restrain their Madness Their Rage was chiefly bent against Auâ—idieâ—â— Rufus who from a private Soldier had been rais'd to a Centurion and from thence to a Prefect or Mareschâ—l de Camp 1 Those Men who from private Soldiers 〈◊〉 to the great Offices of 〈◊〉 Army are commonly the most 〈◊〉 because they know better â—han 〈◊〉 the Licentious Humour of Soldiers and all the Tricks which 〈◊〉 use to dâ—ceive the Vigilance of 〈…〉 as also all the 〈◊〉 and Injuries which they 〈◊〉 in the Towns where they 〈◊〉 Garison Such a one in the 〈◊〉 Age was Colonel 〈…〉 who from a private Soldier and a very poor Gentleman rose by his Merit to be one of the General 〈◊〉 of the Spanish Army and 〈…〉 He was 〈◊〉 to say That he was Fransisco for the good Soldiers and Verdugo for the bad A Name that in Spanish signifies a Hangman D. Carlos Colomâ— lib. 8. of his Wars of Flanders They pull'd him from his Chariot they loaded him with Baggage and made him march at the Head of a Battalion asking him in scorn If he were not pleas'd to carry such a Burden and to travel so far on Foot For Rufus was an indefatigable Man who restor'd to use the strictness of the ancient Discipline 2 Rigour is the Soul of Military Discipline and we see every Day by Experience that there are no worse Soldiers than those who serve under an indulgent Captain But we must observe by the way that as Military Seditions which arise from the Severity of a General are less frequent so they are more dangerous and of longer continuance than those whereof Indulgence is the cause and who spar'd their Labour so much the less because he had undergone himself what he had impos'd on others XV. The arrival of these Mutineers renew'd the Tumult and roaming lawlesly round the Country they made Waste of all Things in their way Blesus caus'd some of them who return'd loaden with their Plunder to be beaten and made Prisoners thereby to imprint a greater Terror in the rest For the Centurions and the sober part of the Soldiers still continu'd in their Duty The Pillagers thereupon resist those who force 〈◊〉 to Prison embrace the Knees of their Camerades implore their Succour either in particular by their Names or in general the Company the Cohort or the Legion in which they serv'd crying out Their own Turn must be next in the same Usage They pour out a thousand Reproaches against their General and call the Gods to witness his Injustice In short they omit nothing to move Compassion to raise Envy and Fear and to foment Sedition The Soldiers run in heaps to their Relief break open the Prisons deliver their Companions and strengthen their Party with Deserters and Criminals condemn'd to Death XVI From thence the Mutiny grew more outragious and the Numbers of their Heads inâ—reas'd One Vibulenus a private Soldier 1 Nam hi saith Tacitus Hist. 1. 〈◊〉 temporibus partâ—m se Reipub. faciunt For in troublesome 〈◊〉 the meanest People make a Figure in a State and private Soldiers have more Authority than Generals Civilibus bellis plus militibus quam ducibus licere Hist. 2. being hoisted on the Backs of his Companions was carried as it were in Triumph before the Tribunal of the General and the Soldiers big with expectation of his Speech and thronging to hear him thus began 'T is true Companions you have restor'd to Life and Liberty our innocent Fellow-Soldiers but who shall give me back my Brother who being Commission'd to you from the Army now in Germany for our common Interests has this Night been butcher'd by the Gladiators who are purposely entertain'd by Blesus for our General Massacre Tell me Blesus where thou hast thrown this murder'd Body Even Enemies refuse not Burial to the Slain When I have satisfied my Grief with Tears and Kisses command me to be murder'd and I consent to my own Death provided thou wilt order us to be laid in one common Grave like Brothers who suffer'd Death not for the Guilt of any Crime but only for defending the Cause of the r When the Duke of Maiâ— heard at Lyons the News of the Duke and the Cardinal of 〈◊〉 his Brothers he caused it to be published through the whole City that Henry the Third had taken away their Lives for no other Reason but because they protected and defended the Catholick Religion against the Huguenots Herrera l. 5. of the Third Part of his History c. 3. Notwithstanding the Duke of Guise being at the Estates of Blois had refused to sign a Declaration which the King caused to be offered to him by a Secretary of State wherein he promised and swore to make War on the Hugâ—â—â—ots provided that his Subjects would assist him with their Forces and would make no League with Foreigners without his Approbation and that those who should act contrary to this Condition should incur the Penalties of High-Treason c. 11. l. 4. of the same Part. I cite this Historian here because being a Spaniard his Testimony is of greater force against the Guises whom all the Spanish Writers make to be Maccabees notwithstanding at the bottom they were acted only by Ambition to make themselves