest carries with his owne the next and sometimes steales â—hem he that hath the charge not knowing how he hath lost them for that the Swine stray far from their Hogheards whilest they run greedily after the Fruits of Trees when as they begin newly to fall But we haue spoken sufficiently It hath often been my chance to goe to the City of the Locrines and to deliuer them that which was necessary I haue made them free from the Warre of Spaine and Dolmacia to the which by accord they were subiect by Sea to the Romans Wherefore they haue done vs all honour and courtesie in acknowledging to be freed from this trouble danger and charge Wherefore I am more bound to praise the Locrines then to doe the contrary Finally I haue not omitted to deliuer and write the History of the Collony which hath giuen vs to vnderstand that Aristotle is more veritable then that which Tymeus reports I am of their opinion which maintaine the renowne of this Collony to be ancient according to the saying of Aristotle and not of Tymeus for the which they produce these arguments First that all things which haue beene famous among them for their Predecessors are come from women and not from men so as by way of example they are held amongst them for noble which haue taken their name from a hundred Families These are the Families which the Locrines made choise of before they went to make a Collony whereby it might happen that by Oracles they cast Lots vpon the Virgins to send them to Troy Whereof some went in Collony and their posterity was to bee held Noble and termed of the hundred Families Againe for that which concernes him whom they call Philephore they haue made this report That when as they chased the Sicilians who then inhabited that part of Italy the Nobles and Chiefe men then honoured the Sacrifices and tooke many of the customes of the Countrey so as they hold nothing of their Paternall in obseruing that from them and in correcting they haue ordained that they should not make any of their Sonnes Philephore but onely a Virgine in regard of the Nobility which came from Women There was not neither is it said that their hath beene any pactions or accords made betwixt the Locrines and the Grecians In regard
of the Sicilians they had all that we haue made mention of They say that when they came first into Sicily they which then held that Region where they now dwell being amazed and receiuing them with feare made an accord with them which was that they should maintaine Friendship and enioy the Countrey in common as long as they should tread vpon the Earth and carry a head vpon their shoulders And when this kinde of Oath was made they say that the Locrines did put earth into their shooes and secretly hid the heads of Garlicke and hauing thus sworne and finally cast the Earth out of their shooes and likewise the heads of Garlicke soone after they chast away the Sicilians out of the Countrey This the Locrines did say As a Rule although it hath lesse length and breadth yet it retaines still the Name if it hath that which is proper to a Rule So they say if it be not straight and hauing the property of a Rule it must rather be called by some other name then a Rule In like manner they hold that if the Commentaries of Historiographers which failing either in Diction or vse or in any other of the parts which are proper vnto them obserue the truth they deserue the name of a History But if that failes they are no more worthy of that name For my part I confesse that such Commentaries are to be held for true and I am of this opinion in euery part of our Worke when I say that euen as when the Bones are separated from a liuing Creature it is made vn-vsefull so is a History For if thou takest away the truth the rest will bee but a vaine Narration We haue sayd that there were two kinds of lies the one through ignorance the other which is deliuered wittingly The pardon is easie for those which through ignorance stray from the truth and they are to be hated deadly which lie willingly As men of iudgment resoluing to reuenge their enemies doe not first obserue what their Neighbour deserues but rather what they must doe the like we must thinke concerning dotracters not caring for that which the Enemies ought to heare but to obserue carefully what it is fit to speake They which measure all things according to their choller and enuy must of necessity faile in all and stray from reason when they speake otherwise then is fitting Wherefore we doe not seeme vniustly to reproue the speeches which Tymeus hath held against Demochares In truth hee neither deserues pardon nor credit with any man for that in wronging him openly hee straies from reason in regard of his naturall bitternesse Neither doe the iniuries against Agathocles please mee although he were the most cruell man liuing I speake of those whereof hee makes mention in the end of his History saying that Agathocles had beene a publique Sodomite in his younger yeares and abandoned to all infamous and vild persons and so to other foule villanies which he addes Moreouer hee sayth that after his death his Wife lamented him in this manner Why haue not I thee nor thou mee In regard of the speeches which he hath held of Demochares some will not onely cry out but wonder with reason at his excessiue Rage That Agathocles had necessarily by Nature a great prerogatiue it is manifest by the Discourse which Tymeus hath held Hee came to Sarragosse flying the Wheele Smoake and Clay being eighteene yeares old And when he was come for this cause sometime after he was Lord of all Sicily Hee also drew the Carthaginians into great extremities and ended his life with the Name of a King after that he had growne old in this gouernment It is not then necessary to say that there had some things happened to Agathocles which were great and excellent and that hee had had great power and great forces to execute all these things And that a Historiographer must not onely deliuer vnto posterity those things which concerne the blame and shew the accusation but also those which touch the praise of the man This is the property of a History But this Childe blinded with his owne rancor in his relation augments through hatred his offences omitting wholy the vertues being ignorant that it is no lesse blame worthy then a lye in those which write the Histories of Actions It happened saith he that as two young men contended for a Seruant that he was somewhat long with a Friend And when as the other two dayes before came out of the Countrey in the absence of the Master the Seruant retired speedily into the house and that afterwards the other knowing he came thither seazing on him brought him into Question saying that the Maister of the house ought to giue Caution For the Law of Zaleucus was that he deserued a suite to whom he had made the retreate And when as the other sayd that according to the same Law he had also made the retreate for that the Body was parted to come vnto the Potentate he saith that the Princes were in doubt vpon this businesse and called Cosmopole referring themselues to him in this cause Who interpreted this Law saying that the retreat hath alwayes beene to him who had the last or for a time possessed the thing debated without contradiction But if any one spoild another by force and had retired it and that subsequently he which first enioyed it termes himselfe the maister this is no true possession And when as the Young man discontented at this sentence sayd that it was not the sense of the Law Cosmopole protested and offerd the Condition if there were any man that would speake any thing touching the sentence or sense of the Law established by Laleuens The which is such that the Captaines Milleniers being there appointed with Halters to hang men they consulted vpon the sense of the Law if any one drew the sentence of the Law to a bad sense hee was strangled in the presence of the Milleniers This Speech being propounded by Cosmopole the Young man answered that the Condition was vniust for that Cosmopole had not aboue two or three yeares to liue for hee was about fourescore and ten yeares old and that he according to reason had the greatest part of his life remaining For which witty and pleasant Speech hee escaped the seuerity of the iudgement and the Princes iudged according to the aduice of Cosmopole Wee will make mention of a certaine expedition of Warre which hath beene very famous and decided in a very short time In the relation whereof Galisthenes hath ert'd in that which doth most import I speake of that which Alexander made into Cilicia against Darius In the which he saith that Alexander had past the streights which they call the Ports of Cilicia and that Darius tooke his way by the Ports which they call Menides and drew with his Army towards Cilicia And when he vnderstood by the Inhabitants that
