letters at the suit of Leo they request Theodosius That vpon this Appeale in writing he would be pleased that Leo in a Synod of Bishops assembled out of all quarters of the world in some place within Italie might take knowledge of this matter And Galla in her letters plainely sheweth that this was the drift and purpose of Flauian Who saith she hath alreadie sent his libell to the See Apostolike and to all the Bishops of these quarters by them whom the Bishop of Rome had sent to the Councell at Ephesus This Appeale therefore was put in as well to them as to the Bishop of Rome saue onely that he was the more eminent person and was to be heard and determined by them all in the Councell which was to be assembled as Galla in her Epistle concludeth That the matter saith she may be ended in a Councell and by the See Apostolike So that all this was no legall and formall Appeale nor made vnto the Pope otherwise than as to a promoter and furtherer of the calling of this Councell And it is worth the remembrance that in these verie Epistles which Baronius maketh so much account of Valentinian speaking of the Bishop of Rome saith as hath beene alreadie alledged That Antiquitie was it which gaue him the Primacie or chiefe place among the Priests And Galla in her Epistle It is fit saith she that we reserue in all poynts that respect which is due vnto this citie as to the Ladie of all other cities And like tearmes vseth she vnto Pulcheria whence it followeth An. 451. that this Primacie was taken as founded vpon the positiue law of man and that the claime from S. Peter commeth but as accessarie to the principall And that Flauian had no other purpose appeareth by the proceeding of this cause for the yeare following at the suit of Leo Martian the Emperour appointed a generall Councell to be held at Chalcedon wherein are to bee seene the traces of the former Synod and the whole cause opened in a second hearing to the confusion of Eutyches and shame of all his partakers and abettors and to the iustifying of Flauian and of his memoriall after him in the presence of the Popes Legats who there saw the Church of Constantinople before their face equalled with that of Rome by an expresse Canon made in confirmation of that other of Constantinople And let our aduersaries now shew vs any one Appeale after this made from Constantinople to Rome Eightly Baronius is faine to make the best of a bad cause He now telleth vs Baron vol. 6. an 451. art 149. that this Canon was made vnder the correction and good leaue of Leo Grant it were so and that the Synod in their Epistle required his confirmation and thereupon after his manner maketh a great flourish Seest thou O Reader saith he how these six hundred Fathers thought this Canon though resolued on in two general Councels yet to be of no force and vertue without the authoritie of Leo and indeed a man not acquainted with his trickes might haply suffer himselfe to be lead away with his discourses but the Canon it selfe is too plaine and the continuall practise of the Church sheweth that the validitie of that Canon neuer depended of his confirmation True it is that they were willing to draw Leo to some reason by faire words and remonstrances which they made vnto him and this was the drift and purpose of that Epistle But as we haue often said tearmes of courtesie and of honour vsed to the Pope were euer by them drawne to some farther tye of seruice And yet this verie Epistle determineth and decideth the question in many places though Baronius who commonly spareth for no paper to set downe things in the largest size concealeth one part thereof but thus run the words of the inscription The holie Oecumenicall Synod assembled by the grace of God and by the commaundement of the most religious Emperours at Chalcedon to Leo Archbishop of the Romans Whence it appeareth that this Synod was not called by his authoritie neither was he accompted for Vniuersall Bishop by that Synod as Baronius would make the world to beleeue Baron ib. Confirmauimus and as for the prerogatiue of the Church of Constantinople the words vsed in that Canon are precise and formall We haue say they confirmed the Canon of 150 Bishops meaning of the second generall Councell and therefore after this confirmation of 600 Bishops Baronius should a little blush to bring such cold coniectures And againe We haue so defined say they thereby to cut off all confusion and to establish the order of the Church And in the end they vse these tearmes Vouchsafe holie Father to imbrace this our decree as is fit and seemly for the loue that ought to be between vs. And what reason then hath Baronius of a sentence definitiue to make an interlocutorie especially seeing that they so often repeat the same thing We beleeue say they that the honour of the See of Constantinople was confirmed in a generall Councell we now intreat you to honour our iudgement by your Decree to giue your consent and to hold your selfe content with that which we haue done And the cause why they sent him the Acts was this That he might thereby perceiue that they were led in all their consultations by diuine instinct which they neuer expected to be sent from Rome neither did they looke to haue their doings reformed there Martianus apud Palladium We read indeed that the Emperor by whose commaundement they were there assembled confirmed their Acts The things saith he Per nostra precepta stabilita sunt agreed vpon in the Councell of Chalcedon are established by our authoritie neither shall they goe vnpunished who shall in any point contemne this law And indeed after this time matters passed according to the tenor of this decree doe Leo what hee could to the contrarie who yet did openly beare out the Bishops of Antioch and Alexandria but in the Church men gouerne themselues by law not by example measuring their actions not after the long elne of one Bishops insolencie and pride but according to the true rule of order and discipline established in a lawful Synod Vol. 6. an 457. art 23. Ninthly and lastly Baronius saith That in the Epistle which the Clergie of Alexandria oppressed by Timotheus wrot to the Emperour Leo they request that his impieties might be made knowne to the Roman Pontife and to others But why doth he not speake plainely and say as indeed it is As to others for they make no distinction betweene him and others The words are these Vouchsafe we pray you to write to the Bishop of Rome also to the Bishops of Antioch of Ierusalem of Thessalonica of Ephesus and others as your Mightinesse shall thinke fit and they adde For our cause hath beene alreadie manifested to Anatolius Archbishop of this royall citie meaning Constantinople which they
bee so muzled by these excommunications for first Cyprian in his Epistle to Pompeius Cypria in Epist ad Pomp. 74. Among other things saith he which our brother Stephen hath written vnto vs either insolently or vnfittingly or contrarie to himselfe hee hath also added this If any man come to vs for what heresie soeuer making no difference betweene heresie and heresie which yet the Councell of Nice afterward thought fit to make let him receiue imposition of hands in penance nay farther saith he his obduratnesse of heart and obstinacie is such as to presume to maintaine That by the baptisme of Marcion Valentin and Appelles children may be borne vnto God Thus he spake and this he maintained in heat of contention contrarie to what the Church afterward defined because these retained not the forme of baptisme But saith he a Bishop should not onely teach but also learne and he is the best teacher of others who is himselfe euerie day a learner As if he had said That Stephen should doe well to learne religion by conferring with his Collegues not to lay his authoritie vpon them vnder a pretence of custome which not grounded vpon truth saith he Cyprian Epist 71 is nought else but an aged errour Saint Peter saith he the first chosen of our Lord vpon whom also hee built his Church when Saint Paul disputed with him vpon the poynt of circumcision carried not himselfe in this manner neither boasted he that the Primacie was giuen vnto him hee told him not that he was an after commer and that foremost must take vp hinder most or disdained him for that he had beene a persecutor of the Church but submitted himselfe with all willingnesse to truth and reason giuing vs thereby an example of patience not to be selfe-willed in louing that which proceedeth from our selues but rather to account all that as our own which our brethren shal teach vs for our good saluation of our soules And vpon these and the like tearmes he euer holdeth him But Stephen staied not here for he had alreadie written to the Easterne Bishops Euseb l. 7. c. 4. who held opinion with Cyprian declaring vnto them That hee could no longer hold communion with them if they persisted in that opinion as appeareth by that Epistle which Dionysius Alexandrinus wrot vnto Xystus who succeeded vnto Stephen and yet more plainly by that which he wrot to Firmilianus Helenus and others to whom also Cyprian had alreadie dispatched Rogatian his Deacon And the Easterne Bishops vpon the intimation giuen them from Cyprian grew much offended with the insolencie and pride of Stephen and therefore in their answer vnto Cyprian We say they haue cause indeed to thanke him for that his inhumanitie hath giuen vs large testimonie of your faith and wisedome yet deserueth not Stephen any thankes for the good he hath done vnto vs no more than did Iudas for that by his treason he became an instrument of saluation vnto all the world But let this fact of Stephen passe least the remembrance of his pride and insolencie put vs farther in mind of his greater impietie And a little after comming to the fact it selfe Although say they in diuers Prouinces many things are diuersly obserued yet no man by occasion thereof euer departed from the vnitie of the Catholike Church which yet Stephen now presumeth to doe breaking that league of peace with vs which his predecessours so inuiolably obserued He markes not what a flaw he makes in this precious gemme of Christian veritie when he betrayeth and forsaketh vnitie And yet say they Stephen all this while vaunteth himselfe to haue Saint Peters chaire by succession And this no doubt was that which animated him to presume so farre vpon the Churches But made they any whit the more reckoning of his excommunications therefore or did they not rather tell him That thereby he had excommunicated himselfe Surely say they a man full of stomacke breedeth strifes and he that is angrie encreaseth sinnes How many quarels hast thou O Stephen set on foot throughout the Churches and how much sinne hast thou heaped vp vnto thy selfe in cutting thy selfe off from so many flockes For so hast thou done seeing he is a right scismatike which departeth voluntarily from the vnitie of the Church Cyprian Ep. 4. And thou whilest thou wentest about to seperat others from thee hast seperated thy selfe from all other Churches c. Walke saith the Apostle in your vocation in all humilitie of mind in meekenesse and patience supporting one another in loue endeuouring to keepe the vnitie of the spirit in the band of peace c. And hath not Stephen well obserued this precept thinke you when hee breakes off now with all the Churches of the East and anone with those of the South Or hath not he with great patience and meekenesse receiued their embassadours who vouchsafed not to admit them to ordinarie talke giuing order with great humilitie that no man should receiue them vnder his roofe and was so farre from giuing them the Pax that he forbad any man to affoord them lodging Can such a man be of one bodie or of one spirit who is scarcely of one soule in himselfe And see whither this grew in the end He is not say they ashamed to call Cyprian false Christ and false Apostle and a deceitfull workeman For finding his owne conscience surcharged with all these imputations he wisely began to obiect that to another which others might farre more iustly haue laid vpon himselfe Thus then wrot the Churches of the East vnto Saint Cyprian as much offended with the insolencie which Stephen had vsed vpon this occasion so that Pamelius had reason I confesse to say as he did That he would willingly haue left out this Epistle as Manutius had done before him but that Morelius i. Turnebus himselfe had printed it in his edition How farre is all this short of that mild and temperat humour of Saint Cyprian Cyprian Epist ad Inbaianum Edit Paris 70. in Edit Pamelij 73. We saith he will not fall at variance with our Collegues and fellow Bishops for the Heretikes sakes We maintaine in patience and meekenesse the loue of heart the honour of our societie the band of faith and Priestlie vnitie And for this cause at this present by the inspiration of God haue we written a treatise of the Benefits of Patience And at the same time for a lenitife of this sharpe humour he wrot another booke of Zeale and Enuie Such were the essayes of the Bishops of Rome euen in the heat of persecution and such were the wiles of Satan to serue his owne turne and to set forward his worke by their ambition and bad carriage of a good cause But Constantine comming shortly after to restore peace vnto the Churches and as it were to shed forth the sweet influence of his liberalitie and fauour vpon them these sparkes of ambition fostered by his bountie and no waies restrained by
others all which were found in the Popes Librarie Now therefore let vs see what answere the Bishops of the East made to those letters of Pope Iulius They tooke sayth Socrates his reproofes in scorne Socrat. lib. 2. c. 11. edit lat Greca cap. 13. and calling a Synod at Antioch by common aduise and consent they returned his imputations backe vpon himselfe with all bitternesse telling him That he was no more to controll them if they thought fit to depriue anie man in their Churches than they intermedled at what time Nouatus was cast out of the Church at Rome Sozomene addeth Sozom. edit lat l. 3. c. 7. Graec. c. 8. That their answere was full of scoffes and threats For sayth he they attributed indeed verie much to the Church of Rome as the mother Citie and schole of pietie and of religion though so it were that their first instructors in Christian religion came vnto them out of the East yet for all this disdained they to be reckoned their inferiors as they who made it not their glorie to excell in pompe and riches but in vertue pietie Socrat. l. 2. edit lat c. 13. Graec. c. 17. and Christian resolution c. offering peace and communion vnto Iulius but still vpon condition that he should put out of his protection those Bishops of theirs which were fled vnto him This answere sayth Socrates much offended Iulius and it seemeth that it wrought vpon him for in his next letter he complaineth onely That they called him not to their Synod whereas before he pretended that they might not call a Councell without his authoritie he alledgeth now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Canon of the Church forbad to impose anie Law vpon the Churches without the aduise of the Bishop of Rome whereas before he pretended a right absolutely to dispose of all which was the thing which moued them to replie that they would not be ordered nor concluded by him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 By which it appeareth that that answere of Iulius to the Easterne Bishops which we find in the Councels is meerely counterfeit seeing he is there made to speake worse than in the former euen to alledge That in the Councell of Nice there is a Canon which forbiddeth to call a Councell or to condemne anie man without the aduice of the Bishop of Rome though there be there no such word to be found witnesse the Glosse vpon that verie Epistle where he confesseth that there is no such thing there said apertè sed reducibilitèr i. not in plaine tearmes but onely by collection And thus we see how vnder colour of protecting Athanasius the Pope made way to his owne ambition Neither is Baronius his cause anie jot furthered and aduanced all this while He brought in Syluester who good man as he was neuer dreamt of anie such gay clothes attyred like an Emperour as we saw before and now he telleth vs that his successor Marcus began first to giue the Pall to other Bishops Pallium We read sayth he in the life of Marcus Baron an 336. art 62. to 3. that he ordained that the Bishop of Ostia whose office it was to consecrate the Bishop of Rome should at the time of consecration vse a Pall whereupon sayth he non inficias imus we denie not that he gaue him the Pall. Had Baronius beleeued it himselfe he would no doubt haue spoken it more roundly But let that passe this I aske when he sayth That this is the first place where the Pall is mentioned doth he not thereby acknowledge it to be a noueltie When he giueth it to the Bishop of Ostia at Rome gates is it not an argument that he sent it not at that time to the Metropolitans and Archbishops of farther countries Neither indeed is there anie mention made of this weed in all this age nor in manie succeeding ages after neither in the East neither in the West nor yet in Italie it selfe and must we then stand vnto a Legend as to a sufficient proofe For whereas he would proue it out of Isidore Pelusiota Baron an 216. vol. 2. art 15. 16. Isidor Pelusio l. 1. ep 136. a scholer of Chrysostomes it maketh cleane against him for it is there said that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Baronius interpreteth to be Pallium was worne by euerie Bishop in time of celebration and consequently no priuiledge of Metropolitanes or prerogatiue of certaine Bishops much lesse a present to be receiued or a commoditie to be bought for readie money at the Bishop of Rome his warehouse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his words are these The garment which the Bishop weareth vpon his shoulders made of wooll and not of linnen signifieth vnto vs the skin of the lost sheepe which the Lord sought and hauing found him layed him vpon his shoulders For the Bishop bearing a type and figure of Christ must also performe his office So farre is he from deriuing it from the High Priests of the Iewes to appropriat it to the Pope and to such as he for a fauour is pleased to impart it We haue alreadie shewed what maine opposition was made against the attempts of Pope Iulius yet doth Baronius vpon that attempt onely without effect ground an absolute and soueraigne power of the Bishops of Rome in generall He called saith he a Councell at Rome Baron an 340. art 1. sequ requested thereunto by the Arrians themselues who being cast out of the East hoped to find reliefe and succour in the West For answer we say that this was no Generall but a Nationall Councell such as euery Metropolitan might and the Bishops of Alexandria Antioch Hierusalem and Constantinople often did call in their seuerall dioces such as did Athanasius himselfe in this verie cause of Arrius Athanas Apologes 2. But this we affirme that no one of the generall Councels was euer called by other than the Emperour himselfe though at the request of Bishops so oft as cause required An euident argument that there was not at that time anie one Bishop acknowledged as soueraigne ouer all the rest by occasion whereof they were forced to haue recourse to a supreme secular power whensoeuer there was cause for Metropolitans and Patriarchs for the Clergie of sundrie Prouinces for the Bishops of the East and West Churches to assemble and meet together for the ordering of matters in the Church whence also it came to passe that during the space of three hundred yeares vntill the reigne of Constantine we neuer read of any Generall Councell and but of few Nationall yet were there in all that time Bishops of Rome neither during that eclipse of Christian Emperours in the reigne of Iulian could anie Councell be assembled how great soeuer the necessitie of the Church at that time was and yet the Bishops of Rome were at that time growne to some jolitie and began to looke somewhat big vpon the matter and
of the Church the schisme of Donatus and the heresie of Pelagius where both were condemned and Pelagius concerning whose doctrine Pope Innocent thought fit to suspend his judgement was excommunicated And all this done without consulting the Bishop of Rome onely sentence being alreadie passed he was entreated to joyne his authoritie and voyce with theirs for so goe the words of those Fathers in a letter which they sent vnto him reported by S. Augustine We haue say they Concil Carth. ad Innocent to 1. pa. 469. August Epist 90 by common consent pronounced Pelagius and Caelestius to be excommunicated c. for the amendment if not of them yet of those whom they haue seduced Which done we haue thought good deere brother to signifie so much vnto thee to the end that vnto this ordinance of our mediocritie thou shouldest ioyne the authoritie of the See Apostolike So that here we see a sentence plainely and absolutely giuen and yet vnder these tearmes of humilitie there is no disparagement or inequalitie to be obserued In like sort the Fathers of the Mileuitan Councell Concil Mileuit in Epist ad Innocent to 1. Concil apud August Epist 92. Concil Mileuit c. 3. Seeing say they that the Lord of his speciall grace hath placed thee in that Apostolike See being such a one as that our negligence would be condemned if we should conceale anything from thee which maketh for the good of the Church rather than our feare excused as if we doubted of thy good acceptance we therefore entreat thee to vse thy Pastorall care and diligence in these so great perils and dangers of the members of Christ c. Their meaning was that hee should doe in these cases of heresie within the limits of his jurisdiction in the West as they had alreadie done in the East But when they saw that vpon their round dealing with them in the East he was the rather inclined to absolue them in the West they made short worke and passed this decree in full Synod Whosoeuer shall say that the grace of God in which we are iustified by Iesus Christ is auailable onely for the remission of sinnes past and that it is no helpe to vs against sinne hereafter let him bee Anathema And thereupon adde they farther This errour and impietie which hath euerie where so many followers and abettors ought also to be Anathematised and condemned by the See Apostolike As if they should haue said It is high time Innocent that now you shew your selfe and doe your duetie All which Innocent as one not willing to breake with them passed ouer and seemed not to vnderstand but as if they had fled to him as to their superiour frameth them an answer onely to futher his owne ambition Apud August Epist 90. to 1 Concil apud August Epist 91 You haue saith he well obserued the ordinances of the ancient Fathers and not troden vnder foot that which they not in humane wisedome but by diuine order haue established namely that whatsoeuer is done in places though neuer so remote should for finall conclusion be referred to the audience of the See of Rome And againe You haue Apud August Epist 92. saith he had due regard of the Apostolike honour I say of him which hath the charge and care of all other Churches in asking aduise of him in these perplexities and intricate causes Following herein the ancient Canon which you as well as my selfe know to haue beene obserued in all the world And where I pray you good Innocent and when was it so obserued for saw you not the contrarie in Afrike it selfe and in these two last Councels practised But let vs see whether they vse him any better in his matter of Appeales The Fathers of the Mileuitan Councell spake plainely Concil Mileuit Can. 22. It hath beene say they thought fit in the case of Priests Deacons and other inferiour Clergie men if in their causes they complaine of the wrongfull iudgement of the Bishop that then the next adioyning Bishops shall heare and end their cause by the consent of their owne Bishop And if they thinke fit to appeale from them also yet that they appeale not but onely to the Councels of Afrike or to the Primate of the Prouince But if any shall presume to appeale beyond the seas that no man presume to receiue that man to his communion And it is verie probable that the like decrees were made in other Churches of the West howsoeuer Gratian 2. q. 6. c. 35. to saue the Popes jurisdiction addeth these words Vnlesse saith he they appeale to the See of Rome whereas it was properly against that See that they raised this countermure and bulwarke of defence Bellarmine yet goeth more finely to worke and saith That this Canon concerneth only the inferior Orders But the Canon next precedent which properly prouideth for the cases of Bishops is linked with this as wel in reason as in order the conclusion is general Whosoeuer shall offer to appeale beyond the sea c. without any distinction betweene Priest and Bishop Concil Carthag apud Balsam Can. 31. ex Concil African and in the margent there is noted this diuers lection Aliàs That they appeale not beyond the sea but to the Primates of their Prouinces as it hath often beene ordained in case of Bishops and so are all sorts of Clergie men comprised And in like manner is this Canon read in the Greeke copies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And to conclude this point we may not forget that Saint Augustine himselfe was present at this Councell All these things standing as they doe let vs now see what arguments Baronius hence draweth to the preiudice of the Churches of Spaine and Afrike in fauour of the Pope And first saith he in the third Councell of Carthage Baron to 5. an 497. art 55. can 48. it is decreed That concerning the baptisme of the Donatists Syricius Bishop of Rome and Simplicianus of Milan should be consulted The one saith he as head of the Church the other for the worthinesse of his person whereas the Fathers themselues make no such difference but say they we haue thought good to consult our brethren and fellow Priests Syricius and Simplicianus and no maruell seeing that Aurelius Bishop of Carthage wanting fit ministers to furnish his Churches wrot ioyntly to Anastasius Bishop of Rome and to Venerius Bishop of Milan to supplie his want calling them Holie Brethren Secondly Concil Carthag 3. ca. 26. Distinct 99. ca. primae sedis he taketh on because we alledge the Canon Primae sedis That the Bishop of the first See should not be called Prince or the Chiefe of Priests or High Priest or by any such like name And I would know whether these are not the verie words of the Canon it selfe or are they not so reported by Gratian in the Decrees Yea but he wil not that we should extend them to Rome especially
in Apelog in l. 20. l. Concil or ended in a lawfull Synod which Synod was held the yeare following at Rome in the Acts whereof we find it thus written Synod Roma 4. Palmaria dicta The Synod here assembled out of diuers countries by the commandement of the most religious King Theodorie c. And againe The Royall authoritie hauing so commaunded that the Bishops should assemble here at Rome out of diuers Prouinces c. The reason is for that one Metropolitan hath no power ouer another and therefore when Bishops of diuers Prouinces had occasion to assemble themselues in a Synod it could not be done without the Kings authoritie and in this Synod were present the Bishops of Liguria Emilia and Venice to decide this cause wherein the Bishop of Rome was defendant Yea but saith Baronius the Bishops told him that it belonged not vnto him true but read on and you shall find that he replied That the Pope himselfe had by his letters declared his will touching the calling of this Synod which was that Theodoric should call it and thereupon thanketh him for so doing as hauing thereby giuen him the meanes to justifie and to cleare himselfe And it followeth afterward That this Synod presumed not to decree anie thing without making the King first acquainted therewith And againe it is there said That Symmachus was forced by the Emperour to enter the lists against his aduersaries and that before the Fathers assembled in this Synod as before his lawfull Delegates or Commissioners Nunquam commisisset For saith he he would neuer haue committed this cause to them as a new cause had he held him as alreadie conuict Then follow the Acts themselues Whiles they were in deliberation what was fit to be done Symmachus came and offered to plead his cause And hauing expressed the violences which his aduersaries had vsed towards him the Fathers spake and said That they must yet againe flie to the iustice of the Prince c. who declared there openly That the knowledge and ordering of Church matters belonged vnto them that he brought nothing but reuerence with him when he came to the hearing of such causes and that he committed it to the power of the Bishops to heare or not to heare it and to dispose thereof at their discretion prouided that by the care and wisedome of the Councell the Christians might haue peace within the Citie By all which it appeareth that he did not put off his authoritie from himselfe to conferre it vpon the Bishop of Rome In the end these Fathers proceeding according to the commaundement of the Prince resolued in this intricate cause to arbitrate and to compose the variance rather than as Iudges to decide it and for the peace of the Church to cloake offences rather than to expose them to the view of the world and therefore commaunded they the people to receiue Symmachus againe leauing the judgement to God of those things which could not sufficiently be proued by men And let the reader note these words of the Fathers According to the commaund of the Prince which giueth vs this power But we restore all Ecclesiasticall power to him againe as well within the Citie as without And who will say that by these words they acknowledged the Pope for Bishop of all the world or that Theodoric called this Councell by the Popes authoritie especially seeing that we find at the same time An. 509. That the Councell at Agda in Languedoc of Orthodox Bishops was assembled and held by the authoritie of Alaric an Arrian by profession and a Goth by nation which yet the Fathers themselues acknowledge in the verie beginning of that Councell Acta Concil Agath This Synod assembled say they in the name of the Lord in this Citie of Agda by the permission of King Alaric and therefore they ordained prayers and supplications to be made for his prosperitie And seeing also we read that shortly after whiles the same Symmachus was yet Pope the first Councell of Orleans was held whereof Hincmar speaking in the life of S. Rhemigius saith That by the aduise of S. Rhemigius An. 512. Acta Concil Aurelian 1. in 1. to Concilior Clouis called a Synod of Bishops at Orleans where were manie good things ordained And the Fathers themselues of that Councell in their Synodall Epistle to King Clouis speake in this manner We say they whom you haue commaunded to come vnto this Synod here to treat of necessarie matters c. Which things they desire afterward to be confirmed by his rightfull iudgement though in his Patent directed to them he speaketh with as much respect to them as he could haue done to the Bishop of Rome himselfe King Clouis saith he to our holie Lords the Bishops most worthie of the Apostolike See c. and at the foot thereof Pray ye for me my holie Lords Popes most worthie of the Apostolike See This good King had neuer yet learned this lesson though instructed by S. Rhemigius that there were no more Popes but one no other Apostolike See but that of Rome All which we haue beene faine to deduce at large to right the Historie of that wrong which our great Annalist hath done vnto it 14. PROGRESSION Of sundrie opportunities and meanes which the Popes about the yeare 500 had to raise themselues to their pretended Primacie IN this age which came to close vp the first fiue hundred yeares manie opportunities offered themselues to open the passage to the Popes ambition First the absence of the Emperors who now resided wholly at Constantinople and yet to maintaine their authoritie in the West thought it fit to make faire weather alwaies with Popes of Rome who neuer let slip anie opportunitie which might serue to encrease their Estate Secondly the comming downe of the Northerne nations who one after another assayled Italie and spoyled it at their pleasure all which were faine to sooth and to flatter the Popes onely to haue their fauour and furtherance at their need Thirdly diuerse Heresies which then sprung vp both in the East and also in the South from whence the heretikes when they were condemned at home fled presently to Rome whether by Appeale or whether by way onely of Reuiew to haue their cause heard againe before his pretended Primacie Adde we hereunto that in all places men were willing to hold correspondencie with the Bishop of the first See who resided in the chiefe Citie of the Empire and who was held for the source and fountaine of all good and found aduise in matters of importance the greater part of the world in the meane time not obseruing how the Popes by little and little made their aduises to stand for lawes and interpreted all requests made vnto them for consultations how they turned their mediations into Commissions and that being chosen for arbitrators they euer made themselues Iudges And note withall to the end you may discerne how their doctrines crept into the
in an abridgement of the historie Author Coaetaneus apud Vigner pa. 214. saith in expresse words That after many mischiefes done vpon the people of Rome they made them sweare fealtie to the Emperour and confirmed Sergius in his See againe as not holding his Title of the Popedome for good before much lesse of the Seigneurie of Rome And Anastasius doth not sticke to tell vs That the Popes authoritie was then and there questioned and debated for saith he Drogo Archbishop of Metz and other Archbishops and Bishops gathered together against this Vniuersall Church and Head of all other Churches without the leaue of their Metropolitan and did euerie day make new quarels against our most holie Pope and his Bishops And if you aske who they were that joyned with Drogo he telleth you That they were Gregorie Archbishop of Rauenna Anguilbert of Milan Ioseph Bishop of Iuree Agin of Verona Almaric of Coma Norchauld of Verseils Saufredus of Rhegium Toringar of Concorda Odelbert of Aqui Ambrose of Luques Iohn of Pisa Peter of Volaterra Gauspran of Pistoria Cancio of Sienna Lupus of Textina Sisimond of Aprusia Pico of Scolana Fratellus of Camerin Gisus of Ferma Racipert of Nocera Amadis of Pinna Donate of Frisoli and others and with them the Counts Boso Adelgisus Iohn Guido Vernard Wifrid Maurinus and others that is the better part of the Bishops of all Italie Insomuch that Anguilbert Archbishop of Milan separated himselfe wholly from the Roman Church which one of his predecessors had newly acknowledged some sixty yeres before And this separation dured as the sequell of this historie will declare two hundred yeres Sigonius obserueth this separation but concealeth the cause which was the pride of that See Simonie other disorders there vsed in the time of Sergius Besides that Theodorus Abbot of Fulden reporteth of this Anguilbert That he was much affectioned to the memorie of good S. Ambrose whose liturgie continued in the Church of Milan at that day and long after To go on with the time Baronius vpon the yere 839 produceth out of the Vatican a certaine Epistle of Gregorie the fourth An. 839. written to the Bishops of France Germanie of Europe and of all Prouinces he might haue made shorter work and haue written to all the world wherein vpon the complaint of Aldric Bishop of Mans made of the wrongs done vnto him by the other Bishops he giueth them to vnderstand That according to the ancient Canons an Appeale from them lay to Rome or to his Legat à Latere exhorting them in all hast to take horse and come away to him This pretence of the Popes was no newes to them and wee haue said alreadie That Charlemaigne was content to sooth the Popes in their humor But Baronius telleth vs not what became of this letter or whether the Bishops of France gaue way to this Appeale or no and it is verie likely that no for had there beene any thing for his purpose or not something against it we should haue beene sure to haue heard of it Baronius told vs before That Charlemaigne disposed not of the Empire as properly depending of the Popes election and we there shewed the contrarie Loe now Lewis surnamed the Courteous Charlemaines sonne he from whom they claime that goodlie donation who disposeth absolutely of the Empire and of Rome it selfe Thegan de gest Ludouici as we haue alreadie declared And farther Theganus saith That he named his sonne Lotharins after his decease to receiue all the kingdomes which God had giuen him by the hands of his father Nomen Imperium Nitard li. 1. and to haue both the name and Empire of their father which the other sonnes much stormed at And Nitard saith That he diuided his whole Empire among his sonnes in such sort that Pepin should haue Gascoine Lewis Bauiere but Lotharius after his decease should haue the whole Empire and suffered him in his life time to beare with him the name of Emperour And when the brothers after many hot bickerings Helmold l. 1. c. 4 came at last to an agreement In the end saith Helmoldus by the mediation of Pope Sergius this discord was appeased and the realme diuided into foure parts in such sort that Lotharius had Rome with Italie Lorraine and Burgundie for his part Lewis the riuer of Rhine and all Germanie Charles France and Pepin all Guiene both which were writers of that time or not long after 30. PROGRESSION That Leo the fourth was consecrated without the Emperours leaue and how the matter was excused An. 847. WHen Lewis was returned into France Pope Sergius the second dyed in the yeare 847 and the same day was elected Leo the fourth and presently consecrated contrarie to the law and without expecting the pleasure of the Prince The people excused their doing by reason of the Sarasens who at that time pressed sore vpon them and Leo his sufferance as being forced thereunto by the people Anastas in Leo. 4. who yet as Anastasius reporteth liued in feare of Lewis his second returne to Rome vpon the like occasion as feeling their wounds yet bleeding of his first being there And farther he obserueth That they carried him to the Patriarches Palace of Lateran and there after the ancient custome kissed his feet And yet all the antiquitie of this custome was but since the time of Valentine who as himselfe reporteth was the first author of it and liued some thirtie yeares past And for the rest this was that Leo which walled and fortified the Vatican against the Sarasens OPPOSITION An. 854. Leo about the yeare 854 cried for helpe to Lotharius against the Sarasens who presently sent his sonne Lewis with an armie into Italie but withall because he was informed That the discipline as well of the Church as Estate of Italie established heretofore by his father and grandfather was much fallen to decay he commanded him as soone as the warres would giue him leaue to call together the Bishops and the chiefe men of Italie to aduise of some course for the restoring thereof Lewis hauing assembled them at Pauia and calling vnto him Anguilbert Archbishop of Milan he who as we haue alreadie said separated himselfe from the Roman Church judge Reader by that which followeth how farre the regall authoritie then reached and Andrew Patriarch of Aquileia signified vnto them That his pleasure was to take a particular account of the liues and dueties of the Bishops and the rest of the Clergie of their sermons of the repâ—â—ation of Churches and Hospitals of the regularitie of Monkes of the jurisdiction of the Counties De Iurisdictione Comitum and to reforme in euerie person and degree what he could find amisse commaunding those two to make relation of what he had said vnto the other Bishops who were so farre from declining his jurisdiction that they yeelded him a particular account vpon euerie of the said articles humbly requesting him to grant such as
