fittest manner and Season of your coming off Therefore it seems to me your Duty freely lovingly compassionately to communicate your Reasons to your Auditors if they can prove them unsound which I am sure they cannot in the main then yield to them if they cannot then beg their Pardon for misguiding them and beseech them to return not to any Sin against God but to the Love of the Saints and the Unity of the universal Body of Christ and the Communion of Brethren 3. To return to Mr. I. Goodwin's Church again I dare not dissuade you or advise you but I would not do it if I liv'd in another Parish where I could have Lawful Communion yea or if I could live in such a Parish I would not be a Member of a Church gathered out of many Parishes in such a Place as London Co-habitation is in Nature and Scripture Example made the necessary Disposition of the Materials of a Church 4. My Thoughts still are that you should Preach the Gospel in some Congregation most suitable to you But I am very glad that you give me the Reasons of your Trouble for it is a sad kind of Work for you or another to plead against Troubles in the dark which a Man can give no Reason for 1. Your First I need say nothing to If you had ever had a Temptation to thrust in a wrong Motive into a good Cause it neither proves the Cause bad else all our Preaching were too bad or your Heart bad as you see your Sin I hope you see your sufficient Remedy 2. The Second is carnal to resist so great a Truth and Duty lest good People be displeased what are they your God God must be enough for you if ever you will have enough and it must satisfie you that he is pleased if ever you will be satisfied Tell those Christians you will not cease to Love them by Loving more nor cease any due Communion with them by having Communion with more Keep in with them by Love and Correspondency even whether they will or no even when you have left their Separation Do not reproach them when you leave them but enjoy the Good of their Communion still as you have Opportunity God's House hath many Mansions if your Friends think that their Closet is all the House convince them of their Mistake and confine your self to that Closet no longer but yet renounce it not it may be a part though sinfully divided though it be not the whole 3. The way that you are called to is God's High way and though the Churches have many in them that are dead yet have they with them as many living Members as yours and many more if these parts may be Witnesses I would not be a Member of that Church willingly that is composed of none but not able Christians though I most Love the best and delight most in their Fellowship and wish that all were such yet when I see a Church so gathered I easily find it is a wrong Constitution and not according to the Mind of Christ. I will never join with them that will have but one Form in Christ's School I would have the A B C there taught as well as the profoundest Mysteries 'T is no Sign of the Family of God to have no Children what if I said Infants in it but strong Men only Nor of the Hospital of Christ to have none Sick nor of his Net to have no Fish but Good nor of his Field to have no Tares Flesh and Blood hath ticed me oft to Separation for Ease but it s too easy a way to be of God I undergo another kind of Life you are extreamly mistaken if you think that you are put on so much Duty and Self-denial by many Degrees among your Hundred Professors as we must undergo Your Work is Idleness to ours how then is yours the streighter way 4. For Riches and gay Apparel you may help to cure Excess where you find it What! a Physician fly because his Patients are Sick O that we had no sorer Diseases to encounter than fine Cloaths If you were with me I could tell you quickly where to find Forty Families of humble godly Christians that are as bare and Poor as you would Wish and need as much as you can give them or procure them that scarce lose a Day 's Work by Sickness but the Church must maintain them And I could send you to Sixty Families that are as poor and yet so Ignorant as more to need your spiritual Help When they have sat by me to be instructed in my Chamber they sometimes leave the Lice so plentifull that we are stored with them for a competent space of time Never keep in a Separated Church to avoid Riches and fine Cloaths and for fear lest you cannot meet with the Poor I warrant you a Cure of that Melancholy Fear in most places in England 5. The next is the great Block 1. If you gather out the choicest Members that should help the rest and then complain of Parishes when you have marr'd them you do not justly 2. If you will not do your Duty in a Parish because some Ministers do not theirs your excuse is frivolous 3. If I durst have gathered a separated Church here I could have had one large and numerous enough or such as would allow me ease but I think Parish Work the best We here agree on these Four Heads 1. To teach all In which Work in my Parish I could find Work for Ten Ministers if I could maintain them 2. To admit none as adult Members without a personal credible Profession of Faith and Holiness of which I refer you to my Treatise of Confirmation 3. To exercise Discipline with these 4. To hold Communion of Churches by Associations and Assemblies of the Officers And I bless God I find not my Parish such a dead Body as you speak of Among Eight Hundred Families Six Hundred Persons are Church-Members I hope there is not very many of these without such a Profession as giveth us good Hopes of their Sincerity and none whose Profession I am able any way to disprove and this satisfieth me as God's Way and many I hope Scores there be of those that join not with us on divers Accounts that I hope fear God If you have Charity to judge that our Parishes have Christians you may have Charity to judge that they have Life and some fit for Communion How tender is Christ of his weakest Members and shall not I imitate him yea shall I judge them that am so bad my self and pluck them from his Arms that designeth it as his highest Honour to be admired and glorified in the freeness and fulness of his Grace and Love to the Unworthy 6. Your Followers Souls are by you endangered while you leave them in their Sin will it endanger them to tell them of that Danger and help them out What! to lead Men to Holy Love and Unity with the Catholick
the Importance and Consequence of the War and making not Money but that which they took for the Publick Felicity to be their End they were the more engaged to be valiant for he that maketh Money his End doth esteem his Life above his Pay and therefore is like enough to save it by flight when danger comes if possibly he can But he that maketh the Felicity of Church and State his End esteemeth it above his Life and therefore will the sooner lay down his Life for it And men of Parts and Understanding know how to manage their business and know that flying is the surest way to death and that standing to it is the likeliest way to escape there being many usually that fall in flight for one that falls in valiant fight These things it 's probable Cromwell understood and that none would be such engaged valiant men as the Religious But yet I conjecture that at his first choosing such men into his Troop it was the very Esteem and Love of Religious men that principally moved him and the avoiding of those Disorders Mutinies Plunderings and Grievances of the Country which deboist men in Armies are commonly guilty of By this means he indeed sped better than he expected Aires Desborough Berry Evanson and the rest of that Troop did prove so valiant that as far as I could learn they never once ran away before an Enemy Hereupon he got a Commission to take some care of the Associated Counties where he brought this Troop into a double Regiment of fourteen full Troops and all these as full of religious men as he could get These having more then ordinary Wit and Resolution had more than ordinary Success first in Lincolnshire and afterward in the Earl of Manchester's Army at York Fight With their Successes the Hearts both of Captain and Soldiers secretly rise both in Pride and Expectation And the familiarity of many honest erroneous Men Anabaptists Antinomians c. withal began quickly to corrupt their Judgments Hereupon Cromwell's general Religious Zeal giveth way to the power of that Ambition which still increaseth as his Successes do increase Both Piety and Ambition concurred in his countenancing of all that he thought Godly of what Sect soever Piety pleadeth for them as Godly and Charity as Men and Ambition secretly telleth him what use he might make of them He meaneth well in all this at the beginning and thinketh he doth all for the Safety of the Godly and the Publick Good but not without an Eye to himself When Successes had broken down all considerable Opposition he was then in the face of his strongest Temptations which conquered him when he had conquered others He thought that he had hitherto done well both as to the End and Means and God by the wonderful Blessing of his Providence had owned his endeavours and it was none but God that had made him great He thought that if the War was lawful the Victory was lawful and if it were lawful to fight against the King and conquer him it was lawful to use him as a conquered Enemy and a foolish thing to trust him when they had so provoked him whereas indeed the Parliament professed neither to fight against him nor to conquer him He thought that the Heart of the King was deep and that he resolved upon Revenge and that if he were King he would easily at one time or other accomplish it and that it was a dishonest thing of the Parliament to set men to fight for them against the King and then to lay their Necks upon the block and be at his Mercy and that if that must be their Case it was better to flatter or please him than to fight against him He saw that the Scots and the Presbyterians in the Parliament did by the Covenant and the Oath of Allegiance find themselves bound to the Person and Family of the King and that there was no hope of changing their minds in this Hereupon he joyned with that Party in the Parliament who were for the Cutting off the King and trusting him no more And consequently he joyned with them in raising the Independants to make a Fraction in the Synod at Westminster and in the City and in strengthening the Sectaries in Army City and Country and in rendering the Scots and Ministers as odious as he could to disable them from hindering the Change of Government In the doing of all this which Distrust and Ambition had perswaded him was well done he thought it lawful to use his Wits to choose each Instrument and suit each means unto its end and accordingly he daily imployed himself and modelled the Army and disbanded all other Garrisons and Forces and Committees which were like to have hindered his design And as he went on though he yet resolved not what form the New Common-wealth should be molded into yet he thought it but reasonable that he should be the Chief Person who had been chief in their Deliverance For the Lord Fairfax he knew had but the Name At last as he thought it lawful to cut off the King because he thought he was lawfully conquered so he thought it lawful to fight against the Scots that would set him up and to pull down the Presbyterian Majority in the Parliament which would else by restoring him undo all which had cost them so much Blood and Treasure And accordingly he conquereth Scotland and pulleth down the Parliament being the easilier perswaded that all this was lawful because he had a secret Byas and Eye towards his own Exaltation For he and his Officers thought that when the King was gone a Government there must be and that no Man was so fit for it as he himself as best deserving it and as having by his Wit and great Interest in the Army the best sufficiency to manage it Yea they thought that God had called them by Successes to Govern and take Care of the Commonwealth and of the Interest of all his People in the Land and that if they stood by and suffered the Parliament to do that which they thought was dangerous it would be required at their hands whom they thought God had made the Guardians of the Land Having thus forced his Conscience to justifie all his Cause the Cutting off the the King the setting up himself and his Adherents the pulling down the Parliament and the Scots he thinketh that the End being good and necessary the necessary means cannot be bad And accordingly he giveth his Interest and Cause leave to tell him how far Sects shall be tollerated and commended and how far not and how far the Ministry shall be owned and supported and how far not yea and how far Professions Promises and Vows shall be kept or broken and therefore the Covenant he could not away with nor the Ministers further than they yielded to his Ends or did not openly resist them He seemed exceeding open hearted by a familiar Rustick affected Carriage especially to his Soldiers in
the Saints Rest where I have not said half that should have been said and the Reason was because that I had not read any of the fuller sort of Books that are written on those Subjects nor conversed with those that knew more than my self and so all those things were either new or great to me which were common and small perhaps to others and because they all came in by the way of my own Study of the naked matter and not from Books they were apt to affect my mind the more and to seem greater than they were And this Token of my Weakness accompanied those my younger Studies that I was very apt to start up Controversies in the way of my Practical Writings and also more desirous to acquaint the World with all that I took to be the Truth and to assault those Books by Name which I thought did tend to deceive them and did contain unsound and dangerous Doctrine And the Reason of all this was that I was then in the vigour of my youthfull Apprehensions and the new Appearance of any sacred Truth it was more apt to affect me and be highlyer valued than afterward when commonness had dulled my Delight and I did not sufficiently discern then how much in most of our Controversies is verbal and upon mutual Mistakes And withal I know not how impatient Divines were of being contradicted nor how it would stir up all their Powers to defend what they have once said and to rise up against the Truth which is thus thrust upon them as the mortal Enemy of their Honour And I knew not how hardly Mens Minds are charged from their former Apprehensions be the Evidence never so plain And I have perceived that nothing so much hindreth the Reception of the Truth as urging it on Men with too harsh Importunity and falling too heavily on their Errors For hereby you engage their Honour in the business and they defend their Errors as themselves and stir up all their Wit and Ability to oppose you In controversies it is fierce Opposition which is the Bellows to kindle a resisting Zeal when if they be neglected and their Opinions lie a while despised they usually cool and come again to themselves though I know that this holdeth not when the Greediness and Increase of his Followers doth animate a Sectary even though he have no Opposition Men are so loth to be drenched with the Truth that I am no more for going that way to work and to confess the Truth I am lately much prone to the contrary Extream to be too indifferent what Men hold and to keep my Judgment to my self and never to mention any thing wherein I differ from another or any thing which I think I know more than he or at least if he receive it not presently to silence it and leave him to his own Opinion And I find this Effect is mixed according to its Causes which are some good and some bad The bad Causes are 1. An Impatience of Mens weakness and mistaking frowardness and Self-conceitedness 2. An Abatement of my sensible Esteem of Truth through the long abode of them on my Mind Though my Judgment value them yet it is hard to be equally affected with old and common things as with new and rare ones The better Causes are 1. That I am much more sensible than ever of the necessity of living upon the Principles of Religion which we are all agreed in and uniting these and how much Mischief Men that over-value their own Opinions have done by their Controversies in the Church how some have destroyed Charity and some caused Schisms by them and most have hindered Godlyness in themselves and others and used them to divert Men from the serious prosecuting of a holy Life and as Sir Francis Bacon saith in his Essay of Peace that it 's one great Benefit of Church-Peace and Concord that writing Controversies is turned into Books of practical Devotion for increase of Piety and Virtue 2. And I find that it 's much more for most Mens Good and Edification to converse with them only in that way of Godliness which all are agreed in and not by touching upon Differences to stir up their Corruptions and to tell them of little more of your knowledge than what you find them willing to receive from you as meer Learners and therefore to stay till they crave Information of you as Musculus did with the Anabaptists when he visited them in Prison and conversed kindly and lovingly with them and shewed them all the Love he could and never talkt to them of their Opinions till at last they who were wont to call him a Deceiver and false Prophet did intreat him to instruct them and received his Instructions We mistake Mens Diseases when we think there needeth nothing to cure their Errors but only to bring them the Evidence of Truth Alas there are many Distempers of Mind to be removed before Men are apt to receive that Evidence And therefore that Church is happy where Order is kept up and the Abilities of the Ministers command a reverend Submission from the Hearers and where all are in Christ's School in the distinct Ranks of Teachers and Learners For in a learning way Men are ready to receive the Truth but in a Disputing way they come armed against it with Prejudice and Animosity 3. And I must say farther that what I last mentioned on the by is one of the notablest Changes of my Mind In my youth I was quickly past my Fundamentals and was running up into a multitude of Controversies and greatly delighted with metaphisical and scholastick Writings though I must needs say my Preaching was still on the necessary Points But the elder I grew the smaller stress I layd upon these Controversies and Curiosities though still my intellect abhoâ—reth Confusion as finding far greater Uncertainties in them than I at first discerned and finding less Usefulness comparatively even where there is the greatest Certainty And now it is the fundamental Doctrines of the Catechism which I highliest value and daily think of and find most useful to my self and others The Creed the Lord's Prayer and the Ten Commandments do find me now the most acceptable and plentiful matter for all my Meditations They are to me as my daily Bread and Drink And as I can speak and write of them over and over again so I had rather read or hear of them than of any of the School Niceties which once so much pleased me And thus I observed it was with old Bishop Usher and with many other Men And I conjecture that this Effect also is mixt of good and bad according to its Causes The bad Cause may perhaps be some natural Infirmity and Decay And as Trees in the Spring shoot up into Branches Leaves and Blossoms But in the Autumn the Life draws down into the Root so possibly my Nature conscious of its Infirmity and Decay may find it self insufficient for numerous Particles and
Conversation amongst all Protestants and upon avoiding Divisions amongst Christ's Followers as that whatever obstructed these Concerns he was impatient of and warm against Truth Peace and Love was he a Votary to and Martyr for and hereunto did he devote most of his Life and Labours Dicam quod res est It is scandalous that there should be Divisions Distances Animosities and Contentions amongst Christians Protestants Dissenters against each other and in the Bowels of each Party But much hereof arises from unhappy Tempers Self-ignorance Confidence and Inobservance want of frequent patient and calm Conference and impartial Debates about things controverted addictedness to Self-Interest and Reputation with our respective Parties impatience of severe Thoughts and Studies and of impartial Consideration before we fix and pass our Judgment taking things too much upon Trust Prejudice against those whose Sentiments are different from our own laying too great a weight upon eccentrical and meaner things prying too boldly into and talking too confidentlyâ— about things unrevealed or but darkly hinted to us in the Sacred Text and representing the Doctrine of our Christianity in our own Artificial Terms and Schemes and so confining the Interest Grace and Heart of God and Christ to our respective Parties as if we had forgot or had never read Rom. 14. 17 19. Acts 10 34 35. Gal. 6. 14 16. and Eph. 4. 1 〈◊〉 That Person whose Thoughts Heart and Life shall meet me in the Spirit and Reach of 2 Pet. I. I II. shall have my hearty Love and Service although he determine never to hear me Preach or to Communicate with me all his days through the Impression of his Education or Acquaintance though at the same time I should be loth that such a narrow Thought should be the Principle Poise and Conduct of my Church Fellowship Spirit or Behaviour God hath I doubt not his eminent and valuable Servants inâ—all Parties and Perswasions amongst Christians An heavenly mind and Life is all in all with me I doubt not but that God hath many precious faithful Ones amongst the Men called Independants Presbyterians â—â—â—nabapâ—ists Prelatical And I humbly judge it reasonable that 1. The Miscarriages of former Parties be not imputed to succeeding Parties who own not nor abet their Principles as productive of such practical Enormities 2. That the Miscarriages of some particular Persons be not charged on the rest until they profess or manifest their Approbation of them 3. That what is repented of and pardoned be not so received as to foment Divisions and Recriminations 4. That my trust from Mr. Baxter and faithfulness to him and to Posterity be not constrâ—ed as the Result of any Spleen in me against any Person or Party mentioned in this following History 5. And that we all value that in one another which God thinks lovely where he forms and finds it And 6. O Utinam that we form no other Test and Canon of Christian Orthodoxy and Saving Soundness and Christian Fellowship than what the Sacred Scriptures give us as Explicatory of the Christian Baptismal Creed and Covenant as influencing us into an holy Life and heavenly Hopes and Joys I thought once to have given the World a faithful Abstract of Mr Baxter's Doctrines or Judgment containing the Sence of what he held about Justification Faith Works c. and yet laying aside his Terms of Art that hereby the Reader might discern the Consonancy of it to the Sacred Text and to the Doctrinal Confessions of the Reformed Churches his Consistence with himself and his nearer approach in Judgment to those from whom he seems to differ much than the prejudiced Adversaries are aware of But this must be a Work of Time if not an Enterprize too great for me as I justly fear it is But I will do by him as I would do by others and have them do by me viz. give him his owned Explication of the Baptismal Creed and Covenant as a fit Test to try his Judgment by and if his Doctrines in his other Treatises consist herewith others perhaps will see more Cause to think him Orthodox in the most weighty Articles and less to be suspected notwithstanding his different Modes of Speech The Things professedly believed by him as may be seen in his Christian Concord were THat there is one only God The Father Infinite in Being Wisdom Goodness and Power the Maker Preserver and Disposer of all things and the most just and merciful Lord of All. That Mankind being fallen by Sin from God and Happiness under the Wrath of God the Curse of his Law and the Power of the Devil God so loved the World that he gave his only Son to be their Redeemer who being God and one with the Father did take to him our Nature and became Man being conceived of the Holy Ghost in the Virgin Mary and born of her and named JESUS CHRIST and having liv'd on Earth without Sin and wrought many Miracles for a witness of his Truth he gave up himself a Sacrifice for our Sins and a Ransom for 〈◊〉 in suffering Death on the Cross and being buried he is Lord of all in Glory with the Father And having ordained that all that truly repent and believe in him and love him above all things and sincerely obey him and that to the Death shall be saved and they that will not shall be damned and commended his Ministers to preach the Gospel to the World He will come again and raise the Bodies of all Men from Death and will set all the World before him to be judged according to what they have done in the Body and he will adjudge the Righteous to Life Everlasting and the rest to Everlasting Punishment which shall be Executed accordingly That God the Holy Ghost the Spirit of the Father and the Son was â—â—nt from the Father by the Son to inspire and guide the Prophets and Apostles that they might fully reveal the Doctrine of Christ And by multitudes of Evident Miracles and wonderful Gifts to be the great Witness of Christ and of the Truth of his Holy Word And also to dwell and work in all that are drawn to believe that being first joyned to Christ their Head and into one Church which is his Body and so pardoned and made the Sons of God they may be a peculiar People sanctified to Christ and may mortifie the Fesh and overcome the World and the Devil and being zealous of good Works may serve God in Holiness and Righteousness and may live in the special Love and Communion of the Saints and in hope of Christ's Coming and of Everlasting Life In the belief hereof the Things consented to were as followeth THat he heartily took this one GOD for his only GGD and his chief Good and this IESUS CHRIST for his only Lord Redeemer and Saviour and this HOLY GHOST for his Sanctifier and the Doctrine by him revealed and sealed by his Miracles and now contained in the Holy Scriptures he took for the Law of God