Kings of France with the Catolicâ—â—â— of Spain against all Laws both Divine and Humane Ligions 2 All Rebels and Traitors cover their wicked Designs with the Cloke of publick Good The Count de Charolois and other Princes of France having taken Arms against Lewis the Eleventh this War was afterwards called the Publick Good because it was undertaken as they said for the Publick Good of the Kingdom Memoirs of Câ—â—mines l. 1. c. â— The Demands of the Lords adds he in cap. 12. weâ— great The Duke of Berry demanded Normandy for his Share the Count de Charolois the Cities seated on the River of Somme as Amiâ—ns Abbeville S. Quentin and Perenne and several other Demands for each with some Overtures for the Good of the Kingdom But this was not the bottom of their Designs for their Publick Good was turned into Private Interest and as Salust saith speaking of Cataline and his Accomplices Bonum publicum simulantes pro sua quisque potentia â—â—rtabant XVII He animated this Discourse with Sobs and Groans and with the Blows which he gave himself on his Face and Breast then getting loose from those who had carried him on their Shoulders he threw himself hastily at the Feet of the Assistants and mov'd them so much to Compassion and Revenge 1 In Seditions he is always the most mutâ—nous who is most hearkned to that one part of the Soldiers seiz'd on the Gladiators of Blesus another secur'd his Menial Servants whilst many of them ran searching here and there for the Body of their slain Companion And if by good Fortune it had not been immediately discover'd that Vibulenus never had a Brother that there was no such Body to be found and that the
the good Grandmother 3 As Historians ought not to approve the Reflections the People make of a Prince and great Men yet they ought less to pass them in silence for the end of their Writing is to give Examples whereby we may know Good and Bad and shun those things which Envy and Evil-speaking may interpret ill and Uncle with the Blood of this unhappy House Two days were spent under colour of examining the Cause Tiberius encouraging Piso's Children to defend their Mother And when no Answer was given to the Accusers and the Witnesses against her their Hatred gave way to Compassion The Consul Aurelius Cotta being asked his Iudgment for when the Emperor propounds the Consuls speak first he gave it That Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals part of his Goods Confiscated the rest given to Cneius Piso on condition he chang'd the name of Cneius that M Piso be degraded 4 Iudges should always give Iudgment according to the severity of the Laws 't is not for them but the Prince to shew Mercy This of the Consul Cotta was rigorous but conformable to the Laws the chieâ— end of which is to strike terrour in Offenders Besides Princes love to have Iudges severe so that if they please to shew any Mercy the Criminals may be the more obliged to them However the Iudges should never exceed those Bounds their Conâ—ciences prescribe and their Complaisance to the Prince ought not to go beyond that rigour the Law requires For it is a rashness and injustice to condemn a Criminal to more than his Crime deserves on supposition that the Prince will moâ—â—rate the Sentence 25000 Crowns allowed him and he banished for Ten years and Plancina pardoned at the intercession of Augusta XVIII Tiberius moderated the Sentence and thought it not reasonable that Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals 5 It is Wisdom in â— Prince to stop those Sentences against great Men that carry along with them marks of Infamy and reflect on the Honour of their Family Philip II. of Spain understanding the Circumstances of Gonâ—alo Pizarro's Crime who was Beheaded in the Reign of Charles V. for endeavouring to fix himself in the Government of Peru which his Brother had Conquered without ever consenting to the Title of King which those of the Country offered him declares by an Act signed with his own Hand That Gonâ—alo was never a Traitor tho' condemned as such commanding that Name should be blotted out of all the Histories where he was called so Don Iuan Antonio de Vera dons l'Epitome de la Vie de la Charles V. Those who have mind to see a Case parallel to Piso need only read there when Mark Anthony that actually engaged in a Civil War and Iulius Antonius that violated Augustus's House remained there And as for Marcus Piso he would not suffer him to be attainted and granted him all his Father's Estate for he was never covetous as I have often said and shame for acquitting Plancina made him more merciful When Valerius Messalinus proposed the erecting a Golden Statue in the Temple of Mars the Avenger and Coecina Severus an Altar to Revenge he forbid them saying Such Offerings ought to be for Foreign Victories but Domestick Evils should be buried in Sorrow Messalinus was also for giving Thanks to Tiberius and Augusta to Antonio and Agrippina and to Drusus for revenging Germanicus's Death but never mentioned Claudius