according to his Gospell That the Church of Rome with other Churches in the world were departed from the traditions of the Apostles That they all sought after riches and pleasure and dominion ouer the people consumed in wickednesse and luxurie the goods destinated to the poore people of Christ That they either knew not the commaundements of God or if they knew them made little account of them These are Pius the second his own words in which who acknowledgeth not the voyce of truth He addeth immediatly The principall men of this great Synod perceiuing the obstinacie and immouable courage of these miserable men gaue sentence That putrified members of the Church which could not bee healed were to be cut off least they should infect the whole bodie putrified members because they accuse their putrifaction In the assemblie therefore it was concluded That such were to be burned that reiected the doctrine of the Church So that they who held that it belonged not to Ecclesiastical persons to sentence any man to death by the testimonie of Pius himselfe were their judges in this case Touching the sentence pronounced against Hus he expresly saith That he appealed from them to Christ Iesus the soueraigne Iudge which was not the least part of their crime But as touching their death Both of them saith Pius suffered death with a constant mind and went ioyfully to the fire as if they had beene inuited to a feast neither of them yeelding any one word that might discouer any shew of heauinesse or a discontented mind When they began to burne they began to sing a hymne which hardly the flame and noyse of the fire could let to be heard Neuer haue we read of any of the Philosophers that suffered death with better resolution and greater courage than these endured the fire Poggius a Florentine an honorable writer of our age writes an eloquent Epistle of the death of Hierome to Nicholas Nicholai though he seeme according to his maner to inueigh a little against the manners of the Clergie This Poggius whom hee here alledgeth who was Secretarie to the Councell Poggius Concilij Constantiens Secretar in Epist. ad Leonard Aretinum writ an Epistle to Leonard Aretine which for as much as it is worthie the reading I haue here thought good to set down at large Soiourning for many dayes at the Bathes saith he I writ from thence a letter to our friend Nicholas which I thinke you haue read Afterwards some few dayes after my returne to Constance the cause of Hierome whom they tearme an heretike was heard and that publikely which I haue thought good to relate vnto you both for the weightinesse of the matter and especially for the eloquence and learning of the man I confesse I haue neuer seene any man that in pleading a cause especially that concerned his life who hath come neerer to those auncient Orators we haue so much admired It is a wonderfull thing to see with what words what eloquence what arguments what cariage what countenance what confidence he answered his aduersaries and at the last concluded his plea in such sort as that it is much to be lamented that so noble a spirit and so excellent should applie it selfe to those studies of heresie si tamen vera sunt quae sibi obijciunt if neuerthelesse note the words of Poggius the matters obiected against him be true for it belongs not vnto me to iudge of so great a cause but I refer myselfe to the opinions of those who are wiser than my selfe Neither would I haue you to thinke that according to the maner of Orators I relate vnto you euerie particular circumstance of this businesse for it were too tedious and a worke of many dayes I will onely touch some principall places whereby you may in some sort vnderstand the learning of the man This Hierome being charged with many matters which tended to heresie and those confirmed by witnesse it was at the last determined placuit that he should answer publikely to euerie poynt that was obiected against him Being therefore brought before the assemblie and commaunded to answer to such poynts as were obiected a long time he refused to doe it alledging that hee was first to plead his owne cause before he answered to the false accusations of his aduersaries but this condition being denied him standing in the middle of the assemblie What iniustice is this saith he that hauing lyen for three hundred and sixtie dayes in prison in ordure in stench in fetters and want of all earthly comforts whatsoeuer in all which time you haue heard my aduersaries speake against me and yet you will not now suffer me to speake one houre for my selfe Hence it is that whilest euerie mans eares are open vnto them to heare in so long a time whatsoeuer may persuade that I am an heretike an enemie of the faith a persecutor of Ecclesiasticall persons and shut against me whereby I haue no meanes to defend my selfe that you haue concluded me to bee an heretike in your owne conceipts before you know what I am And yet notwithstanding all this yee are but men and not gods not perpetuall but mortall such as can stumble and fall and erre be deceiued be seduced c. In the end it was decreed that first he should answer to those errours that were obiected against him and afterwards he should haue leaue to speake what he would There were read therefore out of the pulpet all the heads of his accusation which were likewise confirmed by witnesses Then it was demaunded whether he had any thing to obiect It is incredible to be spoken how cunningly he aunswered with what arguments he defended himselfe He neuer spake any thing vnworthie a good man insomuch that if he thought that in his heart which he professed in words there could not be found in him any iust cause of death or of the least or lightest offence He affirmed all to be false and that they were all crimes deuised against him by those that hated him But by and by the cause for the multitude and weight of the offences which could not be determined in one day was put off for three dayes longer At which time the arguments of euerie crime being recited and by many witnesses affirmed he arising Forasmuch saith he as you haue with such diligence heard mine aduersaries it is right and conuenient that with indifferent minds yee likewise heare me speake Which after much adoe being graunted vnto him he first began with praier vnto God that he would be pleased to giue him that mind and that facultie of speech that might redownd to the saluation of his owne soule And then I know saith hee many excellent men that haue suffered many things vnworthie their vertues oppressed by false witnesses condemned by vniust Iudges c. And againe it is an vniust thing that a Priest should be condemned by a Priest and yet this was vniustly done by the Colledge and Councell of Priests
chaires and forsaking their flockes to goe a gadding and roming into other countries haunting Marts and Faires for filthie lucres sake and little caring to feed and releeue their hungrie and staruing brethren so that themselues might haue money at their will getting lands by fraud and money by griping vsurie and what did we not An. 253. saith he deserue for these ill doings This was after the yeare 253. And as bad weeds grow apace in the Church if God from time to time crop them not so Eusebius imputeth that succeeding persecution of Dioclesian to the same causes as before An. 302. Euseb lib. 8. c. 1. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There was saith he among vs nought else but cursed speakings and continualliarres of Prelats falling out with Prelats and congregations with congregations They also which seemed to be Pastors casting off the law and rule of pietie kindled contentions betweene themselues seeking onely to encrease debates threats iealousies heart-burnings and reuenge with an immoderat desire to commaund and sway as in a Tyrannie And therefore lesse wonder is it if afterward taking their ease vnder Constantine the Great many of them became fit instruments some more some lesse to aduance the Mysterie whereof we speake An. 310. 2 Constantine therefore affecting the Christian religion about the yeare 310 set himselfe to bestow huge largesses vpon the Christian Churches especially vpon that of Rome as chiefe citie of the Empire and the place where his person most vsually resided largesses I say and heritages of great reuenewes with sumptuous ornaments all inuentaried in the life of Syluester Lib. 4. de Episc Cler. in Co. Theod. Damasus Anastas in Syluestro written by Damasus Bishop of Rome and by Anastasius surnamed Bibliothecarius and his greatest princes becomming conuerts after his example did the like both by deeds of gift and legacies which Constantine ratified and authorised by law expresse And the more to win credit and to inure his people to Christianitie about the yeare 330 as he pulled downe Idolatry so he applied the reuenewes of their temples to the maintenance of the Christian Churches so that in short time the Roman Church grew exceeding rich All which and euerie particular thereof appeareth in the said life of Syluester and by Cedrenus in his historie where he saith Cedrenus pag. 243. That in the 26 and 27 yeares of his Empire Constantine laboured to pull downe the Idols with their Temples and to conuey their rents and reuenewes to the Churches of God And herewithall went forward still and encreased that pretence of the Bishops of Rome vnto the Primacie whereof we find too many markes in their Epistles euen in those of Syluester himselfe but I make a conscience to alledge them because the more learned sort and Cardinall Casanus himselfe hold them all or the most part for counterfeit vntill the time of Pope Syricius which was the yere 400 as we haue elsewhere declared 3 Neither doe we here speake of that pretended donation of Constantine made vnto the Church of Rome in the person of Syluester as well of the citie of Rome as of a great part of Italie as being a thing contrarie and repugnant to the whole course of histories for that we find no fourth Consulship of Constantine the son and Gallicanus which yet is the date of that donation Because Damasus Bishop of Rome in the life of Syluester so particularly by him described maketh no such mention and Anastasius as little Because all Italie and Rome it selfe came afterwards in partage among the sonnes of Constantine as Eusebius Victor Zozimus Euseb lib. 4. c. 51 Idem de vita Constant lib. 4. c. 49. 50. 51. Zozimus lib. 2. Victor in Constantin Zonaras to 3. Agaâ—â—n Epist ad â—â—â—stant Pogâ—â—â—t in Actis 6. Synod and Zonaras report Because Isidore Burchard and Iuo judging it Apocryphal haue omitted it in their seuerall Collections of decrees Because Pope Agatho himselfe writing many yeares after to Constantine Pogonatus calleth Rome Vrbem Imperatoris seruilem i. The seruile towne or citie of the Emperour Because the most reputed men of the Roman Church haue refuted and reiected it namely a Anton. Archiep part 1. tit 8. c. 2. § sic inquit Antonine Archbishop of Florence b Volaterra in vita Constantin Raphael Volaterranus c Hieron Catalan in practica Cancella Apostol Hieronimus Catalanus Chamberlaine to Pope Alexander the sixt d Otho Frisingens in Annal. Otho Frisingensis e Cardin. Cusanus in concord Cathol lib. 3. Cardinall Casanus f Laurent Valla de ficta donatione Laurentius Valla Senator of Rome g Franciscus Guicciard in locis duobus de Papa Francis Guicciardine and others euerie one of them famous in their seuerall generations Aeneas Syluius himselfe afterward Pope Pius the second in a particular treatise cited by the foresaid Catalanus Because Platina the Popes Historian is ashamed to mention it to be short Because that in the pretended originall it selfe kept in the Vatican and written in letters of gold the scribe which wrot it hath added at the foot thereof in false Latine Quam fabulam longi temporis mendacia finxit i. Which fable a lye of long continuance hath forged And forged indeed with monstrous impudencie when it is there said That Constantine the fourth day after his baptisme gaue this priuiledge also to the Bishop of Rome That all the Priests throughout the Empire should acknowledge him for their head as Iudges acknowledge their King Surely it should seeme that this good Emperour was not well instructed by Syluester in the rights and priuiledges of the Bishops of Rome since it appeareth that he knew not that they came from heauen nor Syluester himselfe well learned in this point since he chose to hold them as from the Emperour rather than from Saint Peter And againe it is there said That Constantine gaue to Syluester and to his successors the Primacy ouer the Sees of Alexandria Antioch Hierusalem Constantinople and all other Churches of the world Doubtlesse Syluester had neuer gone to schoole with the Iesuites where he might haue learned That it belonged properly to him to haue giuen the Empire vnto Constantine as for himselfe that this Primacie and preheminence ouer all other Churches was giuen him in the Gospell And farther it is there said That of purpose to make roome for the Pope the Emperour built Constantinople It being vnfit as it is there said that where the Empire of Priests should be there the earthlie Emperour should intermeddle or haue any thing to doe Yet is it euident that afterward Constantine allotted Rome to one of his sonnes and that many Emperours after him made that their ordinarie dwelling And to conclude this priuiledge was to endure to the end of the world with Crowne and Mantle and other Imperiall robes and he by Constantine damned to the pit of hell without hope of remission that should offer
vnderstand that this belonged onely to the Bishop of Rome which saith he the Emperour testifieth by that Epistle which he wrote vnto him thereupon by which letter at the solicitation of Anulinus he joyned him in commission with those other three for the hearing and determining of that cause in the Synod Seeing therefore that he groundeth the reformation of the Emperours judgement vpon this Epistle it shall not be amisse to examine the contents thereof First the title of it is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb lib. 10. cap. 5. A copie of the Emperour Constantine his letter by which he commaundeth to call a Synod at Rome for the vnitie and concord of the Churches The superscription this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. To Miltiades Bishop of Rome and to Marcus Where Baronius impatient to see a companion joyned with the Pope to make him all in all in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by what authoritie I know not nor what copie he hath to follow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But graunt we that it is so what doth I pray you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie in all auncient Writers and euen in Dionysius himselfe whom they falsely surname the Areopagite but onely a Bishop that is a man hauing charge and ouersight of diuine Seruice But to the purpose it is farre more likely if we will stand vpon conjectures that that word Marcus was written short to stand for Maternus or Marinus with an abbreuiation in the end in this manner Materno or Marino c. a thing vsuall in those Patents which they called Formatas or Sacras when they were directed to manie at once of whom in the exemplifications they named onely some few of the first and then added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. and to the rest And such might that copie of Eusebius be But what sayth the Patent it selfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a word vsuall in their solemne decrees that is It hath seemed good vnto me that Caecilian with ten other Bishops should repaire to Rome there to haue hearing before you and before Rheticus Maternus and Marinus your Collegues whom I haue commanded to hasten thither for this purpose according to that of S. Augustine where he sayth August in breu Collat. That then and thâ—â—e were read the letters of the Emperour before them by which he enioyned them to heare the cause of Caecilian Also I haue caused to be deliuered into their hands the copies sent vnto me by Anulinus the Proconsall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the end that your Grauitie a great inciuilitie of the Emperour not to say your Holinesse may the better aduise of some course to be held in the proceedings and finall determination of this cause And now let the reader judge where the authoritie then rested and what omnipotencie the Pope then had But so eagre are they in this matter that of a simple voice and suffrage of the Pope they will needs make a definitiue sentence By the sentence of Miltiades sayth Baronius this cause was ended and controuersie decided Baron an eod art 26. hauing no colour for his assertion but onely this that Miltiades spake last whereas the Author speaketh onely in this manner Caecilian was pronounced innocent by all the aboue named Bishops and by the sentence of Miltiades himselfe with which the iudgement was concluded and reason good for he presided as was fit he should being Bishop of Rome in a Synod held at Rome Yet would not the Donatists here rest Optat. cont Parmen lib. 1. and Optatus thereupon sayth That Donatus thought fit to appeale from the Bishops he sayth not from Miltiades or from the Bishop of Rome and that Constantine grew highly offended with this course and cried out O the boldnesse of these mad fellowes they haue entred their appeale as the Gentiles vse to doe in their suites at law so distastfull and vnpleasing to him was this bangling of the Clergie Yet for all this though Baronius should burst for anger the Emperour in the end admitted of their appeale and gaue order that a Councell should be called at Arles for the oyer and terminer of this cause writing to sundrie Bishops and Metropolitanes to be present at it And we find in Eusebius a copie of his Letters Patents directed to Chrestus Bishop of Syracuse the title whereof is as of that other to Miltiades by which he commaundeth a Councell to be called c. and the tenor as followeth Euseb lib. 10. cap. 5. edit Lat. Hauing declared the first judgement which was giuen in this cause by expresse order from himselfe by certaine Bishops of France and Afrike the Bishop of Rome also being there present he saith not President in the end Wee sayth he haue commaunded certaine Bishops to assemble in Synod vpon such a day at Arles giuing him likewise straitly in charge to be there in person to the end saith he that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. by thy Grauitie which qualitie and no other he vsed before vnto Miltiades and by the wisedome of the rest this controuersie may be composed Episto Constant ad Abla ab ipso Baron citat ex Biblioth Pet. Pyth. August ep 68. August cont Parmen lib. 1. cap. 5. To which purpose also he wrote vnto Ablauius Grand Master of the household willing him to follow this businesse and euer with these tearmes Preceperam venire iniungendum duxi facias nauigare and the like So that S. Augustine speaketh verie properly when he sayth Alterum Episcopale iudicium dedit habendum c. that is He appointed another hearing of this cause to be had by the Bishops at Arles leauing it a cleare case to whom it appertained of right to call a Councell And this Emperour caused at length as S. Augustine reporteth two hundred Bishops out of France Italie and Spaine to assemble at Arles himselfe also was there present Baron an 314. art 53. he presided and in the end gaue sentence himselfe in fauour of the Catholiques whereupon Baronius citeth that vnto vs which we find in Eusebius his first booke Euseb de vita Constant lib. 1. cap. 37 38. namely that Constantine taking a particular care of the Churches of God by reason of sundrie dissentions which he saw daily to arise betweene the Bishops himselfe in person as a generall Bishop appointed by God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. assembled Synods of the Ministers and consequently did that which the Pope now claimeth as properly belonging to himselfe Well saith Baronius yet at least this appeareth That the Fathers of this Councell wrote their Synodall Epistle to the Bishop of Rome entreating him thereby to ratifie and confirme their Acts and thence inferreth that the custome and manner of the Church at that time was whensoeuer anie decrees of Councels were agreed vpon and enacted to send them first to the Bishop of Rome as not to be published without his approbation
rate set downe in the Code of Theodosius But grant we that Regiones Suburbicariae and Vrbicariae were all one what getteth hee for Constantine in the third law de Annona Tributo sheweth plainely that by Regiones Suburbicariae were meant onely those which lay within Italie and were neere adjoyning vnto Rome where he speaketh in this manner Anatolius late Consul certified vs that he hath taken away the frauds of the a Tabulariorum Lib. 8. de Annon Tribut l. 3. 11. in Cod. Theodos Collectors per suburbicarias Regiones Which course saith he we commaund also to be held throughout all the other Regions of Italie so that the more remote regions of Italie it selfe are not comprised vnder this name of Suburbicariae Regiones but commaund giuen that these should be ordered after their example So likewise would Baronius faine comprise Sicilie and Afrike vnder the appellation of Vrbicariae Regiones Lib. 11. de Extraord sord muner But the words of Constantine and Constantius in the same Code giue him the lye where it is said That lands of inheritance and fee farme throughout Italie shall be free from all extraordinarie taxes paying only their customarie rates as the lands in Afrike doe The reason followeth For not onely in Italie but also in vrbicarijs Regionibus and in Sicilie lands of inheritance and lands held in fee farme must be rated according to their abilities Whereby it appeareth that Italie was to be eased after the example of Afrike and both Italie and Afrike and Sicilie it selfe distinguished from those which were properly called Vrbicariae Regiones So likewise in that law of Gratian Valentinian and Theodosius it is said by the Emperours vnto Probus Grand Master of the houshould in this manner Let thy sinceritie and vprightnesse obserue an equalitie throughout Italie Tit. Si per obreptioneÌ„ l. vnic Cod. Theodos as likewise in the Regions of Afrike and those which are called Vrbicariae and throughout all Illyria where again he distinguisheth them both from Italie and also from Afrike Now if he will aske what those Suburbe cities were that law of Gratian Theodosius teacheth vs L. 1. de Indulgent debit in Cod. Theodos We commaund say they that Picenum and Thuscia now called La Marca d'Ancona and Tuscanie and yet not all Tuscanie neither being the suburbe Regions shall beare the seuenth part of the tribute not comprising therein so much as Campania now a parcell of the kingdome of Naples nor other Regions of like distance And now let Baronius cast vp his reckonings and see what hee hath gotten by quarelling that place of Ruffinus But be this what he will can he denie that the Bishop of Rome was here ordered and confined as well as the rest As for that Canon which he would put vpon vs Art 57. sequent That from all Churches a man might appeale vnto Rome besides that there is no historie that reporteth it no not Gelasius Cyzicenus himselfe I would aske Whether this sixt Canon be not vtterly repugnant thereunto And farther let him say when men were long after this time sent of purpose to search the Archiues of the Churches of Constantinople Alexandria and Antioch to decide the controuersie betweene the Churches of Carthage and of Rome whether there were any such Canon there found or can he produce any one appeale made to Rome in all that time As for that goodlie Canon of the Councell of Rome which he would thrust vpon vs in these words The first See let no man iudge Baron to 3. an 324. art 130. because all other Sees seeke for equitie at her hands as of the chiefe neither may the Iudge be iudged by any Clergie Emperour or King or people whatsoeuer who is so ill aduised as to beleeue them in their owne cause or who seeth not that this is a meere tricke and gâ—llerie put vpon the reader For what kings could they meane if Pagans what can be more ridiculous if Christians where were any in those dayes and consequently what more vaine moreouer doe we not see the contrarie practised in the Nicene Councell immediatly ensuing And why is he not then ashamed to cousen the world with a false coyne so apparently discouered and bored thorough by all Historians and writers It is said in the acts of that Synod That there were 139 Bishops ex vrbe Roma aut non longè ab illa i. out of the citie of Rome or not farre from thence What were there more Bishops than one at Rome and where I pray you should a man find so many Bishops so neere to Rome It is also there said That Helena the mother of Constantine was there and subscribed to the acts And what had they so soone forgotten the saying of the Apostle That it is not permitted to a woman to speake in the Church Constantine also is there called Domnus which is meerely Gothish and joyned in Consulship with Priscus which was neuer heard of He should not for shame haue alledged this Synod seeing that the verie barbarousnesse of the stile is ynough to conuince it of open forgerie Last of all he saith That the Fathers of the Nicene Councell wrot to Syluester to craue his confirmation of their acts and decrees alledging for proofe hereof the acts of Pope Syluester and not remembring how oft himselfe in other places hath condemned them as false and counterfeit The truth is this that vpon any question arising about religion the Fathers assembled in Councel were wont to send their Synodal Epistle throughout all parts of Christendome Ruffin l. 1. c. 13. and some particulars among them to write their priuat letters to some chiefe and principal Bishops of other countries to acquaint them with the tenor of their acts and to request them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. to giue their suffrage and approbation thereunto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So also were they wont to addresse another Epistle to the Emperour to entreat him to confirme and ratifie their acts and to cause them to be receiued of both which sorts we haue examples in this very Synod of the one in that Synodall Epistle which they wrot to the Church of Alexandria and the rest in Aegypt in which manner they wrot also another Epistle to all Churches in generall without attending any leaue from the Bishop of Rome of the other among the patents of Constantine who was present at this Councell which Epistle we haue in Eusebius Socrates Gelasius Theodoret Euseb de vita Constant lib. 13. Socrat. lib. 1. and others whereby he ordained That Easter day should be kept vpon the day which they appointed and that the bookes of Arrius should bee burnt in all places Which decree was published onely to authorise and to put in execution the Canons agreed vpon and enacted in the Councell And those patents of the Emperour were directed sometimes to the Bishops and people and sometimes to the Churches
to affect a soueraignetie ouer the Church of God But be it Iulius assembled a Synod at Rome at the request as well of Athanasius as of the Eusebians his Antagonists what then Was it to judge of the difference betweene them by way of Appeale or was it rather to compose matters betweene them as an indifferent friend The verie words of Athanasius are these The Eusebians sayth he write vnto Iulius and thinking to affray vs request him to call a Synod and himselfe to be Iudge if he would where the Latine Interpreter rendreth it Arbitrator and Baronius vseth the same word Now I would know whether men vse to speake in this manner of a soueraigne Iudge And indeed the Eusebians seeing Athanasius come to Rome drew backe and made Athanasius wait there a whole yeare and a halfe vntill in the end vpon their non apparance Iulius examined the cause of Athanasius and finding him innocent receiued him to the Communion of the Church Neither did Iulius himselfe in the carriage of this businesse vse anie of this absolute or as they tearme it of this coactiue power neither did his proceedings anie whit at all sauor either of the pretended authoritie of a Pope or of the lawfull power of a generall Councell his words are these Though sayth he I haue written alone yet is not this my opinion onely but of all the Italians and Bishops hereabout Whereby it appeareth that this was no generall Councell but onely a Synode within Italie and therefore hath Baronius no colour to conclude from hence a Power in the Pope to call generall Councels Moreouer in his letters to the Easterne Churches he pretendeth nothing but loue vnto them He that wrote vnto you out of loue sayth he should haue beene answered againe in loue But a little after when he attempted to restore the Bishops whom they had deposed they presently assembled in Synod at Antioch where being there present a farre greater number of Orthodox Fathers than of Arrians as Baronius himselfe confesseth by common voice and consent they reproued his insolencie scoffing at him and bidding him to meddle with what he had to doe Here againe Baronius as his manner is beginneth to juggle with vs Baron to 3. an 341. art 56. and to dazzle our eyes by telling vs that this Epistle was written by the Eusebians when as yet it appeareth to haue beene written and sent by the generall consent of all this being no point of faith and doctrine to distract them but onely of Church gouernment Socrates speaking of this Epistle Socrat. l. 2. c. 11. They wrote saith he all by common consent Now of ninetie Bishops there assembled there were not in all aboue thirtie six Eusebians or Arrians and they not willing to acknowledge that name neither So likewise speaketh Sozomen of this Epistle Sozom. l. 3. c. 7. the points whereof what they are alreadie hath beene declared But what saith Iulius to all this doth he alledge for himselfe that either by vertue of his succession to S. Peter or of the Nicene Councell they ought to appeale to Rome no such matter his words are onely these The Fathers of Nice ordained and that not without the counsell of God that the Acts of one Councell should be examined in another whereby there appeareth no greater power giuen to the Bishop of Rome ouer Alexandria than to the Bishop of Alexandria ouer Rome As for the grieuance whereof he complaineth it is onely this that contrarie to the custome they had not written first of all vnto him concerning the difference fallen out in Alexandria to haue his aduice for the composing thereof as being Bishop of the first See as also that manie Synods had beene held in the East concerning points of faith and doctrine without giuing him notice thereof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contrarie to the Rule and Canon of the Church wherein is contained that none might impose anie law vpon the Churches without the aduice of the Bishop of Rome which was but reason considering the place he held But it followeth not therefore either that he alone might make Canons or that they his aduice once heard might not otherwise determine if they saw cause As for those Epistles of Iulius which we find inserted in the bodie of the Councels they speake in a higher straine nothing there but of Appeales to the See of Rome and of reseruations of all greater causes all founded vpon Scriptures Traditions and the Councell of Nice in all which no one word is to be found tending to that purpose But the verie date of Felicianus and Maximianus Consuls giueth them the lye there being no such Consuls names or anie like vnto them to be found in all that age no not in Onuphrius himselfe and which is the greater wonder Baronius himselfe our grand Annalist is ashamed of them Now come we to examine that famous Councell of Sardica which as Baronius and his fellowes thinke and not without some colour and shew of reason much aduanceth the cause of the Bishop of Rome Baron to 3. an 346. art 5. To begin therefore first I aske who called it That Iulius Bishop of Rome sayth Baronius was the first Author thereof appeareth partly by that which hath beene alreadie spoken and partly by Sozomene who seemeth plainely to insinuate as much But what is this to the purpose The question is Who called it and he for answere telleth vs That the Bishop of Rome was the first Author and aduiser of it whereas the one argueth an authoritie the other onely a care which had beene verie little if in that great combustion he would not haue sought some meanes of pacification But how doth Sozomene seeme to insinuate as much Sozom. l. 3. c. 10. his words are these It seemed good in the minds of the Emperours that the Bishops of either part should at a day appointed meet at Sardica a Citie in Illyria now called Triadizza These are the words of solemnitie and absolute authoritie of the Emperours And Socrates speaking of the same Councell sayth Socrat. l. 2. c. 16. Graec. edit c. 20. That the one Emperour requested it by his letters and the other readily accorded thereunto Also the Synodall Epistle of the Fathers there assembled reported by Theodoret speaketh in this manner The Emperours beloued of God haue assembled vs out of diuers prouinces and countries Theodoret. l. 2. c. 8. and haue giuen vs leaue to hold this holie Synod in this Citie of Sardica And Athanasius a man of all others most interessed in this Councell Athanas Apolog 2. Balsamon in praefat Synod Sardicens By the commaund sayth he of the most religious Emperours Constans and Constantius c. And Balsamon in his preface to this Councell By the commaundement sayth he of these two brothers were assembled 341 Bishops at Sardica And now tell me what are become of Baronius his ghesses Likewise Liberius himselfe successor vnto Iulius sent Lucifer a