eminent Physicians agreed that my Disease was the Hypocondriack Melancholy and not the Scurvy To recite a Catalogue of my Symptoms and Pains from Head to Feet would be a tedious interruption to the Reader I shall therefore only say this that the Symptoms and Effects of my General Indisposition were very terrible such as a flatulent Stomach that turn'd all things into Wind a Rheumatick head to a very great degree and great sharpness in my Blood which occasioned me no small trouble by the excoriation of my Fingers ends which upon any heat I us'd or Aâ—omatick thing I took would be raw and bloody and every Spring and Fall or by any kind of heating my Nose still fell a bleeding and that with such a great violence and in such excessive quantities as often threatned my Life which I then ascribed to such Causes as I have since liv'd to see my self mistaken in for I am now fully satisfied that all proceeded from Latent Stones in my Reins occasioned by unsuitable Diet in my Youth And yet two wonderful Mercies I had from God 1. That I was never overwhelm'd with real Melancholy My Distemper never went so far as to possess me with any inordinate Fancies or damp me with sinking Sadness although the Physicians call'd it the Hypocondriack Melancholy I had at several times the Advice of no less than Six and thirty Physicians by whose order I us'd Druggs without number almost which God thought not fit to make successful for a Cure and indeed all Authors that I read acquainted me that my Disease was incurable whereupon I at last forsook the Doctors for the most part except when the urgency of a Symptom or Pain constrained me to seek some present ease 2. The second Mercy which I met with was that my Pains though daily and almost continual did not very much disable me from my Duty but I could Study and Preach and Walk almost as well if I had been free of which more anon At last falling into a sudden and great decay and debility I went to Sir Theodore Mayerne who kept me in a long Course of Physick which did me some good for the present and after that riding much in the Army did me some good than any thing But having one Symptom on me the constant excoriation of my three formost Fingers ends on both Hands to the raw flesh he sent me to Tunbridge-Waters where I staid three Weeks and after that my Defluctions and Agitation of the Serous Matter much encreased though the Excoriation ceased at that time and hastned my greater ruine Especially one Errour of his did me hurt He vehemently persswaded me to the eating of Apples which of all things in the World had ever been my most deadly Enemies so that when it was too late Dr. Mayerne perceived that though Acrimony disposed the matter yet meer flatulency pumped up the Blood and was the most immediate Cause of the Haemorrhagie Having taken cold with riding thin clothed in the Snow and having but two days eaten Apples before Meat as he perswaded me I fell into such a bleeding as continued six days with some fits of intermission so that about a Gallon of Blood that we noted was lost and what more I know not Upon this both he and other Physicians gave me up as hopeless through the weakness thereby occasioned and concluding that all would end in a Dropsie for my Leggs began to swellâ— By a Friend's perswasion I wrote to Dr. George Bates Archiater to King Charles the Second as Sir Theodore Mayerne was to King Charles the First who concurred so exactly in all points with Dr. Mayerne as if they had consulted the Case and the Medicaments prescribed being unusual that I marvelled at their Concord and by both their Counsels though neither of them had any considerable hope of my Life I was necessitated besides other Remedies to be oft in purging for all my weakness to prevent a Dropsie Within a quarter of a year I was able weakly to Preach again but continued divers years in languishing Pains and Weaknesses double or fourfold to what I had before So that besides all my former Inâ—â—â—mities ever after this Bleeding my chief Disease is a Praematura Senectus through the great Diminution of Nature's Stock And just the same Symptoms as most men have about Fourscore years of Age are added to those which I had before In some seeming Necessities my latter Physicians after all this did four or five times take some Blood from me and once a spoonful in about seven Ounces of Serum did coagulate but at no other time would one jot of it ever coagulate or cohere but was a meet putrilage sine fibris like thin Ink or Saw-pit Water To keep this Blood in the relaxed Vessels was now all my Cares which daily shed abroad upon my Eyes and Teeth and Jaws and Joynts so that I had scarce rest night or day of some of the Effects and my Remedy which God blessed to my ease I shall speak more afterward With such Blood in a kind of Atrophie which hath caused a very troublesome Drowsiness to seize upon and follow me I have lived now these many years and wrote all the Books that ever I wrote and done the greatest part of my Service My chiefest Remedies are 1. Temperance as to quantity and quality of Food for every bit or spoonful too much and all that is not exceeding easie of digestion and all that is flatulent do turn all to Wind and disorder my Head 2. Exercise till I sweat For if I walk not hard with almost all my strength an hour before Dinner and an hour before Super till I sweat well I am not able to digest two Meals and cannot expect to live when I am disabled for Exercise being presently overwhelmed with chilliness flatulency and serosity 3. A constant Extrinâ—ick Heat by a great Fire which may keep me still near to a Sweat if not in it for I am seldom well at ease but in a Sweat 4. Beer as hot as my Throat will endure drunk all at once to make me Sweat These are the Means which God hath used to draw out my days and give me ease with one Herb inwardly taken which I write for the sake of any Students that may be near the same Distempers but almost all Physick did me harm And no Aromatical Thing now can I taste but it setteth my Nose a bleeding though since I bled a Gallon I am not so prone to it as before I have cast in all this here together that the Reader may better understand other things and may not too oft be troubled with such Matters But now at the Age of near Seventy years what Changes and sad Days and Nights I undergo I after tell § 10. About the Eighteenth year of my Age Mr. Wickstead with whom I had lived at Ludlow had almost perswaded me to lay by all my Preparations for the Ministry and to go to London and get
indeed I had such clear Convictions my self of the madness of secure presâ—mptuous Sinners and the unquestionable Reasons which should induce men to a holy Life and of the unspeakable greatness of that Work which in this hasty Inch of Time we have all to do that I thought that Man that could be ungodly if he did but hear these things was fitter for Bedlam than for the Reputation of a sober rational Man And I was so foolish as to think that I had so much to say and of such Convincing Evidence for a Godly Life that Men were scarce able to withstand it not considering what a blind and sensless Rock the Heart of an obdurate Sinner is and that old Adam is too strong for young Luther as he said But these Apprehensions determined my choice § 17. Till this time I was satisfied in the Matter of Conformity Whilst I was young I had never been acquainted with any that were against it or that questioned it I had joyned with the Common-Prayer with as hearty â—ervency as afterward I did with other Prayers As long as I had no Prejudice against it I had no stop in my Devotions from any of its Imperfections At last at about 20 years of Age I became acquainted with Mr. Simmonds Mr. Cradock and other very zealous godly Nonconformists in Shrewsbury and the adjoyning parts whose fervent Prayers and savoury Conference and holy Lives did profit me much And when I understood that they were People prosecuted by the Bishops I found much prejudice arise in my heart against those that persecuted them and thought those that silenced and troubled such Men could not be the genuine Followers of the Lord of Love But yet I resolved that I would study the Point as well as I was able before I would be confident on either side And it prejudiced me against the Nonconformists because we had but one of them near us one Mr. Barnel of Uppington who though he was a very honest blameless Man yet was reputed to be but a mean Scholar when Mr. Garbet and some other Conformists were more Learned Men And withal the Books of the Nonconformists were then so scarce and hard to be got because of the danger that I could not come to know their reasons Whereas on the contrary side Mr. Garbet and Mr. Samuel Smith did send me Downham Sprint Dr. Burges and others of the strongest that had wrote against the Nonconformists upon the reading of which I could not see but the Cause of the Conformists was very justifiable and the reasoning of the Nonconformists weak Hereupon when I thought of Ordination I had no Scruple at all against Subscription And yet so precipitant and rash was I that I had never once read over the Book of Ordination which was one to which I was to Subscribe nor half read over the Book of Homilies nor exactly weighed the Book of Common-Prayer nor was I of sufficient Understanding to determine confidently in some Controverted Points in the 39 Articles But my Teachers and my Books having caused me in general to think the Conformists had the better Cause I kept out all particular Scruples by that Opinion § 18. At that time old Mr. Richard Foley of Stourbridge in Worcestershire had recovered some alienated Lands at Dudley which had been lest to Charitable Uses and added something of his own and built a convenient new School-House and was to choose his first School-Master and Usher By the means of Iames Berry who lived in the House with me and had lived with him he desired me to accept it I thought it not an inconvenient Condition for my Entrance because I might also Preach up and down in Places that were most ignorant before I presumed to take a Pastoral Charge to which I had no inclination So to Dudley I went and Mr. Foley and Iames Berry going with me to Worcester at the Time of Ordination I was Ordained by the Bishop and had a Licence to teach School for which being Examined I Subscribed § 19. Being settled with an Usher in the new School at Dudley and living in the House of Mr. Richard Foley Junior I there preached my first Publick Sermon in the upper Parish Church and afterwards Preached in the Villages about and there had occasion to fall afresh upon the study of Conformity For there were many private Christians thereabouts that were Nonconformists and one in the House with me And that excellent Man Mr. William Fenner had lately lived two miles off at Sedgeley who by defending Conformity and honouring it by a wonderfully powerful and successful way of Preaching Conference and holy Living had stirred up the Nonconformists the more to a vehement pleading of their Cause And though they were there generally godly honest People yet smartly censorious and made Conformity no small fault And they lent me Manuscripts and Books which I never saw before whereupon I thought it my Duty to set upon a serious impartial Trial of the whole Cause The Cause of Episcopacy Bishop Downham had much satisfied me in before and I had not then a sufficient Understanding of the difference betwixt the Arguments for an Episcopacy in general and for our English Diocesans in particular The Cause of Kneeling at the Sacrament I studied next and Mr. Paybody fully satisfied me for Conformity in that I turned over Cartwright and Whitgift and others but having lately procured Dr. Ames fresh suit I thought it my best way to study throughly Dr. Burges his Father-in-law and him as the likeliest means to avoid distraction among a multitude of Writers and not to lose the Truth in crowds of Words seeing these two were reputed the strongest on each side So I borrowed Amesius his Fresh Suit c. and because I could not keep it I transcribed the strength of it the broad Margin of Dr. Burges his Rejoynder over against each Paragraph which he replied to And I spent a considerable time in the strictest Examination of both which I could perform And the result of all my Studies was as followeth Kneeling I thought lawful and all meer Circumstances determined by the Magistrate which God in Nature or Scripture hath determined of only in the General The Surplice I more doubted of but more inclined to think it lawful And though I purposed while I doubted to forbear it till necessity lay upon me yet could I not have justified the forsaking of my Ministry for it though I never wore it to this day The Ring in Marriage I made no Scruple about The Cross in Baptism I thought Dr. Ames proved unlawful and though I was not without some doubting in the Point yet because I most inclined to judge it unlawful never once used it to this day A Form of Prayer and Liturgy I judged to be lawful and in some Cases lawfully imposed Our Liturgy in particular I judged to have much disorder and defectiveness in it but nothing which should make the use of it in the ordinary Publick
our Governour and our Benefactor in that he is related to us as our Creator and that therefore we are related to him as his own his Subjects and his Beneficiaries which as they all proceed by undeniable resultancy from our Creation and Nature so thence do our Duties arise which belong to us in those Relations by as undeniable resultancy and that no shew of Reason can be brought by any Infidel in the World to excuse the Rational Creature from Loving his Maker with all his heart and soul and might and devoting himself and all his Faculties to him from whom he did receive them and making him his ultimate End who is his first Efficient Cause So that Godliness is a Duty so undeniably required in the Law of Nature and so discernable by Reason it self that nothing but unreasonableness can contradict it 3. And then it seemed utterly improbable to me that this God should see us to be Losers by our Love and Duty to him and that our Duty should be made to be our Snare or make us the more miserable by how much the more faithfully we perform it And I saw that the very Possibility or Probability of a Life to come would make it the Duty of a Reasonable Creature to seek it though with the loss of all below 4. And I saw by undeniable Experience a strange Universal Enmity between the Heavenly and the Earthly Mind the Godly and the Wicked as fulfilling the Prediction Gen. 3. 15. The War between the Woman's and the Serpent's Seed being the daily Business of all the World And I saw that the wicked and haters of Godliness are so commonly the greatest and most powerful and numerous as well as cruel that ordinarily there is no living according to the Precepts of Nature and undeniable Reason without being made the Derision and Contempt of Men if we can scape so easily 5. And then I saw that there is no other Religion in the World which can stand in competition with Christianity Heathenism and Mahometanism are kept up by Tyranny and Beastly Ignorance and blush to stand at the Bar of Reason And Judaism is but Christianity in the Egg or Bed And meer Deism which is the most plausible Competitor is so turned out of almost all the whole World as if Nature made its own Confession that without a Mediator it cannot come to God 6. And I perceived that all other Religions leave the People in their worldly sensual and ungodly state even their Zeal and Devotion in them being commonly the Servants of their Fleshly Interest And the Nations where Christianity is not being drowned in Ignorance and Earthly mindedness so as to be the shame of Nature 7. And I saw that Christ did bring up all his serious and sincere Disciples to real Holiness and to Heavenly mindedness and made them new Creatures and set their Hearts and Designs and Hopes upon another Life and brought their Sense into subjection to their Reason and taught them to resign themselves to God and to love him above all the World And it is not like that God will make use of a Deceiver for this real visible Recovery and Reformation of the Nature of Man or that any thing but his own Zeal can imprint his Image 8. And here I saw an admirable suitableness in the Office and Design of Christ to the Ends of God and the Felicity of Man and how excellently these Supernatural Revelations do fall in and take their place in subserviency to Natural Verities and how wonderfully Faith is fitted to bring Men to the Love of God when it is nothing else but the beholding of his amiable attractive Love and Goodness in the Face of Christ and the Promises of Heaven as in a Glass till we see his Glory 9. And I had felt much of the Power of his Word and Spirit on my self doing that which Reason now telleth me must be done And shall I question my Physician when he hath done so much of the Cure and recovered my depraved Soul so much to God 10. And as I saw these Assistances to my Faith so I perceived that whatever the Tempter had to say against it was grounded upon the Advantages which he took from my Ignorance and my Distance from the Times and Places of the Matters of the Sacred History and such like things which every Novice meeteth with in almost all other Sciences at the first and which wise well-studied Men can see through § 35. All these Assistances were at hand before I came to the immediate Evidences of Credibility in the Sacred Oracles themselves And when I set my self to search for those I found more in the Doctrine the Predictions the Miracles antecedent concomitant subsequent than ever I before took notice of which I shall not here so far digress as to set down having partly done it in several Treatises as The Saints Rest Part 2. The Unreasonableness of Infidelity A Saint or a Bruit in my Christian Directory and since more fully in a Treatise called The Reasons of the Christian Religion my Life of Faith c. § 36. From this Assault I was forced to take notice that it is our Belief of the Truth of the Word of God and the Life to come which is the Spring that sets all Grace on work and with which it rises or falls flourishes or decays is actuated or stands still And that there is more of this secret Unbelief at the Root than most of us are aware of and that our love of the World our boldness with Sin our neglect of Duty are caused hence◠I observed easily in my self that if at any time Satan did more than at other times weaken my Belief of Scripture and the Life to come my Zeal in every Religious Duty abated with it and I grew more indifferent in Religion than before I was more inclined to Conformity in those Points which I had taken to be sinful and was ready to think why should I be singular and offend the Bishops and other Superiours and make my self contemptible in the World and expose my self to Censures Scorns and Sufferings and all for such little things as these when the Foundations themselves have so great difficulties as I am unable to overcome But when Faith revived then none of the Parts or Concernments of Religion seemed small and then Man seemed nothing and the World a shadow and God was all In the begining I doubted not of the truth of the Holy Scriptures or of the Life to come because I saw not the Difficulties which might cause doubting After that I saw them and I doubted because I saw not that which should satisfie the mind against them Since that having seen both Difficulties and Evidences though I am not so unmolested as at the first yet is my Faith I hope much stronger and far better able to repel the Temptations of Satan and the Sophisms of Infidels than before But yet is my daily Prayer That God would
himself These numerous Petitioners also were very offensive to the King insomuch that once some of his Cavaliers came out upon them armed as they passed by Whitehall and catcht some of them and cut off their Ears and Sir Richard Wiseman leading them there was some Fray about Westminster-Abbey between the Cavaliers and them and Sir Richard Wiseman was slain by a stone from off the Abbey Walls And when at last the King forsook the City these Tumults were the principal Cause alledged by him as if he himself had not been safe Thus rash Attempts of Head-strong People do work against the good Ends which they themselves intend and the Zeal which hath censorious Strife and Envy doth tend to Confusion and every evil Work And Overdoing is the ordinary way of Undoing § 41. 2. And some Members of the House did cherish these Disorders and because that the Subjects have liberty to Petition therefore they made use of this their Liberty in a disorderly way When they had disgraced Ship-money and the Et caetera Oath and Bowing towards Altars and such things as were against Law they stopt not there but set themselves to cast out the Bishops and the Liturgy which were settled by Law And though Parliaments may draw up Bills for repealing Laws yet hath the King his Negative Voice and without his Consent they cannot do it which though they acknowledged yet did they too easily admit of Petitions against the Episcopacy and Liturgy and connived at all the Clamours and Papers which were against them Had they only endeavoured the Ejection of Lay Chancellors and the reducing of the Diocesses to a narrower Compass or the setting up of a Subordinate Discipline and only the Correcting and Reforming of the Liturgy perhaps it might have been borne more patiently but some particular Members concurred with the Desires of the imprudent Reformers who were for no less than the utter Extirpation of Bishops and Liturgy To which purpose the Lord Brook wrote his Book against Episcopacy And in the House of Commons Sir Henry Vane endeavoured to draw all up to the bighest Resolutions and by his Parts and Converse drew many so far to his mind And also the sense of the younger less experienced sort of the Ministers and private Christians in the Country was much against amending the Bishops and Liturgy and thought this was but to guild over our Danger and lose our Opportunity but they were for an utter Extirpation Though none of all this was the Sense of the Parliament yet those Members which were of this Opinion did much to encourage the Petitioners who in a disorderly manner laboured to effect it The Bishops themselves who were accounted most moderate Usher Williams Morton and many other Episcopal Divines with them had before this in a Committee at Westminster agreed on certain Points of Reformation which I will give you afterward though out of the proper place when we come to our Proposals at the King 's Return 1660. But when the same Men saw that greater Things were aimed at and Episcopacy it self in danger or their Grandeur and Riches at the least most of them turned against the Parliament and were almost as much displeased as others § 42. 3. And the great distrust which the Parliament had of the King was another thing which hastened the War For they were confident that he was unmoveable as to his Judgment and Affections and that whatever he granted them was but in design to get his advantage utterly to destroy them and that he did but watch for such an Opportunity They supposed that he utterly abhorred the Parliament and their Actions against his Ship-money his Judges Bishops c. and therefore whatever he promised them they believed him not nor durst take his word which they were hardened in by those former Actions of his which they called The Breach of his former Promises § 43. And the Things on the other side which occasioned their Diffidence and caused the War were these following especially above all the rest 1. The Armies of the Scots and English did long continue in the North undisbanded in their Quarters till the Parliament should provide their Pay Some say other Business caused the delay and some say that the Parliament was not willing that they should be so soon disbanded but the Army of the English wanting pay was easily discontented And the Parliament say that the Court drew them into a Plot against the House to march suddenly up towards London and to Master the Parliament Divers of the Chief Officers were Examined Sir Iacob Astley O Neale Sir Fulh Huncks my Mother-in-Law's Brother and many others and they almost all confessed some such thing that some near the King but not he himself had treated with them about bringing up the Army but none of them talkt of destroying or forcing the Parliament These Examinations and Depositions were published by the Parliament which did very much to perswade abundance of People that the King did but watch while he quieted them with Promises to Master them by Force and use them at his Pleasure And this Action was one of the greatest Causes of the dangerous diffidence of the King § 44. 2. Another was this When the Parliament had set a Guard upon their own House which they took to be their Priviledge the King discharged them and set another Guard upon them of his choosing which made them seem as much afraid as if he had made them Prisoners and would at some time or other command that Guard to Execute his Wrath upon them whereupon they dismissed them and called for a Guard of the City Regiments This also did increase the Diffidence § 45. 3. Another great Cause of the Diffidence and War was this The King was advised no longer to stand by and see the Parliament affront him and do what they listed but to take a sufficient Company with him and to go suddenly in Person to the House and there to demand some of the Leading Members to be delivered up to Justice and tried as Traitors Whereupon he goeth to the House of Commons with a Company of Cavaliers with Swords and Pistols to have charged five of the Members of that House and one of the Lords House with High Treason viz Mr. Pim Mr. Hampden Mr. Hollis Mr. Strowd and Sir Arthur Haseirigge and the Lord Kimbolivn after Earl of Manchester and Lord Chamberlain of the Lord's But the King was not so secret or speedy in this Action but the Members had notice of it before his coming and absented themselves being together at an inner House in Red-Lyon Court in Watling street near Breadstreet in London And so the King and his Company laid hands on none but went their ways Had the five Members been there the rest supposed they would have taken them away by violence When the King was gone this Allarm did cast the House into such Apprehensions as if one after another their Liberties or Lives must be assaulted