L. Asprenas asked him before the Senate whether that was a willful Omission and then Claudius was entred with the others The more I consider modern or ancient Histories I discover the greater Vanity and Uncertainty in Human Affairs for in Fame Hope and Estimation all were rather destined to the Soveraignty than he whom Fortune had reserved for the future Prince 1 There are often Instances in Elective Governments that the People who love much to Discourse of Affairs of State speak of divers Princes every one according to his Fancy or Desire till at last they Name him that is chosen Tac. Hist. 2. And as there is no Court where so many Changes happen nor so maâ—y unexpected Elections as at Rome Scipio Ammirato had Reason from hence to Discourse of the Election of the Popes out of which I shall give you an Extract It seems says he those Wise Men that take upon them to point out who will be Elected make Age the principal Condition of Election concluding the young Cardinals are never to hope for the Pontificate which is very wrong for Leo X. came to it at the Age of 37. Boniface VIII at 34. Clement VII at 45. Others take it for granted they will never Elect a Foreigner for a Pope because the Italian Cardinals that are always more numerous than the Tramontans will never suffer the Popedom to be out of their Nation Without going farther for an Example we see the contrary in Adrian VI. who was not only a Fleming but had never seen Rome nor Itaâ—y And Cardinal Pâ—ol had been Pope but that his Pious Modesty refused the Adoration at midnight Calixtus III. and Alexander VI. who are not very ancient were not they Spaniards Others say That the Cardinals of an Illustrious House or that have many Relations can never hope for the Pontificate and yet Paul III. and Paul IV. were both very nobly Born and the last had so many Relations that there is no Family in Italy has more Men Lands and Charges than the House of â—araffa And besides Clement VII was not only very Noble but an absolute Lord tho' under the modest Title of Governor of a great part of Tuscany How oâ—t was it said that after the Pontificate was out of the Benedictines they resolved it should never return into any Religious Order Yet besides Sixtus IV. and Pius V. one a Cordelier and the other a Dominican in the year 1585. when of 64 Cardinals there were only two Religious Felix Peretti a Franciscan was made Pope Testimonials sufficient that neither young Men nor Strangers neither Nobles nor Monks are excluded as their Politicks would predict There are those also lay it down for a Rule that they will never make a severe Man nor one that is very liberal or that loves War Pope Can they have a Pope more severe than Pius V. more Liberal than Iulius III. more stout and martial than Iulius II. From whence Ammirato concludes That whatever the world may say and the Cardinals Cabal together yet the Election of Popes is without doubt directed by the Hand of God Disc. 1 du Liv. 3. de son Comm. sur Tac. There cannot be a greater Instance of this than what is mentioned in a Letter of Cardinal Ioyeuse where he gives an Account to Henry IV. of France of the Election of Cardinal Borghese who was Paul V. instead of Cardinal Tosco whom the Cardinals Aldrobrandi and Montalto the Heads of the two Châ—ef Factions in the Conclave agreed to Elect. Upon that says
extraordinary Example of Modesty that is followed by few or no Princes oâ— great Men who often take the Honor of that to themselves that has cost them nothing In Innocent X's time S. Peter's Church in Rome was called S. Peter's Dove-Coat to expose the ridiculous vanity of this Pope that set up his Arms there in a thousand Places Eutropius said Constantine called the Emperor Hadrian The Pellitory of the Wall because his Name was writ every where This Vanity is now very common 'T is seen upon the Walls upon the Glass upon the Hangings and even upon the Altars I speak not of Kings Princes or other great Men but Upstarts and Citizens whose Arms we meet with every where On this Occasion he much commended Sejanus to whose Vigilance he imputed it that the Fire did no more mischief and the Senate Decred Sejanus's Statue should be erected in the Theatre LXXIV A little after when Tiberius honoured Iunius Bloesus Proconsul of Africa with a Triumph he said he did it in regard to Sejanus whose Uncle he was yet Blaesus had deserved those Honours For Tacfarinas thoâ— routed several times rallied his Troops together in the middle of Africk and had the Insolence to send Ambassadors to Tiberius to require a Country for himself and his Army or else threatned perpetual War 'T is said Tiberius was never in greater Passion for any Affront to him or People of Rome than to have a Traitor and Robber deal with him like a just Enemy 1 A Prince should never admit his Rebel Subject to treat with him for besides that it is an Example of dangerous consequence 't is iâ— some measure making a Subject his equal or independent Robert de la Marck says Don Iuan Antonio de