it out of question But shall wee therefore call him heretike minimè gentium And why not good sir since many a man hath beene so called vpon farre lesse occasion vnlesse a Pope holding opinion with Arrius by vertue of his Popedome be neither Arrian nor heretike An. 362. Now Athanasius in the yeare 362 held a verie famous Councell in Alexandria whither he inuited the Bishops out of all parts to helpe reestablish the true doctrine of the Church Our Annalist would needs persuade vs that hee did it by order from Liberius and that Liberius confirmed the acts of this Councell Which Baron to 4. an 362. art 208. saith he he plainely expresseth in his Epistle to Ruffinian But let who will read this Epistle and then say whether there be in it any one word tending to that purpose Nazianz. in Athanas At least Gregorie Nazianzene vnderstood it otherwise when as alluding to this Synod assembled by Athanasius he speaketh in this maner He prescribed lawes to all the world and drew euerie mans eyes vpon himselfe And vpon that question Whether and how farre forth such as had fallen were to bee restored he saith That the same courses were taken in all the Synods which had beene assembled In the presence saith he of the Bishops of all forreine Prouinces as also of Greece and of Spaine but of Italie or Rome no one word spoken Likewise in the yeare 364 Sozom. lib. 5. c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there was another Synod held in Lampsacus where the Orthodoxe of Bythinia and Hellespont saith Sozomene sent Hypatianus Bishop of Heraclea to Valentinian the Emperour to intreat leaue to assemble themselues in councell The Emperour wearied with so many Councels called in the time of his predecessor Constans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to so little good purpose made answer That it was not lawfull for him being a lay man to meddle with the matters of the Church Whence Baronius concludeth That he thereby resigned all authoritie he had or could pretend in Church causes But the Emperour addeth farther Let the Church-men assemble themselues where they will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which words they tooke for leaue and thereupon assembled themselues And in the end that fell out which the Emperour foresaw which was that being ouerborne by the aduerse faction they could not hold themselues to the Nicene Creed Here againe Baronius taketh aduantage because they sent three Legats to Liberius Bishop of Rome with a Synodall Epistle True but these Legats comming to him salute him onely by the name of Collegue and brother and to begin withall tell him That they had brought letters to his Benignitie and to all the other Bishops of Italie and of all the regions of the West Who consequently were associated with him in the same letter And what I pray you hath Baronius now gotten Last of all and for an vpshot let vs not forget a good saying of Baronius who Optat. lib. 3. contra Parmen to shew the pride of Donatus alledgeth a saying of Optatus Seeing saith he that there is none aboue the Emperour but God which made him hee therein passed the state of men esteeming himselfe now no longer a man but a God Which was onely for that he refused to accept the almes and offerings of the Emperour with whom he held not communion Let Baronius lay his hand vpon his heart and tell me truely what Optatus would haue said of our Pope of Rome now adayes seeing that he so much lifteth himselfe vp aboue the Emperour both in his decrees and in his actions but onely this That of a trueth he is that man of sinne foretold vnto vs which lifteth himselfe vp aboue God and causeth himselfe to be adored in the Temple of God 6. PROGRESSION What ambition was vsed in aspiring to the Popedome and what was the cause thereof IN the yeare 366 in the election of Damasus successor to Liberius An. 366. appeared plainely with what ambition and violence men aspired to the See of Rome The booke of the Popes saith That Damasus got it by hauing the stronger faction And Ruffin who liued at that time saith That about the choyce arose so great a tumult Liber Pontificalis quia fortior plurima multitudo erat Ruffin l. 1. c. 10. Marcellin l. 27 or rather an open warre whiles some maintained Damasus and others Vrsicin that the houses of prayer that is the churches floated with mans bloud But Ammianus Marcellinus telleth vs both the historie it selfe and also the cause thereof Damasus saith he and Vrsicin enraged with a desire of that Episcopall See drew the people into factions who thereupon grew first to blowes and afterward to murders So that Viuentius finding himselfe too weake either to represse or to appease them withdrew himselfe out of the citie in which conflict Damasus had the vpper hand and it is certaine that in the Church of Sicininus where the Christians vsed to meet at seruice there were left in one day 137 dead bodies and a hard matter it was for a long time after to assuage this enraged populace And thence it was that Ruffin called it an open warre And Marcellinus adding the cause For my owne part saith he I doe not wonder considering the brauerie of that citie if men ambitious of that place set vp their rest for the purchasing thereof for hauing once aspired thereunto they are sure to be enriched with the offerings of gentlewomen and ladies and to be carried in their coaches sumptuously attired and so magnificent in their feasts as passeth any kings table Whereas they might indeed bee truely happie if not regarding the greatnesse of the citie they would order their liues after the manner of other meaner Bishops who approue themselues to the immortall God and to his true worshippers by puritie of life by modestie of behauiour by temperance in meat and drinke poore apparell and lowlie eyes Whence the reader may perceiue and judge wherein consisted the difference betweene the Pope and other Bishops in those dayes yet Baronius glorieth in this pompe and pride of the Popes and taketh great pleasure in these feasts as one delighting to hold his nose ouer the pot Baron to 4. an 367. art 8. 9. Rex Sacrificulus Marcellinus saith he was a Heathen and therefore enuied to see our Soueraigne Pontife to surpasse their High Priest in pompe and glorie But he should haue remembred That this is a question not yet decided among the learned Whether he were a Pagan or a Christian and by his words it should seeme that he was a Christian Hieron Epist 61 The modester sort of Bishops saith he approue themselues to the immortal God and his true worshippers c. What now saith Baronius to all this Hierosme saith he in a certaine Epistle of his telleth vs of one Protextatus then Consull designed who was wont to say vnto Damasus Make thou me Bishop of Rome
and I will quickly make my selfe a Christian And that in Tertullians time also the Pagans were wont causlesly to blame the prodigalitie of the Christians You accuse saith Tertullian Tertul. Apoleget 39. our poore suppers of prodigalitie as if that saying of Diogenes might well fit vs The Megarenses feast to day as if they should dye to morrow And what of all this for were those Caenulae those little banquets which Tertullian speaketh of and these profuse feasts mentioned in Marcellinus all one And for whom were those suppers which Tertullian speaketh of prouided for euen poore and indigent people not for Consuls and Gouernours as Baronius reporteth And is not this falsely to alledge Authors But let vs see what Hierosme himselfe saith concerning these times OPPOSITION Hieron ad Marcell viduam Hierosme maketh Paula and Eustochium to write vnto Marcella in these words Read say they the Apocalyps of Saint Iohn and marke what is there said of the woman clothed in scarlet of blasphemies written in her forhead of the seuen mountaines c. There no doubt is the holie Church there are the trophies of the Apostles and Martyrs there is the confession of Iesus Christ But there is also saith he ambition and tyrannie which keepe men backe from doing good And in another place Luxurie of the bellie and of the throat seeke to ouerthrow the power of the Crosse And to the end that no man may say that he spake this of the Citie not of the Church of Rome in his Preface to that booke of Dydimus of the Holie Ghost hee expoundeth himselfe When I liued saith he in Babylon an inhabitant of that purple Whore liuing after the lawes and customes of the citizens of Rome I had a determination to write somewhat of the Holie Ghost and to dedicate the treatise to the Bishop of that Diocesse And behold that seething pot which Ieremie saw looking out of the North after the rod of the Almond tree began to boyle and the Senat of the Pharisies to crie out together neither was there so meane ascribe of that whole faction of ignorance who did not eagrely conspire against me As soone therefore as I was returned to Ierusalem as out of banishment and after that cottage of Romulus and those Lupercall sports saw againe that Inne of Marie and the caue of our Lord and Sauiour c. In these words therefore what doth he call Babel but the Clergie it selfe of Rome That Senat growne alreadie Pharasaicall and a verie faction and league of ignorance And now tell me whether he goeth not farther in this testimonie than Marcellinus doth As for the preheminence of Bishops according to the greatnesse of the cities If there be question saith he to Euagrius Orbis maior est vrbe Hieron in Epist ad Euagr. of authoritie the world is greater than the citie so called they Rome why doest thou then enthrall the whole Church to a few men And whence commeth this presumption For wheresoeuer there is a Bishop whether at Rome or at Eugubium whether at Constantinople or at Rhegium marke how he confoundeth the greater cities with the lesser he is of the same dignitie and Priesthood Riches and pouertie make not one lesse or greater than another for they are all successors of the Apostles And so are these words inserted into the decree And speaking in another place of Bishops in generall Hieron in Epist ad Heliodo to 1 It is no easie matter saith he to stand in the place of Paul and to maintaine the dignitie of Peter that is to be a Bishop reckoning all Bishops to be successors of Paul and Peter Basil Epist 55. speaking in the same sence in which Saint Basil spake when he said That Ambrose was called to the Apostolicall gouernement when hee was made Bishop of Milan And doe you thinke that this holie Father Basil can passe ouer with silence the pride of Rome or if he happily let flie some words shall we therefore condemne him as a Pagan So it was that in those lamentable combustions of the East he thought to haue found some comfort in the West but he quickly found himselfe in an errour For if the anger of God saith he continue still vpon vs what comfort will the pride of the West affoord vs who neither doe know neither yet will haue the patience to be rightly informed of the truth of things as lately appeared in the case of Marcellus being euer prepossessed with vaine surmises and idle iealousies For my owne part I was once minded to haue written a priuat letter to their Captaine meaning Damasus not concerning any Church affaires Coryphaeo Basil Epist 10. but onely to let him vnderstand That they neither rightly vnderstood the state of our cause nor tooke the course to bee duely informed of it In briefe That they ought not to bruise a broken reed nor oppresse those who were alreadie humbled by affliction nor yet reckon their pompe for honour seeing that that verie sinne is ynough alone to set a man at enmitie with God And this he wrot to that great personage Eusebius Samosatenus who carried on with an incredible zeale ran from countrey to countrey seeking to repaire the decayes and ruines of the Church whilest Athanasius and Basil trauelled in the East opposing themselues against the Arrians and praying in aid from the Churches of the West and from Damasus himselfe who hand in bosome lightly regarded them conceiting out of hare-brained humor which proceeded from his pride that Basil himselfe was an heretike and therefore would not forsooth vouchsafe him an answer Whereupon Basil and his fellowes sent letters to the Bishops of the West by name to those of Italie and France It being impossible say they Basil Epist 70. that they should be ignorant of our miserable estate so well knowne throughout the world and yet they receiued no comfort from them And farther they requested them not Damasus to joyne with them for the procuring of a lawfull and free Synod After this they redoubled their letters Idem Epist 78. coniuring them to informe the Emperour of these troubles in the East from whom and not from Damasus they hoped for redresse And by a third dispatch sent by Dorotheus a Priest Basil reproacheth them for their want of charitie in not daining to visit and to comfort them in their afflictions offering if any imputation lay vpon him to cleere himselfe when and wheresoeuer they should appoint him At last in a fourth letter he breaketh forth into these tearmes We haue saith he venerable brethren set our eyes vpon you Basil Epist in Addition Ep. 1. but our hope hath proued vaine so that we may now sing I haue looked for one that would sorrow with me but no man came vnto me for one to comfort me but I found none for our afflictions are such as that they which dwell euen in the vtmost borders of the West should in duetie ere this haue
yeelded all due reuerence to the See Apostolike Onuphr in Fast an 382. And lastly Onuphrius obserueth That two yeares after he approued it in open Synod at Rome as an Oicumenicall or Generall Councell though neither the Pope in person nor anie for or from him assisted at it whereas that other at Rome where Damasus himselfe presided is scarcely accounted in the number of prouinciall Synods And now let the reader judge where this pretended Primacie of the Popes was in those dayes But now let vs see what newes with Baronius First he sayth That this Councell of Constantinople was called jointly by Theodosius and Damasus Bishops of Rome and who saith he can doubt hereof May it please him Baron vol. 4. an 381. art 20. it should seeme that Socrates and Sozomene doubted of it when they tell vs Socrat. l. 5. c. 10. Sozom. l. 7. c. 7. That the Emperour without delay laboured as much as in him was to assemble a Councell of all sorts So also as it seemeth did the Fathers themselues of that Councell who in their Synodall Epistle say in this manner Wee here assembled by his commaundement Epist Synod in to 1. Concil c. meaning the Emperour And in that other Epistle of theirs which they wrote the Summer following to Damasus Britto Ambrose and other Bishops of the West where they shew that they of the East were not called to the Synod of Rome it selfe which was at the same time readie to meet by letters from Damasus Theodor. l. 5. c. 8. 9. Socrat. l. 5. c. 10. Sozom l. 7. c. 12. but from the Emperour So likewise doe all the Church Histories which tell vs that the Emperour hauing heard the resolution of the Orthodox Fathers in the Synod of Rome much desired to assemble another of all sects hoping by that means to make them fall to some agreement not borrowing anie authoritie from Rome And to conclude the practise of all auncient times seemeth to doubt hereof seeing that in that verie yeare a Councell was called at Aquileia by the Emperor Gratian Concil Aquil. in ep ad Gratian. Valent. Theodos in 1. Vol Concil Theodor. l. 5. c. 9. Sozom. l. 7. c. 9. where Ambrose himselfe was present and the deputies of the Churches of France and Afrike as he affirmeth and seeing also that Damasus himselfe became an humble suiter to the Emperours Theodosius and Gratian to graunt a warrant for the calling of a Councell the yeare following at Rome being much offended that Flauianus had succeeded Paulinus in the Church of Antioch for how could he grant leaue to others who asked for himselfe And of this verie Councell it is that S. Hierosme speaketh in his Epistle to Eustochium When the imperiall letters sayth he had assembled at Rome the Bishops of the East and West Hieron ad Eustoch ep 27. she then saw verie admirable personages Bishops of Christ Paulinus Bishop of Antioch and Epiphanius Bishop of Salamis And now let Baronius tell me whether a man may not haue reason to doubt thereof Well sayth Baronius yet the best is To. 1. Concil that Damasus did at least confirme this Councell And we must see whether he did or no and how he confirmed it whether to authorise it or else to submit himselfe vnto it For the first we haue a Synodall Epistle directed to Theodosius with the Acts of that Synod annexed thereunto wherein as called together by his commaund they jointly yeelded him an account of what they had there enacted requesting him by his seale and sentence to confirme and ratifie their decrees Baronius telleth vs Baron to 4. an 381. art 38. that this they did onely in policie to engage Theodosius in the maintenance of their profession And what need seeing the world taketh notice that he was as zealous for religion as was the best of them And for Damasus that he approued indeed this Councell but that he did it likewise for a purpose which was to make the Greeke Church sure against the heresie of Macedonius and I would faine know where it is that he findeth it All a matter sayth Baronius but so it is that he did confirme it for Photius hath it in his booke of seuen Synods Surely this man did well and wisely not to quote the place for feare his jugling should be discouered The words of Photius are these And a little after saith he they vnderstood that Damasus also Bishop of Rome had confirmed them as being of the same opinion with them meaning with the Fathers of Constantinople And doth this proue that they required his authoritie to confirme their Acts or rather that he confirmed them onely by yeelding assent and submitting himselfe vnto them And yet such is his madnesse as to say that he confirmed it fraudulently and for a purpose onely not to auow the Canon there made for the place and dignitie of the Bishop and Church of Constantinople making his dreames and idle fancies to stand in ballance against the soliditie and weight of all Histories by vs alledged and going to persuade vs that by vertue of a Councell shortly after assembled at Rome Paulinus borne out by Damasus was restored to his See and Flauian who was there placed by the Councell of Constantinople dispossessed and all this without either argument or Author other than his owne fantasticall assertion Thirdly Baronius verie stiffely maintaineth Baron to 4. an 382. art 18. that notwithstanding this Canon of the Councell of Constantinople yet still causes of weight and importance were reserued to the See of Rome such as were Heresie and Schisme deposing of Bishops and the like and that these causes were brought to him by way of Appeale And surely for heresie and schisme we cannot denie that scarcely euer was there anie heretike or schismatike condemned by his owne Church which presently had not recourse to Rome and that manie of them haue beene fostered and supported there That the Popes themselues through an vsuall natiue greedinesse of drawing moulture to their mill and causes to their Consistorie were oftentimes deceiued herein But this we denie that these causes went to him by Appeale which is alwayes made from the sentence of an inferior judge to the finall decree of a superior and that not so much as the name of an Appeale much lesse the thing it selfe is to be found either in the Historie or in the Practise of the Church no not in this age which we now speake of though this pretended Monarchie at this time aduanced her selfe the most she could Bellarmine yet deriueth it from verie farre and from the time of Marcion the heretike who being excommunicated in Pontus came to Rome But this I aske whether Ireneus or Tertullian doth affirme that he came by way of Appeale or doth not Epiphanius say that they sent him backe againe with these tearmes Epiph. cont Marcion here 42. We may not receiue thee without the permission
which the Author himselfe attributeth vnto all The like care sayth he did Alexander the Bishop take in Antioch being the first which caused his name to be registred in the writings of the Church which is true But Baronius addeth that he did it at the instance and request of Innocentius hauing no other argument for this assertion but this that Innocent wrote a letter to him for as touching anie such matter Theodoret speaketh not a word 8. PROGRESSION Of the attempts of Innocentius and Syricius vpon the Churches of Spaine and Afrike THe Bishops of Rome finding no passage open to their intended Supremacie through the constancie of the Easterne Church bent their course backe vpon the West especially vpon Africke where they thought to meet with lesse opposition To. 1. Concil Damasus had alreadie broken the ice vnto them as appeareth by that Epistle of his written to Stephanus Bishop of Mauritania wherein hee qualifieth the Church of Rome with the title of the Firmament of all Bishops and Top of all other Churches emboldened no doubt thereunto by letters sent before that time vnto him from the said Stephanus who complained that certaine Bishops had bin deposed in Africke adding that this was so done notwithstanding they all knew well ynough Ibid. That censures of Bishops and all other Church causes of moment ought to be reserued to the audience of the Bishop of Rome whom he there tearmeth The Father of Fathers being of the verie brood and ofspring of those rebell Bishop of Africke of whom Saint Cyprian complained in his dayes who being reproued and censured for their faults would presently crosse the seas and run to Rome for Sanctuarie All which to be vnderstood with this condition If those decretall Epistles inserted among the Councels ought to haue any credit which as wee haue alreadie said the more learned sort reiect as counterfeit vntill the time of Pope Syricius who now entreth vpon the stage And indeed the old Roman Code leaueth them all out vntill the time of this Syricius This Syricius about the yeare 386 An. 386. in his first Epistle to Himerius Bishop of Arragon is verie quicke and saith That it is not lawfull for any Priest of the Lord to be ignorant of the decrees and statutes of the See Apostolike and therefore requesteth him to make knowne such ordinances and decrees as he shall send vnto him not onely to those of his owne Diocesse but also to those of Carthagena Andalusia Portugall Galeace and others that is in effect to all the Prouinces of Spaine Which could not saith he but hee glorious vnto him which was a Priest of so long continuance Pro antiquitate sacerdotij sui purposing to vse the ambitious humor of this Prelat onely to make himselfe and the authoritie of his See great in Spaine And in his fourth Epistle to the Bishops of Africke he goeth a step farther and telleth them That without the priuitie of the See Apostolike that is to say of the Primat none might presume to ordaine a Bishop And this word Primat some interpret for the Bishop of Rome in regard of the claime which was made vnto the Primacie not long before by Damasus and these late presumptions of Syricius himselfe in his first Epistle the rather because it is improbable that hee would impart this title of The See Apostolike to any saue onely to the See of Rome OPPOSITION Concil Carth. 2. ca. 12. The Africanes therefore assembled vpon this occasion a second Councell at Carthage in the time of this Syricius where they decreed in this manner It seemed good vnto all that without the leaue of the Primat of euerie Prouince no man hereafter presume in what place soeuer to ordaine any Bishop without any reference at all to the Bishop of Rome But say they if necessitie so require any three Bishops by order from the Primat may consecrate a Bishop And it is to be noted That in this verie Canon they call the chaire of the Metropolitan the First Chaire or Chiefe See and that Gratian inserting this Canon in his booke of Decrees Distinct 64. C. extra conscientiam 5. followed the intent of this Councell of Carthage and not of Syricius referring it to the Metropolitan Bishop not to the Apostolike See though he falsely report it vnder the name of Innocent And in the yeare 397 An. 397. the third Councell of Carthage went a little farther Syricius at that time also sitting Pope and decreed That the Bishop of the first See should not be called the Prince or Chiefe of Priests Concil Carthag 3. ca. 26. or High Priest or by any other such name but onely The Bishop of the first See As for the name of Vniuersall Bishop that the Bishop of Rome it selfe should not bee called by that name Which last words are also in Gratian though now Distinct 99. ca. primae sedis 3. through the good order which of later times hath beene taken in these matters they are no longer to be found in the Councell it selfe A thing not to be forgotten for it was fit that all these things should meet and march together Corruption of doctrine as well as of discipline and that Syricius should be the man who should first establish the forbiddance of Priests mariages though by generall consent reiected in the Councell of Nice and not receiued for six hundred yeares after in the West doe what his successors could doe Bringing in also the the commemoration of Saints into the Liturgie and daily seruice of the Church in imitation perhaps of that Carmen Saliare vsed heretofore among the Romans wherein the names of all their gods werewith much solemnitie rehearsed For that was the disease of that age to fashion themselues in all points after the rites and ceremonies of the Heathen 9. PROGRESSION Of the decree of Pope Innocent concerning Appeales to Rome IN the yeare 401 came Innocent who would not be so put backe he An. 401. Innocent Epist 2. ad Victric Rothomagens c. 3. in his second Epistle to Victricius Bishop of Roan published this generall decree That the greater causes after that they had beene censured by the Bishop should be referred to the See of Rome as the Synod saith he hath ordained and the laudable vse and custome of the Church requireth Yet haue we hitherto seene the contrarie both in the one and also in the other But he goeth on seeking to practise what he proiected Epist 7. ad Episc Maced vpon the Macedonians and persuading them that he did the like in all other places Let vs therefore now see whether he found any better successe in this his attempt than his predecessors had before him OPPOSITION The question then is as you see about great causes An. 402. In the yeare 402 was held the Mileuitan Councell and after that in the yere 413 another at Carthage An. 413. where no petie causes were in handling but the maine doctrine
those last words viz. Baron an 397. to 5. art 48. That the Bishop of Rome himselfe shall not be called the Vniuersall Bishop For what likelihood saith he that Afrike would presume to prescribe titles to the Bishop of Rome adding farther That out of doubt they are Gratians owne words and that they are not found in the Canon it selfe which he alledgeth Nay rather say we seeing that they are in Gratian Concil Carthag prouincial 4 in Praesat Concil African who will warrant vs their honestie and that they themselues are not the men which haue torne it out of the Councels And why is it vnlikely that those poore Africans should vse those words more than these which they cannot denie That no man should appeale beyond the sea that is to Rome For though it be true Concil Carthag can 33. that these Africans could not as Baronius saith dispose of what was done at Rome yet might they wel take order against his vsurpation and encroaching vpon their Church and liberties at home and cause that no man there should attribute to him those titles of insolencie and ambition Thirdly because Aurelius Bishop of Carthage Baron to 5. an 401. art 9. at the opening of the Councell of Carthage caused a certaine letter of Anastasius to be there openly read wherein he forewarned them to beware of the cunning sleights of the Donatists he therefore concludeth That this Councell was assembled and held by order from Anastasius and that Aurelius acknowledgeth him for no lesse than a Father and consequently for a Head But why did he not rather obserue that he calleth him also Brother and fellow Priest must his aduise giuen be induced to proue his mastership The Synod of Afrike in the yeare 407 seeing a fell contention risen betweene Innocentius of Rome and Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria made a decree in manner following It seemeth good to vs Concil Afric 68. that as touching the dissention now fallen betweene the two Churches of Rome and Alexandria we write to the holie Father Innocentius to admonish him that either Church keepe that peace which the Lord commaunded Shall now this brotherlie admonition of theirs be interpreted to proceed from a right of jurisdiction or of soueraigne commaund Fourthly in the cause of the Priscillianists of Spaine Such as were fallen saith the Councell of Toledo if they come to penance shall not be receiued vnlesse the See Apostolike write in their behalfe And thereby saith he you may plainely perceiue Acta Concil 1. Tolet. Baron an 405. art 52. vol. 5. that no man might communicat with one which had fallen vnlesse the See of Rome had first approued of his reduction and communicated with him But why should he put vs to read the acts of this Councell seeing that he himselfe in other cases refuseth to admit of them They tell vs indeed That the Churches of Spaine much infested with this heresie sent to be aduised by Saint Ambrose and that they gouerned themselues by his directions which he denieth not but saith that Ambrose himselfe medled not but by expresse order from Syricius for saith he the words are We had great patience hoping that according to the letters of Saint Ambrose of blessed memorie if we condemned that which they had done amisse and observed the condition specified in his letters they would returne to peace Added hereunto what Syricius of blessed memorie had aduised vs to doe And must then this accessarie carrie with it the principal or this Parenthesis be interpreted for a Commission directed to S. Ambrose Let them rather take the paines and read a little farther where they shall find it said in this manner Concil Taurin can 5. We expect say they what the Pope and Simplician Bishop of Milan and other Bishops of the Churches will write in answer to our letters much after the manner of the Councell of Turin in the same cause Aut Romanae Ecclesiae Sacerdotis According say they to the letters of the venerable Bishop Ambrose or of the Priest of the Church of Rome What would or rather what would not Baronius say if he had the like aduantage 10. PROGRESSION Pope Zozimus seeketh to draw all causes to Rome by vertue of a Canon of the Nicene Councell BVt Zozimus successor vnto Innocent would not be so answered wherefore at the sixt Councell of Carthage An. 417. which was held the yeare 417 and where were assembled 227 Bishops of Afrike whereupon also Saint Augustine calleth it a full and a grand Councell Zozimus sent thither Faustus Bishop of Potentia Plenarium Concilium August Ep. 47. Ep. Concil African ad Bonifac. in to 1. Concil pa. 519. a. Faustin in Commonit ad Can. 1. Synod Carchag apud Balsam ex editio Herueti pag. 305. and Philippus and Asellus Priests of Rome qualified as Legats from him to require in precise tearmes That the Bishops of Afrike should appeale to the Bishop of Rome which matter they proposed to the Councell in these words Those who in the Nicene Synod gaue their sentence concerning the Appeales of Bishops said in this manner If a Bishop shall be accused and the Bishops of his owne Prouince shall therevpon condemne and degrade him and if he thinke fit to appeale and thereupon flie to the most holie Bishop of Rome and he be pleased to haue a new hearing and examination of the cause the said Bishop of Rome shall be pleased to write to certaine Bishops next adioyning to the end that they may informe themselues aright of the cause and then do as reason and equitie shall require Wherefore if any be desirous to haue his cause new heard and by way of request shall moue the Bishop of Rome to send his Legat à Latere that it be at his pleasure to doe what he will and as he in his iudgement shall thinke fittest to bee done OPPOSITION Ibid. This matter so proposed by the Legats Alyppius Bishop of Theagast protesting openly That he intended to hold himselfe in all poynts to the Nicene Councell began to make question of this pretended Canon We haue saith he alreadie promised to maintaine the Canons of the Nicene Councell but this is that which troubleth me that when we come to consult the Greeke copies I know not how it should come to passe but we find no such Canon there In Can. 135. sub fin And againe We haue seene diuers copies and yet could neuer find this Canon in any of them no not in the Roman copies neither yet in the Greeke copies sent vnto vs from the Apostolicall Sees Whereupon Aurelius Bishop of Carthage and President of that Councell notwithstanding that the Popes Legats were there present pronounced That they would forthwith dispatch messengers and letters to the Bishops of Constantinople Alexandria and Antioch with request That they would be pleased to transmit vnto them the acts of the Nicene Councell fast closed and sealed vp thereby to take
be read and also which bookes they are which ought to be accounted for Canonicall onely for correspondencies sake they adde farther in these words We will also that this be signified to our companion in Priesthood Bonifacius and others to the end that they may confirme it for so haue we receiued from the Fathers that these onely ought to be read in Churches Now if the Popes authoritie alone had beene necessarie to the validitie of this Canon what needed they to signifie it vnto others This therefore was nought else but a testimonie of their mutuall loue and charitie Baronius here stormeth because we say That by occasion of that forenamed Canon the whole Church of Afrike was cut off from the Communion of the Church of Rome because it thence followeth that S. Augustine and such a multitude of other holie Fathers died out of the Communion of the Church of Rome and excommunicated by the Pope and thereupon seeketh by all meanes to discredit that Epistle of Bonifacius the second which testifieth that they were not reunited till a full hundred yeares after I confesse that whereas it is there said Vnder the reigne of Iustin the mistake was easier of Iustin for Iustinian than that of Nicene for Sardican and the inconuenience thence arising is verie great for what then shall become of so manie Martyrs put to death during those hundred yeares vnder the persecution and tyrannie of the Vandales But they themselues must looke to that Sure I am that this is none of their greatest cares witnesse the poore Grecians in these dayes who haue now lyen groning vnder the yoke of the Turks so manie yeares And if this Epistle was not written by Bonifacius they may thanke themselues who haue inserted it in the bodie of the Councels Bellarm. de Bontif Rom. l. 2. c. 24. Let the reader now judge what reason Bellarmine had to say that those Fathers neuer intended to forbid their Bishops to appeale to Rome seeing they name Bishops in expresse tearmes and ordaine that all causes should be determined within the same Prouince Or what conscience when he saith that S. Augustine vnderstood that Councell otherwise in his 262 Epistle August ep 262. because he there saith that Caecilian needed not to care for the conspiracie of his aduersaries seeing himselfe ioyned in Communion with the Church of Rome and with all other countries whence the Gospell first came into Afrike where he would be alwayes readie to plead his cause if his aduersaries should seeke to alienate those Churches from him For what can he gather from thence but onely this that it was no hard matter for him to purge himselfe vnto those Churches in case he had been traduced for if he thence conclude That therefore he might appeale to Rome as much may be said and concluded of all other places But he was wise not to quote the place for there is nothing and he knew it well ynough which maketh for his purpose And farther here obserue that S. Augustine was present at this Councell as appeareth by his 207 Epistle Also we read An. 431. that about the yeare 431 the Generall Councell of Ephesus was assembled against Nestorius where we find not this pretended Primacie in anie sort acknowledged For as touching the calling thereof Socrat. l. 7. c. 3. the Bishops saith Socrates assembled themselues together out of all quarters vnto Ephesus by order from the Emperour And Euagrius and Nicephorus say Euagr. l. 1. c. 3. Nicephor l. 14. c. 34. that they were assembled by the letters of the Emperour directed to the Bishops of all places And the Synod it selfe in more than twentie seuerall places vseth these words By the will of the most religious Kings meaning Theodosius and Valentinian Acta Concil Ephesin in 1. to Concil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 1. to 2. cap. 17 18 19. passim Ib. pa. 99. 177. 201 202. Bellarm. l. 1. de Concil c. 19. Acta Concil Ephes c. 17. And the Acts all along speake in this and the like manner Whom your Maiesties commaunded to come to Ephesus c. and Their letters commanded vs so c. and By vertue of the Edict of the most religious Emperors c. And so likewise wrote Theodosius vnto Cyrill that he had appointed the Bishops to assemble at Ephesus out of all parts at Easter And Caelestin Bishop of Rome writing to Theodosius Wee yeeld saith he our presence in the Synod which you haue commaunded by those whom we haue sent As for the Presidencie in that Synod it is a matter questionlesse and not denied by our aduersaries That Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria presided onely they say that he was Vicegerent to Pope Caelestin hauing no other colour for their assertion but this That the Pope requested him to execute his sentence giuen in the Synod at Rome against Nestorius But the Synodall Epistle to the Emperour euidently sheweth that that was done long before this Counsell at Ephesus was called And the truth is that the Popes Legats there present were neuer called to preside which yet they should haue beene had they beene collegues with Cyrill but at a pinch a forgerie must helpe A certaine moderne Writer in his abridgement of the Councels sayth That in this Councell presided the blessed Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria Isidor Decret Paris impres an 1524. pa. 79. To. 1. Concil in Concil Ephes Colon. an 1551. Which sentence he tooke out of Isidore but he addeth of his owne head these words In the place of Pope Calestin which are not to be found in Isidore and Bellarmine himselfe is more than halfe ashamed of it Now let vs see what aduantages Baronius here taketh and first Nestor epist ad Caelestin ex Co. Anto. August apud Baron to 5. an 430. art 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist Cyrilli ad Calest in Act. Graec. pa. 141. Baron vol. 5. an 430. art 11. When Nestorius Bishop of Constantinople had broached his heresie against the vnion of two natures in Christ Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria tooke him to taske and then they went each of them to make his partie the strongest and to haue a Bishop of Rome on his side was thought no small aduantage therefore they both wrote vnto him Nestorius was the first Fraternas nobis inuicem debemus colloquutiones c. We owe saith he each to other brotherlie communications and Cyrill much after the same manner The auncient customes of the Church aduise and counsell vs to take instruction one of another c. And hence it is that Baronius concludeth That no matter of Faith could be questioned without the Bishop of Rome yet how manie heretikes haue we alreadie seene condemned sometimes without him and sometimes in despight of him Secondly Caelestin vpon this alarme giuen him by Cyrill called a Synod at Rome and from thence wrot a long Epistle to Nestorius willing him to hold fast the faith of the Church of Rome of