Alexander tooke his course towards Syria hee followed him and when he approached vnto the streights hee Camped neare vnto the Riuer of Pyre Finally that the compasse of that place was not aboue foureteene Furlongs from thence and from the Sea vnto the hilly Countreyes and that the sayd Riuer falls into the Sea trauersing the said places First by the sides of the Mountaine ending at the Plaine and then by the Field hauing his Banks rough and not easie to come vnto These things supposed he sayd that when as Alexander turning head came neare vnto Darius his aduice and that of his Princes was to order his Battaile within his Campe as hee had formerly done and to helpe himselfe with this Riuer as with a Rampire for that it ran neare vnto his Campe. Finally he ordred his Horse-men vpon the Sea-shoare and vpon their Reare the Mercenaries so as neare vnto the Riuer they were ioyned in one and the Targetteers were placed in the Mountaines It is a difficult thing to consider how hee ordred these before the Battalion seeing that the Riuer past neare vnto the Campe the multitude likewise being so great They were as Calisthenes sayth thirty thousand Horse and as many Mercenaries It is an easie thing to know what space will containe these For they order their Rankes according to the true vse of eight in a great Troupe of Horse euery one requiring a space in Front to the end they may turne easily To eight hundred of which a Furlong sufficeth and ten to eight Thousand and foure to three Thousand fiue hundred So as this space of foureteene furlongs is fill'd with twelue Thousand Horse If then he hath ordred all this Troupe of Horse in Battaile it wants not much but being tripled the order hath beene made without any space betwixt In what place then hath he ordered the multitude of Souldiers but in the Reare of the Horse-men But hee will say no and that they fought with the Macedonians at their first comming Of necessitie there must be an vniting made seeing that the order of the Horse-men held the moiety of the place towards the Sea the other towards the Mountaines being kept by the Mercenaries Hereby we may inferre how close the Horse men were vnited and what space there must be from the Riuer vnto the Campe. Then hee sayth that when the Enemies approached Darius being in the midst of his Armie called vnto him the Mercenaries and their Wing But we may doubt how this is spoken For it is necessarie that the Horse-men and Mercenaries should be ioyned about the middest of this same place When as Darius was in the middest of his Mercenaries how hath he call'd them Finally hee sayth that the Horse-men of the right Wing fought with Alexander at his first comming and that hee receiued them valliantly and fought with them in front and that the Combate of eyther side was very furious In regard of that which was spoken by him that the Riuer was in the middest as a little before we haue deliuered hee hath forgotten himselfe Finally he writes things of Alexander like vnto these He saith that hee past into Asia accompanied with fortie Thousand foot and foure Thousand fiue hundred Horse And as he would haue aduanced there came vnto him out of Macedony other fiue Thousand foote and eight hundred Horse And although that for the affaires of his long absence he had left three thousand foote and three hundred Horse yet he had fortie two thousand remaining These things presupposed hee sayth that Alexander was aduertised of Darius descent into Sicilia so hee was not aboue a hundred furlongs from him and that he had alreadie past the streights of the Countrie and for this cause turning head he repast them againe putting the great Battalion in Front then the Horse-men and after all the rest of the baggage of the Army And when he came afterwards into the plaine that all the baggage being packt vp hee commaunded that being mingled with the Battalion they should make their rankes containing first about two and thirtie in number then of sixteene and of eight neere the Enemy These Speeches haue lesse reason then the former For as the furlong containes in these spaces sixteene hundred men when a rancke is of eighteene men so as they be euery one separated a Fathome it is manifest and doth plainly appeare that the ten will containe sixteene Thousand men and twentie double the number The which may easily appeare for that when as Alexander ordred his Army by sixeteene men in a rancke it was very necessary that the place should bee of twenty Furlongs and yet all the Cauallerie remained and ten thousand Foote Finally hee saith that hee led his whole Army in Front against the Enemies being yet forty Furlongs off But that is so strange as wee can hardly imagine any thing more insensible Where shall wee finde such spaces in the Champion Countrey euen in Cilicia that a Battaile set in order holding twenty Furlongs in breadth and forty in length may march in the Front There are so many hinderances to order this forme of Battaile as they can hardly be numbred Moreouer â—he sayings of Calisthenes giue no sufficient arguments to purchase credite For hee sayth that the Torrents which fall from the Mountaines make so many and such great Moores and Fenns as he assures vs that a great number of Persians perished there in the flight But would Darius suddainly shew himselfe against the Enemy Is there nothing more easie then a Battalion broken and scattred in Front But how much more easie is it to order a Battaile in a conuenient passage then to leade an Army directly to fight being broken and scattred in woody and crooked places And therefore it were better to leade in Army close and vnited and double rather then Quadruple By this meanes it would not be impossible to finde the meanes to passe and to put the Battaile in order and with ease if hee might by his Scouts discouer the comming of the Enemy But Calisthenes besides the rest orders not the Horse men in Battaile when he led the Army in Field being in Front ordring the Foote-men equally It is also a strange thing when hee saith that Alexander being neare the Enemy comprehended the order of his Battalion of eight for a Ranke So it is manifest that necessarily the length of this Battalion contained the space of about forty Furlongs But if they haue beene as the Poet said close together so as they haue beene ioyned one to another Yet it would be necessary that the place should containe Twenty Furlongs And yet he saith there were but foureteene and that in such sort as one part was towards the Sea and a moiety of the Army vpon the right hand and that moreouer all the armed men had place sufficient on the side of the Mountaines to the end they might not bee supprest by the Enemy holding the borders of the Hills Wee know well