Vera came a third time into Germany from whence he was driven by the Emperor's Captains for Charles V. would never march in Person against this Rebel who deserved only Contempt remembring what Herodotus writ of the Slaves of Scythia that had taken Arms against their Masters and made Head against them in the Field being proud of the regard had to them in going against them as just Enemies but when their Masters laid down their Arms and took Scourges and Rods to meet them these Wretches submitted when they saw the Contempt their Masters had for them Dans l'Epitome de la Vie de Charles Quint. Spartacus after he had with Impunity harrassed Italy defeated so many Consular Armies and burnt so many Towns was never Capitulated with tho' the Commonwealth was then weakned with the Wars of Sertorius and Mithidrates and when the City is in a flourishing Condition shall she make Peace with Tacfarinas a Robber and give him Lands He committed this matter to Blaesus with order to promise Pardon to those would lay down their Arms and to take their Captain what Rate soever he cost him LXXV Most of his Men accepted Pardon and made War upon him in the like manner as he had done upon others For as he wanted strength and understood pillaging better than they he commonly divided his Army into several Parts would fly when attacked and draw the Romans into Ambuscades if they pursued Their Army was divided into three Parts one of which was commanded by Cornelius Scipio Blaesus's Lieutenant who was to march where Tacfarinas wasted the Leptins and the Retreats of the Garamantes Blaesus's Son led another Body to keep the Cirtensians from joyning him The General marched in the middle erecting Castles and Fortresses in â—itting Places which brought the Enemy into great Streights For which way soever he went he found the Roman Forces in his Front on his Flanks or his Rear and so had many killed or taken Afterwards Blaesus divided these three Bodies into several Parties the Command of which he gave to Captains of Experienced Courage And when Summer was over he drew not his Men out of the Field and sent them into Winter-quarters in Old Africa a So they called at Rome that part of the Province the Romans gained from the Carthaginians as was usual but as if it had been the beginning of War having built new Forts he followed Tacfarinas with light Horsemen that were well acquainted with those Desarts who daily changed his Quarters b The Latin calls them Mapâ—lia poor little Hutts till his Brother was taken then retired with more speed than was for the quiet of the Country leaving those behind him might revive the War But Tiberius concluding it ended allowed Blaesus the Honour to be saluted Emperor by the Legions An ancient Honour victorious Armies formerly gave their Generals upon the first transports of their Ioy. And had sometimes several Emperors together all of equal Dignity Augustus granted some of his Captains this Honour and Tiberius at last to Blaesus LXXVI This year two great Men died Asinius Saloninus Nephew to M. Agrippa and Pollio Asinius and Brother to Drusus c He was the Son of Vipsania Agrippa's Daughter Tibâ—rius's first Wife and Drusiâ—'s's Mother designed to have been Married to one of Germanicus's Daughters and Capito Ateius who was mentioned before and had raised himself by his Studies to the highest Dignity in the City but his Grandfather Sullanus was only a Centurion and his Father Pretor Augustus hastened him the Consulship that by the Dignity of that Office he might be preferr'd before Labeo Antistius 1 'T is very usual for Princes to advance one Man thereby to lessen another of greater Merit they hate For this Reason Philip II. of Spain preferr'd almost in every thing the Prince d'Eboli before the Duke d'Alva At the beginning of the Regency of the late Queen Mother of France Cardinal Mazarine continued thâ— Seals to the Chancellor Segnier who was hated both by him and the Regent that he might have a Man of Wit and Quickness to oppose to M. de Chasteauneuf that pretended to them and to the Dutchess of Chevrâ—use who laboured all she could to have brought her Adorer and Martyr into the Ministry So the Regent called M. de Chasteauneuf Memoires de M. de Chasâ—re who was not inferiour to him For that Age had these two great Ornaments of Peace together but Labeo was most esteemed by reason of his Freedom 2 How good soever Princes are they never love those who want Complaisance Majesty is so used to Respect that whatever savours of Freedom is insupportable There are few Princes like Stephen de Battor King of Poland who gave the rich Palatinate of Sandomir to Staniâ—â—as Pekoslawski who when he was Deputy from that Province to the Diet always opposed him Pekoslawski said Stephen when he named him to the Palatinate Is a very bad Deputy but very good Soldier A memorable Example says the Bishop of Preâ—â—ilz of Generosity and Moderation and the more Commendable because this Prince valued his Merit when he had cause to hate his Person Piajecki dans sa Cronique What Pope Iulius III. did in savour