had long since aspired vnto a secular kind of soueraigntie and power where the Latine interpreter hath put in Quasi which word is not in the Greeke it selfe Adde hereunto That in those dayes all the Patriarchall Churches were equally called Apostolicall and not the Church of Rome alone Sozom. l. 1. c. 16. edit Graec. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For Sozomene speaking of the first generall Councell of Nice In this Synod saith he were present for Apostolicall Sees Macarius Bishop of Ierusalem Eustachius of Antioch Alexander of Alexandria but Iulius Bishop of Rome was absent by reason of his age ranking Iulius in the same order and degree with the rest In which sence the Bishops of the East as Theodoret reporteth writing to Pope Damasus Theodoret. li. 5. ca. 9. call Antioch the most ancient and truely Apostolicall Church and that of Ierusalem they tearme the Mother of all Churches So likewise Ruffine Ruffin li. 2. c. 1. though himselfe a member of the Westerne Church as being a Priest in Aquileia In the citie of Rome saith he Syricius succeeding vnto Damasus and Timotheus in Alexandria vnto Peter and after Timotheus came Theophilus and Iohn in Ierusalem after Cyril restored the Apostolicall Churches And therefore this vsurpation of the Bishop of Rome proceedeth from the diuell and from none other Neither doe wee in all this age find any trace of that pretended donation of Constantine but rather we light vpon many arguments to proue the contrarie witnesse the verie production of the Instrument and the Vatican it selfe And for further proofe when by reason of the schisme between Boniface the first and Eulalius contending together for the Popedome Symmachus gouernour of the citie wrot vnto the Emperour Honorius he saith in this manner Baron vol. 5. an 418. art 81. sequent Absoluta iussione Idem an 419. art 2. 3. That since the knowledge of these matters belonged to him he thought fit to consult his Maiestie out of hand who thereupon rightly informed or not I will not say by his absolute command gaue order That Boniface should presently voyd the place and if hee obeyed not that forthwith he should be cast forth by force And when a little after for his more due information he had assembled a Synod out of diuers Prouinces To the end saith he that the cause being debated to the full in our presence Ib. art 10. sequent may receiue a finall and absolute decision And thereupon he sent for Paulinus Bishop of Nola a man at that time much respected for his sanctitie of life and wrot to Aurelius Bishop of Carthage and sent for Italians French Africans and others Ib. art 15. and in the meane time prouided the Church of Rome of a Bishop namely Achillaeus Bishop of Spoleto to the end the people of Rome might not be vnprouided of a Bishop at the feast of Easter Commanding the Church of Lateran to be set open to him and to none other And when Eulalius offered contrary to the Emperors command to intrude himselfe into the citie the Emperour by the aduise of the Bishops there assembled gaue sentence in fauour of Boniface commanding Symmachus the Gouernor to receiue him into the citie which he did accordingly with these words Your Maiestie hath confirmed his Priesthood Statutis coelestibus per me publicatis edictis de more positis c. And when I published your Edict euerie man reioyced thereat And to conclude Boniface falling sicke to preuent the like inconuenience against hereafter wrot to Honorius to prouide by his authoritie that the Popedome might no more be carried by plots and canuasses The Epistle it selfe in the Councels bearing this Title Supplicatio Papae Bonifacij and being ful of these and the like clauses God hath giuen you the regiment of worldlie things and the Priesthood vnto me You haue the gouernment of worldlie matters and therefore wee were worthie to be blamed if what was heretofore obserued vnder Heathen Princes should not now be obserued vnder your glorie c. Vnder your raigne my people hath beene much encreased which now is yours Neither doth the Emperour put this from him as a thing not properly belonging to him But let the Clergie saith he know that if God shall otherwise dispose of you they must refraine all secret plots and practises and if it fall out through their factions that two be named let them likewise know that neither of them shall sit Bishop but he which in a new election shall be by generall consent chosen If therefore the Bishop of Rome had beene at that time Temporall Lord of that citie and territorie thereunto adioining would he haue vsed these kinds of language Neither was it farre from this time that Synesius Bishop of Ptolemais in his 57 Epistle Synes li. 57. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To couple the ciuile power saith he with the Priesthood is to ioyne those things which will not hold together they busie themselues in worldlie causes whereas we were appointed onely for our prayers 11. PROGRESSION Of the Pretence which Pope Leo the first made vnto the Primacie An. 450. Leo. 1. in Anniuersar de Assumpt Serm. 2. 3. ABout the yeare 450 Leo the first would not giue ouer his pretence vnto the Primacie and therefore tooke for a ground those words of our Sauiour Tu es Petrus For saith he Peter is here called a stone or foundation c. and all his power was in his See there his authoritie was principally seene c. He is the Primat of all Bishops c. Whatsoeuer Christ bestowed on the rest he bestowed it by his meanes c. all which we read in those his sermons which he preached among the townesmen of Rome Idem Epist 8. ad Flauia Constantinop And farther he challengeth Flauian Bishop of Constantinople for that he had not first aduertised him of the state of Eutiches cause taking occasion therevpon to doubt of the lawfulnesse of his excommunication and would faine haue persuaded Flauian that he had done much wrong to him and to Eutyches both in not giuing way to the appeale which Eutyches had put in to the See of Rome Idem Epist 89. ad Episc per Viennens prouinc constitut This same Leo also complaineth to the Bishops of Viennois in France That one Hilarie Bishop of Arles tooke vpon him to install and to depose Bishops without his priuitie which he tearmeth to be no lesse than à Petri soliditate deficere to fall away from the soliditie of Peter whom saith he our Lord associated to himself in the indiuiduall vnitie and commaunded him to be called as himselfe was called And yet in the end he flattereth our Bishops of France willing them to remember that their auncestors oftentimes were pleased to consult the Seo Apostolike seeking by these sugred words to make them swallow the bitter pill of his tyrannous Supremacie and branding Hilarie with the name of a
to be preferred he maketh them worthie so soone as they are preferred Gregorie in our time tooke the paine to reuiew the Canon Law and taking especiall notice of this Canon is bold to equall it with the Apostolike Decrees And I feare that ere it be long a man may more truly say that this See hath this especiall prerogatiue and priuiledge That either it admitteth of none but knaues or maketh them such so soone as they are admitted But what will Symmachus say to Gratian who speaking of Anastasius the second D. 19. c. Anastasius his predecessor saith of him That he was strucken by the iudgement of God because he communicated with Photinus the Deacon a disciple of that master heretike Acatius Anastas Biblioth in Pontific which is auerred also by Anastasius Bibliothecarius in his life OPPOSITION An. 472. Odoacer therefore Captaine of the Rugians hauing made himselfe King of all Italie about the yeare 472 for preuention of tumults which might ensue if Simplicius should happen to die made a Law and published it by Basilius in the open Vatican and before the Bishops there assembled That in case Simplicius should happen to die for the auoidance of trouble and hurt both in Church and Citie none should be elected without his priuitie Baron vol. 6. an 476. art 1 2 3. Which Odoacer hath at least this commendation from Antiquitie That he was neuer offensiue or troublesome to the Catholike Church in matters belonging to Religion though himselfe were a professed Arrian Cassiodor in Chron. and farther is reported to haue beene of so good a temper that in thirteene yeares space which he held Italie vnder his commaund he neuer tooke vnto him either the title or the robe of the Emperour who all barbarian as he was shall yet one day rise in judgement against these mens insolencie and pride True it is that Sigonius reporteth that this law was made by the aduise of Simplicius himselfe Sigon de Occident Imperio l. 15. 16. Synod Roma 3. sub Symmacho an 498. but what author hath he for it For the third Synod of Rome which was held vnder Symmachus sayth no such thing but tearmeth it in precise tearmes The Law of Odoacer And there was good vse to be made of this Law about the yeare 498 at the election of a Bishop after the death of Anastasius the second For by reason that Anastasius the Emperour had filled the fists of a great part of the Clergie of Rome to this end that he might haue alwaies a Pope at his owne deuotion it came to passe that one part set vp and named Symmachus Theodor. Collectan l. 2. and the other Lawrence and each faction kept quarter apart vntill in the end some being wiser than some the matter was referred to Theodoric King of the Ostrogothes who at that time reigned in Italie and he preferred Symmachus who not long after in a Synod at Rome abrogated this verie law as Sigonius reporteth And we doubt not of the mans good will but yet we find that this Law stood in force vntill the time of Benedict the second whom the Emperour Constantine Pâ—goratus Synod Roma 3. sub Symmach about the yeare 68â— absolued from the obseruance of this Law as Onuphrius himselfe acknowledgeth But these matters stayed not here For foure yeares after this wound began to bleed afresh Lawrence was called home to Rome where the factions fairely â—â—ll to blowes whereat Theodoric tooke great offence and deposing them both he placed Peter Paul Diacon l. 15. Nicephor l. 16. c. 35. Bishop of Alâ—in in the roome Paulus Diaconus and Nicephorus speaking of this accident report That there were infinit spoiles and murders committed by either partie the greater part of the Priests manie Clerkes and a multitude of the Citizens were there slaine Sabell Eun. 8. l. 2. and the holie virgins themselues as Sabellicus writeth were not spared in those seditions Yet must all this passe for zeale towards the Church Ennod. in Epist ad Faustum insomuch that one Ennodius a Writer of that time maketh them all Martyrs who died in the cause of Symmachus Their bloud there shed sayth he enrolled them in the Register Booke of the Court of Heauen And Baronius is of the same opinion and for proofe he voucheth a saying of that great Denis Bishop of Alexandria but see his honestie for the case standeth thus Denis wrote to the schismatike Nouatus who would haue made him beleeue that he was taken by force and made Bishop whether he would or no whereupon Denis told him That it had beene better for him to haue suffered anie mischiefe Euseb Histor Eccles l. 6. c. 37. than to haue broken the vnitie of the Church and that it had beene as glorious a martyrdome vnto him as if he suffered for not offering vnto Idols True if rather than thou wouldest be made a Bishop in a Schisme thou wouldest suffer thy selfe to be killed But the case is altered if thou puttest thy selfe in danger or causest either thy selfe or others to be slaine not to auoid but to obtaine a Bishopricke And such was the case of those which died in Symmachus his quarrell And we must remember that the fourth Synod which was held at Rome vnder Symmachus Iornandes de Robus Gothicis Synod Roma 4. sub Symmacho where the greatest part of the Bishops of all Italie were assembled was called by Theodoric True it is that at the first the Bishops began to remonstrate to him That the calling of the Synod belonged to the Pope but Theodoric produced Symmachus his owne letters wherein he requested him to assigne the place and Symmachus himselfe in open Synod gaue him humbly thankes for so assigning it Here Baronius putteth on his brazen face Vol. 6. an 501. art 2. He knew well saith he that to assemble a Synod of Orthodox Bishops appertained not to him and therefore treading the steps of his predecessors he assembled it by the authoritie of Pope Symmachus and the verie Acts of the Councell testifie as much And then falleth he to his accustomed acclamations A memorable matter saith he that a Prince a Barbarian a Goth by nation a stranger an heretike and an Arrian do the schismatikes what they could by importuning him to the contrarie should yet yeeld such respect and reuerence to the See Apostolike But what if the whole proceedings and the Acts themselues of this Synod shew the contrarie It is therefore to be vnderstood that the yeare before Theodoric at the instance of the aduerse part had sent Peter Bishop of Altin to Rome in qualitie of a Visitor to informe himselfe of the crimes which were layed to Symmachus his charge And so it seemeth that Theodoric and Ennodius were not both of the same mind when Ennodius saith That the Pope is accountable to none but vnto Heauen Afterward Theodoric gaue order that this difference should be taken vp Ennod.
to the Communion of the Church Which Church of Carthage the Popes had excommunicated long before for that those 227 Fathers of Afrike assembled in the sixt Councell of Carthage had decreed as hath beene alreadie declared That they had no need of their Legats à Latere nor yet of Appeales to Rome and that they were able ynough by the grace of God and by the assistance of his holie Spirit to decide their owne controuersies by themselues at home For saith he Aurelius Bishop of Carthage that was he which presided in the said sixt Councell of Carthage with his Collegues so many great personages as there were and among them Saint Augustine himselfe by the instigation of the diuell in the time of our predecessors Boniface and Caelestine began to exalt themselues against the Church of Rome But Eulalius now Bishop of Carthage seeing himselfe through the sin of Aurelius to stand separated from the communion of the Roman Church hath repented him therof intreating to be receiued to peace and communion with her And by a certaine writing signed by himselfe and his Collegues hath condemned by the Apostolike authoritie all and euery such books written by what spirit soeuer against the priuiledges of the Church of Rome This poore Eulalius brought to this extremitie by the eagre pursuit of these holie Fathers of Rome who would neuer let goe their hold but tooke their aduantage of the miserable estate which those poore Churches were in being spoyled by the Vandals and oppressed by the Arrians so that they were neuer after able to hold vp their head Bellarmine therefore Bellar. de Rom. Pontif. l. 2. c. 25. who would needs persuade vs that the variance betweene those Popes and these poore Africans was not such as the world taketh it to haue bin let him tell me seeing that by occasion of that variance Rome did excommunicat them whether they could esteeme it as a light occasion and if it were or if they so esteemed of it what conscience then to excommunicat them for it such multitudes of people so many worthie Bishops and Saint Augustine himselfe being all dead in state of excommunication which was thundered our against them in a time when they were alreadie vexed with the heresie of the Pelagians and oppressed with the schisme of the Donatists and wholly ouerrun with that inundation and deluge of the Hunnes and Vandals and other barbarous nations Baronius to saue themselues from this scandal of excommunicating Saint Augustine condemneth this Epistle as forged and consequently staineth the credit of him which compiled all their Councels his reason is onely this That it is directed to Eulalius Bishop of Alexandria whereas Timotheus was at that time Bishop of that See and not Eulalius But Harding one of his strongest pillars Harding de prima Papae sect 28. answereth for vs That it was directed to Eulalius at that time Bishop of Thessalonica Wherefore let them agree among themselues as they will it is ynough for vs that wee haue it from them though indeed to justifie this Epistle we may farther say That it is taken in among their owne Decrees and standeth for good in the late edition of Gregorie the thirteenth ca. Ad hoc 7. with these words This chapter is read word for word in the Epistles of Boniface to Eulalius then Bishop of Thessalonica which may serue for an answer to all these friuolous coniectures of Baronius Moreouer Baronius thinketh that he hath gotten a great catch in that the Emperor Iustine and after him Iustinian sent vnto the Pope a confession of their faith which was a custome vsed by the Emperours vpon their installation in the Empire and not onely to the Pope but also to sundrie other Bishops of the better sort to the end that they should publish to the people That they were of the Orthodox faith because there had beene many Arrian Nestorian and Eutychian Emperors elected who had caused no small trouble in the Church OPPOSITION But that the Emperors meaning was not thereby to acknowledge him as Vniuersall Bishop besides that they did the like to other Patriarches An. 533. appeareth moreouer in this that they speake alwayes with reference to the Councell of Chalcedon which we haue heretofore spoken of as it is euident both out of their confessions and also by the Nouell Constitution 131. But to come to the matter Nouell 131. no law could be a bridle strong ynough to hold in that head-strong and vnrulie ambition of the Popes We haue alreadie scene the lawes of Odoacer and of Theodoric and Athalaric who succeeded after Theodoric was faine to doe the like For when as vpon the death of Boniface there went an open and a violent canuasse throughout the citie wherein some were neither ashame nor afraid to offer the Senators themselues money for their voyces the Seâ—at tooke high displeasure at these proceedings and thereupon they passed a certaine Decree which wee read in Cassiodorus in these tearmes Whosoeuer for the obtaining of a Bishopricke Cassiod li. 9. Epist 15. shall either by himselfe or by any other person be found to haue promised any thing that contract shall be deemed and held as execrable He that shall be found to haue beene partaker in this wicked act shall haue no voyce in the election but shall be accounted a sacrilegious person and shall be forced by course of law to make restitution of it Moreouer the Senat complained of this great abuse to the king Athalaric and the Defendor of the Roman Church joined in petition with them to the king who ratified their Decree by an ordinance of his owne directed to Pope Iohn The Defendor saith he of the Roman Church came lately to vs weeping and shewed vnto vs that in the late election of a Bishop of Rome some men making their benefit of the necessitie of the time by an vngodlie practise had so surcharged the meanes of the poore by extorted promises that the verie vessels of the Church was by that occasion set to sale But the more cruell and vngodlie this act is the more religious and holie is our purpose to cut it off by due course of law And a little after hauing mentioned the aboue named decree he addeth For this cause all that which is contained in that decree we commaund to be obserued and kept to all effects and purposes against all persons which either by themselues or others shall haue anie part or portion in those execrable bargaines What a pitie was it that the Defendor of the Church should be constrained to lay open this filthie nakednesse of the Church vnto an Arrian Baron vol. 7. an 533. art 32. seq But Baronius to make the best of a bad cause sayth That he did it by the exhortation of Pope Iohn but the Reader may obserue that neither in the Historie neither yet in the ordinance it selfe there is anie such mention made The conclusion is as followeth Our will and
of Vniuersall Patriarch which place Holoander for feare of the Popes displeasure hath translated Patriarch of all that quarter whereas the word there vsed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth all the habitable earth Wherefore it is to be vnderstood that all those Patriarchall Sees are sundrie times called Oecumenicall without prejudice of each to other because the Bishops of those Churches being placed in the middest of the enemies of Christianitie were alwaies taken as watchmen ouer the whole Church who were to looke euerie man not to his owne peculiar charge onely but to all in generall that Sathan by schismes and heresies infected not the bodie of the Church like vnto fellow tutors who though by consent they administer euerie one his portion of the pupils goods apart yet is euerie one of them answerable for the whole Wherefore we see that sometimes these Patriarchs without blame put their sickles into each others corne and vpon the first alarme giuen by anie of these they all sought presently to procure an Oecumenicall Councell which was then so esteemed and called when they all or the greatest part of them with their inferior Bishops met in Synod and as Rome for the honour of the Citie held alwaies the first roome in dignitie so the Church there for the grace which God had giuen her to keepe herselfe more cleane from heresies than anie other was most respected and the Bishop also of that Citie tooke place before the other Patriarchs and in causes which arose was euer consulted with much respect and reuerence whereof Iustinian yeelded the cause which was for that saith he we haue sundrie times beene reformed by the Church of old Rome L. 7. Co. de sum Trinitat But so soone as either the Pope or anie other Patriarch began to abuse this honour and to encroach thereby vpon the liberties of their fellowes euerie man began presently to crie out of tyrannie and oppression 18. PROGRESSION 1 That the Gothish Kings vsed their authoritie in the election and creation of the Popes 2 That Belisarius by the commaund of the Empresse thrust out Syluerius and placed Vigilius in the Popedome 3 That Vigilius condemned the Councell of Chalcedon and confirmed the Heresie of the Eutychians 4 Baronius his censure of Vigilius 1 IT cannot be denied that the Popes of this age were sharpely set vpon this desire of soueraigntie and dominion but they met commonly with one or other who knew well how to prouide a Martingall for a jade and so much the rather because men began now to grow jealous of their authoritie and power as they saw them to vse it in fauour of one or other Wherefore these Gothish Kings vsed ordinarily to beare a hand in their elections which were carried otherwise after a fashion more befitting rogues and theeues than ingenuous competitors And Agapete was no sooner elected Pope Anastas in Agapete but Theodatus immediatly sent him as embassador to Iustinian the Emperour of Constantinople to excuse him of the death of Amalasuntha his wife daughter to Theodoric and by him recommended to the Emperors protection a fit commission for a Pope And the same Theodatus vpon the death of Agapete placed Syluerius in his roome being the naturall and lawfull sonne of Pope Hormisda Siâ—e deliberatione Decreti An. 536. The Pontificall Booke saith That it was done without anie deliberation of the Decree and he made manie Priests to subscribe thereto by force and feare How then can these men who boast so much of their Mission justifie this calling with sundrie actions ensuing thereupon Syluerius accepted of his kindnesse but Vigilius whom Boniface had formerly nominated to the See by solicitation of the Empresse put in now againe for his interest And here the Reader may well obserue an apparent progresse and proceeding of the iniquitie of this See the relation therefore of Liberatus Archdeacon of Carthage is as followeth 2 Liberatus in Bretuario c. 22. The Empresse Theodora who was of the Eutychian Heresie called vnto her Vigilius sometime Deacon to Pope Agapete requiring him to promise her vnder hand That if he were made Pope of Rome he would abrogate the Councell meaning that of Chalcedon and that he would write his letter to Theodosius Anthymius and Seuerus heretikes of the same profession and therein ratifie and confirme their faith promising him to send her commaund to Belisariuâ— that he should set him in the See and withall to giue him seuen hundred markes of gold Centenaria septem This Vigilius what for loue of the gold what for desire of the Popedome accepted of the offer and thereupon came to Rome where he found Syluerius alreadie created Pope wherefore he went to Belisarius who then lay at Rauenna to whom he deliuered his message from the Empresse and of those seuen promised him two hundred markes if he would thrust out Syluerius and put him in his place Belisarius thereupon returned to Rome and called Syluerius before him into the palace layed to his charge that he had entertained secret intelligence with the Gothes to surprise the Citie and it is reported that one Marcus a scholer and Iulian one of the gard had forged certaine letters as from Syluerius to the King of the Gothes whereby he was conuicted of conspiracie against the Citie And yet in the meane time did Belisarius and his wife deale priuily with Syluerius to satisfie the Empresse by cancelling and disannulling the Councell of Chalcedon and by writing to authorise and to confirme the faith of the heretikes But he was no sooner gone out of the place but hauing had conference with his Councell he withdrew himselfe into the Temple of S. Sabina from whence vpon assurance giuen vnto him by one Photis sonne to the Ladie Antonina he was againe sent for to come into the Palace his friends aduised him not to aduenture his person vpon the tickle faith and promise of those Grecians yet he came into the Palace from whence in regard of their oath and promise they suffered him to returne safely vnto the Temple of S. Sabina But when Belisarius sent for him a second time seeing a mischiefe readie to fall vpon him he recommended his cause to God and went vnto the Palace where he entred all alone and after that was neuer seene by anie of his friends The day following Belisarius called together all the Priests Deacons and Clerkes commaunding them to proceed to the election of a new Pope who after some little variance agreed in the end vpon Vigilius whom they chose in fauour of Belisarius and Syluerius was then banished vnto Patara a Citie of Lycia 3 Belisarius immediatly vpon the installation of Vigilius demaunded performance of promises which Vigilius had made vnto the Empresse and the two hundred markes which he had promised vnto him but he what for feare what for auarice refused to performe his promises Syluerius in the meane time arriued at Patara and the Bishop of that Citie went and
acquainted the Emperour with his cause the Emperours answere was That if those letters were found to haue beene written by him Syluerius might not presume to stirre from thence if otherwise that then he should be restored to his See againe And it came to passe vpon the examination of these letters that Syluerius returned into Italie Whereupon Vigilius fearing least he should be deposed told Belisarius That vnlesse he would deliuer Syluerius into his hands he could not performe that which he had promised Wherefore Syluerius was deliuered to a couple of his gard and was by them carried prisoner to Palmaria where he starued in their custodie Then Vigilius to performe his promise to the Empresse wrote by Antonina wife to Belisarius that letter which Liberatus setteth downe all at large directed to the chiefe Eutychians as the Empresse had required him to doe wherein he telleth them That he holdeth and euer did hold the same faith which they did requesting them not to let anie know what he had written but rather seeme to mistrust him And he farther declared his faith in these words We doe not confesse two natures in Christ but one Sonne composed of two natures pronouncing Anathema against all such as should affirme the contrarie And now let the champions of the Romane Church tell vs what vocation or calling this good Pope had Baron vol. 7. an 538. art 20. 4 Baronius to defend the matter saith That the like schisme was neuer seene in that Church and yet we may remember that his predecessors had their errors A Pope saith he thrust into the Chaire by a secular authoritie a theefe in at the window a Wolfe amongst the Sheepe a false Bishop amongst the true an Antichrist against Christ The impietie of Nouatus the obstinacie of Vrsicin the presumption of Lawrence all these put together seeme as nothing in comparison of him And yet shortly after when he had murdered Syluerius he maketh him a Saint and a Vicar of Christ Jb. art 19. excellent beyond comparison He laboureth by all meanes to proue that this Epistle in Liberatus smelleth of the forge for What probabilitie sayth he that in his inscription he should call the Emperour and the Empresse Lords and Fathers Dominos Patres But he is egregiously mistaken not seeing that this Epistle was not directed to them Libera c. 22. but to the chiefe heretikes Theodosius Anthymius and Seuerus according to the promise which he had formerly made vnto the Empresse And Liberatus in the end of that discourse saith That Vigilius writing priuily as he did continued in his See Looke now and see what is become of these men of their vndoubted succession and infallibilitie in points of faith who the worse they are the more they crie out Tues Petrus Agapet in ep ad Justin Agapete who made his mone vnto Iustinian That Epiphanius Bishop of Constantinople had receiued Achilles an heretike vnto penance without his authoritie being himselfe at Constantinople would needs vse his power and authoritie euen to the deposing if anie man thinke fit to beleeue them of the Patriarch Anthymus and to the setting of Mennas in his place But we will shew how this was done by authoritie of the Prouinciall Synod And Vigilius who groweth violent in his Epistles and pronounceth That vnto Peter was giuen the preheminence ouer all the rest and that therefore he was called Cephas that is by interpretation a Head by which it appeareth that he was much better seene in the ambition of the Latines than in the language of the Grecians that for this cause all Appeales must come to Rome and all greater causes be referred to the hearing of the Consistorie there Vigilius ad Euterium To be short That all other Bishops may peraduenture be said to be called in partem sollicitudinis i. into part of the cure but not into that plenartie of power and absolute jurisdiction A prophane speech and well befitting Antichrist and so Baronius himselfe doubteth not to call him OPPOSITION We haue seene how farre their ambition would haue gone let vs now see how farre it went For the case of Anthymus Liberatus saith briefely That Anthymus seeing himselfe deposed at the suit of Pope Agapete deliuered vp his Pall vnto the Emperour and went his way and that Agapete to content the Emperour ordained and consecrated Mennas in his place But reason would that in this case we should giue more credit to the Emperour Iustinian himselfe in whose presence these things were done Nouel 42. He therefore telleth vs in his 42 Nouell That Anthymus was cast out being first condemned and deposed by the common consent and suffrage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well of Agapete as of the Synod Where Baronius by occasion of this word First 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will needs shew a tricke of wit and thence inferreth that he was first deposed by Agapete who vsed saith he therein the fulnesse of his power Whereas the Emperours meaning was onely to shew a legall proceeding in the cause and that nothing was done by violence against him as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth properly signifie not first but before Prius non primum with relation to that which followeth as also those words By the common suffrage of Agapete what sence haue they vnlesse they be joyned with that which followeth and of the Synod And so hath Holoander himselfe translated it For how can the suffrage of one alone be tearmed common but onely in relation to some other man Moreouer if he by his full and absolute authoritie had deposed him what need was there thereof a Synod And when they had done all yet was the confirmation of the Emperour necessarie thereunto which he expresseth in the 42 Nouell in these words Though this be a matter vnusuall to the Maiestie of a King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet we also now set our hand to the making of this Decree and Ordinance For so often as the generall suffrage of Priests and Bishops hath depriued anie of their Priestly Sees as vnworthie of their place and calling such as were Nestorius Eutyches Arrius Macedonius Eunomius and others not inferior to them in wickednesse and malice so often hath the Regall dignitie contributed the vigor of her authoritie with the authoritie of sacred persons Which tearmes expresse and declare that the confirmation depended of him not of Agapete which had alreadie passed his sentence of him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To the end saith he that both the diuine and secular authoritie may concurre for the establishing of lawfull and iust decrees But if perhaps the Emperors credit be not good we can for a need produce the testimonie of Agapete himselfe whose Synodall Epistle we find registred in the Acts of the fifth Generall Councell written by him to all Bishops in the name of the Synod where speaking in the name of the companie he saith We haue
may lye open before vs. Well then saith Baronius by this it appeareth that he acknowledged his Presidencie Which poynt deserueth to be handled somewhat more at large And first we must see who called it Baronius runneth to his old shifts and saith That the Emperour decreed it to be called by the Pope Vigilius his aduise Ib. art 20 21 22 23 24. Euagr. li. 2. c. 37 being loath to speake plainely and to confesse that he called it and thereupon he citeth Euagrius where he saith That Vigilius consented by his letters to the Councell which he sent from Chalcedon whither he had withdrawne himselfe at that present but himselfe would not be at it And why then will he not as well beleeue him when he saith That Iustinian called the fift Councell or if Vigilius had called it while hee was present at the place why did he afterward refuse to be present at it The best is that the Histories make this matter cleere ynough Nicephorus saith Nicephor li. 17. ca. 27. That the Emperour Iustinian called the fifth generall Councell and summoned the Bishops out of all quarters And the Emperour himselfe vnto the Fathers of the Councell Wee haue saith he assembled you in this regall citie And the Fathers themselues We say they here assembled according to the commaundement of the deuout Iustinian And Baronius in that writing which he alledgeth vnto vs out of the Vatican teacheth vs That Vigilius did what lay in him to haue this Councell held in Sicilie as a more in different place for the Bishops of the East and West to meet in and yet he could not obtaine it As for the Presidencie it is euident that at the first Mennas Bishop of Constantinople presided in it and there gaue sentence against Anthymus and other Heretikes which sentence is yet to be seene in the bodie of the Councels And after Mennas his death Bellarmine cannot denie Synod Constant quin. vniuersa actio 4. Bellar. li. ◠de Concil ca. 19. but that Eutychius who succeeded him in the See succeeded likewise in the Presidencie and the whole course of the Acts shew as much But saith he Vigilius might haue presided if it had pleased him It should seeme by his leaue that Nicephorus was of another opinion when he saith When Eutychius was by the Emperour put in the roome of Mennas late deceased Vigilius though agreeing with him in poynts of doctrine yet refused to sit by him which was no doubt because he affected a higher seat and thereupon though he was at that time in the citie yet would he not stay at the Councell pretending that there was but a small number of the Westerne Bishops there whereas the true cause was because hee saw his predominant omnipotencie neglected Bellarmine replieth out of Zonaras Zonar to 3. pa. 55. 74. That Vigilius was chiefe of this Synod How chiefe if he were not there at all But that place of Zonaras answereth for it selfe There were saith hee 165 Fathers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quorum princeps fuit saith the Latine translation that is of whom was chiefe Vigilius Pope of Rome and Eutychius and Apollinaris of Alexandria where we see that this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is referred to all three as Heads of these three Patriarchall Churches So likewise he speaketh in another place of the sixt generall Councell 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. of which were chiefe or Captaines and Leaders the Vicars of Agatho Pope of Rome George of Constantinople and Theophanes of Antioch where the translator rendreth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Principes fuere and so are they vsually tearmed as well the one as the other Explanatio Sanctor venerabil Conciliorum c. an 1553. There is a booke intitled The Explanation of the Holie Councels taken out of the kings Librarie this booke speaking of the Councell of Nice In that Councell saith he were Heads and Presidents Syluester Bishop of Rome Alexander of Alexandria and Macarius of Ierusalem And againe speaking of the second generall Councell The Presidents there were Damasus Bishop of Rome Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople Timothie of Alexandria Cyril of Ierusalem Miletius of Antioch all which were Patriarches But he addeth afterwards Great Gregorie the Diuine Gregorie of Nissa and Amphilochius of Iconium by reason of their great learning Zonar to 3. pa. 30. where Zonaras vseth a higher straine and saith That among all these Gregorie the Great and Gregorie of Nissa and the sacred Amphilochius in all encounters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. were chiefe and principall which word vsed in the singular number by the Author is by the Interpreter referred to all three as was also that other word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 referred to Vigilius Eutychius and Apollinaris And this same booke speaking of the Councell of Ephesus saith in like manner In this Councell presided Calestin Bishop of Rome Cyril of Alexandria Iuvenal of Ierusalem Memnon of Ephesus And so likewise of other generall Councels of Chalcedon Constantinople the second Nicene and the rest where the Greek words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Latine Interpreter rendreth it Huic Concillo praefuerunt i. They were chiefe in this Councell naming alwayes the Pope for companie among the rest and that most commonly when himselfe was not there in person and sometimes no man for him as namely in the Councell which we now speake of Bellarmine yet vrgeth out of that Epistle which Baronius alledgeth That Eutychius Bishop of Constantinople writing to Vigilius saith vnto him We desire to treat and to confer of these poynts together Praesidente nobis vestra beatitudinè that is Vnder your blessed Presidencie But this is to grate too farre vpon the plaine speaking of these letters contrarie to all course of historie And it is not improbable which a learned man hath obserued that this place is corrupted Iuni. Controuers 4. pa. 186. and Praesidente written in stead of Residente that is While you are here abiding with vs as we find this word vsed vpon like occasion in many other Councels Concil Matisco 2. passim Residentibus Prisco Euantio Praetextato c. that is Assisting in the Councell For at the first sitting of this Synod Vigilius was in the citie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and if we should read Praesidente yet there is a large difference betweene Preseancie which importeth onely a prioritie of place and Presidencie which implieth a superioritie But more than this a great part of that action is spent only in requesting him to be present at the Synod and in the end they protest against him Concil Canstant 5. art 5. and openly reproach him That he is an offence and scandall both to the Emperour and also to the Churches as one which nought regarded the curse pronounced by our Sauiour against those who offend euen little ones Yet he stirred not onely he sent them word