of Bysarthe where they had wintred as well by Sea as Land And when they had all their preparations ready they were not onely destitute of their Campes so inconsiderately deliuered to their Enemies but it seemed they should all perish with their Countrey For this cause they were amazed with great feare and faintnesse of heart And when as the affaires prest them to consider prudently of the future and eminent danger the Senate was full of doubt and of diuers confused thoughts Some sayd they must send to Hannibal and call him out of Italy for that all their hope consisted in that Commander and the Army which hee had Others were of aduice they should send to Scipio to obtaine a truce and to parley of an accord and agreement some would haue them to be of good courage and to leuie an Army and finally to send to Syphax He was fled farre vnto Abbe drawing together those which escaped from the danger which aduice was resolued Wherefore they leuie men and send to Asdrubal to that end and likewise to Syphax intreating him to giue them Succours and to obserue the conuentions according to their first purpose promising him that their Commander should presently ioyne with his Army The Roman Generall followeth the Siege of Bysarthe the which hee did the rather for that hee was aduertised that Syphax continued in his first resolution and that the Carthaginians leuied a new Army For this cause hee raised his Campe and besieged Bysarthe When hee had diuided the spoile hee chased away the Merchants vpon good aduice For the Souldiers carelesse of the present commodity of goods for that the hope of profits which grew by their good fortune was apparent they had intelligence with the Merchants It seemed very fit to the King of Numidia and his Friends at the first sight that they should retire to their houses But when the Celtiberians arriued neare vnto Abbe who being entertained were aboue foure thousand men the Carthaginians grew assured and by little and little recouered their spirits relying vpon these Troupes Moreouer when as Pedisca the Daughter of Asdrubal and Wife to Syphax of whom we haue spoken intreated him with all affection that he would not abandon the Carthaginians for the present The Numidian yeelded to her intreaties The Celtiberians put no small hope into the Carthaginians For although they were but foure thousand yet they sayd they were ten thousand Finally they promised to bee insupportable in the fight as well for their courage as their Armes The Carthaginians growne proud with this common bruite were more confident to recouer their Campes Finally they set vp their Pallisadoe within thirty dayes neare vnto the Plaine called the Great and there they planted their Campe accompanied with the Numidians and Celtiberians being in number thirty thousand men When the newes came vnto the Romans Campe Scipio presently prepared to part And when he had sent to those which held the Siege before Bysarthe and to the others which were at Sea informing them what they were to doe he marched towards the Enemy hauing all his Bands furnished with the most valiant men Being come on the fift Day to this great Plaine and approaching neare the Enemy he camped the first Day vpon a Hill thirty Furlongs distant from them the Day following hee descends into the Plaine sending the Horse-men before within seuen Furlongs and there settles his Campe againe After two Dayes expectance when they had skirmished of either side to come to a Battaile either of them in the end drew to Field and put their men in order Scipio first of all placeth in Front his forlorne hope according to their custome After which he appoints the Principals and in the third place the Triarij in the Reareward As for the Horse-men he orders the Italians on the right hand and Massanissa with the Numidians on the left Syphax and Asdrubal set the Celtiberians in the midst against the Romans Bands the Numidians on the left hand and the Carthaginians on the right Suddainly when the Combat began the Numidians were repuls'd by the Roman Horse-men and the Carthaginians as they had often before losing courage were ouerthrowne by Massanissa's Company Yet the Celtiberians fought valiantly against the Romans for they had no hope of safety remaining for the ignorance of the places neither yet if they were taken considering their vniust Warre For seeing that Scipio during the Warre of Spaine had not offended them it seemed against reason and a disloyalty to giue succours to the Carthaginians But when the Wings began to giue backe they were in a manner all slaine being inclosed by the Principals and the Triarij Thus the Celtiberians perished who were a great helpe to the Carthaginians not onely in the fight but also in the flight for if they had not entertained the Romans and that the Chase had beene suddainly followed few of the Enemies had escaped but as their resistance caused the stay Syphax retired safely with his Horse-men into his Countrey and Asdrubal to Carthage with the rest which escaped When as the Roman Generall had giuen order for the spoiles and Prisoners calling a Counsell he consulted what there was to do Whereupon it was thought fit that Scipio should with part of the Army assaile the Townes and Lelyus with Massinissa accompanied by the Numidians and part of the Roman Army pursues Syphax and not giue him leasure to make any new preparations These things thus resolued they separate themselues and some goe against Syphax with their Souldiers and the Generall against the Cities whereof some yeilded to the Romans for feare and others being forced by siege At that time the whole Region wauered and were ready to reuolt hauing beene cruelly tormented and vexed during the length of the Wars of Spaine In regard of Carthage as formerly there was great inconstancy so now there was greater trouble and combustion for that hauing heard and seene this Wound the second time they grew desperate in themselues It is true that they among the Councellours which seemed to haue greatest Courage commaunded that they should saile against those which laid siege to Bysarthe and to make a triall if they might raise the siege and to fight with the Enemy at Sea as being ill furnished They required also that they should send for Hannibal and relie vpon that hope and that there was reasonable occasions of safety by these two attempts Some said that the time would not allow it and that they must fortifie and furnish the Citie for a siege And that being of one consent the accident would minister occasions Some also aduise to make an Accord and League whereby they should free themselues of the eminent dangers As there were many opinions vppon this businesse they confirme them all together Wherefore this was their Resolution they that were to saile into Italy parting from the Senate should go presently to Sea The Pylots
this which the dying Father hath deliuered into the armes of this Creature shewing his sister and hath left it vnto vs vpon our faith do you vnderstand my masters of the Athenians The loue of this infant is of small moment to procure his safetie where as now the cause is in you and your hands Tlepoleme in truth hath for a long time as it is manifest to those which consider well of things had greater desires then were fitting and hath now resolued on the day and time when he will vsurpe the Towne For this cause hee intreated that they would not belieue him but those which being present knew sufficiently the Truth This Speech being ended he brings in Critolaus who said he had seene the Altars and Sacrifices prepared by the multitude for the vsurpation of the Crowne The which the Macedonians hearing they were neither mooued with pittie nor had any respect vnto that which was spoken But in mocking and murmuring they iested among themselues so as Prusias knew not how he got out of the Assembly the which hapned in other Assemblies of the people In the meane time many of the old Souldiers arriued by Sea whereof some being kinsmen and other friends they intreated them to assist them in this present businesse and that they should haue regard to the iniuries which had beene done them by dishonest and vnworthy men Most of them were incensed to put the great men to death for that they presumed that what should happen would be vnto their preiudice Seeing that Tlepoleme tooke all things necessary that were sent to Alexandria Finally it was an aduancement to Agathocles to incense the Choller of many and of Tlepoleme