by the Sword if they pleased not the Court So that they presently voted it a Breach of their Priviledges and an Effect of the King 's evil Counsellors and published their Votes to awaken the People to rescue them as if they were in apparent Danger The King being disappointed publisheth a Paper in which he chargeth the Members with Treason as stirring up the Apprentices to tumultuous Petitioning c. But confesseth his Error in violating their Priviledges § 46. 4. And another thing which hastened the War was that the Lord Digby and some other Cavaliers attempted at Kingston upon Thames to have suddenly got together a Body of Horse which the Parliament took as the beginning of a War or an Insurrection and Rebellion But the Party was dissipated before they could grow to any great Strength and the Parliament voted him a Delinquent and sent to apprehend him and bring him to Justice with his partakers But he sled into France and when he was there the Parliament intercepted some of his Letters to the King advising him to get away from London to some place of Strength where his Friends might come to him which they took as an Advise to him to begin a War Thus one thing after another blew the Coals § 47. 5. But of all the rest there was nothing that with the People wrought so much as the Irish Massacree and Rebellion The Irish Papists did by an unexpected Insurrection rise all over Ireland at once and seized upon almost all the Strengths of the whole Land and Dublin wonderfully escaped a Servant of Sir Iohn Clotworthy's discovering the Plot which was to have been surprised with the rest Octob. 23. 1641. Two hundred thousand Persons they murdered as you may see in the Earl of Orary's Answer to a Petition and in Dr. Iones's Narrative of the Examinations and Sir Iohn Temple's History who was one of the resident Justices Men Women and Children were most cruelly used the Women ript up and filthily used when they killed them and the Infants used like Toads or Vermin Thousands of those that escaped came stript and almost famished to Dublin and afterwards into England to beg their Bread Multitudes of them were driven together into Rivers and cast over Bridges and drowned Many Witnesses swore before the Lords Justices that at Portdown-bridge a Vision every Day appeared to the Passengers of naked Persons standing up to the middle in the River and crying out Revenge Revenge In a word scarce any History mentioneth the like barbarous Cruelty as this was The French Massacree murdered but Thirty or Forty Thousand but Two Hundred Thousand was a Number which astonished those that heard it This filled all England with a Fear both of the Irish and of the Papists at home for they supposed that the Priests and the Interest of their Religion were the Cause In so much that when the Rumour of a Plot was occasioned at London the poor People all the Countries over were ready either to run to Arms or hide themselves thinking that the Papists were ready to rise and cut their Throats And when they saw the English Papists join with the King against the Parliament it was the greatest thing that ever alienated them from the King Hereupon the Parliament was solicitous to send help to Dublin lest that also should be lost The King was so forward to that Service that he prest the Parliament that he might go over himself The Parliament liked that worst of all as if they had been confident that ill Counsellors advised him to it that he might get at the Head of two Armies and unite them both against the Parliament and by his Absence make a Breach and hinder the Proceedings of the Houses Those that came out of Ireland represent the woful Case of it and the direful Usage of the Protestants so as provoked the People to think that it was impossible that any Danger to them could be greater than their Participation of the like The few that were left at Dublin got into Armes but complained of their Necessities and the multitude of their Enemies So that an Hundred were used to fight against a Thousand And to increase the Flame some Irish Rebels told them that they had the King's Commission for what they did which though the soberer part could not believe yet the credulous timerous vulgar were many of them ready to believe it And the English Souldiers under Sir Charles Cootes the Lord Incheguin c. send over word that it was the common Feast of the Irish that when they had done with the handful that was left in Ireland they would come over into England and deal with the Parliament and Protestants here These Threatnings with the Name of Two hundred thousand murdered and the Recital of their monstrous Cruelties made many thousands in England think that nothing could be more necessary than for the Parliament to put the Countrey into an armed Posture for their own Defence And that side which the Papists of England took they could hardly think would be their Security § 48. Things being thus ripened for a War in England the King forsaketh London and goeth into the North in Yorkshire he calleth the Militia of the Country which would join with him and goeth to Hull and demandeth entrance Sir Iohn Hotham is put in trust with it by the Parliament and denieth him entrance with his Forces The Parliament nameth Lord Lieutenants for the Militia of the Several Countries and the King nameth other Lord Lieutenants by a Commission of Aray and each of them command the said Lord Lieutenants to settle the Militia The Parliament publisheth their Votes to the People That the King misled by evil Counsel was raising a War against his Parliament The Lord Willouhby of Parham in Lincolnshire the Lord Brook in Warwickshire and others in other Counties call in the Country to appear in Arms for the Parliament The King's Lords call them in to appear for the King both King and Parliament published their Declarations justifying their Cause The Parliament chooseth the Earl of Essex for their General and resolveth the raising of an Army as For the Defence of the King and Parliament and the Liberties of the Subjects against evil Counsellors and Delinquents They publish a Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom first and a Declaration of the Causes of their taking up Arms afterward which two contain most of the Reasons of their Cause The King answereth them and goeth to Nottingham and there setteth up his Standard to Summon his Subjects to his Aid The Lord Brook and the Earl of Northampton had some skuffling in Warwickshire The Earl of N. with some Forces assaulted Warwick Castle kept by Major Iohn Bridges and Coventry City kept by Col. Iohn Barker and was repulst from both A Party assaulted Mr. Puresoyes House and burnt the Barns where Mr. George Abbot with a few of his Servants repulst them At Nottingham there were but about Two thousand came
and Formalists were not now broad enough nor of sufficient force The King's Party as their Serious Word called the Parliaments Party Rebels and as their common ludiâ—rous Name The Round-heads the original of which is not certainly known Some say it was because the Puritans then commonly wore short Hair and the King's Party long Hair Some sâ—y it was because the Queen at Strafford's Tryal asked who that Round-headed Man was meaning Mr. Pym because he spake so strongly The Parliaments Party called the other side commonly by the Name of Malignants as supposing that the generality of the Enemies of serious Godliness went that way in a desire to destroy the Religious out of the Land And the Parliament put that Name into their Mouths and the Souldiers they called Cavaliers because they took that Name to themselves and afterwards they called them Damme's because God Damn me was become a common Curse and as a By-word among them The King professed to sight for the Subjects Liberties the Laws of the Land and the Protestant Religion The Parliament profest the same and all their Commissions were granted as for King and Parliament for the Parliament professed that the Separation of the King from the Parliament could not be without a Destruction of the Government and that the Dividers were the Destroyers and Enemies to the State and if the Soldiers askt each other at any Surprize or Meeting who are you for those on the King's side said for the King and the others said for King and Parliament the King disowned their Service as a Scorn that they should say they fought for King and Parliament when their Armies were ready to charge him in the Field They said to this 1. That they fought to redeem him from them that took him a voluntary Captive and would separate him from his Parliament 2. That they fought against his Will only but not against his Person which they desired to rescue and preserve nor against his Authority which was for them 3. That as all the Courts of Justice do execute their Sentences in the King's Name and this by his own Law and therefore by his Authority so much more might his Parliament do § 52. But now we come to the main matter What satisfied so many of the intelligent part of the Countrey to side with the Parliament when the War began What inclined their Affections I have before shewed and it is not to be doubted but their Approbation of the Parliament in the cause of Reformation made them the easilier believe the lawfulness of their War But yet there were some Dissenters which put the matter to debates among themselves In Warwickshire Sir Francis Nethersole a religious Knight was against the Parliaments War and Covenant though not for the Justness of the War against them In Glocestershire Mr. Geree an old eminent Nonconformist and Mr. Copell a learned Minister who put out himself to prevent being put out for the Book of Recreations and some others with them were against the lawfulness of the War so was Mr. Lyford of Sherborn in Dorcetshire and Mr. Francis Bampfield his Successor and some other Godly Ministers in other Countries And many resolved to meddle on no side Those that were against the Parliaments War were of three Minds or Parties One Part thought that no King might be resisted but these I shall not take any more notice of The other thought that our King might not be at all resisted because he is our Sovereign and we have sworn to his Supremacy and if he be Supreme he hath neither Superior nor Equal And Oaths are to be interpreted in the strictest Sense The third sort granted that in some Cases the King might be resisted as Bilson and other Bishops hold but not in this Case 1. Because the Law giveth him the Militia which was contended for and the Law is the measure of Power 2. Because say they the Parliament began the War by permitting Tumults to deprive the Members of their Liberty and affront and dishonour the King 3. Because the Members themselves are Subjects and took the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy and therefore have no Authority to resist 4. It is not lawful for Subjects to defend Reformation or Religion by Force against 〈◊〉 Soveraigns no such good Ends will warrant evil Means 5. It is contrary to the Doctrine of Protestants and the ancient Christians and Scripture it selfe which condemneth all that resist the higher Powers and as for the Primitive Christiansâ— it is well known they were acquainted with no other lawful Weapons against them but Prayers and Tears 6. It importeth a false Accusation of the King as if he were about to destroy Religion Liberties or Parliaments all which he is resolved to defend as in all his Declarations doth appear 7. It justifieth the Papists Doctrine and Practices of Rebellion and taketh the Odium from them unto our selves and layeth a Reproach upon the Protestant Cause 8. It proceedeth from Impatience and Distrust of God which causeth Men to fly to unlawful means Religion may be preserved better by patient Sufferings These were their Reasons who were against the Parliaments War which may be seen more at large in Mr. Dudly Digs his Book and Mr. Welden's and Mr. Michael Hudson's and Sir Francis Nethersole's § 53. As for those on the Parliaments side I will first tell you what they said to these Eight Reasons and next what Reasons moved them to take the other side 1. To the First Reason they said as before that for the Law to give the King the â—â—â—â—itia signifieth no more but that the People in Parliament consented to obey him in Matter of Wars and to fight for him and under his Conduct For the Law is nothing but the Consent of King and Parliament and the Militia is nothing but the Peoples own Swords and Strength And that this Consent of theirs should be supposed to be meant against themselves as if they consented to destroy themselves whenever he commanded it is an Exposition against Nature Sense and Reason and the common Sentiments of Mankind And they said that the same Law required Sheriffs to exercise the Militia in Obedience to the Decrees of his Courts of Justice and this against the King's Personal Commands and in the King's Name Because King and Parliament have by Law setled those Courts and Methods of Execution a Command of the King alone can no more prevail against them than it can abrogate a Law And the Law said they is above the King because King and Parliament are more than the King alone And they pretend also Presidents for their Resistance 2. To the Second they said that when 200000 Protestants were murdered in Ireland and their Friends so bold in England and the Parliaments Destruction so industruously endeavoured it was no time for them to rebuke their Friends upon terms of Civility and good Manners though their Zeal was mixt with Indiscretion and that if the Londoners had not shewed that Zeal
Soldier saith It is my Commission and the High Court of Parliament saith It is the Law declared in a Court of Justice a Parliament seemeth to be the properest Judge As in Controversies of Physick who is to be believed before the Colledge of Physicians Or in Controversies of Religion who before a General Council If the House of York and Lancaster â—ight for the Crown and both Command the Subjects Arms. the poor Peasants are not able to judge of their Titles And if a Parliament shall not judge for them who shall These were the Reasons which caused Men to adhere to the Parliament in this War § 55. For my own part I freely confess that I was not judicious enough in Politicks and Law to decide this Controversie which so many Lawyers and Wise men differed in And I freely confess that being astonished at the Irish Massacre and perswaded fully both of the Parliaments good endeavours for Reformation and of their real danger my Judgment of the main Cause much swayed my Judgment in the Matter of the Wars and the Arguments à fine à natureâ necessitate which common Wits are capable of discerning did too far incline my Judgment in the Cause of the War before I well understood the Arguments from our particular Laws And the Consideration of the Quality of the Parties that sided for each Cause in the Countries did greatly work with me and more than it should have done And I verily thought that if that which a Judge in Court saith sententially is Law must go for Law to the Subject as to the Decision of that Cause though the King send his Broad Seal against it then that which the Parliament saith is Law is Law to the Subjects about the Dangers of the Common-wealth whatever it be in it self and that if the King's Broad-Seal cannot prevail against the Judge much less against their Judgment I make no doubt but both Parties were to blame as it commonly falleth out in most Wars and Contentions and I will not be he that shall Justifie either of them I doubt not but the Headiness and Rashness of the younger unexperienced sort of religious People made many Parliament Men and Ministers overgo themselves to keep pace with those hot Spurs no doubt but much Indiscretion appeared and worse than Indiscretion in the tumultuous Petitioners and much Sin was committed in the dishonouring of the King and provocation of him and in the uncivil Language against the Bishops and Liturgie of the Church But these things came principally from the Sectarian separating Spirit which blew the Coals among foolish Apprentices And as the Sectaries increased so did this Insolence increase I have my self been in London when they have on the Lord's Days stood at the Church Doors while the Common Prayer was reading saying We must stay till he is out of his Pottage And such unchristian Scorns and Jests did please young inconsiderate Wits that knew not what Spirit they were of nor whither such unwarrantate things did tend Learned Mr. Iohn Ball though a Nonconformist discerned the stirrings of this insolent Sectarian Spirit betimes and fell a writing against it even then when some were crying out of Persecution and others were tender of such little Differences One or two in the House and five or six Ministers that came from Holland and a few that were scattered in the City which were the Brownists Relicts did drive on others according to their own dividing Principles and sowed the Seeds which afterward spread over all the Land though then there were very few of them in the Countreys even next to none As Bishop Hall speaks against the justifying of the Bishops so do I against justifying the Parliament Ministers or City I believe many unjustifiable things were done but I think that few Men among them all were the Doers or Instigaters of it But I then thought that whosoever was faulty the Peoples Liberties and Safety could not be forfeited And I thought that all the Subjects were not guilty of all the Faults of King or Parliament when they defended them Yea that if both their Causes had been bad as against each other yet that the Subjects should adhere to that Party which most secured the welfare of the Nation and might defend the Land under their Conduct without owning all their Cause And herein I confess I was then so zealous that I thought it a great Sin for Men that were able to defend their Country to be Neuters And I have been tempted since to think that I was a more competent Judge upon the Place when all things were before our eyes than I am in the review of those Days and Actions so many Years after when Distance disadvantageth the Apprehension A Writer against Cromwel's Decimation recanting his great Adherence to the Parliament in that War yet so abhorreth Neutrality that he likeneth him rather to a Dog than a Man that could stand by when his Country was in such a case But I confess for my part I have not such censorious Thoughts of those that then were Neuters as formerly I have had For he that either thinketh both sides raised an unlawful War or that could not tell which if either was in the right might well be excused if he defended neither I was always satisfied 1. That the Dividers of the King and Parliament were the Traitors whoever they were and that the Division tended to the Dissolution of the Government 2. And that the Authority and Person of the King were inviolable out of the reach of just Accusation Judgment or Execution by Law as having no Superiour and so no Judge 3. I favoured the Parliaments Cause as they professed 1. To bring Delinquents to a Legal Trial 2. And to preserve the Person and Government of the King by a Conjunction with his Parliament But Matters that Warrs and Blood are any way concerned in are so great and tenderly to be handled that I profess to the World that I dare not I will not justifie any thing that others or I my self have done of any such consequence But though I never hurt the Person of any Man yet I resolve to pray daily and earnestly to God that he will reveal to me whatever I have done amiss and not suffer me through Ignorance to be impenitent and would forgive me both my known and unknown Sins and cleanse this Land from the Guilt of Blood § 56. Having inserted this much of the Case of History of those Times I now proceed to the Relation of the Passages of my own Life beginning where I left When I was at Kidderminster the Parliament made an Order for all the People to take a Protestation to defend the King's Person Honour and Authority the Power and Priviledges of Parliaments the Liberties of the Subject and the Protestant Religion against the common Enemy meaning the Papists the Irish Massacre and Threatnings occasioning this Protestation I obeyed them in joyning with the Magistrate in offering
close our Wounds whenever they are closed § 94. The King sending his final Answers to the Parliament the Parliament had a long Debate upon them whether to acquiesce in them as a sufficient Ground for Peace and many Members spake for resting in them and among others Mr. Prin went over all the King's Conscessions in a Speech of divers Hours long with marvellous Memory and shewed the Satisfactoriness of them all and after printed it So that the House voted that the King's Concessions were a sufficient Ground for a Personal Treaty with him and had suddenly sent a concluding Answer and sent for him up but at such a Crisis it was time for the Army to besâ—ir them Without any more ado Cromwell and his Confidents send Collonel Pride with a Party of Souldiers to the House and set a Guard upon the Door one Part of the House who were for them they let in another part they turned away and told them that they must not come there and the third part they imprisoned the soberest worthy Members of the House and all to prevent them from being true to their Oaths and Covenants and loyal to their King To so much Rebellion Perfideousness Perjury and Impudence can Error Selfishness and Pride of great Successes transport Men of the highest Pretences to Religion § 95. For the true understanding of all this it must be remembred that though in the beginning of the Parliament there was scarce a noted gross Sectary known but the Lord Brook in the House of Peers and young sir Henry Vane in the House of Commons yet by Degrees the Number of them increased in the Lower House Major Sallowey and some few more Sir Henry Vane had made his own Adherents Many more were carried part of the way to Independency and Liberty of Religions and many that minded not any side in Religion did think that it was no Policie ever to trust a conquered King and therefore were wholly for a Parliamentary Government Of these some would have Lords and Commons as a mixture of Aristocracie and Democracie and others would have Commons and Democracie alone and some thought that they ought to judge the King for all the Blood that had been shed And thus when the two Parts of the House were ejected and imprisoned this third part composed of the Vanists the Independants and other Sects with the Democratical Party was left by Cromwell to do his Business under the Name of the Parliament of England but by the People in Scorn commonly called The Rump of the Parliament The secluded and imprisoned Members published a Writing called their Vindication and some of them would afterwards have thrust into the House but the Guard of Soldiers kept them out and the Rump were called the Honest Men. And these are the Men that henceforward we have to do with in the Progress of our History as called The Parliament § 96. As the Lords were disaffected to these Proceedings so were the Rump and Soldiers to the Lords So that they passed a Vote supposing that the Army would stand by them to establish the Government without a King and House of Lords and so the Lords dissolved and these Commons sat and did all alone And being deluded by Cromwell and verily thinking that he would be for Democracie which they called a Commonwealth they gratified him in his Designs and themselves in their disloyal Distrusts and Fears and they caused a High Court of Justice to be erected and sent for the King from the Isle of Wight Collonel Hammond delivered him and to Westminster-Hall he came and refusing to own the Court and their Power to try him Cook as Attorney having pleaded against him Bradshaw as President and Judge recited the Charge and condemned him And before his own Gate at Whitehall they erected a Scaffold and before a full Assembly of People beheaded him Wherein appeared the Severity of God the Mutability and Uncertainty of Worldly Things and the Fruits of a sinful Nation 's Provocations and the infamous Effects of Error Pride and Selfishness prepared by Satan to be charged hereafter upon Reformation and Godliness to the unspeakable Injury of the Christian Name and Protestant Cause the Rejoicing and Advantage of the Papists the Hardning of Thousands against the Means of their own Salvation and the Confusion of the Actors when their Day is come § 97. The Lord General Fairfax all this while stood by and with high Resentment saw his Lieutenant do all this by tumultuous Souldiers tricked and over-powered by him neither being sufficiently upon his Guard to defeat the Intreagues of such an Actor nor having Resolution enough as yet to lay down the Glory of all his Conquests and for sake him But at the King's Death he was in wonderful Perplexities and when Mr. Colomy and some Ministers were sent for to resolve him and would have farther persuaded him to rescue the King his Troubles so confounded him that they durst let no Man speak to him And Cromwell kept him as it was said in praying and consulting till the Stroke was given and it was too late to make Resistance But not long after when War was determined against Scotland he laid down his Commission and never had to do with the Army more and Cromwell was General in his stead § 98. If you ask what did the Ministers all this while I answer they Preach'd and Pray'd against Disloyalty They drew up a Writing to the Lord General declaring their Abhorrence of all Violence against the Person of the King and urging him and his Army to take heed of such an unlawful Act They present it to the General when they saw the King in Danger But Pride prevailed against their Counsels § 99. The King being thus taken out of the way Cromwell takes on him to be for a Commonwealth but all in order to the Security of the good People till he had removed the other Impediments which were yet to be removed so that the Rump presently drew up a Form of Engagement to be put upon all Men viz. I do promise to be True and Faithful to the Commonwealth as it is now established without a King or House of Lords So we must take the Rump for an established Commonwealth and promise Fidelity to them This the Sectarian Party swallowed easily and so did the King's old Cavaliers so far as I was acquainted with them or could hear of them not heartily no doubt but they were very few of them sick of the Disease called tenderness of Conscience or Scrupulosity But the Presbyterians and the moderate Episcopal Men refused it and I believe so did the Prelatical Divines of the King's Party for the most part though the Gentlemen had greater Necessities Without this Engagement no Man must have the Benefit of suing another at Law which kept Men a little from Contention and would have marr'd the Lawyers trade nor must they have any Masterships in the Universities nor travel above so many Miles