That they should receiue his aduise in writing Now what can a man imagine to haue beene the cause of this his tergiuersation but onely this That he saw his pretended Presidencie neglected and himselfe called thither not to commaund but onely to conferre not to make shew of his omnipotencie but of his learning So that in the end for such his contempt against the authoritie both of the Emperour and of the Councel he was cast into banishment and hauing afterward by the meanes of Narses gotten leaue to returne home againe he died by the way in Sicilie And thus we see that the calling of the generall Councels was not as yet deuolued nor did belong to the Bishop of Rome no not so much as the calling of Nationall Synods seeing that wee find the second Councell of Orleans which was held about this time speaking in this manner We say the Fathers being now to deliberat concerning the obseruation of the Catholike law by the commaundement of the most glorious King c. and that other of Auvergne That they were there assembled by the consent of our most renowmed Lord the King Theodebert and so of others And which is more Iustinian himselfe whose fauour toward them they do so much magnifie and extoll made no difficultie to create a Pope by his owne authoritie which appeareth in that which Anastasius reporteth and Baronius cannot denie it That he put the citizens of Rome to their choise Whether they would receiue Vigilius againe or take Pelagius his Archdeacon to be their Bishop Neither was this a matter of fact onely but a lawfull right For Onuphrius Onuphr in Pelag 10.2 a man of their owne saith and groundeth his saying vpon the authoritie of Vigilius That when the Gothes were turned out of Italie by Narses and both Italie and Rome were now annexed to the Easterne Empire vnder the Emperour Iustinian by the authoritie of Vigilius there was brought in a new fashion to be obserued in the creation of Popes which was In Comitijs Pontificalibus That so soone as the Pope was deceased the Clergie Senat and People should presently fall to the choise of another after the custome of their forefathers More maiorum But the Pope so elected by them might not be consecrated by the Bishops vntill his election were first confirmed by the Emperour of Constantinople and his pleasure herein signified by his letters patents for the authorising him in the execution of his Pontificall iurisdiction for which licence the Pope elect was to send the Emperour a certaine summe of money How farre is this from that pretended donation which done he was then consecrated and took vpon him the administration of that See Whereas before that time he was euer elected and consecrated all in a day And it is certaine that either Iustinian himselfe or Vigilius by his authoritie brought in this fashion to the end that the Emperour might stand alwayes assured of the Popes inclination towards him because his authoritie was growne great in Italie since the time that the Emperors seated themselues in Greece and the feare was least that if a Pope should happen to be chosen either of a factious and turbulent disposition or peraduenture ill affected to the Emperour he might by his authoritie draw Italie from his alleageance in fauour of the Gothes a thing once before attempted by Syluerius at least the Emperour was so persuaded And this custome as he saith and citeth many authors for it dured till the dayes of Benedict the second 19. PROGRESSION That Pelagius the first caused the fift generall Councell of Constantinople to be receiued in Italie AFter the death of Vigilius who deceased in Sicilie as he returned from Constantinople Pelagius the first who succceded him in that See neuer consulting vpon the matter but onely seeking to gratifie the Emperour who had named him to the place went about to make the Bishops of Italie to receiue the fift generall Councell held at Constantinople whereas there were verie few Bishops of the West and not one Metropolitan of Italie which was present at it OPPOSITION The Bishops of Italie fearing some attempt against the Councell of Chalcedon and purposing to be better informed of the matter refuse to admit of that other of Constantinople at that present especially those of Liguria Venetia Sigon de Imper. Occident l. 20. and Istria and among them Macedonius Bishop of Aquileia Honoratus of Milan and Maximinian of Rauenna all which presently assembled in Synod at Aquileia to deliberat of the admittance or refusall of that Councell which Pelagius sought to thrust vpon them at which time Macedonius Archbishop of Aquileia fell sicke and died and Honoratus Archbishop of Milan consecrated Paulinus in his roome and all with one consent reiected the Councell vnder colour of certaine chapters therein contained which pleased them not and farther drew their neckes from vnder the yoke of the Roman Church Pelagius then thought it high time to run to Narses whom he requested by his letters to send the chiefe of those Bishops prisoners to Constantinople and to represse the rest by rigour of law and his own authoritie Where we may obserue that he alledgeth not his owne interest in that Paulinus was ordained Archbishop of Aquileia without receiuing the Pall from him but onely the interest of the Emperour Seeing saith he that euen then when Totilas possessed and held all this countrey in his subiection he would neuer suffer a Bishop of Milan to be consecrated vnlesse he had first acquainted the Prince with his election and obtained leaue in writing from him That therefore Narses should make no scruple to vse his authoritie vpon these fellowes because such persons were by order of the Canons to be excommunicated to be ordered by rigour if reason could not rule them Narses hereupon grew so violent that he drew an excommunication from the Bishops vpon his owne head Pelagius egged him on still by his letters which we find recorded in the Councels and reported by Sigonius and Baronius and importuned him againe to send Honoratus and Paulinus prisones to Constantinople vntill at length Narses apprehended some of them made others to flie the countrey among the rest Vitalis Bishop of Altin fled to Meuce in Germanie And hence it is that some writers hold opinion That this Pelagius was the first which decreed to pray in aid of the secular power against such as stood condemned for schisme or heresie An. 556. Neither was he any thing better respected or obeyed in Tuscanie which yet lieth euen at Rome gates witnesse his owne letters which he wrot vnto Gaudentius Baron vol. 7. an 556. art 31. Maximilian Gerontius Iustus Terentius Vitalis and Laurence his beloued brethren as he tearmeth them throughout Tuscanie where he complaineth That they had separated themselues from him and consequently from the communion of all the world in not mentioning his name in the ordinarie seruice of the Church All which Bishops
fift booke they proue nothing but this That Iohn vpon the wrong which was done vnto him had recourse to Gregorie who made his cause to be reuiewed in a Synod and his confession being there found Orthodox Gregorie requested the Patriarch of Constantinople to receiue him againe with fauour as one which had beene abused and wronged by such as he had put in trust with the examination of his cause and intreated the Emperour to assist him therein all which sauoureth not of the nature of an Appeale but onely of that ancient recourse which the oppressed vsed to make to the chiefe Sees and which the Bishop of Rome vsed commonly to draw to a consequence of Soueraigntie and Dominion The like is to be said of the case of Adrian Bishop of Thebes whose processe as hee saith Gregorie read ouer for the Appeale there spoken of vpon the accusation which was mixt and partly Ciuile partly Ecclesiasticall belonged properly to the Ciuile Court in the point for which the Emperour in the first instance committed it to Iohn Bishop of Iustineana Prima and secondarily to the Ecclesiasticall Court in that which concerned his deposition And Gregorie there speaketh in verie proper tearmes when he saith That Adrian being wronged by his brethren and fellow Bishop as by his enemies fled to the citie of Rome And againe He is saith he Confugit come to Rome to complaine with teares And in like sort doth Baronius abuse the other examples which he alledgeth Fiftly he saith That Gregorie dealt about his Palls amongst the Archbishops of the East also making vs beleeue that this custome is as ancient as Christianitie is old And wheresoeuer the Bishop of Rome writing to any Bishop saith vnto him Vices tibi meas committo i. I make you my Vicar he inferreth presently That he sent him the Mantle or Pall withall which he bringeth in as if it had now suddenly sprung out of the ground it being a thing which former ages neuer heard of But let vs see vpon what credit though wee now come to enter into an age which was wholly set vpon new fangles and deuises For proofe hereof therefore hee citeth the 55 Epistle of Gregorie lib. 4. whence he collecteth That he bestowed this Mantle or Pall vpon Iohn Bishop of Corinth whereas yet his words are onely these You know saith he that heretofore this Pall was giuen for money but we haue taken a strict order in a Synod Pallium pro Commodo that neither this or any other order shall hereafter be disposed of either by money or by fauour And I see no reason but that by the same argument he might haue said That hee sent him his Orders also True it is that the two Bishops of Rome and of Constantinople pulled who could pull hardest to get all jurisdiction into their hands as if the Church had beene a prey betweene them two and this was the cause that Gregories letters slew so thicke as they did into Greece And so much bee said of the power which he chalenged ouer the Church As for the Emperour Maurice Baronius taketh pepper in nose against him a man otherwise well reported of and much commended by Historians His grieuance is onely this That according to the law of his predecessors he tooke vpon him to confirme Gregorie in his Popedome and is scarce friends with Gregorie himselfe for suffering it In the end he saith That the Emperour was a Tyran Baron vol. 8. an 590. art 2 3 4 sequent and Gregorie forced to doe what he did and that it was of this Maurice that he meant when vpon the fift Penitentiall Psalme he vsed these words That he is no King who maketh the Church a Chamber-maid whom God appointed to be free and Mistresse of the house if so then was Gregorie a notorious hypocrite neither is there any trusting of him seeing that he said one thing and meant another in all the dealings which he had with Maurice For doe but read the Epistle which he wrot vnto Maurice concerning that law which he had made to this effect That no souldier vntill he were dismissed no accomptant without his discharge first had and obtained should take the Frocke vpon him and enter into religion and then tell me whether it be possible for a man to vse greater submission than he there vseth He is answerable saith he for it before Almightie God whosoeuer is either in word or deed found faultie against his gracious Lords And so were I your most vnworthie seruant if in this case I should hold my peace c. Greg. li. 2. Epist 62. 65. Thou wert my good Lord before such time as thou wert Lord of all c. And when I thus presume to speake vnto my Lords what am I but dust and a verie worme of the earth c. Power is giuen from heauen vnto my Lords ouer all men c. and Christ shall one day speake vnto thee saying To thee haue I committed my Priests or Bishops c. And in the end I haue saith hee Meos Sacerdotes now in euerie poynt fulfilled my duetie seeing that I haue yeelded my obedience to the Emperour and haue not kept silence in that which was of my knowledge Who can read this and thinke him a Pope which wrot it And in like manner speaketh he to Theodore the Emperors Physitian My tongue saith he is vnable to expresse the good which I haue receiued of the Almightie and of my Lord the Emperour and what shall I giue againe for all this good but onely this Vestigia pure amare i. To loue the ground he goeth on in the same sence in which he elsewhere often saith Greg. li. 2. Epist 64. ad Dominorum vestigia transmisi i. I haue sent it to the feet of my Lords And at the foot of that Epistle he saith God hath not giuen him power to rule ouer souldiers onely Idem Epist 52. but also ouer Bishops where hee vseth the word Sacerdotibus meaning thereby All men of the Church And shall then Baronius his plea be admitted Baron an 593. art 15. when he saith That Gregorie spake as one which liued vnder a Nero or a Dioclesian especially when he maketh such open protestation That he speaketh the truth wholly without all reseruation and thereupon is so bold in the same Epistle as to say vnto him What wilt thou answer before the iudgement seat of God when he shall say vnto thee at that day Of Notarie I made thee Captaine of the gard of the Captaine of the gard Caesar of Caesar Emperour Was it feare or duetie which drew these words from him But if you will take a true view of the judgement which this man had of the Emperour then read the Epistle which he wrot without all passion to Anastasius Bishop of Antioch Whereas saith he men which are Orthodox in the faith are daily preferred to holie Orders wee haue great cause to render
to famble with children but ought not to be drawne in consequence of doctrine in the Church That in such matters euerie one might abound in his owne sence and to conclude That he was just of opinion with Sergius that is to say a pure Monothelite Yet Bellarmine Onuphrius and others of that whet seeke to justifie him but alas they cannot vnlesse they will first condemne this Councell If they say that the copies were corrupted by the Greekes we answere that we take them as we find them in the Latine where we farther find that the copies of his letter were compared with the Originall it selfe taken out of the Librarie of Constantinople and the sentence passed vpon that letter saith That it swarued from the doctrines of the Apostles and holie Synods and that they contained hereticall positions and as such are worthie of execration That they execrated and accursed the authors of all such doctrines and cast their names out of the Church and for that cause they there pronounce Anathema against Honorius as following in euerie point the drifts and purposes of Sergius Cyrus and other complices in this Heresie all which is to be seene more at large in the Bodie of that Councell But which is more Honorius for this verie Heresie was afterward againe excommunicated in the seuenth Generall Councell and last Action Synod Nicen. 2. act vlt. 3. Synod Constant 8. Vniuers act 7. 3. 6. Beda de sex aetatib Liber Pontific in vita Leonis Psellus de septem Synodis and in the eight by Pope Adrian the second himselfe and by diuers others And of this Beda and the Pontificall Booke for the Westerne Churches and for those of the East Psellus and for these later times Melchier Canus though our aduersarie beareth record and is all this so easily puffed off by saying That the Greekes perhaps did corrupt the copies or that I know not who hath thrust these words into Beda Had Pope Agatho known the contrarie or had the least doubt therof what conscience had he had to hold his peace Is it ynough to say that he did it to auoid farther brable Or should not the zeale of his See rather haue moued him to speake For whereas they tell vs a tale of one Maximus out of the Popes Librarie we answere That such a domesticke witnesse ought not to be admitted without better caution for his honestie no more may Nicholas the first who liued two whole ages after this time and is a Pope produced for a Pope neither yet Emanuel Galleca who liued no lesse than 500 yeares after And by the way it is to be obserued That the Legats of Pope Agatho assisted at the condemnation of Honorius with 289 other Bishops Concil Tolet. 4. Can. 16. as also that at this verie time the fourth Councell of Toledo decreed That the Apocalyps should be read in time of Masse that is of full seruice betweene Easter and Whitsunday with Anathema to him which should faile herein as wel perceiuing that the time now approached when all men had need to arme themselues against that Antichrist who is in that booke plainly foretold and by many circumstances most graphically described which gaue life to the Beast which was dead that is to the Roman Empire in that downfall of the temporall Estate as S. Gregorie himselfe had mentioned An. 633. 680. art 17. Here Baronius grindeth his teeth contesting violently That Honorius was not an Heretike he turneth and windeth new casteth and mouldeth the words to saue him thereby from this imputation For what likelihood saith he seeing that the Councels held vnder Martin at Rome make no such mention and seeing that Pope Agatho himselfe pronounceth so peremptorily That it was neuer knowne that the See of Rome did erre c. But what shall we hearken to those forced interpretations which Baronius maketh of his words rather than to those which two generall Councels made of them when all matters were either present to their view or at least fresh in memorie vnto them or because the Pope said That they neuer erred must we therefore needs beleeue them contrarie to the authoritie of generall Councels and contrarie also to some of themselues And when Pope Agatho by his Legats condemned him and his memorial after him in the sixt generall Councell shall it be ynough for them to say That the Greekes added this parcell and the two Sessions following and thus to put off whatsoeuer they are not able to defend or may not we rather thinke and say That those other passed it ouer with silence because they had not what to say in excuse thereof Giue way to this and what Councell can stand for good In the end he telleth vs That one Theodorus Bishop of Constantinople Ib. art 17. an 680. being himselfe an Heretike and one of those which should haue beene condemned in the same sentence giuen by the Synod caused Honorius his name to be put into the scedule in stead of his owne Base shift for where doth he find Theodorus so much as named in all that Session or must so many authorities so many pregnant proofes giue place to his bare coniecture what printed author what manuscript doth he alledge But the truth is Gratulabor mihi tibique this man desireth not to be releeued but vpon almes Reader saith he if thou wilt accept of this I shall be glad that I haue not lost my paines if not neuerthelesse Honorius shall be still a good Catholike And this is all the fruit of 50 pages which he had spent vpon this argument Now after Honorius succeeded Seuerin the first At that time saith Blondus the manner was Blond li. 9. Deca 1. That the Pope elected was not crowned till the Exarch would come from Rauenna to confirme him And Isaac who was Exarch at that time deferred his comming to Rome one whole yeare and a halfe Platina in Seuerino and so also saith Platina Here Beronius obserueth That the decree of Phocas was obserued in certaine places And we denie not that this Mysterie had his proceedings for one Sergius Archbishop of Cyprus writing vnto Pope Theodore inscribeth his letter To Theodorus the Vniuersall Pope and so much the rather because he was at variance with the Bishop of Constantinople Summo omnium Praesulum Pontifici So likewise a genernll Synod of Afrike writing to Pope Martin inscribeth their Epistle To the Soueraigne Pontife ouer all Bishops though they might peraduenture meane it onely as to the chiefe Patriarch and consequently a Contutor in the gouernement of the Vniuersall Church as wee haue said before But Victor Bishop of Carthage a man much renowmed in that Synod when vpon his election he sent his confession to Theodorus kept the old stile and wrot onely To the most blessed Lord and our honourable holie brother Pope Theodore beginning his Epistle with these words The good workes of your holie Fraternitie c. and so
made his moane to his people and Clergie and thereupon with one consent brake off as before from the Communion of the Romane Church Sigon de Reg. Jtal. l. 2. Pope Constantine on the other part made his plaint to Iustinian who dispatched thither Theodore with a nauie the Archbishop with other adjoyning congregations as of Ceruia Comachio Forlim Popoli Cesenae Imola Faenza and others all great peoples in those daies as Blondus testifieth prepare themselues for the encounter Theodore after manie hot skirmishes landed besieged the Citie tooke in by composition as well the citizens as the Archbishop proceeded notwithstanding against the chiefe of them by seisure of their goods and persons hanged some banished others and the rest he caused to fine deepe for their liues This they called to be tried by S. Peters iudgement As for the Archbishop they put out his eyes and banished him into Pontus vntill that by this pastorall proceeding he being conuerted from that damnable heresie of not paying money to the Pope for so Platina is pleased to tearme it he submitted himselfe to giue such caution as they demaunded and so doing was restored to his See And so saith likewise Anastasius Yet was this Felix whom we see so hardly vsed recommended in Historie for sanctitie of life and miracles called in his Epitaph which Baronius rehearseth Terbeatissimus Archiepiscopus But he would faine persuade vs that those barbarous and cruell vsages of the Pope were the cause of this his sanctitie Yet Benedict Archbishop of Milan a man of reputed holinesse Hieronym Rubaeus found a little better vsage Hee pretended That Pauia the chiefe seat of the Lombards was belonging to his Diocesse But comming in kindnesse to see the Pope Paul Diacon l. 6. c. 29. was faine to haue the cause heard at Rome where it was agreed That anciently the Bishops of Pauia were consecrated by the Bishops of Rome Anastas in Constanti whereas yet Pauia was euer of the Prouince of Milan but the Pope was judge in his owne cause 27. PROGRESSION How and vpon what occasions the Popes ruined both the Estate of the Exarches and the kingdome of the Lombards in Italie TO fulfill the prophesie of the Apocalyps it was necessarie that the second Beast should enter vpon the place of the first and the Empire declining and the Apostasie encreasing the Papacie should plant it selfe in the roome of the Empire The Emperours were long since confined in the East but the Exarches of Rauenna who had alwayes their Iudges vnder them at Rome remained still as a moat or rather a thorne in the Popes eye and the Lombards on the other side held them continually at a bay and in feare of a sudden flaw and now shall we see how cunningly they rid themselues of both Immediatly vpon the enteruiew betweene the Emperour Iustinian and Constantine the Pope Iustinian abandoned by the armie was assaulted by Helias Generall of the armie for Philippicus Bardanes who slew him and farther caused his sonne Tiberius who was fled to the Temple of Blachames to be there murdered and then sent Iustinians head to Philippicus and he to Rome Constantine the Pope somewhat amazed with this sudden alteration yet bethought himselfe how to doe most for his owne behoofe There was at that time a certaine Monke called Iohn who had persuaded Philippicus to turne Monothelite which Heresie had beene formerly condemned in the sixt generall Councell And Iustinian had caused the chiefe of those Fathers which assisted at that Councell to be pictured in a table and to be hung vp in the poarch of S. Sophia in Constantinople Philippicus by the persuasion of that Monke defaced this table and farther commaunded That all Images should be pulled downe in the Churches A good ordinance had it not proceeded from an hereticall disposition On the contrarie Constantine the Pope in despight of Philippicus caused a table containing the Images not onely of the Fathers of the sixt Councell but of all the six generall Synods to be hung vp in Saint Peters Church at Rome and in a Synod there ordained That Images should be set vp in Churches So the question about Images came now to be principall which at the first was but accessarie Insomuch that from thence forward though the Emperour elected were neuer so Orthodox in other points and though he receiued the six generall Synods with all readinesse yet was hee not obeyed nor acknowledged by the Popes or at all in Italie if he held not for the vse and veneration of Images which by circumstances they made alwayes more and more odious to the aduerse partie So that vpon this point the Popes neuer wanted matter of quarell against the Emperours till in the end they had thrust them cleane out of Italie Constantine therefore taking occasion as before refused Philippicus his Patents which he sent vnto him pronounced him an Heretike forbad the people of Rome to receiue either his name or his letters or his image or his coyne suffered not his pourtrait to be placed in the Church Paul Diac. li. 6. c. 34. nor his name to be mentioned in Diuine Seruice which was in effect as much as in him lay Anastas Platin in Constant to depose him from the Empire Whereupon shortly after there arose against him one Arthemius who pulled out his eyes and thrust him from the Empire So that Onuphrius in his Annotations vpon Platina in the life of this Constantine had reason to say Onuphr in Annotat in Plat. in vit Constant That he was the first which durst resist the Greek Emperor to his face because he was fallen into the Heresie of Iconomachie which forbad the vse of Images not for that he was a Monothelite not that he denied either two natures or two wils in Christ but only vpō the difference concerning Images in Churches And Sigonius giueth the same reason Sigon de Reg. Ital. li. 3. and none other So small an occasion tooke they to depose the Emperours whose roome they had so long desired to enioy But Gregorie the second who succeeded after him went a little farther being that Gregorie who as Sigonius reporteth for his excellent veine in that kind was surnamed the Dialogist An. 716. and it may be that hee meant that this Gregorie was the author of those fabulous Dialogues which goe vnder the name of Gregorie the first Leo the third surnamed Isauricus in the yeare 717 was called to the Empire This Leo so soone as he was quietly seated in his throne ratified the Edict formerly published against the vse of Images An. 717. for other Heresie than this his greatest enemies lay not to his charge And thence saith Sigonius tooke their beginning those great seditions by meanes whereof that huge Dominion of the Church in Italie was established Some Historians say That he attempted against the life and libertie of Pope Gregorie as well knowing that hee could neuer bring his purposes
time of their first Christian Princes Waltram Bishop of Naumbourg to this purpose speaking Gregorie the Great saith he wrot to Theodoric and to Brunichild To grant inuestitures of Bishops without simonie so that this right began in the first race of the kings of France And it followeth That long time before that decree of Adrian and his successors the kings once annointed and the Grand Master of their houshold Waltramus apud Naumburgensis granted inuestitures of Bishoprickes as did Dagobert Theodobert and Sigebert by whom were in throned Remaclus Amandus Audomarus Antpertus Eligius Lampertus and other holie Bishops c. We also find in histories how the Bishops of Spaine Scotland England and Hungarie came in alwayes by the authoritie of the kings following the ancient custome vntill this present noueltie meaning which the Popes brought in about the yeare 1100 So that where we read That about the yeare 779 Charlâ—maine would haue Turpiâ— or Tilpin Archbishop of Reims to accept of the Pallas Pope Adrians hands wee must take it for a speciall fauour which he meant to doe him at their present and which he knew well how to restraine when he saw himselfe at an end of his purposes which he had in hand Adde we hereunto That both Pepin and Charles made lawes meerely Ecclesiasticall not concerning Church gouernment onely but also concerning points of doctrine whereof we haue the articles to this day Capitularia and at Modena saith Sigonius are those lawes yet kept by which he fashioned the State of the Church after a new order whereof he alledgeth the prâ—â—me onely but thereby by appeareth that he purposed seriously to execute his power mentioned in the chapter Hadrianus in reforming the Church and 〈◊〉 Apostolike See it selfe But no cable could hold the violent ruine and corruption of that Church and all his diligence serued onely to their greater condemnation For the Scripture must needs be fulfilled That this ambition must raise it selfe vpon the ruines of whatsoeuer was good just or holy As indeed their 〈◊〉 deuotions and whatsoeuer seemed in them to participat most of the spirit had ouer reference to some worldly respect and purpose Gregorie the second and third sent Boniface into Germanie where they found Christian Churches of long continuance yet they call Boniface the Apostle of the Germans as if he had first coâ—â—ed them to Christ For what his chiefe drift and purpose was we may learne by the oath which he tooke to Gregorie the second at his going in these words I doe promise to S. Peter and to you his Vicar c. that with all integritie I will serue and bend my course to the behoofe and profit of thy Church c. If I shall otherwise do let me in the day of iudgement incurre the punishment of Ananias and Saphira and he deliuered him this oath signed with his owne hand And yet Gregorie writing to the Germans saith That he sent him for the illumination of the Gentiles promising to whomsoeuer that should assist him place with the blessed Martyrs 2. To. Concil in Decret Greg. 2. and threatning euerie one that should resist him with Anathema who yet preached nought vnto them but the authoritie of the Pope and Romish inuentions The like may we learne by the letters of Gregorie the third to Boniface Ib. in Epist ad Epist Praebyt Diacâ—n wherein he rejoyceth with him for that God had opened to him among these nations the way of saluation and the doore of mercie and had sent his Angell before him to prepare his way This Angell was Charolus Martellus who fauoured him and the cause why we haue seene before Neither doth he sticke to tell vs in this verie Epistle To. 2. Concil in Epist 2. ad Bonifac what this way of saluation was to wit the Apostolicall Tradition of creating Bishops there ex nostra vice that is in true construction after his owne mind and humor Neither did Boniface faile one jot of his promise as we may farther learne by his Epistle to Zacharie Ib. Epist Decret Zachar. wherein hee protesteth That looke how many auditors and disciples God had giuen him in this his embassage bee had not ceased to draw them euerie one to the obedience of his See As also by that Epistle of Zacharie to the Bishops of France and Germanie wherein he congratulateth them not for the vnion which they had with him in Christ but that they were conuerted to Saint Peter whom God had appointed as a fauourer and master ouer them that is That they acknowledged the Bishop of Rome deliuering them withall a doctrine no doubt verie necessarie to saluation to wit That Christians aboue all must beware of eating Gaies Dawes Storkes Beauers Hares wild Horses c. with such like fooleries for more necessarie doctrines of saluation shall you there find none referring himselfe for the rest to the sufficiencie of Boniface in these matters Ib. Epist Greg. ad Bonifac. to whom he writeth and holie brother saith he thou art well instructed in all things by the holie Scriptures Yet could not the Popes effect all that they attempted in France and Germanie for all their support by Princes For Gregorie the second is faine to write to Charolus Martellus vpon the information of Boniface and to request That hee would represse a certaine Bishop accused of some idlenesse in his charge And Zacharie was not well content with the Bishops of France for that contrarie to promise they regarded not the Pall when it was sent vnto them It may be hee tooke too deepe of them as he can hardly denie in his Epistle to Boniface but in the end If they will not saith he aduise them But which is more Carloman himselfe in the Synod which he assembled in his kingdomes assisted by Boniface saith in expresse words By the aduise of our Bishops and great men we haue appointed Bishops and for Archbishop ouer them Boniface Missum Sancti Petri. Synod Franc. sub Carlomanno An 742. the messenger or deputie of Saint Peter by which it appeareth That Carloman himselfe prouided or appointed them And this is the first time that we euer find a Legat of Rome assisting in any of the Councels of France namely in the yeare 742. To be short if Boniface sought to blemish any of the Bishops whom he found there at his comming they died not in his debt calling him Auenti Annal. â—oior li. 3. The author of lyeâ— the disturber of peace pietie and the corrupter of Christian doctrine who yet were Monkes and the most learned of those times Clemens and Sampson of Scotland Adelbertus of France disciples of Beda and others whom they seeke to staine by sundrie imputations But if any angred him or seemed to be more learned than himselfe his next way was to accuse him of Heresie to make the Pope damne him for an Heretike and the Prince to bee ill persuaded of him As for example Virgilius a