not destroy by their Complaints Lewis Sâ—orsa Duke of Milain beheaded Cecco Simoneta his Secretary of State for saying to him Thet he could not defend Milain against the French but by the good-will of his People because his Counsel gave him to understand that his Minister was too popular Now-a-days Princes have no jealousie in this Particular of Tiberius The Quarrels betwixt the Women contributed not a little to this Enmity For Livia behav'd herself with the Loftiness of a Mother-in-Law to Agrippina and Agrippina carry'd it somewhat too resentingly towards Livia but her known Chastity and the Love she bore her Husband to whom she had born many Children wrought so far upon her Soul that though naturally haughty and inflexible she contain'd herself within the Bounds of what was Virtuous and Laudable XXVIII But Germanicus the nearer he approach'd to the height of Sovereignty the more eagerly he strove to maintain Tiberius in Possession 1 The next Heir of a Crown or of a Principality ought according to all the Rules of good Policy to shew himself the most zealous in the Service of the reigning Prince As he hath more to lose he hath more to fear and consequently he ought to be more complaisant and submissive than all others Strada attributes the cause of all the Misfortunes of Francis Duke of Alenson to the Envy which he had conceived against his Brother Henry the Third For want of considering that he was the Heir Apparent of the Crown and as it were upon the point of being adored on the Throne seeing his brother had no Children he could not bear that the casual order of Birth had made Henry his Sovereign Thus looking on his Fortune only on the worse side he lived in a continual Agitation equally a Burden to his Brother and to the State so that being desirous to Command whatever it cost not caring in what Country he put himself at the Head of the Rebels in Flanders who invited him rather to be the Pretext of the War than to make him their Prince and who hastned his Ruine by the eager Desire which de discovered of imposing the Yoke on that People who had not shaken off that of the King of Spain but that they might live as a Free-State l. 5. of the Second Decad of his History he caus'd him to be recogniz'd by the Neighbouring Provinces e By the Sequani now the French Counties and by the Belgâ— who are the â—â—mings of the Sequani and Belgae and when he was inform'd that the Legions were tumultuously up in Arms he made all possible Expedition in his Iourney to them They met him without the Camp with dejected Eyes as in sign of their Repentance But as soon as he was enter'd the Camp resounded with confus'd and jarring Clamours Some of them taking his Hand as it were to kiss it put his Fingers into their Mouths to make him sensible that they had lost their Teeth Others shew'd him their decrepid Limbs and Shoulders bending under the weight of Age. As they were all mingled in a Crowd and without Order he commanded them to draw up in their several Companies under pretence that they might with more convenience hear his Answer and to separate their Colours that he might distinguish every Cohort by its proper Ensign They obey'd him but as slowly as possibly they could 2 It is a Degree of Rebellion for People to deliberate whether they shall obey they do not seem to have been willing to obey who have a long time deliberated whether they shall obey or no Qui deliberant desciverunt Tacit. Hist. 2. Then beginning his Oration with the Praises of Augustus 3 As the Memory of Augustuâ— was pleasing to them he gained their Good-will by beginning with his Praises And as they loved not Tiberius whose Humour was wholly different from that of Augustus he made them favourable to him by putting them in mind that they had a great Share in the Glory of his Exploits he descended to those of Tiberius but above all enlarging on those Exploits which he had perform'd with them in Germany He set before them the Universal Consent of Italy the Fidelity of the Gauls and the Concord of all the other Provinces of the Empire And thus far he was heard with a respectful Silence or at least with little or no Disturbance XXIX But when he came to ask them what was become of their Obedience and of their ancient Discipline where were their Tribunes and what they had done with their Centurions They stripp'd themselves naked to shew him by way of Reproach the Scars of the Wounds and the Bruises of those Blows which they had receiv'd from their Officers and afterwards speaking all at once they complain'd of their scanty Pay and the intolerable Price with which they were forc'd to purchase their Exemption from Duties and the Miseries they suffered in 1 Indeed all this is worthy of Compassion but Seditions and Revolts are evermore inexcusable and consequently Punishment is absolutely necessary for fear lest Impunity open the Gate to Licentiousâ—ess Good and Evil are so contrary that they ought not to be put