to preach before the Judges because I preached against the State But afterward they excused it as done meerly in kindness to me to keep me from running my self into danger and trouble § 106. Not far from this time the London Ministers were called Traitors by the Rump and Soldiers for plotting for the King a strange kind of Treason because they had some Meetings to contrive how to raise some small Sum of Money for Massey's relief who was then in Scotland And some false Brother discovered them and eight of them were sent to the Tower Mr. Arthur Iackson Dr. Drake Mr. Watson Mr. Love Mr. Ienkins c. and Mr. Nalson and Mr. Caughton fled into Holland where one died but the other returned and lived to suffer more by them he suffered for Mr. Love was tried at a Court of Justice where Edm. Prideaux a Member and Sollicitor for the Commonwealth did think his Place allowed him to plead against the Life and Blood of the Innocent Mr. Love was condemned and beheaded dying neither timerously nor proudly in any desperate Bravado but with as great alacrity and fearless quietness and freedom of Speech as if he had but gone to Bed and had been as little concerned as the standers by An honest Gentleman was beheaded with him for the same Cause And at the time of their Execution or very near it on that day there was the dreadfullest Thunder and Lightning and Tempest that was heard or seen of a long time before This Blow sunk deeper towards the Root of the New Commonwealth than will easily be believed and made them grow odious to almost the Religious Party in the Land except the Sectaries Though some malicious Cavaliers said it was good enough for him and laught at it as good News for now the People would not believe that they sought the promoting of the Gospel who killed the Ministers for the Interest of their Faction And there is as Sir Walter Rawleigh noteth of Learned Men such as Demosthenes Cicero c. so much more in Divines of famous Learning and Piety enough to put an everlasting odium upon those whom they suffer by though the Cause of the Sufferers were not justifiable Men count him a vile and detestable Creature who in his passion or for his interest or any such low account shall deprive the World of such Lights and Ornaments and cut off so much excellency at a blow and be the Persecutors of such worthy and renowned Men. Though the rest of the Ministers were released upon Mr. Ienkins's Recantation and Confession that God had now convinced him that he ought to submit to the present Government Yet after this the most of the Ministers and good People of the Land did look upon the New Commonwealth as Tyranny and were more alienated from them than before § 107. The Lord Fairfax now laid down his Commission and would have no more of the Honour of being Cromwell's Instrument or Mask when he saw that he must buy it at so dear a rate And so Cromwell with applause received a Commission and entered upon his place And into Scotland he hasteneth and there he maketh his way near Edinburgh where the Scots Army lay But after long skirmishing and expectations when he could neither draw the Scots out of their Trenches to a fight nor yet pass forward his Soldiers contracted Sicknesses and were impatient of the Poverty of the Country and so with a weakned ragged Army he drew off to return to England and had the Scots but let him go or cautelously followed him they had kept their Peace and broken his Honour But they drew out and followed him and overtaking him near Dunbarr did force him to a Fight by engaging his Rere in which Fight being not of equal Fortitude they were totally rowted their Foot taken and their Horse pursued to Edinburgh § 108. Ten thousand Prisoners of the Foot were brought to Newcastle where the greatness of the Number and the baseness of the Country with their Poverty and the cruel Negligence of the Army caused them to be almost all famished For being shut up in a Cabbage-Garden and having no Food they cast themselves into a Flux and other Diseases with eating the raw Cabbages so that few of them survived and those few were little better used The Colours that were taken were hanged up as Trophies in Westminster-Hall and never taken down till the King's Restoration § 109. Cromwell being thus called back to Edinburgh driveth the Scots to Sterling beyond the River where they fortifie themselves He besiegeth the impregnable Castle of Edinburgh and winneth it the Governor Coll. William Dunglasse laying the blame on his Souldiers that else would have delivered It and him but his Superiors condemned him for the Cowardly Surrender After this Cromwell passeth some of his Men over the River and after them most of the rest The King with the Scots Army being unable to give him Battle after such Discouragements takes the Opportunity to haste away with what Force they had towards England thinking that Cromwell being cast now some Days March behind them by Reason of his passing the River they might be before him in England and there be abundantly increased by the coming in both of the Cavaliers and the rest of the People to him And doubtless all the Land would Suddenly have flockt in to him but for these two Causes 1. The Success of Cromwell at Dumbarre and afterwards had put a Fear upon all Men and the manner of the Scots coming away persuaded all Men that Necessity forced them and they were look'd upon rather as flying than as marching into England and few Men will put themselves into a flying Army which is pursued by the conquering Enemy 2. The implacable Cavaliers had made no Preparation of the Peoples Mind by any Significations of Reconciliation or of probable future Peace And the Prelatical Divines instead of drawing nearer those they differed from for Peace had gone farther from them by Dr. Hammond's new way than their Predecessors were before them and the very Cause which they contended for being not Concord and Neighbourhood but Domination they had given the dissenting Clergy and People no hopes of finding favourable Lords or any Abatement of their former Burdens so little did their Task-Masters relent But contrariwise they saw Reason enough to expect that their little Fingers would be heavier than their Predecessors Loyns And it is hard to bring Men readily to venture their Lives to bring themselves into a Prison or Beggary or Banishment These were the true Causes that no more came in to the King The first kept off the Royalists and the rest the second kept off the rest alone Yet the Earl of Darby the Lord Talbott and many Gentlemen did come in to him and some that had been Souldiers for the Parliament as Capt. Benbow from Shrewsbury with Cornet Kinnersly and a Party of Horse and some few more The King's Army of Scots was
or Charity in the several Officers or Churches and he will be passable in one Church who in another is intollerable and so the Churches will be heterogeneous and confused And there is in all this a little if not more than a little spiritual Pride of the Weaker sort of Professors affecting to be visibly set at a greater Distance from the colder Professors of Chistianity than God would have them that so they may be more observable and conspicuous for their Holyness in the World And there is too much uncharitableness in it when God hath given sincere Professors the Kernel of his Mercies even Grace and Glory and yet they will grudge to cold Hypocritical Professors so small a thing as the outward Shell and visible Communion and external Ordinances Yea though such are kept in the Church for the Sakes and Service of the Sincere 4. And I disliked also the lamentable tendency of this their way to Divisions and Sub-divisions and the nourishing of Heresies and Sects 5. But above all I disliked that most of them made the People by majority of Votes to be Church-Governors in Excommunications Absolutions c. which Christ hath made an Act of Office and so they governed their Governors and themselves 6. Also that they too much exploded Synods refusing them as stated and admitting them but upon some extraordinary Occasions 7. Also their over-rigidness against the Admission of Christians of other Churches to their Communion 8. And their making a Minister to be as no Minister to any but his own Flock and to act to others but as a private Man with divers others such Irregularities and dividing Opinions Many of which the moderation of the New England Synod hath of late corrected and disowned and so done very much to heal these Breaches § 15. 5 And for the Anabaptists I knew that they injuriously excluded the Infants of the Faithful from solemn entrance into the Covenant and Church of God and as sinfully made their Opinion a Ground of their Separations from the Churches and Communion of their Brethren and that among them grew up the Weeds of many Errors and Divisions Sub-divisions Reproach of Ministers Faction and Pride and scandalous Practices were fomented in their way § 16. The case standing thus with all these Parties I thought it my Duty 1. To labour to bring them all to a concordant Practice of so much as they all agreed in 2. To set all that together which was True and Good among them all and to promote that so far as I was able and to reject the rest 3. And especially in order to these to labour the reviving of Christian Charity which Faction and Disputes had lamentably extinguish'd But how to accomplish this was beyond the Prospect of my Hope § 17. Besides the Hinderances which are contained in Mens Principles I found three others which were exceeding Powerful One is in Mens Company and another in their seeming Interests and the chiefest of all in the Disposition and Quality of their Minds § 18. 1. Some that were most conversant with sober peaceable experienced Men and were under the Care of peaceable Ministers I found very much inclined to Charity and Peace But multitudes of them conversed most with ignorant proud unexperienced Passionate Uncharitable Persons who made it a part of their Zeal and Ingenuity to break a Jest in Reproach and Scorn of them that differed from them and who were ordinarily Backbiters and bold unrighteous Censurers of others before they well understood them or ever heard them give a Reason of their Judgments or Practices or speak for themselves And the hearing and conversing with such Persons as these doth powerfully dispose Men to the same Disease and to sin impenitently after their Example Especially when Men are incorporated into a Sect or uncharitable Party and have captivated themselves to a human Servitude in Religion and given up themselves to the Will of Men the Stream will bear down the plainest Evidence and carry them to the foulest Errors § 19. 2. And as it is carnal Interest that ruleth the carnal World so I found that 1. Among Selfish Men there were as many Interests and Ends as Persons and every one had an Interest of his own which governed him and set him at a very great Enmity to the most necessary means of Peace 2. And that ever Man that had once given up himself to a Party and drowned himself in a Faction did make the Interest of that Faction or Party to be his own And the Interest of Christianity Catholicism and Charity is contrary to the Interest of Sects as such And it is the Nature of a Sectary that he preferreth the Interest of his Opinion Sect or Party before the Interest of Christianity Catholicism and Charity and will sacrifice the latter to the Service of the former § 20. 3. But the Grand Impediment I found in the temper of Mens Minds and there I perceived a manifold difference Among all these Parties I found that some were naturally of mild and calm and gentle Dispositions and some of sower froward passionate peevish or furious Natures Some were young and raw and unexperienced and those were like a young Fruit four and harsh addicted to pride of their own Opinions to Self-conceitedness Turbulency Censoriousness and Temerity and to engage themselves for a Cause and Party before they understood the matter and were led about by those Teachers and Books that had once won their highest Esteem judging of Sermons and Persons by their Fervency more than by the soundness of the Matter and the Cause And some I found on the other side to be ancient and experienced Christians that had tried the Spirits and seen what was of God and what of Man and noted the Events of both in the World and these were like ripe Fruit Mellow and sweet first pure then peaceable gentle easy to be intreated full of Mercy and good Fruits without Partiality without Hypocrisy who being Makers of Peace did sow the Fruits of Righteousness in peace Iames 3. 17 18. I began by experience to understand the meaning of those words of St. Paul 1 Tim 3. 6 Not a Novice lest being lifted up with pride be fall into the condemnation of the Devil Novices that is young raw unexperienced Christians are much apter to be proud and censorious and factious than old experienced judicious Christians § 21. But the Difference between the Godly and the Ungodly the Spiritual and the Carnal worshippers of God was here the most considerable of all An humble holy upright Soul is sensible of the interest of Christ and Souls and a gracious Person is ever a charitable Person and loveth his Neighbour as himself and therefore judgeth of him as he would be judged of himself and speaketh of him as he would be spoken of himself and useth him as he would be used himself And it is as much against his charitable inclination to disagree or separate from his Brethren much more to
Church where he is President and where he Ordaineth if there be any left I suppose as to a Parochial or Congregational President in one Eldership you will grant this and why not to the President of the Association for Peace when he that is Ordained a Pastor of your particular Church is thereupon made an Officer in the Universal therefore others should have some care of it or else I 'le let Objections pass in silence only desire you if these two last dislike you not therefore presently to reject the rest but lay these by On these Terms in the two last Propositions Bishop Usher when I propounded them to him told me That the Episcopal Party might well agree with us and the moderate would but the rest would not To my Reverend Brother Mr. Philip Nye § 47. After this I was yet desirous to make a fuller Attempt for the reconciling of those Controversies so far as that we might hold Communion together And I drew up a larger Writing instancing in about Ten Points of Difference between the Presbyterians and Independants proving that the Differences were not such as should hinder Concord and Communion The Writing being too large to be here inserted you shall have with the rest at the end of the History Since Prelacy was restored there hath been no Opportunity to Debate these Matters for the Reasons aforesaid and many others Only I put these Papers into Mr. G. Grissith's hand who speaketh much for Reconciliation And when I call'd for them about a year after he had shewed them to none nor made any use of them which might tend to the desired Concord and so I took them away as expecting no more success § 48. About the same time the great Controversie that troubled all the Church being about the Qualification of Church Members I apprehended that the want of a due and solemn manner of Transition from the Number of Infant-Members into the Number of the Adult was the cause both of Anabaptistry and Independency and that the right performance of this as Calvin and our Rubrick in the Common Prayer would have Confirmation performed would be the most excellent Expedient both for Reformation and Reconciliation finding that the Independants themselves approved of it I meditated how to get this way of rectified Confirmation restored and introduced when in the mean time came forth a Treatise for this way of Confirmation by Mr. Ionathan Hanmer very judiciously and piously written And because it was sent me with a Request to write my Judgment of it I put an Epistle before it further to prove the desirableness of the thing The Book was very well accepted when it came abroad but some wrote to me desiring me not only to shew the usefulness of it but also to produce some fuller Scripture Proofs that it is a Duty whereupon I wrote a little Treatise that is called Confirmation the way to Reformation and Reconciliation And in my own Congregation I began so much of the Practice of it as is acknowledged to belong to Presbyters to do § 49. And about the same time while Cromwell professed to do all that he could for the equal promoting of Godliness and Peace and the Magistrates Assistance greatly facilitating the Work of the Ministers and many Ministers neglected their Duty because the Magistrate compelled not the People to submit to them and some never administred the Lord's Supper because they thought nothing but Constraint by the Magistrate would enable them to do it aright And on the other Extream Cromwell himself and such others commonly gave out that they could not understand what the Magistrate had to do in Matters of Religion and they thought that all Men should be left to their own Consciences and that the Magistrate could not interpose but he should be ensnared in the Guilt of Persecution I say while these Extreams prevailed upon the Discourses of some Independants I offered them a few Proposals suited to those Times containing those few Duties by which a willing Magistrate might easily settle the Church in a safe and holy Peace without incurring the guilt of Persecution or Profaneness or Licentiousness but having no Correspondency with Cromwell or any of his Council they were never shewed or made use of any further than for the perusal of him to whom I gave them who being one of their Faction I thought it possible he might have further improved them The Paper was this which followeth By the Establishment of what is contained in these Twelve Propositions or Articles following the Churches in these Nations may have a Holy Communion Peace and Concord without any Wrong to the Consciences or Liberties of Presbyterians Congregational Episcopal or any other Christians 1. FOrasmuch as God hath appointed Magistracy and Ministry as Functions of a different kind but both necessary to the welfare of Mankind and both for the Church and the Salvation of Men and the maintaining of due Obedience to God Therefore let not either of them invade the Function of the other Let Ministers have no Power of Violence by inflicting Corporal Penalties or Mulcts nor be the Judges though in Cases of Heresie or Impiety who is to be 〈◊〉 punished and who not but let them not be denied to be the Ministers of Christ and Guides of the Church And therefore let the Word of God be their only Rule what they must Preach and whom they must Baptize and receive into the Church and to whom they must Administer the Lord's Supper and whom they must Reprove Admonith Reject or Absolve and so for the rest of their Ministerial Work And let not Princes or Parliaments make them Rules and tell them whom to admit or reject otherwise than from the Word of God for according to this Rule we are bound to proceed whatever we suffer for it But yet as the Magistrate is by us to be instructed and guided according to the Word of God so we are by him to be commanded and punished if we offend And therefore we acknowledge it his Duty to command us to Teach and Govern the Churches according to the Word of God and to punish us if we disobey and we must submit to such commands and punishments And therefore if the Parliament see cause to make any Laws according to which their Judges and Officers shall proceed in punishing Ministers for Male-administration we shall not disobey them if agreeable to God's Word if not we shall obey God and patiently suffer from them 2. Seeing there is very much difference between an Infant state of Church-Membership and an Adult one being but imperfect Members in comparison of the other and one being admitted on the Condition they be but the Seed of the Faithful and the others Title having another Condition even a Faith or Profession of their own and one having right only to Infant Priviledges and not to the Lord's Supper and other parts of Communion proper to the Adult because they are not capable of it And seeing
by Laws 6. If there be Bishops in the Church sure they must have the superintendent Care and so Power over the whole Flock Presbyters and People yet so that for the Exercise of it they intrust to the Rector of each Parish with what shall be found necessary for the Souls of the People in daily Administration 7. I cannot think it meet that the 39 Articles which are the Hedge between us and the Papacy should be removed and Articles in bare Scriptureâ—terms substituted in their room unless by this means the Papacy receding also an universal Peace might be hoped which is a thing beyond our Prospect That no more Articles be added to clog our Communion is very reasonable That any of these established are excepted against by those in Relation to whom we now consider is more than I have heard 8. For the not removing any Minister but upon weighty Cause and not punishing Offenders by other than Ecclesiastical Censures leaving the rest to the Civil Magistrate I see no matter of Debate between us R. B.'s Reply THE Strictures returned instead of Abatements for Accommodation refer almost all the Matters in Difference to the Civil Magistrate We know that whoever is in possession of the Magistracy will be the Judge of his own Actions and give us Laws according to his Judgment Our Motion is not for Divines to do any of the Magistrates Work But when Magistrates against Episcopacy are up we would have Divines endeavour in their places to draw them from injuring the Brethren that are for Episcopacy And when Magistrates that are for Episcopacy are up we would have Divines endeavour in their places to draw them from injuring the Brethren that cannot comply with it any nearer than on the fore-expressed Terms And that the Party that is still under might not be look upon and used as a Sect and Division might not be cherished among us we much rather desire an Accommodation than a Toleration that we may be but one Bodyâ— and stick together whatever Changes come To this end we first desire that our Rule for Doctrine Discipline and Worship be such as may serve for an Universal Concord and next that we may be secured from Encroachments on our just Liberty and such Impositions besides or above the Rule as we know will cause Divisions and Persecutions That which we desire to these Ends from the Divines to whom we offer our Proposals is that they will express their own Desire that so much may be granted by the Magistrate as they find meet to be granted and agreeing on the fittest Terms among themselves will profess and promise their faithful Endeavours in their Places and Capacities to procure the Concession and Approbation of these Terms from the Magistrate And this any single person may to prepare for a further Communication consider of and consent unto viz. to improve his Interest to these Ends. Now to the Particulars 1. We desire that you will profess your Judgment and promise your just Endeavours in your place that no Laws may be made or continued that are contrary to these Christian Duties and I know of none such existent And then we consent that all Persons be responsible for their Miscarriages 2. This is the chief of our Desires that you will profess your desire and promise your endeavour in your place that the power mentioned in the eighth Article may by Law be granted to the Rectors of each Parish we suppose that their Office is of Divine Institution and therefore that Magistrates may not change it what is by Law established the Possessors of the Government will still be Judges of Did we believe that the Pastors of particular Churches are not of Divine Institution unchangeable by Man or that Diocesan Bishops could exercise Christ's Discipline over so many hundred Parishes so that it would not certainly be cast out by their undertaking it we would not have insisted on this Article but yield that Rectorsâ— shall never Rule 3. We might hope that the Ceremonies might be left indifferent and so there might be no Divisions about them As we find it now by Experience in our Assemblies in the singing of Psalms the Gesture is left indifferent and there is no trouble about it So in many places the Sacrament Gesture is left indifferent and one kneeleth and another standeth and another sitteth and there is no disturbance about it but Custom having taken off their Prejudice they have the Charity to bear with one another And some Congregations sing one Version of the Psalms and some another and though Uniformity in that be much more desirable than in a Cross or Surplice or Kneeling at Receiving the Eucharist yet there is no disturbance among us about it And when our Unity is not laid upon our Uniformity in these unnecessary things we shall not be necessitated to persecute one another about them nor to make Sects by our Toleration of Dissenters And doubtless if your Toleration be of all that profess Tenderness of Conscience in these Points you will find such abundance of godly Men avoid your Ceremonies and accept of your Toleration that you will think your selves necessitated to persecute them as dishonouring you and discouraging Uniformity by their dissent But if you tolerate some and not others that can lay the same claim to it your partiality will quickly break all into pieces We are certain that leaving these unnecessary things at liberty to be used only by those that will is the way to Unity But if this cannot be attained we shall be glad of a Toleration in our Publick Charges 4. The Patron 's Right of Nomination may be preserved though the Communicants have their Consent preserved without which none is to be obtruded on them Though in case of unreasonable refusal of fit men much means may be used by Church-Officers and Magistrates to bring them to consent But how can People be governed in the Worship of God and in a Holy Life by any Pastor without their own consent 5. The multiplying of Bishops is in our Account the making Discipline become possible that else is not to any purpose And though our own Judgment be that every Parish that is great should have a Bishop and Presbytery yet we yield to you for Concord and Peace that there be a Bishop and Presbytery in every City that is Corporation or Market-Town and these as is expressed in the Articles to have one in every County or Diocess to whom they shall be responsible We desire only the profession of your Consent to this Change and promise of your promoting it in your place by just means that so our Differences may be ended But if this cannot be granted and no particular Pastors tolerated to exercise Discipline in their own Parishes but all must be done by the Bishop and his Court we must take it as equipollent to this Conclusion Discipline shall be cast out of the Churches And then we have no hopes of the healing of our