I would aske Whether all they who in anie Councell heretofore were the Popes Legats had this title themselues and deriued it to their successors How manie simple Bishops should since that time haue had this title if that were true That the Monke wrote in the same stile to the Patriarch of Antioch Baronius himselfe confesseth but will you see what he wrote to him of Ierusalem to whom Baronius doth not affoord this title he concealeth the subscription and for anie thing we know it may be the same with the other but what sayth he towards the foot of the letter Thou saith he art Prince of the Apostles though thou be reckoned the fift in order and so by his reckoning the Pope of Rome is a Patriarch as others were but he of Ierusalem was the chiefe in regard of those holie deuotions done vnder him as is there said And he addeth farther a reason of this prioritie and preheminence For sayth he where that Bishop of Soules and High Priest Christ Iesus was borne and wrought his heauenly miracles where he suffered and was buried where he was raised againe to life and liued and thence taken into heauen there also must needs be the supreame or soueraigne dignitie and honour viz. of the Church See good reader what light and friuolous arguments these men are faine to hunt for in euerie idle flatterie of a Monke to exalt and magnifie that See of Rome 29. PROGRESSION Of Sergius the second and of the open Simonie vsed in his time AFter the death of the Emperor Lewis his sonnes who so well agreed against him fell to variance among themselues and saith Sigonius as the dignitie of the French by occasion of these diuisions diminished so that of the Italians meaning of the Popes encreased Charles sumamed the Bauld Carolus Caluus Sigibert en 844. Platinae in Sergio Sigon de Reg. Ital. lib. 5. had for his partage the kingdome of France Lewis all Germanie Eastward of the Rhine Lotharius all the Low Countries Burgundie Prouence Italie and Rome with the Title of the Empire So that of all the children the Pope had especially to deale with Lotharius and his eldest sonne Lewis whom he associated in the Empire in the yeare 844 and proclaimed king of Italie An. 844. In this yeare died Gregorie the fourth who had alreadie begun to make his profit of their dissentions The Clergie and Senat of Rome immediatly after his death elected Sergius the second consecrated him without expecting the Mandat of the Emperour Though Anastasius their owne Historian Anastas in Leo. 4. in the life of Leo the fourth successor vnto Sergius saith in expresse tearmes That the Romans durst not consecrate a Pope without authoritie from the Emperour Which he would neuer haue written if that pretended Renunciation of Lewis the first Emperor had taken place But Sergius making his hay in the Sun-shine of their diuision went through with it This is he as Platina reporteth that first altered his name though Onuphrius attributeth it to Iohn the twelfth also who first ordained That no Bishop might be conuicted but in the mouth of seuentie two witnesses and yet himselfe put to death a certaine Cardinall Priest and an enemie of his called Athanasius vpon the testimonie of farre fewer witnesses Also this is he whose raigne is so foulely stained and blotted with detestable simonie Author Coaetaneus apud Vignerium pa. 214. 215. He had saith a certaine Author of that time a brother called Benedict and surnamed Brute being indeed of brute behauiour who growing vpon the weakenesse of the Pope vsurped the execution and administration of all affaires as well Ecclesiasticall as Ciuile and had by briberie and corruption obtained of the Emperour Primatum dominium Romae that is as we interpret the chiefe place and gouernement of Rome Shortly after he seised into his hands the Bishopricke of Alba marring all in euery place by his auarice and vaine behauiours Aboue all vnder this Pope and his brother Simonie grew monstrous Bishoprickes were openly set to sale and they carried them who could giue most for them Neither was there any Bishop or other who led with the zeale of God would deale with the Emperour for the restraint and reformation of this horrible abuse And this was the cause why seeing no Christian sought to redresse this sinne God sent in Pagans to punish their transgressions The Sarasens comming suddenly and vnawares vpon them slew infinit multitudes of men set fire on townes and castles And the Histories from hence forward are full of these calamities But let vs looke backe and see what the Emperour Lotharius did OPPOSITION So soone as Lotharius vnderstood of the consecration of the Pope made without his priuitie and in prejudice of the Empire he presently sent his sonne Lewis into Italie with an armie Baron vol. 10. an 844. art 5. Sigebert saith he sent to confirme him Baronius speaketh all saue good of him for so saying But what euer the cause was he gaue him his vncle Drogo Archbishop of Mets for a guide and conductor in this voyage They lay to his charge That he passed with great terrour and crueltie through Italie And the truth is that he chastised with some rigour the citie of Boulogne for not receiuing him as they ought borne out as it should seeme by the Pope But when he came to Rome he entred the Vatican Palace where the Pope attended his comming and receiued him according to the custome Sigonius will needs report Osculum sancto pedi infixit Anastas in Sergio 2. Plat. ib. That he kissed his holie foot but the world was not yet come to that Anastasius who vseth not to loose any of the Popes prerogatiues saith onely That the Emperour and the Pope embraced each other And Platina That they entertained each other with a mutuall kisse And then the Pope vsing his Church power and standing at S. Peters Church doore which was shut If thou art come said he for the good of this Church and Citie then enter by my commaund if otherwise by my good will they shall not be opened vnto thee And when Lewis had graciously assured him of his good meaning he caused the doores to be set open to him and to the great ones that were about him Yet did the whole armie also rush into the citie to see it and to visit the Churches So much had the Clergie of Rome alreadie preuailed by their dissentions The issue of all was That Sergius ancled crowned and proclaimed Lewis Anastasius saith King of Lombards Ado and Leo Hostiensis say Ado Viennen in Chron. Leo Hostien King of Italie and Emperour with a joyfull acclamation of the people and both Platina and Sigonius speake after the same manner And Anastasius saith farther That the Pope would not suffer the Romans to sweare fealtie to Lewis but only to the Emperor Lotharius whereof other Authors make no difference And a certaine Author of that time
had beene faultie and negligent sometime to amend their manners confessing that sermons had been a long time omitted Sigon de Reg. Ital. lib. 5. through the negligence partly of the Prelats partly of the people who by hauing priuat chappels adioyning to their houses neglected the frequentation of the publike Churches with many other matters of like nature all which he tooke order to redresse as to him seemed best sitting in his palace and by the aduise of his priuie Counsel And whereas there was one Gratian a Master of the campe and a man of great credit and authoritie who sought to sow discord betweene the Temporall Estate and the Clergie practising vnder hand to translate the whole Empire backe vnto Greece againe Lotharius hearing hereof sent to his sonne Lewis to march immediatly vnto Rome and there to preuent such inconuenience And Platina reporteth That Leo the Pope was accused as partie in this conspiracie But in the end Lewis hauing hanged one Daniel who had falsely accused him Pope Leo wrot to Lotharius That he did and euer would obserue the behests and commaundements of his progenitors Requesting him withall That the Roman law might still take place as now and heretofore And we haue the extract of that letter in the Decret of Gratian in these words De Capitulis vel praeceptis imperialibus vestris D. 10. c. 19. vestrorumque Pontificum praedecessorum irrefragabilitèr custodiendis quantum valuimus valemus Christo propitio nunc in aeuum modis omnibus nos conseruaturos profitemur Et si fortasse quilibet vobis alitèr dixerit vel dicturus fuerit scias eum pro certò mendacem Where Baronius after Isidore in stead of vestrorumque Pontificum readeth nostrorumque Baron an 853. art 17. contrarie to the credit of all copies and glosses onely to auoid Leo his tying himselfe to the obseruation of such Edicts and Iniunctions as our kings shall make in the assemblies of their Bishops in their dominions Capitularibus And how farre kings of those dayes proceeded in matters of this nature we can learne no whence better than from the Decrees and ordinances of Charles and Lewis Capitulos and those which we haue also of the Synod of Soissons alledged by Baronius himselfe and called Capitula Charoli Calui The Iniunctions of Charles the Bauld which concerned the whole policie and discipline of the Church And the same Leo in another Epistle speaketh to the Emperour as humbly as in the former In the proceedings of this cause saith he we haue done some things incompetently not obseruing in your subiects causes the ordinarie course of law we are readie to reforme what euer is amisse as you and your Commissioners shall thinke fit c. Wherefore we earnestly intreat your clemencie and greatnesse That you would send some such into these parts to take knowledge of these matters c. and of all matters great or small which any man hath informed you of concerning vs c. By which we may easily perceiue what hand the Emperor in those dayes bare ouer the Bishops of Rome Yet Baronius contesteth That Leo withstood Lotharius and Lewis the Emperors in the claime which they made to their right of confirmation vpon the election of Popes and that hee preuailed so farre that the election from that time should be made according to the Canons meaning that Canon by which they pretend That Lewis the first Emperor renounced all right in the election But for proofe he alledgeth naught but a Palea of the Decret which is vnable to stand against the current of all Histories besides And yet the words of that Palea import but this That betweene the Emperours and the Pope it was accorded That the election and consecration of the Bishop of Rome in time to come should not be made but iustly and canonically which no Logicke can wrest to proue what he intendeth And these words are noted for a Palea in the verie edition of Gregorie the thirteenth Hincmar Epist ad Charol Caâ—n de Episc Syluanectensi Idem ad populuÌ„ Bellouacensem Liberam Regularem Electionem This Leo as he could not keepe himselfe from encroaching so met hee sometimes with rubs in his way Charles the Bauld raigned at that time in France The order was when a Bishopricke fell void that the Clergie and people joyned in petition to the king to grant them leaue to make a free and a regular election and that he would send thither according to the holie Canons a Visitor to assist at the election And thereupon did the king signifie to the Metropolitan which of his Bishops he would haue to assist as Visitor to see the election in all points canonically made yet so as without any preiudice of his owne Canons By which it was ordained That in euerie such election the consent of Clergie and people should concurre it being the principall cause why the Prince would haue a Visitor to assist to see his Canons duely and carefully obserued All which we may learne out of sundrie Epistles of Hincmar Archbishop of Reims but especially out of that which he wrot to Charles the Bauld touching the vacancie of the Bishopricke of Senlis himselfe being chosen Archbishop in a Synod held at Beauuais in the place of Hebo which rebelled against the Emperor Lewis And though there be one which writeth That at the entreatie of Lotharius he receiued the Pall at Leo his hands to weare euerie day a priuiledge which the Pope said he would neuer grant to any other yet Hincmar himselfe holding this Pal for a badge of honour Idem ad Cler. pleb Cameracensem Idem ad Laudunenses c. 6. rather than for a marke of subiection spareth not to say openly That it was not lawfull for the inferiour Bishops vpon any publike or generall occasion to consult the Pope vnlesse they had first aduised thereof with their owne Archbishops and yet the question was onely of consulting That it was needlesse for Archbishops to expect resolutions from the See of Rome concerning such things as were alreadie sentenced in the holie Scriptures in the Councels in Canons and Decrees of the Church And thereupon inhibiteth his nephew Hincmar Bishop of Laon to Appeale to Rome declaring the letters monitorie Ib. c. 34. by which the Pope warned him to appeare before him to be void and of none effect forbidding him to obey his summons and expounding these words Tues Petrus c. in this manner Vpon this sure and solide confession of faith which thou hast made will I build my Church And as touching the power of binding and loossing he spareth not to write to the Pope himselfe Idem in Epist ad Hadrian 2. telling him out of the writings of Leo the first That that power was passed and deriued from Saint Peter and from the rest of the Apostles to all the chiefe Heads of the Church meaning to all Bishops and consequently to
himselfe as well as to the Pope of Rome And that Saint Peters priuiledge taketh place onely where men iudge according to the equitie of Saint Peter and is of force wheresoeuer that equitie is vsed no more at Rome than at Reimes no lesse at Reimes than at Rome in euerie place alike according as the Bishops doe or doe not their duetie So likewise when this Leo presuming vpon the pretended Apostleship of Boniface encroached vpon the Churches of Germanie more than reason was he should Luithpert Archbishop of Mence writing to Lewis king of Germanie Luithpertus Episc Moguntinens spareth him not The cause saith he will not suffer me to keepe silence for I were inexcusable before God and your Highnesse if seeing with my eyes the imminent danger of the Church I should dissemble my knowledge as an hired seruant and no longer a true Pastor of my sheepe The Primacie therefore and the dignitie thereof now shaketh and is growne infamous in the verie chaire of Saint Peter for after a secret and vnheard kind of persecution she is wronged not by those who know not God but by such as ought to be conductors and leaders of the people of God which make more account of earthlie trash than they doe of heauenlie treasure And this ache of the head if speedie remedie bee not applied In Capite will quickly distill vpon the members c. You know the danger wherein the people of God standeth euerie man seeth it and the verie elements tremble at it to see how the gouernours and conductors thereof whose duetie is to seeke to saue the weake forsake themselues the way of saluation and run headlong to their downfall drawing those which follow them into the like pit of perdition Wherefore I exhort your wisedome which loueth veritie and iustice that according to the knowledge giuen you by God you would aduise with such as know the Law and are louers of equitie and iustice how peace and vnitie may be restored to the Church c. For the whole bodie of the Church is not hurt though the Head being wounded all the members are weakened thereby Wherefore the sound parts must helpe the sick at least if they will take the medicine if not then cut them off according to the precept of that true Physitian least all the bodie perish with them Wherefore I thinke it necessarie that Charles your brother and a religious Prince should be requested by your letters and embassadour to come to a conference with you concerning this matter as soone as may be to the end that he and the Bishops of his kingdome who are yet cleane from those pollutions may ioyne with you and your Bishops and all together take vpon you this common care to reforme by the assistance of God the peace and concord of the Catholike and Apostolike Church This Luitpert was a man much esteemed for his integritie wisedome and sanctitie of life and conuersation and for this cause of so great authoritie in the world that the two kings of Germanie and France made him arbitrator betweene them in differences of their kingdomes And yet saw he euen then corruption so farre growne in that pretended Head that hee could hope for redresse and remedie from none but from these two great Princes For that hee meant the Pope no man can doubt who knoweth the Historie of the times and the contentions which they had at that time with Germanie and France Neither may we here forget before we passe any farther that we haue a certaine Canon of this Leo his making Leo. 4. ad Epist Britan. by which he taketh away all authoritie from all Decretall Epistles of Popes vntill the times of Syluester and Syricius and so blotteth out with one dash of a pen all those which are attributed to them D. 2. ca. de Libellis during the three or foure first ages which yet our aduersaries at this day vse as good authoritie against vs. And the Roman Code seemeth to point hereat seeing that it neuer vseth any before that time Here now are we to obserue shall I say a Proceeding or rather a headlong stumble of this Mysterie of Rome that prodigious accident and monster of this time A stumble indeed and a fall withall it should haue beene if either the Church of Rome had had any forehead or the people eyes I meane that which fell out in the yeare 854 after the death of Leo the fourth An. 854. which yet I had rather set downe in Platina his words Plat. in Iohan. 8. as we find them in his Historie which he dedicated to Pope Sixtus the fourth A woman or rather a wench sitting in the See of Rome saying Masse creating Bishops offering her foot to bee kissed by Princes and people As if God purposed to expose to the view of the world in this liuing picture that mother of fornications foretold in the Apocalyps Iohannes Anglicus therefore saith Platina borne at Mence aspired to the Papacie as it is said by euill practises For being a Female and dissembling her sex she went with her paramour a learned man to Athens and there grew so expert in the liberall Sciences that comming afterward to Rome she found there few equall none superiour to her selfe And what by lecturing what with disputing both wittily and learnedly withall grew so farre in grace and fauour with all men that vpon the death of Leo as saith Martinus by a generall consent she was chosen Pope in his roome But not long after being great with child by her seruant hauing for a while hid her great bellie in the end going to Latran betweene the Theatre which they call the Colosse of Nero and S. Clements falling into her throwes she was there deliuered and died in the place hauing sat Pope two yeres one month and foure daies and was buried without honor Some write that vpon this occasion the Pope when he goeth to Latran shunneth this street of purpose and that to preuent the like inconuenience in time to come when the Pope first sitteth in S. Peters Chaire wherein is a hole made for this purpose the punie Deacon is to handle his priuities I will not denie the first to be true for the second I suppose that the Chaire is so pierced to the end that he which shall be set in so high a place may know that he is a man and no God and subiect to like necessities of nature as other men are and therefore it is called Sedes Stercoraria we in English may call it by a more cleanelie name a close-stoole But Platina for feare no doubt of the hole or dungeon where he had long lyen in the time of Paule the second after all this addeth that which followeth That saith he which I haue said is a common bruit the authors thereof vncertaine and of no great name which yet I thought good briefely and nakedly to set downe that I might not seeme wilfully to omit a
most of these whom I haue named being Churchmen and of great place in their times I will onely content my selfe with these three verses of Baptista Mantuan a Carmelite who placeth her at the verie entrie into hell Hic pendebat adhuc sexum mentita virilem Foemina cui triplici Phrygiam diademate mitram Extollebat apex pontificalis adulter And shall all this be rejected by saying onely that Martin said it But let vs see what more Onuphrius the Iesuites and Baronius himselfe can say concerning this point Their maine argument is That we can find no space betweene Leo the fourth and Benedict the third to place Iohn the eight there And we answere let them subtract from the next precedent Popes the time which they haue added to them ouer and aboue the account of Marianus Scotus and other auncient Chroniclers and she will not want a place to stand in For Onuphrius giueth to Sergiâ—s the second two moneths more than Marianus doth to Nicholas the first he giueth nine yeares six moneths twentie dayes whom Marianus maketh to sit but eight yeare nine dayes to Adrian the second he giueth foure yeares and eleuen moneths whereas Marianus affoordeth him onely but two yeares And so may Onuphrius easily cast vp his account and we find the totall of ours So likewise Hermannus Contractus to leaue no roome for this Ione casteth three yeares vpon Sergius and nine vpon Leo the fourth and so doe the rest which are alledged by Onuphrius Secondly they say That vnto the time of Pope Formosus that is for the space of nine hundred yeares complete there was neuer anie Pope chosen who had not beene brought vp from a child in the Church of Rome and risen by degrees of Priesthood or Deaconrie We answere let them reforme then the generall current of Histories which report That Constantine brother to the Duke of Nepete was chosen Pope in the yeare 767 which was neither Priest nor Deacon nor Clerke but tooke all his degrees in a day and was consecrated by the Bishops of Praeneste Alba and Port and sat one yeare and one moneth since which time they cannot denie but that meere lay men haue beene elected Popes Thirdly they come to scan the words of the Historie of Martin Anglicus natione Moguntinus an Englishman borne at Mence What greater absurditie saith he But the absurditie is their owne and not the Authors for English was her surname not the name of her nation and themselues obserue that in the better manuscripts it is written Anglicus not Anglus Neither did anie euer vnderstand it otherwise no not Fasciculus Temporum where he writeth in this manner Some men saith he report that they neuer make Popes of Germanes which is false Besides that Polonus sayth a Margantine or Mangantine by nation and by consequent no Englishman Fourthly they say That Martin maketh her a student of Athens whereas at that time there was no learning there but barbarisme prouing it by Synesius who so reporteth of it in his time Synes in postrema epist ad fratrem We answere that Synesius sayth not there was no learning there but not so much as he expected and it was no small matter that could adde to the learning of Synesius but it is apparent that in Greece there were Vniuersities continuing manie yeares after at Athens at Thessalonica Constantinople and a famous one in the Isle of Chio since that inundation of the Turkes and in this verie time of which we speake Zonaras telleth vs that Michael Bardas the Emperour restored learning there and therefore as learning was not then in her heat at Athens so was it not likewise cleane extinguished And whereas they say that at this time there were no Lectures of Diuinitie at Rome a goodlie commendation for the See of the pretended Head of the Church we answere them that this great scarcitie bred her the greater admiration Fiftly they examine the circumstances Martin saith it was done as she went from Saint Peters to the Latran and the Popes say they at that time dwelt not in the Vatican But we aske whether then and a long time before S. Peters Church was not built that so the Pope might goe from the one to the other in procession And then they say it is strange that in all those nine moneths no bodie should perceiue it We answere that there is nothing more common but should they not rather admire the judgement of God in proclaiming their abhomination by this mysterie Sixtly not being able to denie that the Popes vse to turne out of this way they alledge a wrong cause of their so doing saying That if they went the right way the streets would be too narrow for the prease of people We answere that they who haue seene the place know the contrarie But Platina affirmeth it in those words De primo non abnuerim For the first I will not denie it and the effigies erected vpon the place as Antonine reporteth auerreth as much which the Iesuites themselues cannot denie But willing to seeme more vnderstanding than he they would faine persuade vs that this is the pourtrait of a Priest going to say Masse with the Clerke at his heeles A man may well say that this is Rasura in loco suspecto for what should such an Image make in that place Seuenthly for the close stoole they passe it ouer in a word That this is an idle tale of the people others say by way of Allegorie that this is to shew the new elected that God raiseth the poore out of the dung Erigit è stercore pauperem Antiquit. de Fauchet vol. 2. But for the matter it selfe can they denie but that the stoole is yet to be seene in the gallerie of the Palace of Latran as they goe to the Chappell called Sancta Sanctorum where the Conclaue was wont to be held while the Popes dwelt there And as for the cause if it were such as they say why then is there a hole in it And why should not we beleeue so manie Authors And the verses of Iohannes Pannonius long before this controuersie was risen doe they not testifie as much Non poterat quisquam reserantes aethera claues Non exploratis sumere testiculis Cur igitur nostro mos hic nunc tempore cessat Ante probat quod se quilibet esse marem Meaning that now Popes vse before hand to trie their manhood by their wenching and begetting of bastards Eightly they say That Zonaras Nicetas Cedrenus and others speake not of it We answere that these Authors liued long after and speake principally of the affaires of Greece and but sleightly of them neither And I would know if in a matter of the Latine Church we should alledge a Greeke Author whether they would not presently call vs to the Histories of the Latines And what wonder if these idolatrous Monkes shaking hands with the beastlinesse of the Romane Church were willing to conceale this shame But Laonicus a
little he got by his Excommunication bolted out against the Archbishop of Rauenna The Iniunction also which he laid vpon him to come once in euerie two yeares to Rome turned to his losse for he saw indeed the Archbishop at Rome oftner than he was willing because he was euer borne out and maintained by the Emperour But aboue all it troubled the Popes conscience to see so great an authoritie so neere at hand ouershadowing his own as lesse offensiue when it was farther off For saith the same Author whose verie simplicitie is warrant ynough for his truth and honestie this Emperour because hee resided still in Italie made himselfe alwayes a neere neighbour to Rome and exercised his authoritie to the full being assisted by the chiefe of the citie who knew themselues and gaue also the Emperour to vnderstand the ancient customes of the Empire persuading him to resume into his owne hands the Soueraigntie and commaund which in alder times belonged to the Emperours Which no doubt he would haue done but for the reuerence which he bore to the holie Apostles which reuerence yet was such as that it pleased not the Popes For saith he whiles these matters so passed the Bishops of Rome sent embassadors with letters to Charles the Bauld king of France requesting him vnder hand to make a iourney into Italie and because he was in some sort a Philosopher they requested him to lend a helping hand to S. Peter and to deliuer his Church from bondage as if it had beene oppressed by some forreine enemie As for his proceedings against Lotharius we will not here enter into the merits of the cause it selfe but you shall see the letters which Gontier Archbishop of Collen and Thietgaud of Treuers wrot to this Nicholas wherin they complaine of his tyrannicall behauiours The Bishops our Fathers and our Brethren and fellow Bishops sent vs vnto thee and we of our owne accord went willingly to Rome and presented thee with the Acts of the whole processe requesting thee as a good Father to reforme what thou foundest amisse in them c. And thou madest vs dance attendance twentie dayes before euer we could heare one word from thee much lesse be admitted to thy presence After a whole monethes attendance thou sentest for vs we came in all hast without feare of harme and thou causedst vs to bee vsed like a companie of theeues for so soone as we were entred within thy gates they were presently shut vpon vs and we beset with a companie of rascals there saw we our selues destitute of all helpe Paganorum and thou causedst vs to be debarred the vse of all things both holy and humane There contrarie to all law contrarie to the decrees and customes of our ancestors without calling any assemblie of Ecclesiastikes no Bishop no Archbishop there present not so much as thy selfe discoursing vpon our errour either by way of argument or by testimonie of witnesse or out of any writing hauing no bodie to sit by thee but onely the Monke Anastasius a man long since conuicted and condemned for a common wrangler thou diddest abruptly read out of thy paper against vs an vniust a rash and a wicked sentence repugnant to all Christian religion and diddest insolently in thy words taunt and reuile thy brethren fellow seruants The euer-liuing Emperour of all hath set an incorruptible border of gold about the head of his Spouse the Church he hath honoured her with an euerlasting dowrie with a diademe and scepter of immortalitie hath giuen her authoritie to consecrate Saints to assure them of heauen to make them of mortall immortall creatures All which prerogatiues Robber as thou art thou hast violently reft and taken from the Church to appropriat them vnto thy selfe Thou art a Wolfe vnto the Sheepe a murderer of the liuing and one which thrustest men into hell couering thy sword all ouer with honie so farre is it that by thy helpe the dead may liue againe Thou bearest the shew of a Pontife but art a verie Tyran thou art in habit a Pastor in heart a Wolfe Thy Title promiseth vs a Father Et tu te factis Iouem ostentas but in thy deeds thou carriest thy selfe as a god thou callest thy selfe a Seruant of Seruants and seekest by all means to become a Lord of Lords and consequently according to the doctrine of our Sauiour thou art the least of all the Ministers of Gods Church who yet in thy ambition runnest headlong to perdition thinking euerie thing lawfull to be done which it lusteth thee to doe Fucusque factus es Christianis and art become a Wâ—spe vnto the Christians What could these men haue said more vnlesse in plaine tearmes they should haue called him Antichrist seeing that they plainely allude to that place in the Epistle to the Thessalonians Shewing himselfe as if he were God But for conclusion of all they adde yet farther For these causes say they we and our Collegues set not by thy commaunds we care not for thy words we feare not thy Bulls nor yet thy thunders Thou damnest all men as impious which obey not thy Decrees and forbiddest them to sacrifice But wee returne thy sword into thy owne throat thou which spittest in the face of our Lord Gods commaundement and decree thou which breakest the vnitie and peace of our Christian societie the verie badge and cognisance of the Prince of Heauen After this they come to his pretended Primacie The Holie Ghost say they is the author of all Churches in euerie corner of the world The Citie of our God of which we are free denizens reaching to euerie point of heauen and is greater than that Babylon foretold by the Prophets which vsurpeth vpon the Truth maketh it selfe equall with heauen boasteth it selfe to be eternall as if she were God falsely glorying that she neuer erred nor can erre This Epistle related by an Annalist of these dayes in the same sence though somewhat different in words with this conclusion in expresse tearmes We care not for thy sentence as being a curse vnaduisedly pronounced we will not communicate with thee who doest communicate with the excommunicate sufficeth it vs to communicate with the whole Church which thou despisest Annal. incerti Author per Pet. Pythaeum in vulgus editi whilest thou exaltest thy selfe about it Et elationis tumore the verie word long before vsed by S. Gregorie and by thy swelling pride and insolencie hast made thy selfe vnworthie of her and hast distracted thy selfe from her Communion c. And know farther that we are not thy Clerks as thou braggest ouer vs but thou shouldest take and account of vs as of thy brethren and fellow Bishops Si elatio permitteret if thy pride would giue thee leaue They should haue said Thy pride which is vnseparable from the person of him whom thou representest at this day in the Church And for the matter it selfe we may not omit that this Nicholas in his letter which we
haue in the Decrete sayth That he tooke knowledge of this cause of Lotharius which gaue occasion to all these stirres as an arbitrator by consent of parties and consequently not as a judge founded in right of law or nature And Lotharius himselfe in his letters to Pope Adrian who succeeded Nicholas saith That he committed this cause to him Ad tempus in parte and therefore not to vse his absolute authoritie herein but onely such as was committed by way of delegacie vnto him As for the attempts which Pope Nicholas made vpon our Bishops in restoring so farre as he could Rothard Bishop of Soissons deposed before by his Metropolitanes in the presence and with the assent of his fellow Bishops Hincmar Archbishop of Rheimes telleth him his owne Ep. Hincmari Archiepiscopi Rhemen ad Nicolaum apud Flodoardum Whereas sayth he your Benignitie hath willed me to assemble the whole companie of our brethren and there according to the tenor of your letters to reintegrate Rothard Bishop of Soissons in his former place your Paternitie must know that I could not so doe for manie sundrie reasons namely because he cannot be replaced but by the consent of those by whom he was deposed of which a great part say they will not meddle with his restitution because they find not in him either life or learning or zeale fit for that ministration and that whereas it was expected that at least he should haue beene somewhat ashamed of his deposing he was on the contrarie growne more refractarie against the holie constitutions the regall dignitie and the priuiledges of the Metropolitans and liuing now more scandalously than before meaning since he had felt the support and tasted the ayre of Rome And whereas Nicholas alledged to him the Canon of Sardica he remonstrated vnto him That by vertue of that verie Canon the Bishop of the first See ought not to restore a Bishop of another Prouince deposed if he came vnto him to haue his cause reuiewed but that he should send him backe againe to his owne Prouince to haue his cause reuiewed there if the cause so required for that as in the Councell of Carthage was contained the matter can no where be so well examined as in the place where the crimes objected were said to haue beene committed That if anie other course than this should be held in the restoring of Rothard the censures of Bishops would be vilified and contemned both by the Clergie and by the people who alreadie begin to speake hardly of the Popes authoritie and in a word that he could not doe this thing without wrong not onely to the priuiledge of Metropolitanes but also of all Ecclesiasticall constitutions Neither was there anie stronger beleefe in Germanie of the Popes not erring than you haue heard in France as appeared when he went about to establish his Decree of Single life For hauing directed it to Vldaric Bishop of Ausbourg with charge to put it in execution not to rehearse what he said of the question it selfe which we haue elsewhere set downe more at large he telleth him in plaine tearmes That he was deuoid of reason vniust and insupportable That hardly could the members of the bodie continue sound seeing the Head was so ill affected so farre estranged from true discretion contrarie to the Euangelicall Institution contrarie to the foretelling of the holie Spirit to the examples of manie holie men and the common aduise of the wiser sort exhorting him to remoue this Pharisaicall scandalous and pestilent doctrine from the flocke of Christ and the verie stile it selfe of this Epistle is a sufficient warrant against all forgerie to those who know what belongeth to it This Pope Nicholas went yet farther for Michael Bardas vncle to the Emperour Michael succeeding in the Empire had diuorced his wife and was married to his daughter in law Ignatius Patriarch of Constantinople cut him off for this sinne from the vnion of the Church Bardas offended herewith assembled a Synod deposed Ignatius and put one Photius in his place whereupon arose a mutinie in Constantinople some holding for Photius others for Ignatius The Emperour to stint this strife requested the Pope to send his Legats thither who presently dispatched away Rodoald Bishop of Port and Zacharie of Anagnia giuing them instructions withall to set vp Images againe and aboue all to get in if they could his old patrimonie of Sicile and Calabria These Legats contrarie to his imagination woon as it should seeme by the Emperour ratified the deposition of Ignatius and installation of Photius Nicholas frustrate of his desire which was vpon this occasion to oblige Ignatius to himselfe disauowed his Legats and for exceeding the bounds of their commission degraded them Now in the declaration of this matter we are especially to obserue the answere which he made vnto the Emperour who in his letters to him had sufficiently made knowne vnto him That he desired not his helpe as to judge of a cause alreadie sentenced but onely for the more easie execution of the sentence giuen and for the more speedie pacifying of the troubles ensuing thereupon and it is great pitie that we haue not his letter at large but must be content with so much of it as the Pope is pleased to alledge vnto vs. But we may by Nicholas his answeres easily perceiue that Bardas spake mainely against his Primacie because he is so earnest in the defence thereof For saith he if they which sit in Moses chaire ought to be heard Nicol. ep ad Michael Imperator to 2. Concilior how much more they who sit in the chaire of S. Peter and will not see that a man may denie him the ground on which his argument is founded And againe he telleth him That neuer anie Bishop of Constantinople was deposed without the consent of the Pope How hard a matter had it beene for him to haue proued this assertion For what consent was euer required of them other than as they were deposed in Councels where peraduenture the Popes Legats had their place as other Bishops had Or should he not rather haue shewed that at least some one Archbishop of Constantinople had beene ordained by them Thirdly he alledgeth the Councell of Chalcedon where it is said saith he in this manner If a Clergie man hath a controuersie either against his owne Bishop or against anie other let the cause be heard in a Prouinciall Synod if a Bishop or a Clerke complaine against a Metropolitan of the same Prouince let him repaire to the Primat of the Dioces or to the See of Constantinople Who would haue thought that the Pope had had such Logicke in store to proue by these words that men ought to appeale from Constantinople to Rome Yet he concludeth What could the Synod saith he meane by the Primat of the Dioces but the Vicar of the chiefe Apostle Now the Canon which he meaneth is the ninth Canon of this Councell where it is said