They had put Danae his Mother in Law into custodie being pull'd from the Temple of Ceres and drawne thorough the Citty bare-headed seeking by this meanes to shewe their hatred against Tlepome Wherefore the people being incensed spake no more in secret For some in the night wrote their conceiued hatred in all places Others in the open day going in Troupes deliuered the hatred which they bare vnto the greatest They which were with Agathocles seeing the affaires and hauing little hope in them they thought of their retreate But when as through their indiscretion they were ill prouided they desisted from their Enterprize and made a Register of the Conspirators and of their Adherents in this commotion to the end they might suddainly kill some of their Enemies and seaze vpon others and by this meanes vsurpe a Tyrannicall power And as they practized these things they accused Moeragena one of Tlepolemes guards for that he aduertized all and held his party in regard of the familiaritie of Adee Gouernour at that time of Bubaste Agathocles suddainly giues charge to the Secretary Nicostrates that he should informe dilligently of Moeragena with all manner of torments Moeragena being suddainly taken by Nicostrates and led into a certaine secret place of the Hall he answered at the first well concerning the accidents which had happened But when hee confest nothing of the things which were spoken he was stript Some prepared the instruments to Torture him others holding Whips put off their Cloaks At the same instant one comes running to Nicostrates and after hee had whispered in his eare he parts in hast Nicostrates followes him suddainly without speaking word beating continually vpon his thigh This was an vnhoped accident for Moeragena For some held the Whips but they had no Commandment to whip him others had the instruments ready to torture his feet When as Nicostrates was gone they were all amazed and looking one vpon another expected when he would returne Soone after the assistants vanished one after one and in the end Moegarena was abandoned This done he passeth the Hall contrary to all Hope and being naked slipt into a certaine Tent of the Macedonians neere vnto the Hall When by good fortune he had found the greatest there assembled hee acquaints them with his disaster and how he had escaped as it were by miracle Some of them did not belieue him others seeing him naked were forced to giue credite Moeragena intreates them with â—eares not onely to haue a care of his safety but also of the Kings and their owne And that their Death was manifest if they did not make vse of the occasion for that all the World was inflamed with Hatred and there was not any man but was ready to put Agathocles to Death saying that this Hatred increased Hourely and that they must haue men to execute this Enterprize The Macedonians hearing this Speech were incensed and in the end obeying to Moeragena They suddainly enter into the first Tents of the Macedonians and then into those of the other Souldiers They were ioyning and neere to the side of the Citie When as many of them tooke vpon them the Charge and that there was no need of any thing but of some one to giue courage to them that came and who should first execute the Enterprize this attempt kindled like a flame There were scarce foure houres spent but that all men aswell Souldiers as Citizens conspired to assaile Agathocles There was a accident which hapned suddainly which serued well to end this attempt For when they had brought Letters to Agathocles and that the Spies were returned and the Letters sent by Tlepoleme signified vnto the Army that he would be soone there being likewise assured by the Spies that hee was neere he fell into so great a transport in his iudgement as hee neither did nor thought of any remedy against the eminent dangers but following his accustomed course hee went to drinke and banquet with others And when Oenanthe was sad and sorrowfull shee goes vnto Ceres Temple Where when it was opened for a certaine Annuall Sacrifice she prayes humbly then she vseth Enchauntments towards the Goddesses finally shee stayes at the Altar and rests there Many Women were silent and obserued her heauinesse and affliction The kinsfolkes of Polycrates and some other Noble men comforted her and being ignorant of the approaching misery She on the other side crying out with a loud voice Come not neare me you Beasts I know well you are ill affected towards vs and that you require the Gods to send vs some ill Fortune But I hope that with their good pleasure you shall taste of your owne Children Hauing ended this Speech shee commands the Executioner to suppresse them and if they did not obey to beate them Taking this occasion they all depart and in lifting vp their hands towards the Gods they prayed that shee might make tryall of that which shee had wisht to the Company But when the men had concluded the reuolte and that in euery house the fury of the Women was added thereunto their hatred grew double When as the darkenesse of the Night was come the whole City was fill'd with Mutiny lights and running vp and downe Some assembled at the Theater with cries others encouraged one another
The King accompanied with Apolodorus and Demosthenes landed and had a long discourse with Titus In regard of that which was spoken of eyther side it is a difficult thing to iudge Titus then when as Philip was retired related vnto the rest the things which hee had propounded namely that he would yeelde vnto the Etoliens Larissa and Pharsalia but not Thebes That to the Rhodiens hee would leaue Perea but not Iasson nor Bargulies to the Acheins Corinthe and the City of Argiues to the Romans that which hee held in Sclauonia with all the prisoners That he would restore to Attalus the vessels and all the prisoners that were liuing since the nauall fight But when as the whole Company disliked of this accord saying that they must generally decree that he must depart out of all Greece Otherwise all these articles would be vaine and friuolous Philip seeing this contention fearing likewise the future accusations he intreats Titus to deferre this assembly vntill the next day for that it is now late saying that hee would perswade them or suffer himselfe to be perswaded And when as Titus had granted this they resolued to assemble againe at the Port of Tyronye and so they parted The day following they all mette at the houre appoynted Philip hauing made a short speech requires them all especially Titus that they would not breake of the treaty of peace for that there were many things which did conduct to the conclusion of an accord vnlesse the fault were in them that the composition was not made Otherwise they must send Embassadours to the Senate to order their differences to the which he would obey and doe all they should command him These things thus propounded by Philip the others said that they must doe that which concerned the warre and not trust to his demands But the Roman Commander said that hee was not ignorant that Philip would not doe any thing that was propounded vnto him and yet their cause was nothing impaired in yeelding him this fauour which hee demanded For there could nothing be spoken there that could be confirmed without the Roman Senate and that moreouer the approaching time would be very commodious to make tryall of their aduice For as the Armies are vnprofitable in regard of the Winter there could be no inconuenience if in the meane time they referr'd themselues vnto the Senate but a great commodity vnto them all When they were of this opinion seeing Titus to concurre that the present differences should be transferrd'd to the Senate they resolued to suffer Philip to send an Embassie to Rome and in like manner all in particular to make their causes knowne vnto the Senate and to accuse Philip. When this resolution of the Assembly had succeeded according to the humour and aduice of Titus conceiued in the beginning he presently pursued those things which were requisite for