he would first but spend two Hours in verbal Disputation in the way I had proposed viz. That he should spend one Hour in giving his Reasons for her Change and I might answer them and the other Hour I would give my Reasons against it and he should answer me And after that we would go to it by Writing But a Day or two after when I came for Answer to this Proposal the Lady was gone being secretly stolen from her Mother in a Coach and so I understood the meaning of this Offer and never could see the Face of any of her Priests § 85. At last it was discovered that the Man that seduced her and refused Disputation was this Mr. Iohnson oâ— Terret the same Man that I had before conferred and wrote with And yet when I asked her whether it were he she plainly and positively said it was not and when a Servant went after her Coach and overtook her in Lincolns-Inn-Fields she positively promised to come again and said she went but to see a Friend Also she complained to the Queen-Mother of her Mother as if she used her hardly for Religion which was false in a Word her Mother told me that before she turned Papist she scarce ever heard a Lye from her and since then she could believe nothing that she said This was the Darling of that excellent wise religious Lady the Widow of an excellent Lord which made the Affliction great and taught her to moderate her Affections to all Creatures This Perversion had been a long time secretly working before she knew of it all which time the young Lady would join in Prayer with her Mother and jeer at Popery till she was detected and then she said she might join with them no more § 86. They that stole her away conveyed her to France and there put her into a Nunnery where she is 〈◊〉 dead Not long after her departure she sent a Letter superscribed to her Lady Mother c. and subscribed Sister Anna Maria c. It contained the Reasons of her Perversion And though I knew they were not like to suffer her to read it I wrote an Answer to it at her Mother's desire which was sent to her by her Mother The Letter which I sent her the day before she was stoln away and tthe Answer to that her Letter from the Nunnery I thought meet here to insert which are as followeth The Letter to the Lady Anne Lindsey Madam THE Reasons that moved me to be so importunate with you for a Conference in your hearing with the ablest Jesuit Priest or other Papist you could get were as I told you 1. My very high esteem of your truly Honourable Mother whose Sorrow hath been so great for your Delusion that I must confess though but a Stranger I suffer much with her by Compassion And as it would much relieve her if you were recovered so if God deny her that Mercy it will somewhat satisfie her Conscience that she hath not been wanting in the use of means 2. And for your own sake whom I the more compassionate because you are not only the Daughter of such Parents but of so modest and sober a Disposition your self that I am not out of hopes of your Recovery though the Disease be such as few are cured of that catch it by relapse and desertion of the Truth I can imagine nothing but Consciousness of a bad Cause that can cause them thus to decline a Conference You say the Person well knoweth me though I know not him and dare trust himself c. why then will he not meet me to debate the Case He cannot but have exceeding great odds or advantages of me as to personal preparations for they are trained up meerly to this work I am loath to say to deceive and have all the helps that Art can afford them I was never of any Universitie nor had one Months assistance of any Tutor in all my Studies of Sciences or Theology If you can get no Jesuit Fryar 〈◊〉 Priest that will fairly debate his Cause with one of so poor Preparations and Abilities doth it not shew that they are lamentably diffident of their Cause All the Conditions or Terms that I desire to be before agreed to are but these 1. That I may one day produce my Reasons why you should not have turned Papist and therefore should return and he Answer them as I urge them And that the next day or the first if he desire it he will produce his Reasons why you ought to turn to them as you did and I answer them 2. That we may speak by turns without interrupting one another 3. That whatever Passages must be determined by Books or Witnesses that are not at hand they may be noted down and left till there be leisure to peruse them 4. That there be two Witnesses on each side of whom one to be a Scribe and as many more as he desireth And I and those with me shall be engaged to do him no wrong by any discovery of his Person to endanger him as to the Law or Governours This is all that I should oblige him to beforehand I again intreat you if one will not get another to moderate the Work I understand by you that the Person you depend on avoideth me not in any Contempt for you tell me he hath honourable thoughts of me and well knoweth me If so why will he not confer with me as well as he hath done with Dr. Gunning For Writing 1. It 's like he knoweth that I am here engaged in so much unavoidable Work that I have scarce time to eat or sleep 2. You cannot but know that by Writing it's like to be a year or many years work And themselves have cut me out Work enough already for my Pen if I had no more and now would take me off it that I might be forced to omit one I look not to live to end a Dispute by Writing so many are my Infirmities and are you content to stay so long before you have the benefit 3. If Writings will be useful to you may you not as well read what is written already Many great Volumes are yet unanswered by them 4. I have already written divers Writings against their Delusiâ—ns viz. The Safe Religion A Key for Catholicks c. A Winding sheet for Popery The true Catholick and the Catholick Church described A Disputetion with Mr. Johnson about the Successâ—â—â— Visibility of the Church and they never answered any one of them no not so much as the single Shet that ever I heard oâ— When they have answered them all let them call for more or offer writing 5. But yet rather than be wanting to you let the Person but vouchsafe 〈◊〉 this Verbal Conference first and try what we can do in a few hours there and if there shall then appear to be cause â—o prosecute it by Writing I intend not to fail of taking the first opportunity for it that greater
this Trouble who am SIR Your true Friend to serve you Iohn Griggs Aug. 30. 1660. The other was as followeth Dr. Pierce called Mr. Baxter bold impudent sawcy Fellow for preaching such a Sâ—rmon to the King and for printing himself his Majesty's Chaplain and his Sermon to be printed at his Majesty's Command when neither were true and called Mr. Baxter Thief Murderer the greatest of Rebels worse than a Whore-master or Drunkard c. Some of this I heard him speak my self the rest I had from a Friend which heard it from Mr. Price George Brent By this taste the Reader that knew not the Men may judge with what sort of Men we had to do for Dr. Pierce was not without too many Companions of his Temper These Men that witness these Words of his were godly Men who having been Mr. Iohn Goodwin's Disciples had been made Arminians by him and fell in with Dr. Pierce for his Agreement with them in the Arminian Points But they could not lay by Piety and Charity in Partiality for Opinions and being impatient of his Impudence thus made it known to me I purposed to have produced it before all the Bishops when Dr. Pierce was there having no other Opportunity to see him But I had no fit Occasion and was loth in Business of publick respect to interpose any thing that meerly concerned my self and so I never yet told him of it § 117. That the Reader may understand this the better by knowing the occasion of his Malice this Mr. Tho. Pierce being a confident Man that had a notable Stile and Words at Will and a venomous railing Pen and Tongue against the Puritans and Calvanists having written somewhat in Defence of Grotius as a judicious peaceable Protestant in Opposition to some Passages in my Christian Concord where I warn the Episcopal Party to take heed of Grotianism that was creeping in upon them I did thereupon write a little Collection out of the late Writings of Grotius especially his Discussio Apologetici Rivetiani to prove him to have turned Papist and that Popery was indeed his Religion though he communicated with no Church for he expresly pleadeth for our consenting to the Council of Trent and all other general Councils as the Churches Law and to the Pope's Sovereign Government so it be according to those Laws and to the Mistressship of the Church of Rome over all other Churches and to Pope Pius's Oath with much more to that purpose and telleth us that he was turned from us because he saw that the Protestant Churches had no possibility of Union among themselves c. and there is a Book written I think by Vincentius a French Minister called Grotius Papizans which proveth it And Claud Suravia an honourable learned Counsellor of Paris in his printed Epistles publisheth the same from Grotius's own Mouth But Mr. Pierce was vehemently furious at my Book and wrote a Volume against me full of ingenuous Lies and Railing for he had no better way to defend Grotius or himself In that Book he scrapes up all the Words through all my Writings where I speak any thing of my self and puts them together more impudently interpreting them than could have been expected from a Man Because I confess that the place I liv'd in was a Sequestration whence an ignorant Reader had been put out before my coming to them therefore he calls me Thief as if I liv'd on another's Bread As if no Man must ever have been the Teacher of the People till that ignorant Wretch were restored to his Soul-murdering Condition Because I had written to persuade some honest scrupulous Persons that they should not forsake the Churches Communion though some were there that had been drunken or otherwise scandalous and had spoken some Words to draw them to some charitable hopes of a Man that had been drunken or adulterous if he were not impenitent and all this to reconcile them to the Prelatical Party whom they took to be the scandalous People of the Land so little Thanks doth he give me for this Excusing of his Party that he calls me worse than a Drunkard or Whoremonger as if I had pleaded for these Sins and yet in his former Book he had said that if I came that way and would communicate with him and his Church no Man in the whole World should be more welcome dreaming that I had disowned Communion with the Prelatists which I never did for all their publick and personal Corruptions But his Venom against the Puritans is meerly Serpentine He describeth them as the most bloody traiterous wicked Generation unworthy to live and blameth the former Bishops that used them so gently and provoketh the Governors to hang them in greater Numbers than heretofore and especially against Cartwright he falsly but confidently writeth that he was confederate with Hacket Copinger and Arthington whom he feigneth to have been Presbyterians or Puritans who were distracted Fanaticks one calling himself Christ and the other his two Witnesses But Mr. Cartwright himself long ago publish'd a Defence against the Accusations of Dr. Sutcliff on this very Matter § 118. But to return from this Digression A little before the Meeting about the King's Declaration Collonel Birch came to me as from the Lord Chancellor to persuade me to take the Bishoprick of Hereford for he had bought the Bishop's House at Whitburne and thought to make a better Bargain with me than with another and therefore finding that the Lord Chancellor intended me the Offer of one he desired it might be that I thought it best to give them no positive Denyal till I saw the utmost of their Intents And I perceived that Coll. Birch came privately that a Bishoprick might not be publickly refused and to try whether I would accept it that else it might not be offered me for he told me that they would not bear such a Repulse I told him that I was resolved never to be Bishop of Hereford and that I did not think that I should ever see cause to take any Bishoprick but I could give no positive Answer till I saw the King's Resolutions about the way of Church-Government For if the old Diocesan Frame continued he knew we could never accept or own it After this having not a flat denyal he came again and again to Dr. Reignolds Mr. Calamy and my self together to importune us all to accept the Offer for the Bishoprick of Norwich was offered Dr. Reignolds and Coventry and Litchfield to Mr. Calamy But he had no positive Answer but the same from me as before At last the Day that the King's Declaration came out when I was with the Lord Chancellor who did all he asked me whether I would accept of a Bishoprick I told them that if he had asked me that Question the day before I could easily have answered him that in Conscience he could not do it â— for though I would live peaceably under whatever Government the King should set up I could not
latter end where I had purposely been brief because I had been too large in the beginning and because Particulars may be answered satisfactority in a few Words when the General Differences are fully cleared § 188. By this time our Commission was almost expired and therefore our Brethren were earnestly desirous of personal Debates with them upon the Papers put in to try how much Alteration they would yield to Therefore we sent to the Bishops to desire it of them and at last they yielded to it when we had but Ten Days more to treat § 189. When we met them I delivered them the Answer of their former Papers the largeness of which I saw displeased them and they received it And we earnestly prest them to spend the little time remaining in such pacifying Conference as tended to the ends which are mentioned in the King's Declaration and Commission and told them that such Disputes which they had called us to by their manner of Writing were not the thing which we desired or thought most conducing to those ends § 190. I have reason to think that the Generality of the Bishops and Doctors present never knew what we offered them in the reformed Liturgy nor in this Reply nor in any of our Papers save those few which we read openly to them For they were put up and carried away and I conjecture scarce any but the Writers of their Confutations would be at the Labour of reading them over And I remember in the midst of our last Disputation when I drew out the short Preface to this last Reply which Mr. Calamy wrote to enumerate in the beginning before their Eyes many of the grossest Corruptions which they stifly defended and refused to reform the Company was more ashamed and silent than at any thing else that I had said by which I perceived that they had never read or heard that very Preface which was as an Epistle to themselves Yea the chief of them confessed when they bid me read it that they knew no such thing So that it seems before they knew what was in them they resolved to reject our Papers right or Wrong and to deliver them up to their Contradictors § 191. When we came to our Debates I first craved of them their Animadversions on our Additions and Alterations of the Liturgy which we had put in long before and that they would tell us what they allowed or disallowed in them that we might have the use of them according to the Words in the King's Declaration and Commission But they would not by any Importunity be intreated at all to debate that nor to give any of their Opinions about those Papers There were no Papers that ever we offered them that had the Fate of those Though it was there that some of them thought to have found recriminating matter of Exception yet could we never prevail with them to say any thing about them in Word or Writing but once Bishop Morley told us of their length to which I answered that we had told them in our Preface that we were ready to abbreviate any thing which on debate should appear too long but that the Purity of the Prayers made the ordinary Lord's day Prayers far should than theirs And since we had given our Exceptions against theirs if they would neither by Word nor Writing except against ours nor yet give their Consent to them they would not honour their Cause or Conference But all could not extort either Debates on that Subject or any Reprehensions of what we had offered them Nor have they since to this Day in any of their Writings which ever I could see or hear of said a Word in way of Exception against those Papers Yea when Roger L'Estrange himself wrote according to his manner a malicious Invective against our several Papers when they were afterwards printed he could find little to say against our Liturgy but that we left it to the Liberty of the Minister in several Cases to pray in these Words or to this Sense And is that all the fault besides the Length forementioned Did they not know that it belongeth to the Prelates and not to such as we to deprive Men of their Liberty in praying If they had desired it how easy had it been for them to have dasht out that one Clause or to this Sense and then it had been beyond their Exception What measure of Liberty Ministers shall have it is not we but they that must determine § 192. When they had cast out that part of our desired Conference our next business was to desire them by friendly Conference to go over the Particulars which we excepted against and to tell us how much they could abate and what Alterations they could yield to This Bishop Reignolds oft prest them to and so did all the rest of us that spake But they resolutely insisted on it that they had nothing to do till we had proved that there was any necessary of Alteration which we had not yet done and that they were there ready to answer to our Proofs We urged them again and again with the very Words of the King's Declaration and Commission 1. That the ends expressed are for the removal of all Exceptions and Occasions of Exceptions and Differences from among our good Subjects and for giving Satisfaction to tender Consciences and the restoring and continuance of Peace and Unity in the Churches 2. And the means is to make such reasonable and necessary Alterations Corrections and Amendments therein as shall be agreed upon to be needful and expedient for the giving Satisfaction to tender Consciences and restoring and continuing Peace c. We plainly shewed hence that the King supposeth that some Alterations must be made But the Bishops insisted on two Words necessary Alterations and such as should be agreed on We answered them That the Word necessary hath reference to the Ends expressed viz. the satisfying tender Consciences and is joined with Expedient And its strange if when the King hath so long and publickly determined of the End and called us to consult of the means we should presume now at last to contradict him and to determine that the End it self is unnecessary and consequently no means necessary thereto What then have we all this while been doing 2. And when they are called to agree on such necessary means if they will take the Adventage of that Word to agree on nothing that so all Endeavours may be frustrated for want of their Agreement God and the World would judge between us who it is that frustrateth the King's Commission and the Hopes of a divided bleeding Church Thus we continued a long time contending about this Point Whether some Alterations be supposed by the King's Declaration and Commission to be made by us or whether we were anew to dispute that Point But the Bishops would have that to be our Task or none to prove by Disputation that any Alteration was necessary to be made while
they confuted our Proofs We told them that the End being to satisfy tender Consciences and procure Unity those tender Consciences did themselves profess that without some Alteration and that considerable too they could not be satisfied and Experience told them that Peace and Unity could not without it be attained But still they said that none was necessary and they would yield to all that we proved necessary And here we were lest in a very great Strait If we should enter upon Dispute with them we gave up the End and Hope of our endeavours If we refused it we knew that they would boast that when it came to the setting to we would not so much as attempt to prove any thing unlawful in the Liturgy nor durst dispute it with them Mr. Calamy with some others of our Brethren would have had us refuse the Motion of disputing as not tending to fulfil the King's Commands We told the Bishops over and over that they could not choose but know that before we could end one Argument in a Dispute our time would be expired and that it could not possibly tend to any Accommodation And that to keep off from personal Conference till within a few Days of the Expiration of the Commission and then to resolve to do nothing but wrangle out the time in a Dispute as if we were between jeast and earnest in the Schools was too visibly in the sight of all the World to defeat the King's Commission and the Expectations of many Thousands who longed for our Unity and Peace But we spoke to the Deaf they had other Ends and were other Men and had the Art to suit the means unto their Ends. For my part when we faw that they would do nothing else I persuaded our Brethren to yield to a Disputation with them and let them understand that we were far from fearing it seeing they would give us no hopes of Concord but withal first to profess to them that the Guilt of disappointing his Majesty and the Kingdom lay not upon us who desired to obey the King's Commission but on them And so we yielded to spend the little time remaining in disputing with them rather than go home and do nothing and leave them to tell the Court that we durst not dispute with them when they so provoked us nor were able to prove our Accusations of the Liturgy § 193. When this was resolved on we spent many Hours with them about the Order of our Disputation I offered them to spend one half of the time in the Opponents part if they would promise to do the like the other half of the time when we had done that our Disputation might be on equal Terms They refused this and answered That it belonged to us only to argue who were the Accusers and not at all to them who were on the Defence I told them it was we that are the Defendants against their Impositions They command us to do such and such things or else we shall be excommunicate silenced imprisoned and undone We desend our selves against this cruelty by calling upon them to shew their Authority from God for such Impositions Therefore we still call upon them to prove that God hath authorised them to any such thing And if they refuse this they do give up their Cause We offered first to prove the unlawfulness of their Impositious if they would afterward prove the lawfulness of them or their Power so to impose them On these Terms we stood with them about two Days and they would not yield to prove any thing at all At last I oft declared to them that we would do our part and prove their Impositions unlawful whether they would do their part or on but with an open Declaration that we took them for Deserters of their Cause At last Dr. Pierson alone undertook that he would dispute for their Part when we had performed ours and we accepted of his Undertaking § 194. Upon this seeing it was to be all done in Writing the rest of the Commissioners on both sides did choose three of a Party to manage the Dispute that the other might withdraw themselves because they had no more to do The Bishops chose Dr. Pierson Dr. Gunning and Dr. Sparrow The other side chose Dr. Bates Dr. Iacomb and my self for I never medled with the choice of any only I would â—ain have had Mr. William Moses Mr. Gibbons and Mr. Matthew Pool into the Commission that I might have had their help in Disputing because they were very quick ingenuous Men and I could not prevail The rest of our Brethren presently withdrew and not a Man of them came near us any more as supposing it contrary to the Agreement But the Bishops came some of them from day to day indeed on the second day they asked whether any more them the Disputants might be present And I answered them That we cared not how many of them were present And after that others that were not in the Commission asked whether they might be present and I told them the same So that there came Dr. Pory Dr. Crowther and almost the Room full of them with two or three Scholars and Lay-men that as Auditors came in with us Mr. Miles Mr. Tillotson c. § 195. When I began our first Argument to prove their Impositions sinful Bishop Cosins was offended at the Word sinful and told me that I condemned all the Churches of Christ who all of them imposed some Gesture or other as much as that came to and what intollerable Boldness was it in us to charge all the Churches of Christ with Sin I answered him 1. That many of the reformed Churches did not impose any such thing on their Terms that is to reject all from the Ministry and Communion that conformed not 2. It was no Arrogance nor Uncharitableness to charge all the Church and World with Sin But he that saith he hath no Sin is a Lyar In many things we offend all It is the Priviledge of the Triumphant Church to be without Sin This they stormed at and yet could not tell how to deny it Bishop Lany said That justified Persons have no Sin and are no Sinners because Iustification taketh it away But when I answered him by opening the Nature of Justification and shewing that it took not away the Sin it self but the Guilt which is the Obligation to Punishment he was confounded and unsaid all again and knew not what he said I told him that he might see how near we came to him I confessed that if the Controversy were but de Nomine and he took Justification as some do for Sanctification or a Change of our Qualities and Actions then I granted him that it took away Sin it self but not perfectly and therefore Sin still remained Here he and some more said that no Man before me ever took Justification in any such Sence and they laughed at me I answered that I was glad to hear him say so