in the Ballance against one another They are two Enemies betwixt whom there ought to be no Quarter nor Exchange given If one deserves Reward the other doth Punishment and both of them ought to be treated according to their Merit Chap. 5. of the Second Part of the Politick Testament Otherwise the Hopes which every one will have of obtaining Pardon in consideration of past Services will make them not care how they offend 〈◊〉 who had defended the Capitol against the Gauls whence he was honoured with the Name of Capitolinâ—s and of Protector of the Peâ—ple notwithstanding he recounted the long Services which he had done his Country and shewed the Scars of Three and thirty Wounds which he had received in several Fights the Romans condemn'd him to Death as soon as his Adversaries had proved that he aspired to Regal Power There is an indispensable Necessity of proceeding thus according to the Opinion of Machiavel in his 22 th châ—p of l. 1. of his Discourses and of Scipio Aâ—â—â—nirato in the 7 th Disc. of l. 2. of his Commentary on Tacitus And it is also the Opinion of Tacitus himself who saith That the City of Treves effaced by its Revolt all the Merit oâ— the great Services which it had done to the Romans Hist. 4. labouring Night and Day on their Retrenchments in providing Forage for their Horses and Beasts of Burden and heaps of Faggots or Fascines and what other Employments are invented to keep the Soldiers in exercise when no Enemy is near A fierce Clamour of the Veterans arose who having serv'd the space of 30 or 40 Years besought Germanicus to take Pity on them and not suffer them to die in the Hardships of Warfare but to give them their Discharge and wherewithal to subsist afterwards in their Age 2 In a State
wasting all Things in their way betwixt the Rivers of Amisia and Lippa k The â—ippe LV. The Army being now within a small march of the â—orest of Tâ—uâ—burg where it was told Germanicus that the Bones of the Legions which were slain with Varus lay yet unbury'd l The Field in which Varus was slain with his Legions is called at this 〈…〉 i. e. in High-Dutch the Field of Victory Bernardin de Mendoâ—â—â—â— â—aith That there remains also to this Day in the Bishoprick of Munster a place called 〈◊〉 that is to say the Borough of Varus which was 〈◊〉 by the People of the Country to preserve the Memory of the Defeat of the 〈◊〉 His Memoirs of the Low-Country Wars l. 3. c. 3. he was seiz'd with a violent Desire of rendring their last Dues to those sad Relicks The whole Army approv'd their General 's Design whether mov'd with Pity for their Friends and Relations or by a Natural Reâ—lection on the Chance of War and the wretched Condition of Mankind Cecina was sent before to discover the Fastnesses of the Woods prepare Bridges and lay Caâ—seways where the Footing was unsure and the Ground treacherous by reason of the Bogs m Tâ—citus saith Fallacibus Campis The same Mendoza saith That 〈…〉 are Lakes and Marshes of 30 Leagues extent and make the 〈◊〉 almosâ— a Deâ—art Ibid. Entring into these mournful Places which were dreadful to their Sight and iâ—ksom to their Remembrance the first Obâ—ect presented to their view was the Camp of Varus remarkable by its large Compass and by the three Voids n Principia was a void Place where the Eagles and the Colours were set As each Legion had its Eagle it had also its Principium so that by these three Principia it was known that there had been three Legions which separated the three Legions A little farther might be seen the Retrenchments half in Ruine inclos'd with a Ditch now choak'd up and almost sill'd in which it was believ'd that the shatter'd Remnants of the Army had been rally'd for their last Reâ—uge The middle of the Field was â—trew'd with Carcasses and white dry Bones some scatter'd here and there and others pil'd on heaps by which might be observ'd whether they receiv'd their Death in flight or fell together in manly Resistance to the last Every where were found their broken Pikes and Iavelins the Limbs of Horses and their Iaw-bones and the Heads of Men which were fix'd to the Trunks or hung on the Branches of the Trees In the Woods about the Field were seen the Altars where those Barbarians had executed the Tribunes and Captains of the first Orders o That is to say three Cohorts For they rise from Cohort to Cohort according to their Merit or the time of their Service They who had escap'd from this Battel or afterwards from their Captivity related many Particulars of that dreadful Day On this Place said they were slain the Commanders of the Legions and there it was we lost our Eagles Here Varus receiv'd his first Wound and a little farther he fell upon his Sword and perish'd by his own unhappy Hand Behold the Eminence from whence Arminius harangu'd his Soldiers and yonder he rais'd Gibbets for the Prisoners or sunk Ditches p These Ditches served for Burying-places for Malefactors whom they covered with the Earth soked with their Blood to behead and bury them according to the