the Enterprize hauing giuen order for his affaires Finally hee deales no more with Philip but assignes him two Moneths onely in the which hee should send an Embassie to Rome and should retire his Garrisons for Phocis and Locre Hee giues him likewise charge that hee should not make Warre against any of the Roman Allies and should giue order that in the meane time the Macedonians should doe them no outrage And when he had dealt with Philip vpon these Articles by Writing he brought the rest of the things propounded to an end of himselfe Hee suddainly sends Aminandre to Rome knowing his sufficiency in affaires and to purchase Friends easily wheresoeuer hee came and that he would procure some good conceite and hope in regard of the name of Royalty After whom hee sends for Embassadours Quintus Fabius his Nephew in respect of his Wiues Sister and Quintus Fuluiâ—s and with them Appius Claudius whom they call Nero. The Etoliens sent Alexander Issien Democrates a Calydonien Dicearchus a Trichonien Polymarchus an Arsinoen Lamin an Ambracioâ—e and Nicomachus an Acarnanien and of those which were Fugitiues from Thurion and dwelt at Ambracia Theodotes Pherea a Fugitiue of Thessaly and then remaining at Strate The Acheins sent Xenophon an Egien King Attalus Alexander alone The people of Athens Ciphesodorus All which come to Rome to the Senate to deliuer vnto their iudgements the things which they had resolued that Yeare before that the two Consuls at the request of the others were sent into Gallacia against Philip. When as Titus Friends conceiued that the two Consuls should remaine in Italy for feare of the Ganles they enter all into the Senate and accuse Philip roughly deliuering the same which they had formerly obiected vnto the King Yet they laboured carefully to possesse the Senate with an opinion that they could not hope for any liberty if Calchis Corinthe and the Demetriades conâ—nued in the hand of the Macedonians They sayd that Philip had vsed that speech and had assured that the said places were the Bonds and shackles of Greece the which he might well say with reason and truth For they could not sayle safely from Mâ—rea to Corinthe there being a royall Garrison neither durst the Locrines Beocians and Phocoâ—ses doe it whilst that Philip holds Calchis and the rest of Negrepont Neither likewise the Thessalians and Magnetians could not sayle freely Philip and the Macedonians holding the Demetriade Wherefore in that which Philip hath said that hee would leaue the other places it is a fancy and a shift to escape the present time and when opportunity should serue hee would easily subdue the Grecians so as hee held the said places For this cause they intreated the Senate that Philip might leaue those places or else continue in his Enterprize and fight valiantly And that the greatest part of the Warre was already decided the Macedonians hauing lost two Battailes and the greatest part of their forces at Land being consumed These Speeches ended they intreated them with all affection not to suffer the Grecians to bee frustrated of the hope of their liberty nor themselues depriued of an honourable Title The Embassadors of Greece hauing debated these things or the like those of Philip had prepared a Mountaine of words but they were suddainly reiected For when as they were demanded if they would leaue Calchis Coriuth and the Demetriades they denyed that they had any thing in charge Wherefore being check't by this meanes they ended their Speech The Senate sends the two Consuls into Galacia and declares the Warre against Philip to be iust giuing charge to Titus to attend the Grecians affaires When as the newes came into Greece all things succeded to Titus according to his desire For besides that Fortune fauoured him what soeuer hee vndertooke hee brought to an end by his prouidence and care Hee was in truth if there were any among the Romans a witty and ingenuous man Hee not onely vndertooke ordinary affaires but those that were secret and with such Dexterity and Courage as hee surpast all others
sends those which were vnder the charge of Archidamus and of the Eupolemus and two Tribunes with fiue hundred Horse and two thousand Foote At whose comming they which in the beginning did but skirmish resuming courage presently put on another kind of Combate The Romans relying vpon their Succours double their forces for the fight And although the Macedonians defended themselues brauely yet they sent vnto the King being prest and annoyed by their Armes and for their refuge recouered the tops of the Mountaines And when as Philip had no hope but that they should be able that day to giue Battaile with all their Forces for the fore-sayd Causes hee had sent many of his men to forrage But when he was aduertised of that which happened by those which hee had sent and that the mist was past hee sent Heraclides the Gyrtonien Chiefe of the Thessalian Horse and Leon Commander of the Macedonian Cauallery Hee likewise sent Athenagórus with all the Mercenaries exept the Thracians Who being come to the Ambush and the Macedonians much re-inforced they made head against the Enemy and repuls'd the Romans from the Hills The Dexterity of the Etolien Horse did much hinder the Enemies from turning head They fought in truth with great courage and confidence The Etoliens in regard of the Foote-men are faint both in their Armes and Ordonance for a Combat in Field But their Horse-men are excellent aboue all the other Grecians in particular and separated Combats Wherefore it happened that for that they had stayed the violence and fury of the Enemy they could not so soone recouer the Plaine but stayed for a time in Battaile But when as Titus saw not onely the most valiant and his Horse-men retire but also his whole Troupes to bee dismayed hee drawes his whole Army to Field and puts them in order vpon the Hills At the same instant they which were in Guard ran hastily one after another to Philip crying out vnto him Sir the Enemies flye lose not this occasion The Barbarians seeke vs not This day is yours imbrace the time and by this meanes they â—nâ—ire and stirre vp Philip to Battaile although the scituation of the place did not content and please him For the sayd Hills which they call Dogs-head are rough difficult of all sides and high Wherefore when as Philip had formerly fore-seene the vnequalnesse of the places hee had not in the beginning made any preparation vnto Battaile But beeing then prouoked by the great confidence of the aduertisements hee drawes his Army with all speede out of the Fort. In regard of Titus hee orders his Troupes and Bands for the Battaile and followes them close which began the Skirmish making remonstrances vnto the Battalions as hee turned His Speech was short plaine and intelligible to the Hearers Propounding then the cause hee sayd vnto his Souldiers Are not these O Companions the same Macedonians who formerly holding in Macedony the top of the Mountaines towards Heordia you haue forced with Sulpicius and chased from thence with the defeate of the greatest part of them Are not these the same Macedonians who being seazed vpon the difficult places of Epirus and leauing no hope of approach you haue chased by your prowesse and forced to flye into Macedony abandoning their Armes What reason is there then that you should feare the same men with whom you are to enter into an equall Combate To what end doe we propound vnto you precedent actions to consider on but that in regard of them you should fight more confidently Wherefore Companions attend the Battaile with resolution giuing courage one to another I hold for certaine that with the good pleasure of the Gods the end of this Battaile will soone bee the conclusion of the precedent When Titus had vsed these Speeches hee commands the right Wing of his Army not to budge setting the Elephants before them And assailes the Enemy with great courage with the left Wing being accompanied by the most valiant They which among the Romans had began the Fight shewing