warrant your Disparity of Penalty against your Brethen Ergo For the Minor If those that Paul speaks of that must be received and forborn did sin against the Command of God in the weakness of their Faith and their erroneous refusal of things as sinful that were not so to be refused then there is no such Disparity in the Cases as c. For you suppose those that refuse to kneel to break the Command of Man and those that Paul spake of brake the Command of God and yet were to be received and forborn But if you here also speak of a Command enforced by Penalties inconsistent with the said receiving and Forbearness we reply If our present Work be to prove that God hath forbidden all such Commands then our proceeding in proving it is regular and our supposing the things not so commanded having proved it 〈◊〉 and your Discourse wholly proceeding of things so commanded before you answer our Proof that they ought not to be Commanded is an irregular Supposition and begging of the Question But our c. Ergo c. Ad Resp. 3 m if Rom. 14. 1 2 3 and 15. 1 c. speak of things Lawful and no farther commanded than may consist with receiving and forbearing forbidding any other commanding of such things then the Text is most pertinent to prove that there ought to be no such Commands and that they are sinful But the Antecedent is true Ergo Ad Resp 4 m Immediately was no Term in our Question But that Rom. 14. 1. speaketh of receiving to the Holy Communion we prove If the Holy Ghost command the receiving of Men to that Church-Communion in whole or in general without Exception whereof the Communion in the Holy Sacrament is a most eminent part then he thereby commandeth the receiving them to the Holy Communion in the Sacrament as a principal Part But the Anceâ—dent is true Ergo so is the Consequent The Summ of our Reply is That when we are proving from Rom. 14 and 15. that God hath forbidden Men to command such things indifferent on pain of Exclusion from Communion for you now to distinguish of things commanded by Authority and things not commanded and then to say that if they be not so commanded then we grant that they should not be so commanded but if they be so commanded then God hath not forbidden so to command them this is to make the Fact of Men antecedent to the Law of God or the Law is forbid the Fact in Case no Man will do it but not to forbid it if it be done As if you had said God forbid David to commit Adultery in case it be not committed by him but not in case it be committed § 223. When this Reply was read Dr. Gunning spake a few Words against the length of it and 〈◊〉 a Copy of it that he might take it home with him to bring in an Answer the next Day In the mean time I urged Dr. Pierson to perform his Promise in taking the Opponents part and making good their Impositions and so as last they came to it Their Disputations to avoid the Readers Confusion 〈◊〉 coâ—e last after our next Reply § 224. The next day Dr. Gunning brought in large Discourse in answer to our last Reply His Answer it self 〈◊〉 of inâ—uâ—â—ing Words especially because I tried the Words begging the Question though sufficiently explained as applied to them that were Respondents I told them that I confessed it was not an usual Speech but I thought it not unfit and that when the Respondent will needs have the thing questioned to be put into the Subject as past dispute which should be in the Predicate and so would forestall the Opponents proof it is not unfitly called a begging of the question But for this I was indifferent They should have it other Terms if they pleased it being a Matter that our Cause is not concerned in I took Dr. Gunning's Paper home and brought them an Answer the next day we met and though I took not a Copy of his Paper for want of time and he would not lend it me after yet you may see the Sum and Sence of all his Answer in the following Reply which as the former my Brethren read over and approved of The REPLY to the Bishops Disputants which was not answered WHether it be our Arguing or your Answering that is laxe declamatory pedantick as you call it and whether your confident insulting arise from your advantages or infirmity of Mind and want of Matter for more pertinent Answers are Questions that we shall leave to impartial Judges And we shall crave pardon if we rather seem to neglect your words than to follow you in these strange vagaries any further than meer Necessity for saving your Readers from the Errour into which they are fitted to mislead them doth require To prove the Consequence of an Hypothetical Argument by an Enthymeme hath not been used to be accounted culpable The Proof you shall not want That we removed your Answer by shewing your Distinction frivolous deserved not to be called A popular Insinuation Superfluous c. We had two things here to do The first was if we had been at hand with you to have called on you for the necessary Explanation of your Distinction Whether by commanded by lawful Power you mean commanded under no penalty or commanded under a penalty consistent with the Receiving and Forbearing mentioned in the Text or commanding under a penalty inconsistent with this Receiving and Forbearance And whether you mean by Lawful Power that which is indeed Lawful Power ad hoc or only ad aliud As far as we can find in these your Papers you still forbear to explain your Distinction But this we must yet insist upon and desire of you notwithstanding all your Exclamations And then our next work must be to shew you that indeed your Distinction is useless as to the shaking of our Argument The latter branch of your Distinction if we speak of things lawful and commanded you apply to the denial of our Antecedent or Minor which we prove stands good notwithstanding this your Answer Indeed we speak of things lawful as such abstracting from command But we speak of things which materially were partly not commanded and partly commanded It was not commanded to eat or not eat the Meats in question to keep the Days or not keep them In these they went against no Law But to be weak in the Faith and erroneously to take things lawful to be unlawful and things indifferent to be necessary and to offend a Brother by the use of Liberty on the other side were against the Commands of God Now the Scope of our Argument was to shew that if you speak of a command upon the penalty of the question your Distinction helps you not to shake our Argument because as it is true that the Text speaketh not of things so commanded so the thing that we are proving is that it is
Suspending Silencing Imprisoning c. we understand not English 2. In like manner Grotius in loc cap. 14. 1. Contra vocati à Gentibus conscii datae per Christum libertatis Iudaeos Iudaice viventes à sua Communione volebant excludere 11 18 21. unde secuturum erat Schisma Huic malo ut occurrat Paulus mediam institit viam Iudaeos qui in Christum crediderant monet ita suam sequantur opinionem ut à damnandis crimine impietatis qui aliter sentiebant abstineant Ex gentibus vere vocatos we illorum quamvis Iudaice viventium communionem defugiant ut imperitos spernant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Societate Ecclesiae sicut qui hospitio aliquem excipiunt dicuntur cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Acts 18. 26. 28. 2. Ecclesia enim Domini comparatur supra 11. 25. sumitur baec admonitio ex iis quae de Christo quae dicta Matth. 12. 20. 2 Tolerandi sunt ij qui ab omnibus animatis abstinendum putant quod quidam faciebant Religione quâdam Cap. 15. 6 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est ut cum Deum laudatis eique preces funditis faciatis id nen tantum eodem verborum sono sed animo pleno mutuae delectionis sine contemptu sine odio Habes hanc vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Act. 11. 46. ubi forma est Ecclesiae perfectissimae Adde adejus vocis explicationem id quod est Act. 4. 32. all which includeth Communion in the Eucharist V. 7. Nolite ob res tales alii alios à fraternitate abseindere § 225. This Paper was given in the very last day of our Commission and Dispute And Dr. Gunning read another which he had prepared for an Insultation at out Dismission which Paper had some Mistakes in it and the Citation of many Witnesses who as he would have perswaded us took the word Receiving Rom. 14. 15. as not meaning or including Receiving to the Holy Communion in the Sacrament § 226. In the beginning he affirmed that we had refused to Dispute till they had promised to take their turn and prove the lawfulness of their Impositions To this I answered That it was contrary to our open and frequent Profession that we would do our part whether they would do theirs or not only I said that if they refused it we should take it for a deserting of their Cause This he a while denied I appealed to the Auditors of his Party and they gave no Answer Dr. Bates witnessed it Dr. Iacomb offered his Oath of it He told them that they were Parties By this time I saw mine Error in giving way for their Doctors to crowd in to applaud them and witness for them when we had none or next to none of ours there supposing by the Agreement three only must have stayed § 227. When Dr. Gunning had read his insulting Answer the day before and made a great matter of my telling the Respondent of begging the Question they put Dr. Sanderson Bishop of Lincoln into the Chair that his Learning and Gravity might put a Reputation upon his Sentence he being a very worthy Man but for that great Pievishness which Injuries Partiality Temperature and Age had caused in him The Bishop in a few angry Words pronounced that Dr. Gunning had the better and that the Respondent could not beg the Question and that I was a Man of Contention if I offered to Reply I told him that though we reverenced much his Lordship's Age and Learning yet he was but a Party and no Judge which yet if he were it was so strange to us that a Man should be prohibited to reply and a Censure antidated passed on that Reply before it was heard and on the Replyers for it that we craved his Lordship's Pardon if we disobeyed him and gave in our Reply which might have more in it than he could forefee And the next Day when I gave in the Reply before inserted there was no such Insulting as before § 228. When Dr. Gunning had read his Citations of Testimonies of the Sense of Rom. 14 and 15. Bishop Cosins called to all the Bishops and Doctors in the Room for their Votes All you that think that Dr. Gunning hath proved that Rom. 14. speaketh not of receiving to the Sacrament say I. And so they all cryed I. I told him that we knew their Opinion before and if this were the use that he made of our Concession that they should be all present while ours were all absent save two or three Scholars and two or three Gentlemen that stood behind to hear it shewed that their Cause was very needy of Defence when their own Voices must go instead of Argument But if they would go on upon such lamentable Reasoning as they had used to cast out the faithful Pastors and the People and divide the Church and afflict their Brethren the Day was comig when their own Votes should not absolve them § 229. Hereupon we fell again upon the point of Charity and Compassion to the Church and their frustrating the King's Commission and the Kingdoms Hopes And when they professed their Desires of the Churches Peace I told them they would not abate the smallest Thing nor correct their grossest Errors for it And hereupon I read over to them the Preface drawn up by Mr. Calamy before our Reply to their Answer to our Exceptions against the Liturgy which reciting their Corruptions and shewed their Unpeaceableness offended but filenced them § 230. By this time the Evening of our Last Day was far gone and I desired to know of them whether we should continue our Dispute any further as Private Men Voluntarily among our selves for I had many more Arguments which I desired before to have read all at once but could not be permitted Or whether they would receive my Arguments and the Reply which I last read Dr. Pierson resolved that he would meddle no more after that Night Bishop Morley said he thought it unfit when the King's Commission was expired that we should meddle in it any farther But Dr. Gunning and I had so much mind to it for I knew that almost all my Arguments were yet behind and it was a Cause that might easily be made very plain that I told him I would venture on the Danger for the Love of Charity and Peace and he agreed that I should send him in all my Arguments with the last Reply which he had not answered the next Day § 231. Lastly I desired Bishop Morley to resolve us what Account we were jointly to give his Majesty of our Proceedings that we might not wrong each other And by his and their Consent it was agreed on that we give nothing in our Account to the King as charged on one another but what is delivered in by the party in Writing And that all our account was to be this That we were all agreed on the Ends for the Churches Welfare Unity and Peace and
last Sermon there upon Christ's words on the Cross Father forgive them for they know not what they do I was accused of it as a heinous Crime as having preached against the burning of the Covenant which I never medled with nor was it done till after the Sermon nor did I know when it was done no mind it nor did I apply the Text to any Matters of those present Times but only in general to perswade the Hearers to the forgiving of Injuries and maintaining Charity in the midst of the greatest Temptations to the contrary and to remember that it was the Tempter's Design by every wrong which they received to get advantage for the weakening of their Love to those that did it which therefore they should with double care maintain This was the true scope of that Sermon which deserved Death or Banishment as all my Pacificatory Endeavours had done § 257. When I came back to London my Book called The Mischiefs of Self-ignorance and Benefits of Self-acquaintance was coming out of the Press And my affection to my People of Kidderminster caused me by a short Epistle to direct it to them and because I could never after tell them publickly being Silenced I told them here the occasion of my removal from them and my silencing for brevity summing up the principal things in my Charge And because I said This was the Cause the Bishop took advantage as if I had said This was the whole Cause when the Conference between him and me was half an hour long and not fit to be wholly inserted in a short Epistle where I intended nothing but the sum But the Bishop took occasion hereupon to gather up all that ever he could say to make me odious and especially out of my Holy Commonwealth and our Conference at the Savoy where he gathered up a scrap of an Assertion which he did not duly understand and made it little less than Heresie and this he published in a Book called A Letter which I truly profess is the fullest of palpable Untruths in Matter of Fact that ever I saw Paper to my remembrance in all my Life The words which he would render me so abhorred for are our denial of Dr. Pierson's and Dr. Gunning's c. Propositions about the innocency of Laws which command Things evil by Accident only where the Bishop never discerned unless he dissemble it the Reasons of our Denial nor the Proposition denied The very words of the Dispute being printed before and I having fully opened the Bishops Mistakes in an Answer to him I shall not here stope the Reader with it again § 258. But this vehement Invective of the Bishop's presently taught all that desired his Favour and the improvement of his very great Interest for their Ends to talk in all Companies at the same rates as he had done and to speak of me as he had spoken and those that thought more was necessary to their hopes presented the Service of their Pens Dr. Boreman of Trinity Colledge wrote a Book without his Name and had no other design in it than to make me odious nor any better occasion for his writing than this There had many years before past divers Papers between Dr. Thomas Hill then Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge and me about the Point of Physical efficient Predetermination as necessary to every Action natural and free I had written largely and earnestly against Predetermination and he a little for it In the end of it the Calamities of the Sectarian times and some Sicknesses among my Friends had occasioned me to vent my moan to him as my Friend and therein to speak of the doubtfulness of the Cause of the former War and what reason there was to be diligent in search and prayer about it When Dr. Hill was dead Dr. Boreman came to see these Papers Both the Subjects he must needs know were such as tended rather to my Esteem than to my Disparagement with the Men of these Times Certainly the Arminians will be angry with no Man for being against Predetermination and I think they will pardon him for questioning the Parliaments Wars Yet did this disingenious Dr. make a Book on this occasion to seek Preferment by reproaching me for he knew not what But to make up the matter he writeth that it is reported That I killed a Man in 〈…〉 with my own hands in the Wars Whereas God knoweth that I never hurt 〈◊〉 in my Life no never gave a Man a stroke save one Man when I was a Boy whose Legg I broke with wrestling in jest which almost broke my heart with â—reif though he was quickly cured But the Dr. knowing that this might be soon disproved cautiously gave me some Lenitives to perswade me to bear it patiently telling me that if it be not true I am not the first that have been thus abused but for ought I know he is the first that thus abused me I began to write an Answer to this Book but when I saw that Men did but laugh at it and those that knew the Man despised it and disswaded me from answering such a one I laid it by § 259. When the Bishop's Invective was read many Men were of many minds about the answering of it Those at a distance all cried out upon me to answer it Those at hand did all disswade me and told me that it would be Imprisonment at least to me if I did it with the greatest truth and mildness possible Both Gentlemen and all the City Ministers told me that it would not do half so much good as my Suffering would do hurt and that none believed it but the engaged Party and that to others an Answer was not necessary and to them it was unprofitable for they would never read it And I thought that the Judgment of Men that were upon the place and knew how things went was most to be regarded But yet I wrote a full Answer to his Book except about the words in my Holy Commonwealth which were not to be spoke to and kept it by me that I might use it as there was occasion At that time Mr. Ioseph Glanvile sent me the offer of his Service to write in my Defence He that wrote the Vanity of Dogmatizing and a Treatise for the Praexistence of Souls being a Platonist of free Judgment and of admired Parts and now one of the Royal Society of Philosophers and one that had a too excessive estimation of me as far above my desert as the malicious Party erred on the other side But I disswaded him from bringing himself into Suffering and making himself unserviceable for so low an end Only I gave him and no Man else my own Answer to peruse which he returned with his Approbation of it § 260. But Mr. Edward Bagshaw Son to Mr. Bagshaw the Lawyer that wrote Mr. Bolton's Life without my knowledge wrote a Book in Answer to the Bishops I could have wisht he had let it alone For the Man hath
no great disputing Faculty but only a florid Epistolary Stile and was wholly a Stranger to me and to the Matters of Fact and therefore could say nothing to them But only being of a Bold and Roman Spirit he thought that no Suffering should deter a Man from the smallest Duty or cause him to silence any useful Truth And I had formerly seen a Latin Discourse of his against Monarchy which no whit pleased me being a weak Argumentation for a bad Cause So that I desired no such Champion shortly after he went over with the E. of Anglesey whose Houshold Chaplain he was into Ireland and having preached there some times and returning back was apprehended and sent Prisoner to the Tower where he continued long till his Means was all spent and how he hath since procured Bread I know not When he had been Prisoner about a year it seems he was acquainted with Mr. Davis who was also a Prisoner in the Tower This Mr. Davis having been very serviceable in the Restoration of the King and having laid out much of his Estate for his Service thoâ—â— the might be the bolder with his Tongue and Pen and being of a Spirit which some called undaunted but others furious or indiscreet at best did give an unmannerly liberty to his Tongue to accuse the Court of such Crimes with such Aggravations as being a Subject I think it not meet to name At last he talkt so freely in the Tower also that he was shipt away Prisoner to Tangier in Africa Mr. Bagshaw being surprized by L'Estrange and his Chamber searched there was found with him a Paper called Mr. Davis's Case Whereupon he was brought out to speak with the King who examined him of whom he had that Paper and he denied to confess and spake so boldly to the King as much offended him whereupon he was sent back to the Tower and laid in a deep dark dreadful Dungeon When he had lain there three or four Days and Nights without Candle Fire Bed or Straw he fell into a terrible fit of the Haemorrboids which the Physicians thought did save his Life for the pain was so vehement that it kept him in a sweat which cast out the Infection of the Damp. At last by the solicitation of his Brother who was a Conformist and dearly loved him he was taken up and after that was sent away to Southsea-Castle an unwholesome place in the Sea by Portsmouth where if he be alive he remaineth close Prisoner to this day with Vavasor Powel a Preacher of North-Wales and others speeding worse than Mr. Crofton who was at last released § 261. While I was in Shropshire and Worcestershire it fell out that some one printed one of our Papers given into the Bishops And though I was above an hundred miles off yet was it all imputed to me and Roger L'Estrange put it in the News Book that it was supposed to be my doing Indeed when Dr. Gunning had asked me Whether we would keep ours from the Press if they would do the same by theirs I would not promise him but told him though I supposed that none of us intended to be so presumptuous as to publish them without Authority yet I could promise nothing for all them that were absent nor could any one promise it when so many Scriveners were intrusted to Transcribe them that the King and Bishops might have Copies and whether any of those Scriveners might keep a Copy for themselves I knew not And after this most of the other Papers were printed by I know not whom to this day But I conjectured that a poor Man that I paid for writing me a Copy Dr. Reignolds's Curate was likeliest to do it to get some what to supply his very great wants but I am utterly uncertain But I had intelligence that the second Papers were in the Press and that Malice might impure it to me no more I went to Secretary Morrice and acquainted him with it that he might send a Messenger to surprize them But he told me that if I could assure him that the Bishops had not given consent I should have a warrant to search for them I told him that I knew not what the Bishops had done but he might easily conjecture Nor would I search for them but having told him left him to do what he thought meet § 262. And here I must give notice That whereas there are then printed 1. Our first Proposals for Concord in Discipline 2. Our Papers upon the sight of the first Draught of the King's Declaration 3. Our Petition and Reasons to the Bishops for Peace 4. Our Reformed Liturgy 5. Our Exceptions against the Faults of the Common Prayer Book 6. Our Reply to the Bishops Answer to these Exceptions with the Answer it self verbatim inserted 7. Our last Account and Petition to the King 8. A Copy of all their Disputation for the Liturgy with our Answers all these being surreptitiously printed save the first piece by some poor Men for gain without our Knowledge and Correction are so falsly printed that our wrong by it is very great Whole Lines are left out the most significant words are preverted by Alterations and this so frequently that some parts of the Papers especially our large Reply and our last Account to the King are made Nonsence and not intelligible But the last Paper Dr. Pierson's and Dr. Gunning's Disputation I confess was not printed without my knowledge For Bishop Morley's misreports with so great confidence uttered had made it of some necessity But I added not one Syllable by way of Commentary the words themselves being sufficient for his Confutation If I remember I will give you in the end of this Book the Errata of them all that they that have the printed Copies may know how to correct them § 263. The coming forth of these Papers had various effects It increased the burning indignation which before was kindled against me on one side and it somewhat mitigated the Censures that were taken up against me on the other side For you must know that the Chief of the Congregational or Independent Party took it ill that we took not them with us in our Treaty and so did a few of the Presbyterian Divines all whom we so far passed by as not to invite them to our Councils though they were as free as we to have done the like because we knew that it would be but a hinderance to us partly because their Persons were unacceptable and partly because it might have delayed the Work And most of the Independents and some few Presbyterians raised it as a common Censure against us that if we had not been so forward to meet the Bishops with the offers of so much at first and to enter a Treaty with them without just cause we had all had better Terms and standing off would have done more good so that though my Person and Intentions had a more favourable Censure from them than some others yet for the