Roman Fashion While the Proud Conquerour forgot not to drag along the Ground with Scorn our Ensigns and our Eagles LVI In this manner the Roman Army six Years after the Defeat interr'd the Bones of the three Legions it being impossible for any Man to distinguish those of his Relations from the rest Every one performing his Duty to all in general as to so many Friends and Brothers with Hearts equally divided betwixt Sorrow and desire of Vengeance Germanicus partaking in their Grief laid the first Turf on the common Sepulchre q Don Diego de Mendoza hath finely imitated this whole Funeral Description in his History of the Wars of Grenada l. 4. c. 9. in his relating the Circumstances of the Defeat and the Death of Don Alphonso d'Aquilar Brother to him whom in Spain they call the Great Captain Which I have taken notice of here for the sake of those who love to read Works written on the Model of Tâ—â—itus whom Don Diego had much studiâ—d But this pious Office to the Slain was nothing pleasing to Tiberius whether he took in the worst sense all the Actions of Germanicus 1 When a great Man begins to displease the Prince a sinister Interpretation is put upon all his Actions The Memoirs of Queen Margaret are full of Examples of this and particularly the Second Book in which are to be seen all the Ombrages that Henry the Third took at the least Actions of the Duke of Alenson his Brother or that he thought so sad a Spectacle as that was of unbury'd Bodies would slacken the Courage of his Soldiers 2 Whereas Germanicus ought to have rouzed the Courage of his Soldiers he ran the hazard of wholly sinking it by letting them see that which he should have carefully hid from them The frightful Dream of Cecina of which Tacitus speaks in one of the following Chapters plainly shews the Effect which this Spectacle was capable of producing in the Soldiers Imaginations For Somnia fallaci ludunt temeraria nocte Et pavidas mentes falsa timere jubent Tibul. Epigr. l. 3. So that although Tiberius was angry to see the Care which Germanicus took to gain the Affections of the Soldiers he had yet most just cause to blame a General who let his Army see just as they were going to fight the Remains of the Butchery of the Roman Legions and make their Enemies appear more formidable Besides that the General of any Army vested with the Augural Priesthood and design'd for the Ministry of Religious Rites ought not to have put his Hand to Ceremonies belonging to the Dead LVII In the mean time Germanicus pursu'd Arminius who retir'd into Places unfrequented and inaccessible when at length he had join'd the Enemy he commanded his Cavalry to advance and dislodge him from the Post he had possess'd Arminius with his Forces drawn up in close Order march'd along the Forest and suddenly wheeling fac'd the Romans giving the Signal to those Soldiers whom he had laid in Ambush in the Wood. The Roman Horse amaz'd at the sight of these new Enemies was put into disorder and the Cohorts coming up to their Assistance being incumber'd with a Croud of those who fled from the Germans and press'd upon their Ranks were forc'd to open as they could and make a Passage for them In this Confusion and general Affright the Enemy who knew the Country were driving our Men headlong on the Morass from whence it was impossible to disingage themselves if Germanicus had not with timely foresight drawn up the
not to regard Dreams too much so neither ought we wholly to slight them especially when they nearly relate to the present State of Affairs for the Contempt of them is the cause that we neglect to apply Remedies to those Evils whereof they are the Fore-runners There is a prudent Mean betwixt Superstition and Incredulity which commonly proceeds from Self Love which always flatters us rather than from a true Solidity of Spirit The Queen Margaret makes a Reflection which is of great weight Some saith she hold That God doth in an especial manner protect the Great and that to Minds in which there shines some uncommon Excellency he gives by good Genius's some secret Wâ—rnings of Accidents that are like to happen to them either of Good or Evil as to the Queen my Mother who the Night before the unfortunate Race dream'd That she saw the late King my Father wounded in the Eye as it happen'd and aâ—ter she awaked desired him several times not to run that Day ... Being dangerously sick at Metz and having about her Bed the King Charles my Brother my Sister and my Brother of Lorraine and many Ladies and Princesses she cried out as if she had seen the Battel of Iarnaâ— See how they 〈◊〉 away my Son hath the Victory behold in this Lane the Prince of Conde dead All that were there believed that she raved But the Night after Monsieur de Losses bringing her the News of it I knew it well enough said she did I not see it yesterday Then they perceived that it was not the raving of a Feaver but a particular Notice which God gives to illustrious and extraordinary Persons And for my self I own that I was never