their courage prest the Enemies hauing beene relieued by some Troupes of Foot-men And when as at the same time Philip saw that the greatest part of his Army was in order of Battaile before the Pallisadoe hee marcheth taking the Targetteers and the Battalion of the right Wing and ascends the Hills with speede giuing charge to Nicanor whom hee called Elephant to command the rest of the Army to follow close As soone as the first had recouered the top hee defends the Battalion setting the Targets before and seazed vpon the higher Countrey And when as the Macedonians prest the Romans much vpon the two flankes of the Hills he discouered the tops to bee abandoned As he fortified the right Wing of his Army it happened that the Souldiers were much annoyed by the Enemy For when they they which were best armed were ioyned vnto the most valiant of the Romans and succoured them in this fight they prest the Enemies much and flew many As the King was there in the beginning and saw the Combat of the valiant men not to be farre from the Campe hee reioyced againe when hee saw them decline and to haue neede of Succours hee was forced to send them and at that instant to hazard a Battaile although that many of the Troupes of his Army were yet vpon the way and approached to the Hills And in taking the Souldiers hee rankes them all as well on foote as Horsebacke on the right Wing commanding the beares of Burtheâ—s and the Battalions to double the Front of their Rankes and to stand close vpon the right hand This being done when as the Enemies ioyned with them hee commanded the Battalion that bending downe their Iauelings they should match in order and mingle with the strongest At the same instant when as Titus had retired those which had bagunne the Fight to the spaces which were betwixt the Ensignes he chargeth the Enemy The Combat beginning on eyther side with great fury and clamour all crying together yet those which were without the fight crying vnto the rest the Battaile was made very horrible and cruell and it shewed the force of the Combat Philips right Wing carryed it selfe valiantly in this Battaile charging the Enemy from aboue hauing an aduantage in their order which finally for the present fight was much more commodions in regard of the diuersity and seuerall sorts of Armes In regard of the rest of the Army some were ioyned vnto the Enemy fighting a farre off others shewed themselues vpon the left hand hauing gotten the toppes of the Hils When as Tytus saw and did well perceiue that his men could not indure the force of the Enemies battallion and those of the right wing to be repuls'd and some seaine and others to retire by degrees and that all his hope of safety consisted in the right Wing hee goes speedily vnto them and considers the Enemies order When hee saw some succeed in their places
those which are in the Reare and vpon the Flanckes As Homer teacheth when hee sayth the Target assures the Target the Head-peece the Head-peece and the Man the Man The Head-peeces adorned with Horses haire touch one another with their braue Crests tending that they should be ioyned together and close As these things are spoken with good reason and trueth it is apparently necessary that the Pikes should be charged according to those that go before passing betwixt them the length of ten foot and a halfe By this meanes they may visibly know of what force the preparation and order of a Battallion is hauing the length of sixteene Ranckes Whereof they which exceed the fifth cannot fight with their Pâ—kes For this cause they cannot fight hand to hand nor man to man but they support them at their backes vntill they take breath to the end that the first ranke may hold a firme order repulsing all manner of force with their Pikes which passing the first might charge vpon the reare For in marching after this â—manner they presse the fore-most with the weight of their bodies to make a more violent charge For it is impossible for the fore-most to turne backe This being the order of a Macedonian Battalion aswell in particular as in generall wee must by way of comparison speake of the properties and differences of the Roman Armes and of their ordering of a Battaile The Romans haue three foote space with their Armes The which in fighting they mooue from man to man for that euery man couers his body with his Target the which they also vse when any occasion of Combate is offered They commonly fight with the Sword by transport and apart Wherefore it is manifest that these men haue betwixt them a Retreate and space of three foote at the least betwixt him that goes before and the other which followes to fight more at ease whereby it happens that a Roman standing still contaynes the space of two Macedonian Souldiers beeing in the first Ranke So as he must offer himselfe and fight against ten Pikes All which one cannot cut if hee would holding them in his hands Neyther can the following Forces any way assist the first Ranke neyther to assaile nor to mannage their Armes So as wee may easily coniecture that it is impossible for any man liuing to sustaine and defend the violence of a Macedonian Battallion in Front if as wee haue formerly sayd it retaynes its propriety and force for what cause then doe the Romans Vanquish Whence comes it that Macedonian Battallions are frustrated of their Hope of Victory It is for that the Roman Ordonance hath in Battaile infinite places and times commodious for the Combate and the Macedonians haue onely place and time when it may bee seruiceable and commodious And therefore if vpon some necessity the Aduersaries â—all suddainly vpon the Macedonian Battallions when they are to giue Battaile it is likely that they which make vse of it would be alwayes the Masters But if they can diuert or turne it which is an easie thing of what amazement and great terrour will this Ordonance be Moreouer it is very playne and manifest that a Macedonian Battallion hath neede of Plaines and Euen ground without any let or incumbance as Ditches Springs Vallies Hills and Water-courses for all these things may disturbe breake and make frustrate their desire and intention It is as a man may say in manner impossible to finde a Countrey of twenty Furlongs I speake of no more where none of the afore-mentioned things are found It is without any question or doubt a rare thing and which no reasonable man will deny Yet I will allow there are some found If the Enemies do not direct and guide themselues thether but passing on ruine the Townes Villages Cities and whole Regions of their Friends and Allies what profite then will grow by this kinde of Ordonance If it stayes in places of aduantage it cannot giue succours to its friends nor preserue it selfe For Victuals Munition and succours may bee very easily intercepted by an Enemy if without any opposition hee be master of the field If likewise in leauing places of aduantage a Macedonian Battalion seekes to execute some enterprize hee is in danger of the Enemy For although that some one goes to field and doth not at one time offer his Army to the fury of the Macedonian Battalion diuerting himselfe for a time during the fight wee may easily coniecture by that which the Romans doe at this day what will happen The coniecture of that which wee say must not bee taken from the effect They doe not present their Battalion in such an indifferent place as they must suddenly fight with all their forces in front One part fights the other stirres not Moreouer if at any time the Macedonians presse their Enemies eagerly and are afterward repuls'd by them the proper order of the Battalion is broken For they leaue the rest of the Army whether they pursue those that are retired or flye from those which charge them The which being done they leaue vnto the Enemy the place which they had held not to charge in front but to serue them vpon the flancke or in the reare to succour those of the Battalion Why it is not probable that it should bee easie for a Roman Battalion to obserue time and aduantage