Action I was commonly censured by them as one that had granted them too much and wronged my Brethren by entring into this Treaty oâ—t of too earnest a desire of Concord with them Thus were Men on both extreams offended with me and I found what Enmity Charity and Peace are like to meet with in the 〈◊〉 But when these Papers were printed the Independents confess that we had dealt faithfully and satisfactorily And indifferent men said that Reason had once whelmed the Cause of the Dioâ—esans and that we had offered them so much a test them utterly without Excuse And the moderate Episcopal Men said the same But the engaged Prelatist were vehemently displeased that these Papers should 〈◊〉 câ—me abroad Though many of them here published were never before printed because none had Copies of them but my self § 264. Bishop Morley told me when he Silenced me that our Papers would be answered 〈◊〉 long But no Man to this day that ever we could hear of hath answered them which were unanswered Either our Reasons for Peace or our Litugy or our large Reply or our Answers to Dr. Pierson's Argument c. only Roger L'Estrange the writer of the News Book hath raised out a great many words against some of them And a nameless Author thought to be Dr. Wommock hath answered one part of one Subject in our Reply which is about excluding all Prayers from the Pulpit besides Common Prayer and in very plausible Language he saith as much as can be said for so bad a Cause viz. for the prohibiting all Extemporary Prayer in the Church And when he cometh to the chief strength of our Reasons he passeth it by and faith that in answering so much as he did the Answer to the rest may be gathered And to all the rest of the Subjects he faith nothing much less to all our other Papers § 265. Also another nameless Author commonly said to be Sir Henry Yelverton wrote a Book for Bishop Morley against me But neither he nor Boreman nor Wommâ—â—k ever saw me for ought I know and I am sure he is as strange to the Cause as to me For he taketh it out of Bishop Morley's Book and supposing what he hath written to be true he findeth some words of Censorious Application to make a Book of § 266. And about the same time Sir Robert Holt a Knight of Warwickshire near Brâ—â—â—â—châ—m spake in the Parliament House against Mr. Calamy and me by name as preaching or praying seditiously but not one syllable named that we said And another time he named me for my Holy Commonwealth § 267. And about that time Bishop Morley having preferred a young Man named Mr. S Orator of the University of Oxford a fluent witty Satyrist and one that was sometime motioned to me to be my Curate at Kidderminster this Man being Houshold Chaplain to the Lord Chancellour was appointed to preach before the King where the Crowd had high Expectations of some vehement Satyr But when he had preached a quarter of an hour he was utterly at a loss and so unable to recollect himself that he could go no further but cryed The Lord be merciful to our Infirmities and so came down But about a Month after they were resolved yet that Mr. S should preach the same Sermon before the King and not lose his expected Applause And preach it he did little more than half an hour with no admiration at all of the Hearers And for his Encouragement the Sermon was printed And when it was printed many desired to see what words they were that he was stopped at the first time And they found in the printed Copy all that he had said first and one of the next Passages which he was to have delivered was against me for my Holy Common-wealth § 268. And so vehement was the Endeavour in Court City and Country to make me contemptible and odious as if the Authours had thought that the Safety either of Church or State did lye upon it and all would have been safe if I were but vilified and hated Insomuch that Durell the French Minister that turned to them and wrote for them had a senseless snatch at me in his Book and Mr. Stoope the Pastor of the French Church was banished or forbidden this Land as Fame said for carrying over our Debates into France So that any Stranger that had but heard and seen all this would have asked What Monster of Villany is this Man and what is the Wickedness that he is guilty of Yet was I never questioned to this day before a Magistrate Nor do my Adversaries charge me with any personal wrong to them nor did they ever Accuse me of any Heresie nor much contemn my Judgment nor ever accuse my Life but for preaching where another had been Sequestred that was an insufficient Reader and for preaching to the Soldiers of the Parliament though none of them knew my Business there nor the Service that I did them These are all the Crimes besides my Writings that I ever knew they charged my Life with But Envy and Carnal Interest was so destitute of a Mask that they every where openly confessed the Cause for which they endeavoured my Defamation and Destruction especially the Bishops that set all on work 1. As one Cause was their own over-valuing of my Parts which they made account I would employ against them 2. Another was that they thought the Reputation of my blameless Life would add to my ability to deserve them 3. Another was that they thought my Interest in the People to be far greater than indeed it was 4. But the principal of all was my Conference before the King and at the Savoy in both which it fell out that Bishop Morley and I were the bassest Talkers except Dr. Gunning and that it was my lot to contradict him who was not so able either to bear or seem to bear it as I thought at least his Honour would have instructed him to be 5. And my refusing a Bishoprick increased the indignation And Colonel Birth that first came to offer it me told me that they would ruine us if we refused it Yet did I purposely forbear ever mentioning it on all occasions 6. And it was not the least Cause that my being for Primitive Episcopacy and not for Presbytery and being not so far from them in some other Points of Doctrine and Worship as many Nonconformists are they thought I was the abler to undermine them 7. And another Cause was that they judged of the rest of my Talk and Life by my Conference at the Savoy not knowing that I took that to be my present Duty which Fidelity to the King and Church commanded me faithfully to do whoever was displeased by it and that when that time was over I took it to be my Duty to live as peaceably as any Subject in the Land and not to use mâ— Tongue or Pen against the Government which the King was pleased to appoint
the loss of one Grain of Love was worse than a long Imprisonment And that it much more concerned us to be sure that we deserved not Suffering than that we be delivered from it and to see that we wronged not our Superiours than that they wrong not us seeing we are not near so much hurt by their Severities as we are by our Sins Some told me that they hoped this would make me stand a little further from the Prelates and their Worship than I had done To whom I answered That I wondred that they should think that a Prison should change my Judgment I rather thought now it was my Duty to set a stricter watch upon my Passions lest they should pervert my Judgment and carry me into Extreams in opposition to my Afflictors And not past a Year and half after two Gentlemen turned Quakers in Prison If Passion made me lose my Love or my Religion the loss would be my own And Truth did not change because I was in a Goal The temper of my Visitors called me much to this kind of talk § 126. When I was in Prison the Lord Chief Baron at the Table at Serjeant's Inn before the rest of the Judges gave such a Character of me openly without fear of any Man's displeasure as is not fit for me to own or recite who was so much reverenced by the rest who were every one Strangers to me save by hear-say that I believe it much settled their Resolutions The Lord Chief Justice Vaughan was no Friend to Nonconformity or Puritans but he had been one of Selden's Executors and so Judge Hale's old Acquaintance Judge Tyrell was a well-affected sober Man and Serjeant Fountain's Brother-in-Law by Marriage and sometime his Fellow-Commissioner for keeping the Great Seal and Chancery Judge Archer was one that privately favoured Religious People And Judge Wild though greatly for the Prelates way yet was noted for a Righteous Man And these were the Four Judges of the Court. § 127. My Habeas Corpus being demanded at the Common Pleas was granted and a Day appointed for my Appearance But when I came the Judges I believe having not before studied the Oxford-Act when Judge Wild had first said I hope you will not use to trouble this Court with such Causes asked whether the King's Council had been acquainted with the Case and seen the Order of the Court which being denied I was remanded back to Prison and a new Day set They suffered me not to stand at the Bar but called me up on the Table which was an unusual respect and they sent me not to the Fleet as is usual but to the same Prison which was a greater favour § 128. When I came next the Lord Chief Justice coming towards Westminster Hall went into White-Hall by the way which caused much talk among the People When he came Judge Wild began and having shewed that he was no Friend to Conventicles opened the Act aâ—d then opened many defaults in the Mittimus for which he pronounced it invalid but in Civility to the Justices said that the Act was so Penned that it was a very hard thing to draw up a Mittimus by it which was no Compliment to the Parliament Judge Archer next spake largely against the Mittimus without any word of disparagement to the main Cause And so did Judge Tyrell after him I will not be so tâ—dious as to recite their Arguments Judge Vaughan concluded in the same manner but with these two Singularities above the rest 1. That he made it an Error in the Mittimus that the Witnesses were not named seeing that the Oxford-Act giving the Justices so great a power if the Witnesses be unknown any innocent Person may be laid in Prison and shall never know where or against whom to seek remedy which was a Matter of great moment 2. When he had done with the Cause he made a Speech to the People and told them That by the apperance he perceived that this was a Cause of as great Expectation as had been before them and it being usual with People to carry away things by the halves and their misreports might mislead others he therefore acquainted them That though he understood that Mr. Baxter was a Man of great Learning and of a good Life yet he having this singularity the Law was against Conventicles and it was only upon the Error of the Warrant that he was released and that they use in their Charge at Assizes to enquire after Conventicles and they are against the Law so that if they that made the Mittimus had but known how to make it they could not have delivered him nor can do it for him on any that shall so transgress the Law This was supposed to be that which was resolved on at White-Hall by the way But he had never heard what I had to say in the main Cause to prove my self no Transgressor of the Law Nor did he at all tell them how to know what a Conventicle is which the Common Law is so much against § 129. Being discharged of my Imprisonment my Sufferings began for I had there better Health than I had of a long time before or after I had now more exasperated the Authors of my Imprisonment I was not at all acquit as to the main Cause they might ameâ—d their Mittimus and lay me in again I knew no way how to bring my main Cause whether they had power to put the Oxford-Oath on me to a legal Tryal And my Counsellors advised me not to do it much less to question the Justices for false Imprisonment lest I were born down by power I had now a great House of great Rent on my Hands which I must not come to I had no House to dwell in I knew not what to do with all my Goods and Family I must go out of Middlesex I must not come within five Miles of City Corporation c. where to find such a place and therein a House and how to remove my Goods thither and what to do with my House the while till my time expired were more trouble than my quiet Prison by far and the Consequents yet worse § 130. Gratitude commandeth me to tell the World who were my Benefactors in my Imprisonment and Calumny as much obligeth me because it is said among some that I was 〈◊〉 by it Serjeant Fountain's general Counsel ruled me Mr. Wallop and Mr. Offley sent me their Counsel and would take nothing Of four Serjeants that pleaded my Cause two of them Serjeant Windham afterwards Baron of the Exchequer and Serjeant Sise would take nothing Sir Iohn Bernard a Person that I never saw but once sent me no less than Twenty Pieces and the Countess of 〈◊〉 Ten Pound And Alderman Bard Five and I received no more but I confess more was offered me which I refused and more would have been but that they knew I needed it not And this much defrayed my Law and Prison Charges § 131. When
while these envious Preachers cryed out against our Preaching and perswaded men how fully we were maintained they laboured for Laws to increase their setled maintenance and some of them in my hearing Preached how miscrable a case the Clergy were in were they left to the people's kindness and bounty And yet proclaim our fulness who are left to the kindness of those few who also pay fully their Tythes to the Parish Ministers who these Envyers say are but the smaller and poorer sort in the Land which comparatively is true though by this time I think the far greatest part are grown into dislike with the present Prelates who yet cleave to their Church And if their noble rich and numerous followers would leave them in want were they left to their Charity it seems they take their Church to consist of men much more covetous and less Religious and liberal than our few poor men § 261. The Lord's day before the Parliament was dissolved one of these Prelatists Preached to them to perswade them that we are obstinate and not to be tolerated nor cured by any means but Vengeance urging them to set Fire to the Fagot and teach us by Scourges or Scorpions and open our eyes with Gall. Yet none of these men will procure us leave to publish or offer to Authority the Reasons of our Non-conformity But this is not the first proof that a carnal worldly proud ungodly Clergie who never were serious in their own professed belief nor felt the power of what they Preach have been in most Ages of the Church its greatest plague and the greatest hinderers of Holiness and Concord by making their formalities and Ceremonies the test of Holiness and their Worldly Interest and Domination the only cement of Concord And O how much hath Satan done against Christ's Kingdom in the World by setting up Pastors and Rulers over the Churches to fight against Christ in his own name and livery and to destroy piety and peace by a pretence of promoting them § 262. This foresaid Preacher brings to my remembrance a Silenced Minister who heard the Sermon Mr. Iohn Humphrey a man not strait and factious in Doctrin Government or Worship as his Books shew for the middle way about Election Justification c. and his former Writings for giving the Lord's Supper to the Ungodly to convert them and his own Reordination and writing for Reordination The former Sessions of Parliamen he printed a sheet for Concord by restoring some silenced Ministers and tolerating others for which he was Imprisoned as was Dr. Ludovicus Molinaeus M. D. Son to old Peter for writing his Patronus against the Prelatists but delivered by the Common Act of Pardon And this Session the said Mr. Humphrey again printed another sheet and put it into the hands of many Parliament men which though slighted and frustrate by the Prorogation of the House yet I think hath so much reason in it that I shall here annex it though it speak not at all to the righteousness of our Cause and the Reasons of our Non-conformity that the Reader may see upon what Terms we stood But the truth is when we were once contrived into the Parliament's Inquisition and persecution it was resolved that we should be saved by the King or not at all and that Parliaments and Laws should be our Tormenters and not our Deliverers any more Mr. Iohn Humphrey's Papers given to the Parliament-Men Comprehension with Indulgence Nihil est jam dictum quod non fuit dictum prius Terence IT hath pleased his Majesty by several gracious Overtures to commend a Union of his Protestant Subject to the consideration of a Parliament A design full of all Princely Wisdom Honesty and Goodness In this Atchievement there is a double Interest I apprehend to be distinguished and weighed that of Religion it self and that of the Nation The advance of Religion doth consist much in the Unity of its Professors both in Opinion and Practice to be of one Mind and one Heart and one way in Discipline and Worship so far as may be according to the Scriptures The advance of the Nation does lie in the freedom and flourishing of Trade and uniting the whole Body in the common Benefit and dependence on the Government The one of these bespeaks an Established Order and Accommodation the other bespeaks Indulgence Liberty of Conscience or to eration For while People are in danger about Religion we dare not launch out into Trade say they but we must keep our Moneys being we know not into what straits we shall be driven and when in reference to their Party they are held under severity it is easie for those who are designing Heads to mould them into Wrath and Faction which without that occasion will melt and dissolve it self into bare Dissent of Opinion peaceably rejoycing under the Enjoyment of Protection The King we know is concerned as Supreme Governour and as a Christian Protestant Governour As he is King he is to seek the welfare of the Nation as he is a Christian the Flourishing of Religion and the Protestant Religion particularly is his Interest as this Kingdom doth lie in Ballance he being the chief Party with its Neighbour Nations The Judgment now of some is for a Comprehending Act which may take in those who are for our Parochial Churches that severity then might be used for reclaiming all whosoever separate from them The Judgment of some others is for a free and equal Act of Grace to all indifferently the Papists with most excepted whether separatists or others abhorring Comprehension as more dangerous to them upon that Account mentioned than all the Acts that have passed Neither of these Judge up to the full interest of the King and Kingdom as is proposed It becomes not the Presbyterian if his Principles will admit him to own our Parochial Churches and enjoy a Living to be willing to have his Brethren the Independents given up to Persecution And it becomes not the Separatist if he may but enjoy his Conscience to Repine or envy at the Presbyterian for reaping any further Emolument seeing both of them supposing the later may do so have as much at the bottom as can be in their Capacities desired of either It is an Act therefore of a mixt Complexion providing both Comprehension and Indulgence for the different Parties must serve our Purpose And to this end as we may humbly hope there is a Bill at present in the House A Bill for the ease of the Protestant Dissenter in the business of Religion Which that upon this present Prorogation it may be cast into this Model I must present the same yet in a little farther Explication There are two sorts we all know of the Protestant Dissenters one that own the Established Ministry and our Parish Congregations and are in Capacity of Union upon that account desiring it heartily upon condescension to them in some small matters The other that own not our Churches and so are
to leave God unworshipped Publickly and our People untaught and set Satan raign and Souls perish by Thousands for fear of saving them without Episcopal Ordination If you still say that we should be of your Mind and be ordained by Bishops we again say our judgments are not at our Command we cannot believe what we list I know multitudes of Anti-Episcopal Men that study as faithfully and seek God's Direction as heartily as any of you all and yet cannot see the Justness of your Cause though whether it be just or not I purposely forbear to pass my Censure if still you say it is our Wilfulness or Peevishness I leave you as Usurpers of God's Prerogative and pretending to that Knowledge of our Hearts which is a step above the Papal Arrogation of Infallability Nay seeing I have gone so far I will add this do you not imitate the Papists in the main Point of Recusansy by which we were wont to know them in England Nay we had many Church Papists that went not so far must not you as they have People disclaim our Ministry and Assemblies and not join in them for fear of owning unordained Men. Be not too angry with us I pray you if we call not such Protestants or at least if we take it for impossible to have Concord with them 2. I must also tell you that are offended at my Saying that those particular Bishops named deserved to be cast out that if you be one that dare own them in their Ways or would have the Church have such as they yea that do not detest and lament their Miscarriages seem to your self as Pious as you will you are no Man for our Company and Concord Do you complain of me for want of Christian Charity and yet would you have the Church have such Bishops as would cast out such Men as Aims Parker Baines Bradshaw Dod Hildersham with Multitudes of as painful able Godly Men as the World knew and leave so many drunken reading Sots some thereabouts Faggot Makers or Rope Makers many that did and that lately whether we will or not till the late Act get their Living by unlawful Marriages and such Courses as is a Shame to Mention yea would you have Bishops that would do as your Bishop Wren Pierce and the others did whose Accusations are upon Record For my part I think such Mens destroying the Church was the cause of all our wars and Misery and he that dare own them in it after all this is no Man for our Association I love no Man the worse for being for Bishops but for being for such Bishops and such Practices I do They are yet alive enquire what Men Mr. Dance and Mr. Turner are who were the Teachers of this Parish and what the People were then and what they are now Grant but Piety Love and Concord to be better than Ignorance and Debauchery and then judge of them Except to Sect. 22. Page 64. Speaking of Episcopal Divines he saith and if Liberty of Sects and Separations be publickly granted and confirmed to all you shall soon find that the Party that I am now dealing with will soon by their Numbers obscure all other Parties that now trouble our Peace ibid. pag. 64. n. 13. Reply to Sect. 22. It was my necessary care to distinguish between Protestant Bishops and Popish of Cassender's strain and it is your Care with all subtilty to obscure the Distinction that you may involve the honest Party in your Guilt and Snares That which I there spoke only of Popish Bishops and their Party you would intimate that I spake of the Episcopal Protestants then which nothing less is true as my Words fully shew I tell you plainly such Bishops as Usher Hall Morton Iewel c. are twenty fold nearer me in Judgment than they are to you if you be one of the Cassandrian Papists that there I speak against why then should they not sooner join with us than with you If ever God set up Episcopal Government where I live yea though I wer unsatisfied of its right I will obey them in all things not against the Word of God were it but for Peace and Unity Except to Sect. 23. They would have all the People take us for no Ministers c. and so all God's Worship be neglected in publick where no Bishops and their Missionaries are and so when all others are diseased or turned out the Papists may freely enter there being none but these few faithful Friends of their own to keep them out which how well they will do you may by these conjecture and n. 15. of the same Page But it is a higher Charge than Popery that these Episcopal Doctors that I now speak of are liable to c. Reply to Sect. 23. Is not this true How much of it do you plainly maintain in this Writing I had rather you had freed your selves of the Charge then called it Uncharitable Excep to Sect. 24. Pag. 66. N. 5. Speaking to those same Men he saith You must be certain that those same Men had Intentionem Ordinationis if you be right Papists indeed did ever any one ever hear and read any one single English Episcopal Doctor require Intention as necessary to Ordination If not call you that Speech of Mr. Baxter's Christian Charity Reply to Sect. 24. Remember this that no Protestants say Presbyters have no more Power than the Ordainer intended them You may see by that that I speak to Papists why then would you intimate that it was to Protestant Bishops Except to Sect. 25. Pag. 67. Do not these Mens Grounds leave it certain that Christ hath no true Church or Ministry or Ordinances or Baptized Christians in England nay in all the Western Church and perhaps not in the whole World and then see whether these Popish Divines must not prove Seekers Reply to Sect. 25. O that you would vindicate them from that Charge though heavy by proving the uninterrupted canonical Succession from the Apostles Except to Sect. 26. Pag. 47. Speaking of some under the Name of Episcopal Divines saith that they withdraw the People from obeying their Pastors by pretending a Necessity of Episcopacy c. and partly instil into them such Principles as may prepare them for flat Popery and yet in the next Page 48. saith that those same Men do themselves viz. Mr. Chisenhall against Vane Mr. Waterhouse for Learning Zealous Men for Episcopacy publish to the World what a pack of notorious ignorant silly Souls or wicked unclean Persons those are that are turned Papists How now can Mr. Baxter call those Men that so publish c. faithful Friends to Rome pag. 64. See how Uncharitableness betrays and accuses it self in its busy Accusations of others and must justify them per Force of Truth when it would condemn Reply to Sect 26. Why what is the Scope of this your Writing but to prove that we are not Pasters and would you not then draw the People from acknowledging us such