the old fashion that he shall be deposed for a whole yeare if the Prince be cause of his so liuing that he be excommunicated for two yeares And the 17 Canon forbiddeth Princes and Emperours to be present at Synods vnlesse it be at generall Councels And the 22 disableth them and all Laies whomsoeuer to be present at the election or promotion of anie Patriarch Metropolitan or Bishop vnder paine of excommunication whereby no doubt the Popes Legats thought they had shut the Emperours of the West cleane out of their Conclaues vsing one Emperour as a rod alwaies to scourge the other As for the point of Appeales to Rome they could not effect it for the 26 Canon is plaine That who so findeth himselfe aggrieued with his Bishop shall appeale to his Metropolitan and from the Metropolitan to the Patriarch à quo litibus finis imponatur who shall make a full end of the controuersie and therefore meant not to run to Rome as Nicholas would haue had them And it was euen at the instant when the Articles were offered them to subscribe that they made their protestation against them In this Synod there appeared yet another notable ambition of the Popes for the Bulgarians being formerly Painims receiued Christianitie in the time of Nicholas who sent them Bishops for their instruction Michael their Prince sent his embassadors to the Synod who comming before them That we may not say they seeme to erre in our owne opinions we desire to be informed by you which supplie the places of the Great Patriarches to what Church we are to belong The Popes Legats replied presently That they ought to belong to the Roman Church The Bulgarians requested That the matter might be resolued and agreed vpon with the Legats of other Patriarches there present The Romanists replied That there was no more to be done with them and therefore without euer putting it to the Synod pronounced absolutely That they must belong to Rome The Easterne Bishops put this question to the Bulgarians When you first tooke the countrey said they from whom tooke ye it and the Priests which you found there were they Greekes or Latines They answered That they tooke the countrey from the Grecians and that they found there none but Greeke Bishops Whereuppn the Easterne Bishops inferred That they were doubtlesse ordained at Constantinople and so consequently should belong to that Church Thereupon the Legats replied That Churches were not bounded by the diuersitie of tongues That kingdomes and Sees differed in their jurisdictions That they had the presumption on their side who had giuen them their first Bishops That all Epirus Thassalie and Dardania had bin euer belonging to their jurisdiction The Easterne Bishops on the contrarie demaunded vpon which of these they would principally stand In the end the violence and pride of the Roman Legats ouerswayed who told the Synod That the Church of Rome held not that Councel for a competent Iudge of her controuersies who was her selfe by speciall prerogatiue to iudge of all other Churches That decree they what them lusted it should be as little regarded as it was lightly enacted That from this present time they by the authoritie of the holie Ghost pronounced a nullitie in whatsoeuer they should decree vntill the See of Rome had determined thereof And so the holie Ghost who was to Preside in the Councell Resided onely in their persons And they farther adiured the Patriarch Ignatius by the authoritie of the Apostles and of Adrian who had restored him to his See not to suffer Bulgaria to be taken from them Who made them a doubtfull answer telling them That he was neither so young as to be lightly deceiued neither yet so verie a dotard as to do that himselfe which he found fault withall in others And there rested this contestation betweene them being questionlesse a great scandall to the consciences of these poore conuerts who saw at first that these men sought not the enlargement of Christs kingdome but of their owne jurisdiction and iniurious to the Emperour who offended with these proceedings though dissembling it tooke no order for their passe and safe-conduct into their countrey So that hauing been certaine dayes at sea they fell into the hands of the Sclauons who stript them of all that euer they had took away the original of the Councell with the subscriptions of the Bishops and left them nothing but the copie of Athanasius and had peraduenture lost their liues but that some of their companie escaping the Sclauons feared the matter might come to light and they one day receiue the like measure The issue of all was That doe Adrian what he could the Bulgarians put out the Latine Priests and sent for others in their roomes to Constantinople and so remained they in obedience to that Church Whereupon they grew so odious to the Popes that they called that sinne condemned from heauen after their name Bulgarie thereby to make them odious and abhominable to all men And this was the end of Adrians enterprises in the East 33. PROGRESSION Of the attempts of Pope Adrian both vpon the Clergie and also vpon the kings of France LEt vs now see whether he sped any better in the West Hincmar Bishop of Laon nephew vnto Hincmar Archbishop of Reimes the most learned Bishop of France had surrendred certaine Church goods into the hands of Charles the Bauld to bestow them vpon a certaine Norman captaine Aimon li. 5. c. 24 from whom he would needs shortly after take them away againe and because the Norman would not resigne them but into the hands of the king from whom he had them therefore Hincmar excommunicated him for which in a Synod held at Vernons he was reproued and sharpely censured he thereupon appealed to Rome but they refused to grant him any letters dimissorie yet he continued still in his stubbornnesse vntill at length there was assembled another Councel at Attigni consisting often Prouinces where he was againe condemned and thereupon promised to submit himselfe to the good pleasure of the king and of Hincmar his Metropolitan and vncle and yet vnder hand signified the matter vnto the Pope procuring him to euocate the whole cause to Rome and himselfe to be serued with Processe to appeare there at a day making the best of his owne cause to Adrian Whereupon Adrian wrot vnto king Charles who yet would not license the other to goe to Rome and then did Adrian write him that bloudie letter calling him Tyran periured perfidious and a spoyler of the Church goods and what not And for conclusion as well to him as to Hincmar the Metropolitan We saith he by authoritie Apostolike will and commaund That thou cause Hincmar of Laon and his accusers to come before our Clemencie to the end that we may pronounce our sentence of his cause And wee shall see anone how well he was obeyed But not long after he made a farre more violent attempt vpon him The Emperour Lewis hauing as
that Hincmar of Laon appeare before our clemencie and that his accuser appeare also with him c. a stile not vsed heretofore by our predecessors when they wrot to ours And although we perceiue that you goe about to bring into the Church of God instead of the cleere light of simplicitie and humilitie the thicke mist of the pride of this world yet will we haue a better opinion of your will and meaning considering that a man as a man may doe that in hast which vpon better consideration â—â— would wish vndone againe But where doth your Secretarie find That the Apostolike See may commaund a king who by his office is a correcter of the faultie a chastiser of offenders and by all law both Ecclesiasticall and Temporall a reuenger of crimes committed to send an offendor to Rome condemned alreadie by due course of law and according to the Canons for his disorders and one who before his depriuing was conuicted before three seuerall Synods to haue endeuoured the disturbance of the common peace and tranquilitie and since his depriuing hath persisted in his obstinacie by himselfe and others c. Know therefore saith he as we haue alreadie written vnto you That we Kings of France and of royall ofspring Non Vicedomini sed terrae domini are not to be reckoned as Vidames and Vicegerents of Bishops but Lords of the Earth And so goeth hee on to proue by the testimonies of holie Scriptures out of the mouth of our Sauiour and his Apostles and by the sayings of Augustine Leo and of the Synod of Rome it selfe what is due from all men and from Bishops themselues to the royall dignitie And saith he if you search your offices you shall find that our auncestors neuer receiued any such commaunds from your predecessors not Theodoric and Theodobert from Saint Gregorie when he wrot for Vrcism of Turin But if saith he it be true to wit that he was deposed contrarie to the Canons we intreat you that of your owne accord in reuerence of the Church and regard of equitie you would be pleased to grant our request Neither vsed he any other stile when he wrot to the Exâ—rch who yet was inferiour to our ranke in the cause of Blondus Bishop of Ortona whom the Exâ—rch held prisoner at Rauenna We cannot beleeue saith he that your Excellencie holdeth him there without some probable cause and therefore it is fit his cause should be heard in a Synod to see whether his fault be such as may deserue depriuation to the end we may put another in place Thus spake he of Bishops not yet deposed for their crimes and therefore iudge Whether in the case of one which hath beene legallie and orderlie depriued for his enormities by the iudgement of a Synod he would haue commaunded vs as you haue done Vt eum nostra fretum potentia RomaÌ„ mittamus That by our power we should send him to Rome Saint Augustine saith vnto Ianuarius All these things which are not contained in the holie Scriptures nor ordained in the Councels of Bishops nor confirmed by generall custome I thinke fit they should be taken away Where then did your Scribe find this law which neither the Lord hath written with his owne finger nor inspired to bee written which he neuer ordained in the hand of a Mediator which no Painim euer commaunded no Christian euer proposed nor any Church-man hath decreed by which he commaundeth me to be a fauourer of a man condemned and excommunicated by the Church Me I say a King established by God girt with a two-edged sword a reuenger of the wicked and defender of the good when he bids me send Hincmar to Rome one that hath broken the lawes disgraced the Priesthood and wronged the Royall Dignitie a troubler of the State a periured person a mutiner a scourge of his Church sacrilegious scandalous to the countrey wherein he liueth not caring to crosse one of his deeds with another nor to doe contrarie to his owne hand writing and who seeth not that this law was vomited out of the bottome of hell it selfe c. But the holie Scriptures chalke vs out the way which we must walke against such lawes Christ the power and wisedome of God saith By me Kings raigne and by me Princes decree iust things The holie Councels also shew what is to bee done namely that of Afrike c. Likewise the Emperours Valens Gratian Valentinian Iustinian and others Which lawes ought to be obserued not onely by other Bishops but also by the Popes themselues Which Leo the Pope writing to Leo the Emperour well acknowledged so did Gelasius to Anastasius as by their words may and doth appeare And therefore saith he we hold vs to that for the Lord telleth vs by his Prophet That the lips of the Priest shall preserue knowledge and men shall seeke the law at his mouth And therefore you may not suffer any man in your name to write that to vs which is not contained either in the holie Scriptures indited by the wisedome of God or at least in the holie Canons published by his spirit For the Prophet saith to the Priest which commandeth Thou shalt declare to them that which thou hast heard of me Of me saith he not of thy selfe and they are blamed who speake of their owne mind because he that speaketh of himselfe seeketh his owne glorie Let no man in your name write vnto vs visions threats of excommunications contrarie to the beaten way of the Scriptures the writings of the Fathers the sacred Lawes and holie Canons For you know and so doe we that whatsoeuer is repugnant to this is void and of none effect It was said to S. Peter saith S. Leo To thee will I giue the keyes c. The right of this power passed to all the Apostles and this decree to all the chiefe of the Church c. and consequently this prerogatiue of Saint Peter is common to euerie one which iudgeth according to the equitie of Saint Peter For when it is said Vbicunque as no place it excepted so likewise is no Bishop which iudgeth according to the equitie of Saint Peter As on the contrarie no Bishop is commended which iudgeth contrarie to the same He should haue said no not the Bishops themselues of Rome And whereas the Pope gaue order That together with Hincmar should come a competent accuser to haue the whole cause reuiewed in his presence Although saith he this be grounded vpon no reason yet if you thinke Hincmar to be lawlesse and if your Emperour my nephew will be content that I shall passe through Italie to Rome I will not faile to be there so soone as by the grace of God I shall be able to set my realme in some good order against the Painims And because my selfe accused him in open Synod I will be there in person a competent accuser against him in many causes and we will bring so many and so great accusers of all sorts
with vs that we will very sufficiently proue that he was lawfully and orderly accused and conuicted To conclude because you haue ouershot your selfe in what is alreadie past we now entreat you for the honour of God and in reuerence to the holie Apostles that from hence forward you send no such mandats either to vs or to our Prelats or to the great men of our kingdome least we be enforced to dishonour them and those which bring them Which we tell you of beforehand for the honour of your priuiledge because we desire to be obedient vnto you in all things that are fitting as vnto the Vicar of Saint Peter But you must also take heed that you driue vs not to take that course which is both approued and commended in the fift generall Councell concerning the Apostolike authoritie and in the Synodall Epistle of Saint Gregorie to the foure Patriarches and the foure precedent Epistles all which treat of the ordering and limiting of Ecclesiasticall powers and jurisdictions which we would not insert into these our letters till we might see whether we may bend you to mitigat the rigour of your commaunds For looke what is sent vnto vs in the name of the See Apostolike according to the holie Scriptures and the preachings of our auncestors and the Decrees of the Orthodox Fathers we know we ought to follow But what euer commeth besides come it from whom it will we know how to reiect and to controll it Last of all if in this answer there be any thing misbeseeming me or you you haue forced me thereunto Such were the letters which passed betweene king Charles the Bauld and Adrian the second though he had giuen him not long before some hope to make him Emperour though any other would giue him bushels of gold Baron vol. 10. an 871. art 79. offering him indeed an Empire but as he did in the desart vpon condition That he would fall down and worship him And this Charles was he which a few yeares before An. 853. first made a breach vpon the liberties of the French Synods when about the yeare 853 hauing held a Synod at Soissons two or three yeares after he sent the Acts thereof to Benedict the third thinking onely to gratifie him and neuer considering vnto what consequence his successors might draw the same Our French Bishops wrot much after the same maner vpon the same argument vnto Adrian being assembled in Synod at Dousy wherein they call him Primae Sedis Papam complaining That they were vtterly mistaken and casting the fault vpon his multitude of other businesses that he had not more maturely considered of their Acts which were in all points agreeing with the holie Canons As for the Excommunication which Adrian thundered out against this Charls we could wish we had his owne Epistle in answer to it but Hincmars the Archbishop of Reimes we haue who receiued command from the Pope to pronounce it and we will here produce the principall clauses thereof And first of all hauing complained of many grieuous reproofes and menaces receiued he declareth vnto him That he had imparted the tenor of his letters to the great ones and Prelats of the kingdome and which was more had caused them to be openly read in an assemblie of Bishops of France and Lorraine and had shewed Lewis king of Germanie the aboue mentioned letter wherein he was commaunded by Adrian to excommunicat by his authoritie all those who attempted any thing vpon the kingdome of Lotharius deceased I vnderstand saith he Qui de regno eius estis that like letters haue beene sent to the glorious king Lewis and to the great ones and Bishops of his kingdome which you who are his naturall borne subiect should best know But comming afterwards to the matter he letteth him to vnderstand That he is informed by diuers that the two kings had agreed to diuide this kingdome equally betweene them without which the people had long ere this beene vp in armes That therefore hee knoweth not what to doe seeing he must either disobey his commaund or disallow of the treatie and accord made betweene the two kings That whereas he saith That no man better than himselfe knoweth the great wrong which Charles doth herein he plainely telleth him That in case he did know yet would hee not thereupon doe any thing seeing that Charles confesseth no such matter of himselfe neither standeth he legally or canonically conuict thereof But rather protesteth and many there are which beare him witnesse That this part of the kingdome of Lorraine was by the consent and assent as well of the Bishops as of the great ones of the Empire giuen him by his father Lewis and confirmed to him by oath by his brother Lotharius That therefore he taketh that Canon of the Councell of Afrike to be spoken to him as well as to all other Bishops whereby men are forbidden to lay a crime to a mans charge which he is not able to euict by proofes because as S. Augustine who was there present saith Manie things are true which yet a Iudge may not beleeue without sufficient proofes That he hath no power to put anie man from the Communion for a crime neither confessed by the defendant nor proued by the informer That otherwise they should make themselues both judges and accusers which were not lawfull alledging for his authoritie the rule of the Apostle and the practise of the Church with sundrie places out of Augustin Gelasius Boniface and others And whereas he is charged by him as a partaker or rather author of this vnjust inuasion because he held his peace and stirred not as he was commaunded his answere is That Adrian should remember that it was written The cause which I vnderstood not I searched out with diligence and that Gregorie sayth That God to whose eyes all things are open yet in the verie case of Sodome sayth Descendum videbo I will goe downe and see to teach vs to be well informed before we beleeue a fault And whereas he commaundeth him to seperate himselfe from Charles and not to bid him so much as Good morrow whereas yet he desireth to be receiued to the Communion of Adrian that this toucheth him to the heart and that manie men of great sort both secular and Clergie now met at Rheimes hauing heard this commaund say that the like was neuer heard of to be sent from Rome though in their dayes there had beene warres before this time not onely betweene confederat Kings but also betweene the brothers and betweene the father and the sonnes That for his owne part he must needs thinke that this displeasure is befallen him for his other sinnes seeing it fareth better with some others who haue not doubted to call Charles into the kingdome of Lorraine That for the rest the Parliament of that kingdome sayth That Popes and Bishops excommunications are no titles to claime kingdomes by That the Scripture teacheth that
without their owne will and allowance any Legat of the Church of Rome By the speciall grace and fauour of this priuiledge giuing all to vnderstand how burthensome and dangerous the presence of a Legat was In so much that what was to be done by a Legat his meaning was should be executed by the sayd Roger and his son Legati vice instead of a Legat And if there shall be called any generall Councell it shall be lawfull for them to send such and so many Bishops as they shall thinke fitting retaining the rest for the seruice of their Churches Thus this good and zealous man ouerthrew the whole order of his Church to content Roger who knew well ynough to vse the occasion to the best aduantage of his owne affaires 42. PROGRESSION Of the entrance of Paschal the second into the Popedome Of the conspiracies procured by the Pope against the Emperour with the rebellion of his son Henrie Of the treacherous deposing of the Emperour and of the miserable estate he fell into and of his sonnes most vnnaturall dealing with him THe Agewe are now entring into hath his Progression whether we respect the authoritie or wickednesse of the Popes which together made way one to the other But by how much the more they discouer themselues by so much the more witnesses do they exhibit vnto vs who saw this Mysterie of Iniquitie either openly or at least through a cloud Vrban the second being dead in the yere 1099 An. 1099. Rainerius a Thuscan succeeded him who was Paschal the second a disciple of Hildebrand commended by Vrban for this onely cause That he was a likelie man to walke in his steps The principall matter then in hand was the inuestiture of the Bishops and Abbots which they tooke from the Princes and got to themselues affirming that it had beene vsurped by the Princes as we haue seene before that it was a wickednesse and an heresie and that they might pretend some shew of religion therein they couple it in all their proceedings with that faction of the Nicholites prosecuting with the selfesame rigour the single life of Church-men notwithstanding the generall clamor of the whole Clergie against it and that crie of their sins and abhominable wickednesse that ascended vp vnto heauen This Rainerius therefore would not take vpon him the Popedome before the people had thrise cried out Platina in Paschali 2. S. Peter hath chosen Rainerius an excellent man to be Pope Afterwards putting on his scarlet robe and his mitre on his head being accompanied with the people and Clergie he mounted vpon a white Palfrey richly furnished and so was brought to Lateran where resting himselfe a while in a throne prepared for that purpose he was girt with a girdle on which there hung 7 keyes and seuen seales to giue all men to vnderstand that he according to the seuenfold grace of the spirit of God had power in all Churches ouer which he bare rule to open and shut to seale and vnseale He likewise visited carrying his pontificall Scepter in his hand all those places into which the Popes only might come At the last he went to S. Peters Church to be consecrated in which he was annointed by the Bishop of Ostia and others Neither was this new preparation without a mysterie Clement the third in the meane time persisted in his purpose against whom Paschal first bent his forces insomuch that hee compelled him to depart Rome which that he might the more easily performe he fed the Emperour with a hope of peace and inuited him to a generall Councell at Lateran whereunto he willingly harkened being now wearied with his ciuile and domesticall molestations The Prince persuading himselfe that Paschal was desirous of peace and much alienated from warre or rather because hee sayd hee desired peace he striued to be as forward therein as himselfe But he had no sooner obtained his purpose but he reneweth in the Synod the excommunication against Henrie raiseth new factions in Germanie and because he went not in his owne person to Palestina he stirreth vp new hatreds against him for he who in regard of the place he held should haue beene the first and by his example haue incouraged others left the place emptie that he might doe euerie thing according to his owne lust To be briefe following the steps of his predecessours he stirreth vp Henrie the sonne against his father who had made him copartner in the Empire being persuaded as before that he should neuer liue peaceably without the grace and fauour of the Pope and that he was not to preferre his dutie towards his father beeing guiltie of heresie before that which hee did owe vnto the Pope Auentin l. 2. And what this heresie was we haue seene before And therefore saith Auentine Henrie hauing spent his winter came to Mence that from thence he might take his iourney to Rome and so into Asia leauing his sonne at Bauiers but he in the meane time persuaded by certain Lords c. amongst others he nameth Welfo Duke of Bauaria and husband to Mathilda and Albert his Secretarie and a Chaplaine of his that if his father should die an enemie to the Popes of Rome and in disgrace with the Pope the Empire would be taken by some other and so vnder a pretence of pietie he rebelleth against his owne father And as touching the accusation against him That he did not his best indeauor for this holie expedition he told vs a little before that he had sent into Asia with a purpose to follow himselfe the greatest part of his men of warre that remayned in Germanie after three and twentie yeares ciuile warres and that by his commaund there went out of the Low-countries Godfrey of Bullion with his two brethren Baldwinus and Eustachius and Robert Earle of Flaunders out of Bauaria the Duke Welfo Otho and Eckardus Princes of Scheurn and diuers others whereby it appeared that this was onely a pretence of the Pope The father in the meane time gathered courage giues his sonne battell and conquers him but looking more narrowly into the height of this conspiracie and finding that it could not be represt but with the ruine of the commonwealth he is content to seeke meanes of peace and a parley being appointed betwixt him and his sonne he simply dismist his forces the conspirators commaunding all theirs to retire themselues to Mence The place which was chosen for this parley was Binga where the Emperor being the fourth that entred the citie was no sooner in but the gates were shut his friends kept out of the city His enemies were appointed to be his Gard his son as if he had done an act worthie commendations triumphantly speeds himself to the conspirators at Mence where he found the Legats of Paschal the Bishops of Alba and Constance with fiftie other Bishops who in this Councell armed with force and treason doe againe excommunicat Henrie and for the better strengthening of this
The offices themselues saith he of Ecclesiasticall dignitie haue passed into filthie gaine and into the businesse of darknesse neither seeke they in these the saluation of soules but the superfluitie of riches For this are they shorne for this they frequent Churches celebrate Masses sing Psalmes c. They impudently striue in these dayes for Bishopricks Archdeaconries Abbotships and other dignities that they might wast the reuenewes of Churches in such vayne and superfluous vses It remayneth that the man of sinne be reuealed the sonne of perdition the Damon not of the day onely but of the mid-day who not onely transformeth himselfe into an Angell of light but exalteth himselfe aboue all that is called God or that is worshiped c. This shall be indeed an exceeding great assault but from this also the truth shall deliuer the Church of the Elect c. Poore Bernard stayed for him at the doore who had alreadie entred the house Baronius anno 1130. art 6. And thus much be spoken to Baronius who affirmeth that S. Bernard inueighed onely against schimaticall Popes Writing to Pope Eugenius nere vpon the yeare 1151 who had been his disciple and had not obeyed his admonitions Benard Epist 137. being entred into the Popedome Who will let me see before I die the Church as in the dayes of old when the Apostles did cast forth their nets not to take siluer or gold but to take soules O how I desire to see thee inherit thâ— voyce of him whose seat thou hast obtayned Thy money perish with thee In his bookes of consideration Ad Eugen. de consideratione lib. 1. what doth he omit for his amendment Tell me I pray thee saith he when art thou euer free vbi tuus where thine owne Euerie where is tumult euerie where the yoke of thy seruitude presseth thee replie not vnto me in the Apostles voyce who saith When I was free from all I made myselfe a seruant of all That is verie far from thee Was it in this seuritude that he serued men in the getting of filthie gaine Was it in this that from all parts of the world did flock vnto him the ambitious the couetous such as exercise Simonie sacrilegious persons whoremongers and incestuous and such other monsters of men that by his Apostolicke authoritie they might either obtaine or retaine Ecclesiasticall honours This man then hath made thee a seruant to whom Christ was life and death aduauntage that he might win many vnto Christ and not that he might encrease the gaines of his couetousnesse c. And truely euerie day the noyse of Lawes are heard in thy Palace but the Laws of Iustinian not of Christ c. Thou Pastour then and Bishop of soules with what mind dost thou suffer that to be euer silent before thee and these to bable I am deceiued if this peruersnesse moue not in thee some scruple Then for to bring him backe to the auntient bounds Lib. 2. he saith Thy high dignitie need not flatter thee thy care is the greater And if then we would thinke rightly of our selues we shall iudge that a ministerie is imposed vpon vs not a domination giuen Thinke thy selfe as some one of the Prophets Is not that enough for thee yea too much c. If thou be wise thou wilt be contented with the measure that God hath measured vnto thee For what is more is from that wicked one Learne by the example of the Prophet to wit Ieremie to be in authoritie not for to commaund but to doe as the time requireth Learne that hast need of a weeding hooke not a Scepter for to doe the worke of a Prophet c. It was sayd to the Apostles thy predecessors The haruest is great but the labourers are few Take to thee the paternall inheritance for if thou be a sonne thou art an heire That thou mayst proue thy selfe heire watch on this care and bee not ydle least it be sayd vnto thee Why standest thou here all day ydle much lesse to bee found loosse in delights 1. Peter 5.3 or wallowing in pompes The will of the Testator assigneth vnto thee none of these c. Dost thou thinke that he hath giuen thee domination heare him Not as though ye were Lords saith he in clero ouer Gods heritage but as made ensamples to the flocke And thinke not that he saith it onely in humilitie and not also it truth It is the Lords voyce in the Gospell The Kings of Nations rule and haue power of them c. But it shall not be so among you It is plaine that domination is forbidden the Apostles If thou wilt haue both thou shalt loose both Otherwise thinke that thou art not excepted from the number of them of whom God thus complayneth They haue raigned but not by me They haue beene Princes but I knew them not And this speech he extendeth verie long How farre different from the Diuinitie of Hildebrand who would vnite to his Mytre the temporall Monarchie of all the world For Appeales How long dost thou dissemble or not perceius the murmure of the whole earth Lib. 3. How long dost thou slumber How long doth thy consideration sleepe at this great abuse and confusion of Appeales How many haue we knowne to haue appealed that by the helpe thereof they might be suffered to continue the greater wickednesse Against all Law and right against all custome and order they are made There is no discretion had of place of time of the person nor of the cause And this matter he discourseth at large Lib. 4. shewing the inconueniences thereof and illustrateth it by many examples which it sufficeth vs only here by the way to point at There were Pastors afore thee who gaue themselues wholly to the feeding of their sheepe c. Their onely gaine pompe and pleasure to prepare and render them vp to God a perfect people Where is now I pray you this custome There is another vnlike vnto it come in place thereof affections are much changed and would to God it were not into worse Yet care anxietie emulation and ponsiuenesse doe continue but translated not changed I heare you witnes that you spare not your substance no more than before But the difference is in the diuerse imploying of it Great abuse few haue respect to the mouth of the Lawgiuer but all to the hands Yet not without cause they doe all the businesse of the Pope Can you shew me one of all that great Citie that hath receiued thee for Pope without money or without hope of hauing some for it And here let the Reader see that we be not tedious vnto him the description he maketh there of the Romans and especially of the Clergie in all kind of wickednesse far worse than others In the middest of all this saith he Thou Pastour marchest all layed with gold compassed about with so much varietie Thy sheepe what desire they These pastures if I durst so speake rather of Diuels than
that iudge the world saith he let them see and iudge these things least wrong should seeme to proceed from whence equitie and iustice should be had We shall bee condemned of rashnesse and said to open our mouthes against heauen but we write not these things out of a spirit of pride but with the inke of griefe wee feele our owne priuat miseries and deplore the publike c. The Apostle speaking to the Romans saith Euerie creature ought to be subiect to the higher powers If the Apostle so writ to the Church of Rome who in the Church of Rome will presume to contradict this Apostolicall doctrine c. Some Angels are greater and higher in dignitie than others yet they admit not the pride of emancipation or freedome the one aboue the other One of them long since would be freed from the power of God and of an Angell became a diuell by these extraordinarie liberties now adayes are wrought the vtter ouerthrow of many But to dispute of the doings of the Pope is held they say for sacriledge besides the disputation is not equall where it is not lawfull for the defendant to answer neither is it a quarell when thou strikest and I onely must endure the blowes In the same sence in the Epistle 158 to Iohn Bishop of Chartres and vpon the same subiect which was then pleaded by the Author before the Pope he saith All the lawes and the Canons and whatsoeuer we could alledge out of the word of God Petrus Blaesens Epist 158. to affirme and make good our cause Maiores inter caeteros the greatest haue held detestable and sacrilegious and did publikely iudge vs enemies to the Church of Rome vnlesse we would relinquish these word by which we endeuoured to proue the Church of Saint Augustine which they affirme particularly to be his to be subiect to the Church of Canterburie c. For hauing no regard of the losse of soules they permit in the Monkes all vnlawfull things to cast off the yoke of all discipline to follow all pleasures of the flesh and to pay for their riot and excesse through the whole yeare an annuall pension Wee hauing then beene publikely forbidden to produce in this cause either Canons or Lawes but onely priuiledges if we had any readie at hand whereof they knew none we had at that time saw that in this respect we were destitute of all humane comfort and they being resolued to prouide a lay man and not learned but rich ynough to purchase honors who had bought this Abbie by simonie not priuily but publikely and as it were in open market I put my selfe forward to accuse him and to make my selfe a partie against him but when I layed open manifest and notorious things they whom he had made friends with the Mammon of iniquitie poured wine and oyle into the wounds of his infamie Moreouer hauing gotten much money from the Marchants of Flanders and in a manner drawne them drie notwithstanding borrowed an infinit quantitie of gold of the Romans so by this meanes the Doues wings were all siluer and the hinder parts of her backe glittering all in gold in such sort that they would heare no more of the libertie and dignitie of the Church of Canterburie for the which the Martyr Saint Thomas fought euen vnto death This pretended Martyr notwithstanding suffered for the Popes authoritie who as Peter of Blois here tells vs according to the example of the Pharisies gilded his sepulchre that he might the better rob his Church Neither are we to forget also That in his treatise of the Institutions of a Bishop written to Iohn Bishop of Worcester he attributeth to euery Bishop that authoritie which the Church of Rome restraineth to the Popes as successors of Saint Peter We read saith he that our Sauiour said to Peter Petrus Blaesens de Institutione Episcopi If thou louest me feed my sheepe thou art the heire and Vicar of Peter feed my sheepe In being an Euangelist doe the workes of an Euangelist and of a Pastor be not ashamed of the office of a Pastor Thy ministerie hath more charge than honour if thou affect honour thou art mercenarie if thou wilt imbrace the burthen the Lord is strong to encrease his grace that profit may come by profit and gaine by gaine But if thou canst not endure the burthen and knowes thy selfe insufficient it is too late to complaine He said before Take heed by all meanes thou wrap not thy selfe in secular affaires for there is no agreement with the spirit of God and the spirit of this world persist in thy vocation the world is wholly giuen to wickednesse And this hee afterward recited Animabus Praelatus es non corporibus Thou hast the charge of soules and not of bodies Nihil Praelato commune est cum Pilato A Prelat hath nothing common with Pilat thou art Christs Steward Peters Vicar thou art not to make an account to Caesar but to Christ of that iurisdiction that is committed vnto thee And by these and the like places we may judge what he thought of the Popes who so violently drew all secular power vnto them But he was constrained verie often to temper his stile according to the tyrannie of those times Petrus Blaesens in Tractatu de Peregrinat Hierosolimit as when he said The sword wherewith Peter cut off these seruants eare exceedeth in these daies according to all mens opinion the weapons of Alexander and Caesar Abbas Vrsperg Let vs now come to Innocent the third The Abbot of Vrsperge tells vs of his entrance into the Popedome I haue heard in those times saith he things incredible to be related and hard to be beleeued that the same Pope said That he would take away the Kinglie Diademe from Philip or that Philip should take from him the Apostolical Ensigne Now albeit it were not to be beleeued that he would prefer his will before the will of God neuerthelesse it appeareth that he was at all times contrarie vnto him But God foreseeing from aboue permitted not that through all Germanie his diuine seruice and the Ecclesiasticall dignitie should perish which continued there more permanent than in other countries albeit much corrupted and depraued through the instigation of sinne and chiefly carnall pleasures And he noteth especially that Innocent opposed the authoritie of the Apostolike See against Philips Vt regium genus deperiret To ruinat the royall race But Auentine saith That he raised cognatas acies Auent l. 7. brother to fight against brother and the sonne against the father and the one to pollute himselfe with the bloud of the other and then crying out Who saith he can giue any other reason of the discord among Christians but the spectacle of the Roman Bishop quasi paria componentis taking pleasure to see and to cause them like Fencers to murder one another euen so the Christian people were slaine the Bishops of Rome encouraging the one against the