and not for a Macedonian seeing the differences are great according to the truth of the said things Moreouer it is necessary for those which make vse of the Macedonian Ordonance to passe through all sorts of Countries and to plant their Campe and finally to seaze vpon commodious places and to besieged and indure sieges and to present himselfe against the Enemy All these things are requirest in warre Sometimes also the generall moments which are great serue much for the victory all which are not easie for a Macedonian Ordonance yea sometimes they are vnprofitable for that the souldier can neyther serue in rancke nor man to man Whereas the Roman is fit and profitable for these things For euery Roman comming to fight with his Armes is actiue for all times and places and for all charges and hath generally one Ordonance whither he be to fight in Troupe with the whole Army or particularly Ensigne to Ensigne or Man to Man Wherefore as the commodity is most excellent so many times the end and conclusion of the Battaile is more prosperous and successefull vnto the Romans then to others I haue therefore thought it necessary and conuenient to vse a long Discourse concerning these things for that there are many Grecians at this day which hold it incredible that the Macedonians should be vanquished and ouercome being ignorant of the cause and meanes whereby a Macedonian Ordonance is vanquished by the Roman Armes When as Philip had vsed all possible meanes hee could in this Battaile and yet was preuented of the Victory hee foorth-with made great hast passing by Tempe to recouer
Sclauonians against the Epirotes A reprehension of the Epirotes Some Gaules banisht theirâ— Countrey for their disloyalty The Illirians are Sclauonians The Romans Embassie to Teuca Queene of Sclauonia A bold answer of an Embassadour Durazo surprized by the Sclaâ—oniâ—â—s Corsue besieged by the Sclauonians A Victory of the Sclauonians against the Acheins Corfu yeelded Corfu yeelded to the Romans Apolonia yeelded to the Romans Parthenia yeelded to the Romans An accord made with Tâ—uca Carthagena built in Spaine by the Carthaginians A treaty made betwixt the Romans and Carthaginianâ— A description of Italy The fertillity of Ital. About three pence A pâ—ice hard to be credited The Turinois and Agoniens The Genouois The Poe. Volane Padoua Bodencus The Venetiens come from Paphlagoniâ— The Gaules manner of liuing Rome taken by the Gaules The Gaults returne against the Romans Pillage made by the Gaules vpon the Romans Diuers victories of the Gäules against the Romans A defeate and ruine of the Senogallois by the Romans The scituation of Senogallia The Bolonians defeated by the Romans A defeat of the Gaules in Delphos King Etas and Gastus slaine The occasion to renew the Warre betwixt the Romans and Gaules The Gaules were seauen moneths within Rome Amazement of the Romans for the descent of the Gaules A descent of the Transalpins into Italy The number of the Gaules Army The diligence of the Romans The preparation which the Romans made for Warre The number of Souldiers which were raised in Italy Tuscany ruined by the Gaules The pollicy of the Gaules A Victory of the Gaules against the Romans The aduice of Aneâ—oeste The retreate of 〈◊〉 Gaules The pursuite of Emilius Caius Attilius The order of the Gaules battell Caius Attilius slaine The battell of the Foot-men The defeate of the forlorne hope of the Gaules The Armes which the Gaules did vse A defeate of the Gaules Army The taking of King Congâ—llitane The death of King Aneroeste The Bolonians Country spoyâ—led The Boloniansâ— yeild to the Romans The Army of the Milannois The vneasinesse of the Gaules Swords A Victory of the Romanes against the Millannois The Gessates dwell on this side the Rhâ—ne Acerras besieged Clâ—stidium besieged A defeate of the Gaules by the Romans Acerras taken by Cornelius The Grecians terrified by the Gaults Asdrubal slaine All Morâ—a reduced into â— league The Name of the Acheiâ—s well entertayned in Morea The Pythà gorians burnt in Italy The Lacedemonians and Thebains Arate A league betwixt the Dymensorins and them of Patra Tisamenes Sygus The alliance of twelue Citties The beginning of the league Iseas King Geryneâ— Arate The Fort of Corinthe taken by Arate Lysidas Aristomacus Xenon Cleomines The enuy of the Etolienâ— against the Acheins Antigonus Tutour to Phiâ—ips Sonne Athenes The Cleomenique Warre A good confideration of Arate The nature of Kings Nicophanes Cercides A good inuention of Arate The fore-sight of Arate Diuers defeatâ— of the Achâ—â—â— Acrocâ—rinthe yeelded to Antigonus Reuolte of Aripote of Argos Argos taken by the Acheins Acrocorinthe taken by Antigonus Tegee yeelded vnto Antigonus Orchomene taken with other Townes Megalopolin razed Thearce The duty of a Historiographer What is required in a Tragedy The reuolte of the Mantiniens The courteous vsage of Arate to the Mantinienâ— The great villany committed by the Mantinienâ— The Mantiniens sold. Aristâ—macus The cruelty of Aristomacus Aristoâ—acus strangled The great 〈…〉 Megalopolitains The third part of the booty is due to the Generall The pillage of Mantinia came to ninescore thousand Crownes An Aâ—â—y leuied by Cleomenes Antigonus blamed The number of Nations which were in Antigonus Army Sellasia Eua. Olympus Euclide Antigonus Campe seated vpon the Bankes of Gorgile The order of Antigonus Battell The courage of Philopomene is the cause of the Victory Philopomene The victory of Antigonus agâ—inst Clâ—omeâ—es Lacedemon taken by Antigonus Sparta or Lacedemon The Victory of Antigonus against the Sclauonians The Death of many great Princesâ— The Countries conquered by the Romanes Hiâ—ron The Warres which Antiâ—chous and Philip made Attalus Mount Taurus Eumenides Ariarate Morea The Conquest of the Romanes in 53. yeares Polybius hath beenâ— preâ—ent at a great part of the things which he hath written Demetrius lost his Râ—â—lme and life by conspiracy Thâ— desire and affection of the Authour vpon the end of his Booke The beginning of a worke and the cause 〈◊〉 The eauses of Alexanders Warre in Persia Agesilaus Phillip The cause of the Etoliens Warre against the Romans A good comparison Fabius The Warre of Hannibal continued 17. yeeres The first cause of the Warre betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians The fore sight of Amilcar Father to Hannibal Sardinia abandoned by the Carthaginians The second Cause The third Cause Antiochu san Enemy to the Romans Hannibal his speech to Antiochus Hanibal swears that when hee came to age he would be an enemy to the Romanes Asdrubal sonne in Law to Hannibal A good consideration and necessary for al Gouernours The causes of the Carthaginians hatred Neuer Commaunder did any thing worthily which was not pleasing to the Souldiers Carteia taken by assault Countries conquered by Hannibal The Toletains The riuer of Tagus Hanibals victory vppon the Barbarians An Army of a hundred thousand men An Embassie from the Romanes to Hannibal Hannibals answer to the Roman Embassadours Demetrius King of Sclauonia The scituation of Sagont The discretion of the head of an interprize Sagont forced by Hannibal Demetrius fortefied Dimale The arriuall of Emilius into Sclauonia The Towne of Sclauonia reduced to the Romane obedience The warlike pollicy or Emilius The victory of the Romans vpon the Sclauonians Demetrius a man of great courage and little iudgement The Towne of Phare razed Roman Embassadours sent to Carthage Hanno's answer to the Romane Embassadours The Temple of Iupiter Capitolinus The Romane tongue changed The first accord betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians I conceiue that this Promontory is that which they call the Promontory of Mercure in Affricke where as now the Citty Clipca stands The Promontory of Beauty The second Accord Other Articles past betwixt the Romanes the Carthaginians The third Accord The manner of Swearing of the Romanes Carthaginians in their treatiâ—s Phisinus a Historiographer Another accord made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians Another accord Another accord made with Asdrubal The causes propounded by the Romans for the Warre The Sagontins Allied a long time with the Romances The opinion of Polybius in the diligence of a History Polybius hath made forty Bookes The Roman Embassadours signifie Warre vnto the Carthaginians The order which Hannibal gaue for the defence of Spaine The equipage of Warre as well for Sea as Laâ—d left in Spaine by Hannibal to Asdrubal his Brother The number of Hannibals Army in a Table of Copper seene by Polybius The Oration which Hannibal made to his Souldiers The number of Horse and Foot which were in Hannibals Army at his parting from Spaine The number of men which Hannibal