This is like the Man that swears he never swore in his Life you blame me with charging you with what you contend for 2. But you do with as little Candor as verity say that in the next Page it is those same Men that I speak of when I purposely and plainly call these Gentlemen of the Episcopal Protestant Party as distinct from the Cassandrian Papists and as helping us in the Discovery of the Danger But I perceive it is your Desire to make Men believe that I took them for all one But a good Cause needs to such a way of Defenceâ— Did you think that the learned Doctor to whom you wrote would believe you who had my Book at hand and could see that your Words were false And is it not strange that upon such a dishonest Foundation you can build such a triumphant Exclamation as follows See how Uncharitableness betrays and accuses it self c. Exception to Sect. 27. Pag. 50. n. 4. If these that I dispute with will shew themselves openly to be Papists and plead that Women or Lay-Men may baptize in case of Necessity c. See see his Magisterial canting crying out Popery upon whatever likes him not Doth he know whom he here condemns for Papists Yes he doth for he tells us pag. 81. that the 38th Canon Elibertint Concilii and he tells us right decrees that in case of necessity a Lay Man may baptize well an ancient Catholick Council held under the primitive pure Times whilst Persecution yet exercised the Church more ancient than the Council of Nice and whereof Magnus Osius Confessor was a part is peacht of Popery too together with us Enough of this I might add much more All this within the compass of twenty Leaves from pag. 45. to 85. Reply to Sect 27. All this but a meer Mistake whether willing or unwilling I never took this Point alone enough to denominate a Man a Papist but because it is a Point wherein the Papists generally hold one way and the Protestants another I take it to be a 〈◊〉 Discovery which side the forementioned Persons are of I durst not say that the Error of Purgatory or praying for the Dead or praying to Saints no â— nor Transubstantiation alone is sufficient to denominate a Man a Papist But yet I think if a Man would degrade our Ministers and unchurch our Churches and all the Reformed Churches that have not Bishops and maintain the Romish Ordination and Church and yet saythe is not a Papist your Addition of one of these would further the Discovery I am not ignorant that Tertullian and others speak of Lay Mens Baptizing in case of necessity but not for Women though Pamelius would pervert Tertullian's Words for that End Except to Sect. 28. To give you a Taste when he quotes Fathers as he quoted above the 80th Canon Apostotical to eject our Bishops So also when he would prove that the ancient Church held it lawful for Ministers to impose Hands for the confirming of Parties haptised pag. 58. for Proof of what he saith he pretends to but Two Authors viz. Ambrose in Ephes. 4. and Augustin quoest ex vet novo Testam mixt both certainly spurious Pieces and the latter the Work of an Heretick Reply to Sect. 28. You go the farther the worse I quoted Bishop Downame as one of the Episcopal Protestants to shew that it is their Judgment that Ministers ordained without Bishops may be true Ministers Now because the Bishop brings these two Testimonies on the by about Confirmation and Reconciliation of Penitents you do in my Judgment not well 1. Feign me to be the Speaker of those Words and the Alledger of those Authors when it was a Bishop and his Words go cited because a Bishop 2. You make me to do it in order to prove the Power of Ministers to impose Hands on the Confirmed and Reconciled when even Bishop Downame brought in that and these Testimonies thereto but as subservient to the others But perhaps I left you some occasion of this mistake to charge me with the Words of the Bishop No none at all I enclosed his Words with this Mark and after I wrote so far Bishop Downame that there might be no place for such an Oversight But where you talk of but two Authors for this I thought you had known how easy it is to bring more For if it be the Ceremony of Imposing Hands that you would deny to the Presbyters it was so far from being denied theâ—â— anciently that even the English Bishops allowed it them in Ordination which is the greater If you mena the Power of Confirming and Reconciling it 's known the Bishops might delegate Presbyters to it and the Corepiscopi used it yea Presbyters I think in some Cases And for Reconciliation Bishop Usher tells you in the Words I cited that even Deacons used it or had it Yet is not the Testimony of those Authors contemptible that ascribed to Ambrose is taken by Erasmus to be Remigius or Anselme by Maldonate to be Remigius by Brugensis and Bellarmine to be Hillarius Diaconus And well might Downame alledge them against the Papists when Bellarmine the Rhemists Alan and others so esteem them and quote them as Ambrose when it serves their turns And for the Book of Quest. in vet nov Test. 1. The Papists citing it Bellarmine Harding Turrian Eckius Cope Rhemists c. Downame might well cite it ad Hominem yea ad Rem it being matter of Fact that he speaks to and the Author so ancient that Hierome seems to take notice of him Except to Sect. 29. In all this you see I have not disputed the Case with him but only discovered to you his manner for that he himself professes he is resolved in this Book to forbear the Dispute p. 79. princip pag. 77. he would give us to understand that he hath much more behind that he can say by way of Argument for this is only crying out Popery Popish c. for Presbyters Power of Governing Excommunicating ordaining without a Bishop Let him be intreated to do it and lay aside his poor kind of calumniating his Adversary and deal Christianly by Arguments only and he shall soon be answered I believe For the present he may know his Papers prevail not but only provoke those he writes against Reply to Sect. 29. It 's strange that to call a Papist a Papist should be accounted Calumniation I profess to speak of none but Cassandrian Papists I name none They that are not such have no reason to say that I calumniate them when I professedly accept and and honour and seek Reconciliation with them They that are such methinks should not be ashamed of it It 's an ill Religion which a Man must be asham'd of and an ill Profession that is ashamed of a true Religion 2. That my Papers prevail not but provoke is no wonder 1. The Papists I expected to provoke by discovering their Designs and attempted not
Publick Worship which yet Mahometans offer him some it is Schism not to obey But if the Bishop do but say the word we may meet daily without Schism and the Place Person Exercise that before was Schismatical if he do but licence them are presently lawful So that the Bishop's word against the King's yea against God's command to preach in season and out can make a thing Schism and his word can make it none again in a moment 17. Whether it be Schism to go to a better Minister in another Parish in the same Diocess though we separate from no Church in their sense the Diocesan being the lowest proper Church is not well agreed on Feigning Schisms is making Schism by turbulent noise and 〈◊〉 Accusations We that impose on no Man and that obey them in lawful things that we for Universal Love and Peace even with that meet in different Assemblies and in different Forms we that hold Communion with all true Churches as aforesaid and yet because we can be but in one place at once do choose the best obeying God's Command Let all things be done to edification and knowing best what edifieth our selves we suppose are farther from Schism than those that as from the Throne of Authority pronounce Schism and never help us to understand the sense and reason of their words but use it as for the advantage of their Cause And as one lately writeth Have led that Bear so long about the streets till the Boy lay by fear and do but laugh at it Nor are there many more effectual Causes of Schism and that harden true Schismaticks against all Conviction then when it is seen that Men of Contention Pride and Worldly Interest first make the Schism by sinful or impossible terms of Unity and next falsly call the most Innocent that obey not their Domination Schismaticks and the greatest Duties even Preaching where many and many thousands have no Preaching nor no Publick Worship of God by the Name of Schism as if we must let London turn Heathens for fear of being Schismaticks Dear Friend though these things have these Forty years had my deep and I hope impartial thoughts and I dare not for a thousand Worlds think to do otherwise than I do in the main yet I shall heartily thank you if by true light you help me to see any Errour which I yet perceive not And seeing Experience hath justly taught you to dread Anabaptistry and Separation think further 1. Whether they that forbid Parents to enter their Children into Covenant with God in Baptism and lay all that Office on those that have no power to covenant in their names nor shew any purpose to perform what they promise and deny Baptism as aforesaid to the Children of such as submit not to this and the Cross be not quantum in se Destroyers of Infant Baptism which is no Baptism if there be no Covenant 2. Again Whether they be not Separatists that both un-Church all the Parish-Churches quantum in se and also deny Communion with the Nonconformists Churches as null or unlawful even when they had his Majesties Licence Be impartial against Antipedobaptists and Separatists I constantly heard and communicated with the Parish-Church where I lived but the Conformists usually fly from the Nonconformists Assemblies as unlawful but if both sides were heard in their Charge against the other I know which would have the more to say Accept this freedom from the unfeigned Love of Your much obliged Friend Rich. Baxter May 13. 1626. The Instances promised you I. WHen I was cast out at Kidderminster and you know what a Minister was there I offered while the Indulgence of the King's Declaration continuâ—d to have been the Reading Vicar's Curate and to have preached for nothing and could not prevail I was by the Bishop forbidden to preach in his Diocess and when I offered him to preach only Catechistical Principles to some poor Congregation that else must have none he told me It was better they had none than me My presence at Kidderminster was thought so dangerous that Force was assigned to have apâ—â—â—hend me and had I stayed it must have been in the Jail and many another for my sake When I was forced away at Venner's Rising I wrote but a Letter to my Mother in-â—aw and it was way-laid intercepted opened and sent up to the Court though there was nothing concerning them in it but some sharp Invectives against the Rebellion which my Lord Chancellour acknowledging caused my Lord Windsor personally to bring me back my Letter so that I durst not write to them of many years My Neighbours I had perswaded to do as you advise to joyn in the Publick Church and help each other as private Men and for so doing repeating Sermons and praying and singing a Psalm many of them lay long among Rogues in the Common Jail and others of them impoverished by Fines II. When I came to live at Acton I drew all the People constantly to Church that were averse sometime I repeated the Parsons Sermon and sometimes taught such as came to my House between the Sermons When the Reverend Parson saw them come into Church he would fall upon them c. And not being able to bear my little Endeavours for their Instruction he caused me to be sent to the Common Jail not one Witness or Person being suffered to come into the Room while I was examined and committed III. I am now in a Parish where some Neighbours say that there are Fourscore thousand Souls suppose they be fewer Not above Two thousand of all these can hear in the Parish Church so that it 's like above Sixty thousand have no Church to go to no not so much as to hear the Scripture or the Common-Prayer Here I need not tell you what Prohibitions I have had and what my Endeavours to teach a few Publickly have lost me and others And lately because one that preached for me did without my knowledge at the importunity of a Parent Baptize a poor man's Child when they told him it was in danger of death the Curate of the Parish came to my House to expostulate the matter when yet many are baptized by Papist Priests for want of others to do it as they say I never my self Baptized a Child or administred the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper these fifteen years but ordinarily received it in the Parish Church at Totterridge and elsewhere one of the first times that I received it in private a Bullet was shot into the Room among us and came near to the Heads of divers of us I never gathered any Church from among them and yet have been usually the first sought after to be imprisoned or ruined in each assault and was put to sell my Goods and Books to save them from Distress Near me in the same Parish liveth Mr. Gabriel Sanger the late Incumbent Pastor of the Parish a Man of Age and Gravity great Moderation and Peaceableness and far from
and those of them that had taken the contrary Course had thereby broken themselves to pieces Wherefore I humbly craved his Majesty's patience that we might have the freedom to request of him that as he was our lawful King in whom all his People save a few inconsiderable Persons were prepared to Centre as weary of their Divisions and glad of the Satisfactory means of Union in him so he would be pleased to undertake this blessed Work of promoting their Holiness and Concord for it was not Faction or Disobedience which we desired him to indulge And that he would never suffer himself to be tempted to undo the Good which Cromwell or any other had done because they were Usurpers that did it or discountenance a faithful Ministry because his Enemies had set them up But that he would rather out go them in doing good and opposing and rejecting the ignorant and ungodly of what Opinion or Party soever For the People whose Cause we recommend to him had their Eyes on him as the Officer of God to defend them in 〈◊〉 possession of the helps of their Salvation which if he were pleased to voucâ—â—â—â—â— them their Estates and Lives would cheerfully be offered to his Service And I humbly besought him that he would never suffer his Subjects to be tempted to have favourable Thoughts of the late Usurpers by seeing the Vice indulged which they suppressed or the godly Ministers or People discountenanced whom they encouraged For the Common People are apt to judge of Governours by the Effects even by the Good or Evil which they feel and they will take him to be the best Governour who doth them most good and him to be the worst that doth them most hurt And all his Enemies cannot teach him a more effectual way to restore the Reputation and Honour of the Usurpers than to do worse than they and destroy the Good which they had done that so he may go contrary to his Enemies and so to force the People to cry out We are undone in loss of the Means of our Salvation It being a hard matter ever to bring the People to love and honour him by whom they think they are undone in comparison of those that they think made them happy though the one have a just Title to be their Governour which the other hath not And again I humbly craved That no misrepresentation might cause him to believe that because some Fanaticks have been Factious and Disloyal therefore the Religious People in his Dominions who are most careful of their Souls are such though some of them may be dissatisfied about some Forms and Ceremonies in God's Worship which others use And that none of them might go under so ill a Character with him by misreports behind their backs till it were proved of them personally or they had answered for themselves For we that better knew them than those that were like to be their Accuseâ—s did confidently testifie to his Majesty on their behalf that they are resolved Enemies of Sedition Rebellion Disobedience and Divisions which the World shall see and their Adversaries be convinced of if his Majesty's Wisdom and Clemency do but remove those Occasions of Scruple in some Points of Discipline and Worship of God which give Advantage to others to call all Dissenters Factious and Disobedient how Loyal and Peaceable soever And I humbly craved That the Freedom and Plainness of these Expressions to his Majesty might be pardoned as being extracted by the present Necessity and encouraged by our revived hopes I told him also that it was not for Presbyterians or any Party as such that we were speaking for but for the Religious part of his Subjects as such than whom no Prince on Earth had better and how considerable part of the Kingdom he would find them to be And of what great advantage their Union would be to his Majesty to the People and to the Bishops themselves and how easily it might be procured 1. By making only things Necessary to be the Terms of Union 2. And by the true Exercise of Church Discipline against Sin 3. And not casting out the faithful Ministers that must Exercise it nor obtruding unworthy Men upon the People And how easie it was to avoid the violating of Mens Solemn Vows and Covenants without any hurt to any others And finally I requested that we might but be heard speak for our selves when any Accusations were brought against us These with some other such things I then spake when some of my Brethren had spoken first Mr. Simeon Ash also spake much to the same purpose and of all our Desires of his Majesty's Assistance in our desired Union § 91. The King gave us not only a free Audience but as gracious an Answer as we could expect professing his gladness to hear our Inclinations to Agreement and his Resolution to do his part to bring us together and that it must not be by bringing one Party over to the other but by abating somewhat on both sides and meeting in the Midway and that if it were not accomplished it should be long of our selves and not of him Nay that he was resolved to see it brought to pass and that he would draw us together himself with some more to this purpose Insomuch that old Mr. Ash burst out into Tears with Joy and could not forbear expressing what Gladness this Promise of his Majesty had put into his heart § 92. Either at this time or shortly after the King required us to draw up and offer him such Proposals as we thought meet in order to Agreement about Church Government for that was the main Difference if that were agreed there would be little danger of differing in the rest And he desired us to set down the most that we could yield to § 93. We told him 1. That we were but a few Men and had no Commission from any of our Brethren to express their Minds And therefore desired that his Majesty would give us leave to acquaint our Brethren in the Country with it and take them with us The King answered That that would be too long and make too much Noise and therefore we should do what we would our selves only with such of the City as we would take with us And when we then professed that we presumed not to give the Sense of others nor oblige them and that what we did must signify but the Minds of so many Men as were present He answered That it should signify no more and that he did not intend to call an Assembly of the other party but would bring a few such as he thought meet and that if he thought good to advise with a few of each side for his own Satisfaction none had cause to be offended at it § 94. Also we craved that at the same time when we offered our Concessions to the King the Brethren on the other side might bring in theirs containing also the uttermost that they could abate and
yield to us for Concord that seeing both together we might see what probability of success we had And the King promised that it should be so § 95. Hereupon we departed and appointed to meet from day to day at Sion Colledge and to consult there openly with any of our Brethren that would please to join with us that none might say they were excluded Some City Ministers came among us and some came not and Divers country Ministers who were in the City came also to us as Dr. Worth since a Bishop in Ireland Mr. Fulwood since Archdeacon of Totnes c. But Mr. Matth. Newcomen was most constant in assisting us § 96. In these Debates we found the great inconvenience of too many Actors though there cannot be too many Consenters to what is well done For that which seemed the most convenient Expression to one seemed inconvenient to another and that we that all agreed in Matter had much ado to agree in Words But after about two or three Weeks time we drew up the following Paper of Proposals which with Archbishop Usher's Form of Government called his Reduction c. we should offer to the King Mr. Calamy drew up most with Dr. Reynolds Dr. Reynolds and Dr. Worth drew up that which is against the Ceremonies I only prevailed with them to premise the four first Particulars for the countenancing Godliness the Ministry Personal Profession and the Lord's Day They were backward because they were not the Points in Controversy but yielded at last on the Reasons offered them About Discipline we designedly adhered to Bishop Usher's Model without a Word of alteration that so they might have less to say against our Offers as being our own and that the World might see that it was Episcopacy it self which they refused and that they contended against the Archbishop as well as against us and that we pleaded not at all with them for Presbytery unless a Moderate Episcopacy be Presbytery Yet was there a Faction that called this Offer of Bishop Usher's Episcopacy by the Name of the Presbyterians impudent Expectations I also prevailed with our Brethren to offer an Abstract of our larger Papers lest the reading of the larger should seem tedious to the King which Abstract verbatim as followeth at their Desire I drew up and have here after adjoined The first Address and Proposals of the Ministers May it please Your most excellent Majesty WE your Majesty's most Loyal Subjects cannot but acknowledge it as a very great Mercy of God that immediately after your so wonderful and peaceable Restoration unto your Throne and Government for which we â—less his Name he hath stirred up your Royal Heart as to a zealous Testimony against all Prophaneness in the People so to endeavour an happy composing of the Differences and healing of the sad Breaches which are in the Church And we shall according to our bounden Duty become humble Suitors at the Throne of Grace that the God of Peace who hath put such a thing as this into your Majesty's Heart will by his heavenly Wisdom and holy Spirit to assist you therein and bring your Resolutions unto so perfect an Effect and Issue that all the good People of these Kingdoms may have abundant Cause to rise up and bless you and to bless God who hath delighted in you to make you his Instrument in so happy a Work That as your glorious Progenitor Henry VII was happy in uniting the Houses of York and Lancaster and your Grandfather King Iames of blessed Memory in uniting the Kingdoms of England and Scotland so this Honour may be reserved for your Majesty as a Radiant Jewel in your Crown that by your Princely Wisdom and Christian Moderation the Hearts of all your People may be united and the unhappy Differences and Misunderstandings amongst Brethren in matters Ecclesiastial so composed that the Lord may be one and his Name one in the midst of your Dominions In an humble Conformity to this your Majesty's Christian Design we taking it for granted that there is a firm Agreement between our Brethren and us in the Doctrinal Truths of the reformed Religion and in the substantial parts of Divine Worship and that the Differences are only in some various Conceptions about the ancient Form of Church-Government and some particulars about Liturgy and Ceremonies do in all humble Obedience to your Majesty represent That in as much as the ultimate end of Church-Government and Ministry is that Holiness of Life and Salvation of Souls may be Effectually promoted we humbly desire in the first place that we may be secured of those things in Practice of which we seem to be agreed in Principles 1. That those of our Flocks who are serious and diligent about the matters of their Salvation may not by Words of Scorn or any abusive Usages be suffered to be reproachfully handled but have Liberty and Encouragement in those Christian Duties of exhorting and provoking one another unto Love and good Works of building up one another in their most holy Faith and by all religious and peaceable means of furthering one another in the ways of eternal Life they being not therein opposite to Church-Assemblies nor refusing the guidance and due Inspection of their Pastors and being responsible for what they do or say 2. That each Congregation may have a learned orthodox and godly Pastor residing amongst them to the end that the People might be publickly instructed and edified by preaching every Lord's Day by Catechising and frequent Administration of the Lord's Supper and of Baptism and other Ministerial Acts as the Occacasions and the Necessity of the People may require both in Health and Sickness and that effectual Provision of Law be made that such as are Insufficient Negligent or Scandalous may not be admitted to or permitted in so Sacred a Function and Imployment 3. That none may be admitted to the Lord's Supper till they competently understand the Principles of Christian Religion and do personally and publickly own their baptismal Covenant by a credible Profession of Faith and Obedience not contradicting the same by a contrary Profession or by a Scandalous Life And that unto such only Confirmation if continued in the Church may be administred And that the Approbation of the Pastors to whom the catechising and instructing of those under their Charge do appertain may be produced before any Person receive Confirmation which Course we humbly conceive will much conduce to the quieting of those sad Disputes and Divisions which have greatly troubled the Church of God amongst us touching Church-Members and Communicants 4. That an effectual Course be taken for the Sanctification of the Lord's Day appropriating the same to holy Exercises both in publick and private without unnecessary Divertisements it being certain and by long Experience found that the Observation thereof is a special means of preserving and promoting the Power of God liness and obviating Prophaneness Then for the Matters in Difference viz. Church-Government