near any signal Accident either Unfortunate or Prosperous of which I had not some Advertisement either by Dream or otherwise and may well say this Versâ— Of my Good or my Evil My Mind is my Oracle L. 1. of her Memoirs implor'd his Assistance t Two or three Months before the Death of Henry the Fourth the Queen his Wife being in Bed with him saw in a Dream a Man who stabb'd him to Death with a Knife The News of his Death flew to Lisle in Flanders to Antwerp to Bois-le-Duc and to Mastriâ—h ten Days before it happen'd For it often comes to pass that the News precedes the Accident On the Eve of his Death as he aâ—â—isted at the Coronation of the Queen a Maid named Iane Arnaud seeing him said to her Sisters Behold a dead Man who resembles the King who are buried here The Day that he was stain several Billets were thrown into his Chamber which all gave him warning of his Fate But he neglected all this as Caesar did and perished like him Homer saith That as the Dreams of common People are to be slighted because of the Weakness of their Brain on the contrary there ought to be a great Regard had to those of Persons who have the Management of State Affairs because they arise from their Experience and the continual Reflection which they make upon the great Events of Civil Life L. 2. of the Iliads Cabrera saith That Ioan of Austria Mother of Sebastian King of Portugal being with Child of him thought that one Night she saw enter into her Chamber a great many Moors clad in Habits of divers Colours The first Presage of what was to besal this Prince at the Battel of Alâ—asar in Aâ—rick His Philip II. l. 11. c. 10. but that he far from answering his Request had push'd him backward At break of Day the Legions plac'd on the Wings forsook their Post whether through Fear or Disobedience is uncertain and precipitately rang'd themselves in Battel beyond the Morats Arminius did not immediately charge them though nothing hinder'd but when he saw their Baggage fasten'd in the Mire and sticking in the Ditches the Soldiers out of their Ranks and only sollicitous how to save themselves as commonly it happens on such Occasions when the Commanders are ill obey'd he encourag'd the Germans to the Charge calling to them with repâ—ated Cries Behold Varus and his Legions who are offering themselves to be once more vanquishâ—d Having said this he forc'd through our Battalions with the flower of his Troops and charg'd impetuously on our Horse who sliding on their own Blood and floundring in the Mud of the Morats cast their Riders to the Ground and then running furiously through the Ranks crush'd those to Death who were already fallen and threw down others whom they met That which gave us the greatest Trouble was the defence of our Eagles which could not be carried into the Combat because of the multitude of Darts which were continually lanc'd against the Bearers nor yet fasten'd in the Ground by reason of the Marshes While Cecina with great Courage sustain'd this unequal Fight his Horse was kill'd under him and himself upon the point of being taken if the First Legion had not hasten'd to his Succour On the other side the Enemy was so greedy of the Spoil that they intermitted the Slaughter to seize the Prey This Covetousness of theirs was the safety of the Legions for it gave them the opportunity of making their Retreat 2 The greediness of Soldiers who are commonly more intent upon Enriching themselves than upon Fighting is the cause that there is scare ever a compleat Victory This is an Evil that seems to be without Remedy seeing that after so many Ages the Prudence and Severity of Princes and Generals have not been able to put a stop to it at the close of Day into a Plain where the Footing was â—irm and the Ground solid But the end of their Miseries was not yet come They were of necessity to make new Palisades and new Retrenchments though they had lost the greatest part of their Instruments which were to be employ'd in casting up the Earth and cutting of the Turfs They wanted Tents to receive the weary Soldiers and Salves to dress the Wounded Their Food which they divided into Portions was soak'd in Mire and Blood and they deplor'd that fatal Night which only hid them till the approach of Day which was to be the last to so many Thousands of valiant Men 3 Reflections of this kind do Soldiers no good because they serve only to abate their Courage witness the false Alarm spoken of in the following Chapter LX. By chance a Horse who was broken loose from his Standing and terrifi'd with the Cries of his Pursueâ—s bore down those whom he encounter'd in his way The whole Camp possess'd with a panick Fear took thâ— Alarm every one believing that the Germans 1 When an Army hath been beaten it is very subject to take false Alarms And it is on these Occasions saith Xenophon that a General is much perplex'd for the more he encourages his Soldiers the greater they imagin is the Danger Quanto magis jâ—beat illos bo no esse animo tanto existimabunt in majore se esse