Philip. Alexander the great Philips wise and â—wâ—reâ— Complaints of diuers people against the Etoliens Warre concluded against the Etoliens The Amphictions Scope chosen Head of the Etoliens Phebidius Enuy the cause of great mischiefe The difference betwixt a priuate and publique iniury The commendation of the Acarnanians Answeres toâ— Embassadours The blame of the Epirotes The Messeniens alwayes friends to the Arcadiâ—ns and Enemies to the Lacedemonians Aristocrates Machate sent Embassadour from the Etoliens to the Lacedemonians Carixeneâ— Timee The murther of the Lacedemonian Gouernours by the young men A league made betweene the Lacedemonians and Etoliens The power of clemoncie in Princes Licurgus chosen King Marchate preuailes in his enterprize Townes taken in Argos by Licurgus Philips Army The scituation of Constantinople The circuit of the Pontique Sea Bosphorus Cimeriques Two causes why the black Sea and the Pontique run continually The Danowe The shelfes in the Sea King Darius The refuge of Europe The Country of the Oxe Chrysopolis The commodities of Constantinople by the Sea of Abydos and Sestes The continuall Warre of the Constantinopolitains with the Thracians Brennus Chiefe of the Gaules The Thracians vanquished by the Gaules An absolute defeate of the â—aules Empire A Tole imposed vpon those that failed into the Blacke Sea by Constantinople Mecatondore Olympiodore Prusias Attalus and Achens The meanes of Acheus raigne Acheus causeth himselfe to be called King Fanum taken by Prusias from the Constantinopolitains An Embassie sent by the Rhodiens to Ptolomy The Death of Thibete Canare King of the Gaules An accord betwixt the Constantinopotitans and the Rhodiens An accord made with Prusias Candy in a manner reduced all vnder the obedience of the Gnosiens and Gortiniens The Lyciens Towne razed and burnt Plator chiefe of the Sclauonians Mithridates The Rhodiens succour the Synopenses The Scituation of Synope Alexander Dorimache Egyrus Oeanthy The scituation of Egire Egire surprized by the Etoâ—â—ens An assault giuen by Dorimache to the Fort of Egire The Etoliens defeated by the Egirates Alexander slaine Dorimache smothered Micchus defeated The Castle of Mure taken by Euripides Athence taken by Licurgus The scituation â—f Ambracia Scope makes an incursion into Macâ—dony Ambracia taken by Philip. The Gulfe of Ambracia Poetia taken by Composition Fifteene hundred Etoliens defeated byâ— Philip. Metropolis taken and burnt An assembly of the â—rolient to keepe the passage of a Riuer Ithoria very strong Peania taken by assault Philip fortifios the Fort of the Eniâ—des The retreate of the Dardâ—â—iant without doing any thing Dorimache chosen Generall of the Etoliens The retreate of Euripides from Sâ—ymphallâ— The Mountaine of Apeâ—ure Thy flight of Euripides A defeate of the Etoliens Arate ioynes with Philip. The scituation of Psophis The Riuer of Erimanthe A sally of the Elienses vpon the Macedonians Psophâ— taken by assault A composition made betweene the Citizens of Psophis and Philip. Philip giues forces to the Acheins Lâ—ssion taken Straton Thalame Thalame yeelds Appelles Tutor to Philip. The malicious policy of Appelles The Nature of Philip. Succours sent to the Elienses by Dorimache The scituation of Triphalia and iâ—â— Townes The scituation of Alphira The Image of Minerua Philip assailes Alphira The Typaneatâ—s yee le vnto Philip. The Phialences yâ—eld to Philip. The 〈◊〉 of the Lâ—preates against the Etoiens 〈◊〉 yeelded to Philip. Townes which yeeld to Philip. Chylon The Lacedemonian Magistratâ— slaine by Câ—ylon The Lacedemonians were vnfortunate after they had left the Lawes of Licurgus Appelles persists in his enterprize Eperate chosen chiefe of the Acheins The Castle of Mur yeilded to Philip. The slander of Appelles The accusation of Appelles against Arate the Acheins The Answere of Arate Taurion dispossest of the gouernment of Morea The conditions of Courtiers Alexandeâ— Chamberlaine to King Antigâ—nus Eperate Chiefe of the Acheins and Dorimachâ— of the Etoliens Mony Corne deliuered to Philip by the Acheins The naâ—ure of the Macedonians The Conspiracy of Appelles and 〈◊〉 The forces which Philip left at Dyme The scituation of Cephalenâ—â—a Leonce Trayâ—our to Philip. Embassadours sent to Philip from the Messeniens and Acarnaniens The Riuer of Acheloe Methape taken by Philip. The order which Philip held to passe the streights of Therme Therme spoyled by the Macedonians The prudence of Antigonus towards the Lacedemonians The â—urtesie of Philip the father of Alexander to the Athenians Alexander the Great The blame of Philip. The Lawes of Warre The practise of a Tyrant The Duty of a King To vanquish an enemy by mildnesse The Etoliens charge Philips Rearward Paphia burriâ— Methape razed by Philip. The Etoliens made a sally out of Strate Megalee and Leonce doe outrage to Arate Megalee and Crinon condemned by the King in 12000. Crownes The condemnation of Magalee and Crinon Licurgus takes the Towne of Elea. Philip comes to Corinthe Menelaie Amycle The great diligence of Philip. The scituation of Amycle The Temple of Apollo The Port of Gythia The Castle of Olympes The Messeniens surprized by Licurgus Philip parts from Elia spoiling all as hee passeth The Riuer of Erota The â—light of the Lacedemonians Embassadours from Rhodes to Chios A mutiny against philip and his men Leonce and his Faction retired to Appelles The misery of Courtiers The flight of Megalee The taking of Leonce Appelles taken Prisoner Megalee kills himselfe The death of Appelles and his Sonne Philip sailes to Corinthe The flight of Licurgus into Etolia The Mountain Panachaique Old Arate made Chiefe of the Acheins The Auâ—houâ—s good intention An order required in all things Ptolomy King of Egypt The enterprize of Cleomenes vpon Ptolomy An Army neere vnto Ephesus Mega Beronice Archidamusâ—layne â—layne by Cleomenes Nicagorus 〈◊〉 seth Cleomenes Cleomenes taken Prisoner and put in Guard The bold enterprize of Cleomenes Ptolomyâ—layne â—layne by Cleomenes TheÌ„odote Antiochus Soâ— to Seleucus The Speech of Hermes against Epigene Antiochus marries Lâ—â—dicea Molâ—n goes to field with an Army The Scituation of Media Liban Antiliâ—ban The Towne of Brâ—chesâ— The Retreate of Molon Xenoete his Army defeated and spoyled A mutiny in Antiochus his Campe. The practise of Molon against â—pigene Antiochus puts his Army in Battaile The order of Molons battaile The death of Molon Molon Crusâ—câ—fled Antiochus goes against Artabazanes Antiochus hath a Soâ—ne Artabazaâ—es makes an accord with Antiochâ—â— Apolâ—phanes aduice to Antiochus Apolophanes aduiâ—â— to â—nâ—iochus Ptolomy the Bâ—nefactor The scituation of Seâ—euciâ— Antiochus corrupts the Captaines of Seleuoia Seleucia assaulted The Towne of Brocâ—es besieged Tyrus and ptâ—lâ—mais taken The policy of Agathocles and Sosibius An Army raised by Ptoâ—omy The distribution of Ptolomes Army to his Captaines An Embassie sent from Antiochus to Ptolomy Reasons of the warre propounded by Antiochus Thâ— answer of Ptolomes Embassadours to Antiochus A leuie of Armies by Antiochus and Ptolomy Embassâ—dours from the Arcadiâ—ns to Antiochus Antiochus his Army diuided into three A Combat at Sea and Land Diuers Townes taken by Antiocâ—us