predecessors and then on the other vnderstanding by Princeuall Fliscus his Chauncellor how hard a matter it was to reduce the cities of Italie now for so long time inured to libertie vnder their ancient obedience he resolued to yeeld them their absolute liberties so that each of them would furnish him with a certaine summe of money whereof he stood in great need He therefore sent Princeuall againe to passe these couenants with them He for the summes aboue mentioned gaue them seuerall charters and so from hence came most of their immunities and liberties as the citie of Luca obtained her libertie for 12000 crownes Florence for six thousand and so of the rest Iahannes Nouio magus in illustr Bedae which being by this meanes made free they were afterwards called Imperij fideles Feudatories to the Empire The Historiographers Blondus Sabellicus Trithemius Cuspinianus Krantzius Nauclerus and others reprehend Rodulphus much because herein he wonderfully impeached the authoritie of the Empire But so Pope Honorius say they was no wayes displeased with this redemption though it did altogether misbeseeme so great a Prince because he thought the Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction would in the future come to be the more secure and better confirmed Hereunto may briefly be added the superstition which together with ambition so much augmented vnder Alexander the fourth for then at Perugia where he held his seat rose vp the sect of Flagellantes a certaine hermit being author and patron thereof and men and women stript naked to the nauels for expiation and satisfaction of their sinnes would whip themselues throughout the townes and villages with fearefull howlings and cries calling out vpon the Virgine Marie compassing in this manner the whole citie exciting others by their example to do the like and drawing after them people of all kinds and conditions Out of Tuscan they went and spred themselues in the Marquisat and then in Romania this foolish superstition like a fire deuouring whatsoeuer it met withall Blondus l. 8. Decad. 2. Auentine sayes of this A bloudie kind of penance did then arise at Perugia in Tuscan neither could any weather or way stop them from going forward in their iourney once vndertaken or afflicting vpon themselues these sacred cruelties especially in Germanie where for three and thirtie dayes continuing in these austere regularities without so much as taking their quiet sleepe and rest they then thought themselues absolued from their sinnes and perfectly reconciled vnto God Now saith he they were passed the Alpes gone through high Bauaria and entred as farre within the land as Frisinghen where Lewis forbad them to goe any further forward in his countrey and Henrie commaunded them by publike Edict That as prophane and vagrant persons they should not set foot within his confines But Krantzius deliuering what the better sort of men thought of them Krantzius in Metrop l. 9. c. 44. In this sect saith he horrible errors did lurke which being by Gods goodnesse discouered were occasion to banish these diabolical inuentions In the meane while they being of deiected countenance and framing lookes to moue commiseration and pitie they sung hymnes in prayse of Christs crosse and as often as the name of Christ was mentioned which was not seldome they fell downe flat on their faces no wayes respecting the place whether it were durtie craggie brittle asperous moyst or drie fearing nothing For the diuell amongst mortall men hath also his Martyrs These be the words of the Pontifical Author although this fearefull superstition was not onely by the Popes approued but euen moreouer adored By this Popes authentication also S. Clare was canonized hauing her festiuall day by her selfe apart that she might obtaine the same respect from women as S. Francis had from men Other such blasphemies as these euen scraule and creepe all ouer his Legend Vrban the fourth out of the same spirit at this verie instant instituted the festiuitie of Corpus Christi or Corpus Christi day of whose originall diuers Authors haue written diuersly Some say it sprung from this That the Priest celebrating the Sacrament in the citie of Bolseua bloud was seene to come forth of the Hoast From whence that Bull came which began Summa constitut Et in Clement 3. de Reliquijs Veneratione sanctorum tit 10. c. 1. Petrus Praemonstrat in Chron. qui inscribitur Biblia pauperū Arnoldus Bostius Krantzius Saxoniae l. 8. c. 17. Auent l. 7. Volaterra in Antropologia c. 21. Chron. Aeditui Transituris de hoc mundo c. Others report That a certaine woman a Recluse of the towne of Liege called Eue whom Pope Vrban before his being Pope had knowne familiarly told him it was reuealed vnto her from aboue Whereupon that other Bull came Scimus ô filia c. grounded on the like foundation Vnder Clement the fourth Iohn Semeca was the first that dared to write commentaries against Gratians Decree for thus they relate of him Some call him Iohn Teutonicus gouernor of Haluestat who thought he had not slenderly deserued of this chaire by many good maximes and digests which he had published in fauour of the Popes of which we will speake in their proper place But when vnclement Clement demaunded the tenthes of the German Clergie vnder pretext of an holie warre he discerning the knauerie opposed himselfe and appealed to a Councell for which cause he was excommunicated in which state notwithstanding he dying for the renowme of his myracles he was afterwards canonized Gregorie the tenth as before you saw ordained a forme and vse of electing the Pope in the Conclaue hee also in the Councell of Lyons reduced the Orders of Mendicants to foure speciall obseruants new daily creeping in and were now growne to be in number nine or ten that Saccorum Fratres Fratres Pratorum and others But Nicholas the third would haue the Minorite regularities publikely read in the scholes threatning him with excommunication that should but withstand it And yet we may cleerely see what manner of man he was for as euerie one of the rest did he likewise augmented the esteeme and repute of the Mendicants that so they might make them the ordinarie toll-masters and gatherers of his impositions and exactions But it was Honorius at last that gaue them the height of their authoritie so as afterwards the Popes grew into a jealousie and feare of them that as they that were the sons nephews and progenie of heretikes for thus they might nominat any whom they pleased vnder no pretext or colour whatsoeuer they could not be receiued to no personall dignitie no publike function nor Ecclesiasticall benefice And in France we haue obserued by experience what that beginning of the Bull meant Exhibita nobis c. which was sent forth against the vpholders and fauourers of heretikes that is to say euen as their humor or passion lead them OPPOSITION This monster of the Papacie grew at length to such a greatnesse that all the Christian parts would
to goe personally to the Court of Rome to release those that were innocent and guiltlesse out of their prisons Whereunto we may annex That the same Nogaretes father Paulus Aemilius in Philippo Pulchro Guido Perpinian de Haeresib Blondus Decad. 2. l. 9. Gulielmus de Nangiaco Nicholaus Emericus l. 1. Jnquisitionum who by Philip the Fairs iniunction tooke Pope Boniface was burnt in Languedoc for the opinions of the Waldenses for these Waldenses did not only persist and go forward in France but euen out of the bloud which the Inquisitors daily shed their steps and impressions grew more frequent famous ouer all Italia and Germanie In Italie where Boniface with all rigor seueritie rooted out those whom he called Fratricellos The brethren whose principal Doctors were Gerardus disciple to Sagarellus of Parma Dulcinus disciple to one Nouarius Hermannus who while he liued being in Italie esteemed for a Saint was afterwards by Pope Boniface his commandement digged out of his graue at Ferrara whom notwithstanding after their manner they accused of sixe hundred seuerall foule crimes now plainely conuinced to bee false and vntrue because they seriously did inculcat and aboue all other things beat vpon this point the aduersaries themselues bearing witnesse That the Pope was Antichrist the Church of Rome the Apocalypticall Babylon and that they who would faine seeme and appeare to be spirituall were reiected of God And no man will presume there was any just cause why they should vndergoe such impietie and crueltie from Boniface a most vnconscionable and prophane Pope yet we see that at the same time we find them to haue beene in Germanie Hereunto we will annexe That vnder Nicholas the fourth Guido Perpinianus de Haeresibus Peter the sonne of Iohn de Besiers a Franciscan made the Postille vpon the Apocalyps wherein he refers all those speciall places to the Roman Church the which he calls a carnall Church the Synagogue of Sathan and the Pope mysticall Antichrist as also his Prelats Antichrist members For which cause he was condemned of heresie by the Inquisitors and because they could not come by him when he was aliue they pluckt him out of his graue being dead And also Peter Cassiodorus an Italian who writ that vehement and persuasiue Epistile to the English Church Bernard de Lutzemburg de Haeresibus Nicholaus Emericus l. 1. Inquisitionum Super Cathedram Mosis sedent Scribae Pharisaei cuinam illos aequiparabo c. Wherein he exhorts them to shake off the yoke of Antichrist with his vniust and continuall exactions And these things fitly lead vs vnto the fourteenth Age. 56. PROGRESSION Benedict the eleuenth succeeds Boniface he is poysoned and Clement the fifth a French man obtaines his place Henrie sonne to the Count of Lutzemburg going into Italie to be crowned Emperor was poysoned in receiuing the Hoast Clement dyes in the way betwixt Vienna and Bourdeaux BEnedict the eleuenth a Tuscan of the Dominican Order succeeded Boniface being elected by the Cardinals at Perugia whither they were retired vpon Boniface his ouerthrow At his first entrie he excommunicated Nogarete and the inhabitants of Anagnia which assisted his enterprise but so he restored both Iohn and Iames Colonna to be cardinals and yet they were commaunded for a time to refraine wearing of the hat King Philip he absolutely released of all censures restoring to him all those priuiledges that Boniface had taken from him but in the ninth moneth of his Papacie as many write being killed with a poysoned fig he dyed Thomas Walsingham in Chronico Leandro Alber. An. 1305. Wherefore in the yeare 1305 after ten moneths altercation the Cardinalls chose Raymond Goth a Gascoine Archbishop of Bourdeaux who was absent who tooke vpon him the name of Clement the fifth He vnderstanding of his owne election commanded presently all the Cardinals to repaire to Lyons who forthwith obey and he determining to transferre the Papall See into France made choyce for that end of the citie of Auignion which also liked the Cardinals so well as there it continued for seuentie foure yeares Some say the cause was in that there they might more freely wallow in their delights than in another place though this no doubt they might haue done in Italie but this seemes to bee the more solide reason Because at Rome through the supreme authoritie power of the Senators and Nobilitie they were kept within due bounds being oftentimes driuen with their whole Court to remoue to Perugia Viterbe Oruietto Anagnia and Assisia And his predecessors hauing in diuers voyages into France met with a more open courteous conuersation hauing here greater reuerence vouchsafed them than at Rome as not being there yet so plainely discouered and looked into These men also hoped they should more peaceably raigne in Auignion and from hence with lesse opposition extend their authoritie and power ouer other nations Doubtlesse Herman and Occan Friers Minorites who were renowmed Diuines in this contentious age of the Church lay vpon this Pope the notes of wonderfull ambition auarice and sensualitie but more particularly Villanus and Antoninus who peremptorily write That he kept a concubine publikely in Auignion who was daughter to the Count de Foix Moreouer That all the vices crimes sinnes impieties and flagitions which formerly possessed the Roman Church vnder a vale and cloke of vertue and pietie did openly and most impudently in this man habituat and grow shamelesse And hereupon our whole countrey of France brought forth little better fruits Nicholaus Clemangis in l. de corrupto Eccleclesiae statu if you consider loosse and lasciuious liberties for Clemangis Archdeacon of Baieux sayes That Rome might cleerely herein discerne the imminency of her own ruine ouerthrow because leauing that citie for her odious abhominable fornications she fled into Auignion where the more freely the more openly shamelessely she discouered the courses of her simonies and wicked prostitutions and so brought strange and corrupt manners into our France which were the introductors of many other calamities As also for forensiall delayes and trauerses because they taught vs all the wiles and subtilties of the Roman Court and the verie stile and forme of the Rota which vtterly extinguished our naturall simplicitie so as we could neuer afterwards be repurged of these corruptions Neither shall you read of any man who alledged That Rome was S. Peters seat or that wee must goe thither where the holie Ghost had his residence Out of question Auignion which liked and pleased them well was then to them no lesse the same than the other whereas now at this day they referre the vniuersal Church to Rome onely as also onely to Rome this seat and chaire When the Cardinals came to Lyons they crowned Clement with a wonderfull concourse of nobilie from all parts King Philip and his brother Charles were present which Charles was lately returned out of Italie and had not faintly furthered
others that ruine and plucke down The Almightie God prouide speedily for the safetie of his holie house Certainely I plainely discerne a farre off yet dare no wayes meddle nor disturbe and therfore if I could would not see at all the cruell and infamous treacheries by which that same Ecclesiasticall Dionysius seekes to molest and deface our Syracusa In regard of the Church comparing the Pope to that monstrous tyran of Sicil. I see with what a Myter though counterfeit Symiramis adornes her head by what artes she inchaunts the eyes of the beholders and being polluted with incestuous imbracements treads vnder foot men of constant disposition and manners alluding to the Harlot in the Apocalyps I perceiue by what artes and stratagems our Pericles defends himselfe that he may not be vrged to render the account he is not able iustly to giue vp as also his Alcibiades that runnes violently headlong into all wicked deuises and practises Wherefore he confounds and turnes all things topsie turuie and for what cause may you suppose Why questionlesse that like a Iugler or Mountibanke with an haire or small thread not seene or a counterfeit wound hee may the more artificially delude his owne fraud and deceit lying couered and hid vnder the gloomie shadow of a tumultuous Commonwealth And surely for the scope and end of his determinations he vseth stratagems that are neither new nor strange for the Fowler loues the woods the Fisherman troubled waters and the theefe darkenesse and for vs what could I wish to happen vnto vs more base or abiect than alwayes to remaine like to our selues before a vigilant adulterer blowing and puffing ouer the cup being ignorant I must needs confesse whether his impudence or our patience is more seruile and deiected Then in the 14. What hath a vertuous man to doe with bad places Epist 14. or what commerce hast thou with Babylon We read that the more magnanimious and valiant Romans vsed to shun and auoid Baia in Campania though a verie healthfull and pleasant place but where little honestie many pleasures and delights offered themselues all other respects laid aside so bent and intentiue they were on the studie and prosecution of vertue If this be so who would not flie Rhodanus Who I pray you will not shun Babylon the dolefull habitation of all vices toyle and miseries Whereof me thinks you should haue some experience I speake of things seene with mine eyes not heard of with mine eares c. Pietie there is none nor charitie nor faith no reuerence nor feare of God nothing iust nothing equall nothing vpright nor so much as ciuile and humane Loue modestie seemelinesse and true honestie are from thence exiled Of veritie I may well be silent for what place can truth haue there where all parts are replenished with lyes the ayre the house the turrets the villages adiacent the Courts the streets the porches the lobbies inward chambers the rafters the creuises of walls the windings and passages of the edifice the secretest parts of the Temples the seats of the Iudges and the Popes throne and in briefe mens mouthes beckes gestures words countenances and hearts Then he delineats their hypocrisie to life it selfe propounding many examples and instances thereof But my singular louing Father conuerting now my stile to thee I pray beseech entreat and euen coniure thee no otherwise than by thy selfe to whom if thou beest deere or still retainest the accustomed vigilancie and care ouer thy soule that it neuer hereafter enter into thy heart to goe thither from whence neuer any returned by example bettered but innumerable multitudes depraued and corrupped In his fifteenth Epistle he concludes That God was no lesse angrie with them than with Aegipt and Pharaoh Epist 15. and that he would lay vpon them the plagues of his indignation wrath displeasure tribulations and the emission of euill Angels finally That Daniels imprecation could not more aptly be applied to any than to them Let them be like dust before the face of the wind and the Angell of the Lord driuing them Let their wayes be darke and slipperie and the Angell of the Lord persecuting them vnlesse therefore God take him from thence Epist 16. who can escape In the sixteenth he heartily congratulates with a friend his departure from the Popes Court If there be any presagements true then Gods reuenge must needs be nere at hand God giue and retribute plentifully to the proud doers for it is his owne iustice and reuenge c. I cannot but call to mind what many yeares past I sayd to a friend of ours which of all that wicked number might well be reputed the best to whom you were tyed in consanguinitie and I onely in familiaritie That the fatall day of this mans ruine drew neare wherein the patience both of God and men being wearie of supporting his pride and insolencie he should perish and fall when he with a smile mixt tempred with choler wisht vnto me rather Tiresius blindnesse than his gift of prophesie answering me with that saying of the Gospel Symon I haue prayed for thee that thy faith may not faile and I freely replyed That I spake not of the defect of faith but of their ruine that were the ouerthrowers of the same whereby faith would rather be augmented and then turning towards me with a serious and knit brow Be silent said he and though this be true let not vs be the Authours thereof At length he concluded All things will they nill they retourne againe to their proper place and center and no question the end of long and perpetuated delusion is at hand which if I may but see I shall thinke I haue liued long enough And euen so all the godlie in those times with sobbes and sighs groaned after the Churches restauration Epist 17. and Babylons ruine In his seuenteenth Epistle the same friend notwithstanding his owne admonition to the contrarie would needs enter into the like discourse concurring then with him in the same judgement that the infernall riuers there had their course and whatsoeuer wickednesse had euer beene in the world it ran and fell thereinto as into the center and gulfe of such innundicities wherefore that he might not perish therein If saith he thou worshippest Christ which you alwaies most religiously haue done let the beholding of his enemies impietie lend an hand to thy zeale and be as a spur to thy faith For thou obseruest a people not only aduerse and contrarie to Christ but which is far worse seruing vnder his verie colours and yet are rebellious vnto him standing for Sathan being filled and swolne with Crists bloud and saying Our lips are our owne who is our Lord An hard harted and wicked people proud beggarlie thirstie of a puffed vp countenance sharpe teeth hooked talentes slipperie feet stonie brest hearts of brasse leaden willes and mellifluent tongues A people with whom not onely that of the Euangelist and Prophet fitly concurs This
no better nor more lawfully being created or raigning than the other might suffice without seeking any other Opposition for what can we haue of greater proofe than this That such as were in most eminent place amongst them being maliciously bent one against another haue related how rudely they vexed and annoyed each other Yet is it worthie our paines to see what was the opinion of the better sort of them which may easily be gathered out of their writings and by the Acts of those times I know saith Froissard Froissard vol. 3. c. 24. that in time to come men will wonder by what meanes the Church could fall into such troubles and to sticke in them so long But this was a wound inflicted by God for to admonish the Clergie in what great excesse and superfluitie they liued But no man tooke heed thereof beeing blinded all with pride and arrogancie whereby each man would be equall one to another Wherefore all things became worse and if our faith had not beene strengthened by the hand and grace of the holie Ghost who inlighteneth the hearts of them that goe astray and confirmeth them in vnitie without all doubt it had fainted and fallen Therefore if we beleeue Froissard it is but ill grounded on Popes He addeth For the Princes of the earth from whom in the beginning came the wealth of the Church giue themselues wholly to playes and ieasts whilest I write this Chronicle in the yeare 1390 whereat a verie great number of the common people exceedingly wondered that so great Princes especially the Kings of Fraunce and Germanie thought not vpon any remedie or counsaile So then after his opinion remedie is rather to be expected from the Princes than from the Popes who are themselues the disease of the Church and the principall peccant humour in the bodie thereof And there he sheweth at large that euerie Prince tooke part with the one or the other of them according as stood best for the wise gouerning of their affaires But he commeth to this that the pride of the Church is such that it must of necessitie be chastised and purged and to this purpose he bringeth that storie of Frier Iohn de Rupescissa Epistol Vniuersit Paris Oxoniens Pragens de tollendo schismate editae per Huttenum An. 1520. The Vniuersitie of Paris had approued Clement That of Oxford and Prague on the contrarie Vrban the sixt In this they all agreed as by their writings on both sides published doth appeare That the Pope and Cardinals exercise a tyrannie ouer the Church of Christ That the Emperour hath the right of the patronage ouer the Pope and Church of Rome That the Pope with his Cardinals may erre and verie often haue erred That the election of the Pope belongeth not to the Cardinals by diuine right but to the people as also to the Emperour the confirmation of the same And that before Gregorie there were no Cardinals Moreouer there was pulished in Germanie an Epistle from the part and authoritie of the Emperour Wenceslaus though he were but weake wherein he grauely exhorted the Church to free themselues from the seruitude of the Pope Epistol Wenceceslai Jmperat de eodem By those Princes saith he of Priests the Church is prophaned the Priesthood defiled all order confounded and whatsoeuer is of religion is corrupted what is of the Law of life of manners of faith of discipline is destroyed and confounded insomuch that although the blessed sonne of God hath suffered many grieuous things by men of the Sinagogue yet now he suffereth much more grieuous things of princes of Priests There is also recited there a vision of a certaine holie man concerning the state of the Church Seeing her apparelled as a Queene he thought she had beene the blessed Virgin Marie but she expresly told him I am not her whom thou deemest but the figure of her for whom thou so often sighest and prayest namely of the Church whose dolour is wonderfull and corruption descending from the head throughout all the limmes euen to the feet and that thou maist sorrow with me behold argument of sorrow and taking off her head her most glorious Crowne she bowed her head vnto him And he saw the vpper part of her head cut into foure parts in forme of a Crosse and wormes breaking forth of her braine and sores running with corrupt matter and she sayd vnto him Behold by these which thou seest in my head thou maist iudge of my corruption and griefe in the other members and hauing said this she vanished from his eyes Neither is it to be omitted that in this Epistle honourable mention is made of Marsilius of Padua and Iohn de Iamduno who as we haue aboue seene had defended the Emperour Lewis of Bauiere against the wicked enterprises of Popes Johannes Petrus Ferrariens in Practica vtriusque iuris in forma libelli actionis confessoriae si verbo plenam c. With the same mind wrot Iohn Peter of Ferrara a famous Lawyer of Pauia That it is a thing ridiculous to be spoken and abhominable to be heard that the Pope hath superioritie ouer the the Emperor That he cannot by any right haue temporall dominion or possesse Prouinces cities that he doth so is of meere violence That the temporall sword must bee taken from him that otherwise Christendome will neuer be quiet That it is by the foolishnesse of Princes that they are made the slaues of the Clergie That the Pope in absoluing men from their oath maketh them perjurers And that Clergie-men carrie their consciences in their coules which being layed aside their conscience is no more to bee found Jdem in forma libelli de substitutione And in another place he crieth out That there may arise a good Emperour against them which in time past through deuotion drew the world after them and now by reason of their couetousnesse and rapine haue destroyed and brought to nothing the state of the Empire and of all the Laitie Not without cause seeing that Iohn Andreas surnamed Speculator that great interpretour of the Canon law was wont to say That Rome hauing beene first founded by theeues hath returned to her first estate Jndex Expurgat Hispan fol. 135. Antuerpian p. 116. But the fathers of the Councel of Trent in their Indexes in Spaine and Antuerpe commaund these places to be raced out At the same time was set forth the Dialogue of Peter and Paule the title whereof was The golden Mirrour in the yeare 1404. An. 1404. In the Preface is this All the Court of Rome from the sole of the foot to the crowne of the head is manifestly blinded with errours and the same hath with the poyson of their errours made drunke almost all the parts of the world as if the Pope could limit the infinit power of the creator Then he diuideth his matter into three points First saith he I will discouer the most grieuous errours of the
Legats of the other Easterne Patriarches of the Archbishops and Prelats euerie one in his order And hence may the Reader discerne what the Patriarch might judge of the pride of the Latine Bishop But what may we say of Baronius who in diuers places contesteth That the left hand in Councels was euer the more honourable As touching the matter it selfe for the concluding of the controuersies of the Latine and Greeke Churches is made an instrument of a vnion Laetentur coeli wherein they agree on both sides That the holie Ghost proceedeth from the Father and the Sonne That the Sacrament may be indifferently made of leauened or vnleauened bread That the soules of the faithfull that haue not yet satisfied for their sinnes goe to Purgatorie That the Pope of Rome is Head of the vniuersall Christian Church All which articles the Greeke Emperor causeth to be approued by the most part of his hoping he should haue assistance against the Turkes But Michael Bishop of Ephesus with some others doth euer withstand the same reiecting especially the two later Which is more when Ioseph Archbishop of Constantinople was dead Eugenius would haue them proceed before him to the chusing of another promising against his disposition to ordaine him without money yea to giue them some if need were and to depose him that did obtaine with him the place of Patriarch which he would not doe if they deferred his election till they came into their countrey The Greekes perceiuing whereto he tended namely that he might enter possession of the supreme power in the Church by that meanes and that with their consent answer him with one accord That their Patriarch cannot bee by their laws chosen any where else than at Constantinople That it is their custom he should be chosen and consecrated in his owne Church That the Emperour who was not ignorant of these ceremonies would not suffer it to bee otherwise Which the Pope vnderstanding Concisium Florent Sess vltim though much against his mind with gracious words he let them depart Now they were no sooner returned into their countrey but they were reiected of their Churches in this especially that they had admitted the supreme authoritie of the Pope of Rome whose pride being more neerely looked into they at last refute it in their writings published notwithstanding that he had endeuoured to bind vnto him some of the best learned as Isidore Bishop of Russia and Bessarion Bishop of Nicea to whom he had giuen a Cardinalls hat which he chose rather to weare in Italie than in Greece And from that time forth were by the Popes neglected the affaires of Greece and abandoned to the furie of Infidels But it is in no wise here to be omitted That during the time that Eugenius held his Councell partly at Ferrara and partly at Florence hee published diuers writings against that Decree of Basil That a Councell is aboue the Pope in which he did not sticke to affirme That so farre was it off that he ought to obey generall Councels that then he most merited when he contemned the Decrees of the Councell and which is more he declareth this proposition to be hereticall The Councell is aboue the Pope although both then and euer since it was held and affirmed by all the Vniuersities of Christendome Whence it came that whilest the Roman Church sayd she is superior to all other Churches and the Roman Bishop to all other bishops by this decree of Eugenius should the Bishop of Rome be made superiour or of higher authoritie than the Vniuersall Church and consequently that pretended infallibilitie of the Church shold be deriued not now to the Romish Church but to one onely man which is the highest degree of Antichrist in the Church according to that of S. Augustine in his booke of the citie of God August de Ciuitate Dei l. 18. cap. 2. That Antichrist should not onely sit in Templo Dei in the Temple of God but as Saint Paule hath it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Templum into the Temple as if he himselfe were the Temple it selfe he alone the Church In the meane time let the Reader judge of that Infallabilitie of the Church represented in a Councel by these Councels which at one same time and in one same matter doe decree things directly contrarie As touching the affaires of the Bohemians for which particularly the Empeperour Sigismund had so instantly requested the Councell the most part of the Churches terrified with the perfidious treacherie vsed towards Iohn Hus and Hierome of Prague refused to send any one thither but the principall of the Nobilitie ouer-ruled the matter that some should appeare for to render a reason of the innouation in religion imputed vnto them So soone as they came thither they were receiued verie curteously by Cardinall Iulian the Legat who was not yet called backe Then in the Councell he maketh an Oration wherein he bringing in the Church of Rome speaking to them in his words and attributing to it selfe alone all that is spoken in holie Scripture concerning the Church the Spouse of Christ and presupposing that which is chiefely in question flattereth himselfe in this perpetual Elenche Sheweth that in her power are the keyes of the kingdome of heauen That she is without spot or wrinkle That whosoeuer departed from her was an Heathen and a Publican That the decrees of Councels are her decrees which are no lesse to be beleeued than the Gospels seeing they giue authoritie to the Scriptures To this the Bohemians in few words That they despised neither the Church nor Councels that they had beene condemned at Constance without being heard Oratio Iulian. Cardinal Legati in Append. Concilij Basiliens notwithstanding that they affirmed nothing but by the holie Scriptures and then they propound their Articles And on both sides were chosen such as shold enter into conference The disputation lasted fiftie dayes and after many spent on this side and on that it was thought best to leaue Theologicall questions and prouide for the Common wealth and to send some thither who hauing made search how matters stood might compound with them Here was the policie To permit the Communiō vnder both kinds to such as in other things would submit themselues to the Councell and proceeded with all rigour to the rest that embraced not the same condition These were the auntient Waldenses and their Disciples who requested that the Church might be reformed in most of the Articles which are conteined in their and our confessions who for this cause suffered much both by the warres that Sigismund made vpon them and by the diuision and back-sliding of their companions Yet doe we see their Churches outliue so many miseries vntill these times consist and continue most flourishing and largely propagated As touching the Fathers of the Councell of Basill they seeme to be somewhat ashamed of that Decreee of Constance concerning the Communion vnder both kinds And whereas they of
say If we admit the Councell to be kept the Lay-men will come and take away our temporaltie But as by the iust iudgement of God it came to passe that the Iewes lost their place which would not let goe Christ so by the iust iudgement of God it will come to passe That because wee will not let the Councell be called wee shall lose our temporaltie and I would to God that not also our bodies and soules too To that which at last he replied That the Councell of Basil was not lawful Yea rather answereth he it dependeth on the Councell of Constance if that were a true one then also this No man hath seemed to doubt whether that were lawfull nor likewise of whatsoeuer was there decreed for if any should say That the Decrees of that Councell are not of validitie hee must needs also confesse that the deposition of Iohn the foure and twentieth by vertue of those Decrees was of no force If they were of force neither could the election of Pope Martin hold good being done whilst the other was yet liuing If Martin was not Pope then neither is your Holinesse who were elected of the Cardinals by him created it importeth therefore none more than your Holinesse to defend the Decrees of that Councell And let the Reader note the argument of the Cardinall against the Papists which call into doubt the authoritie of these two Councels and consequently the vniuersall vocation and succession of Rome whereas Iulian maintaineth on the contrarie That there hardly is found any grounded on so manyfold authoritie And therefore hee defendeth the Decree whereby is affirmed That the Councell is aboue the Pope by the same reasons and examples as the Fathers of the Councell of Basil It was the ordinarie question of that time in which besides the decision of the Councell of Basill the greatest learned men in particular defend the sentence of the Councell And Aeneas Syluius before he came to the Popedome in the Historie of the Councell of Basil which wee haue aboue abridged had plainely declared his mind Aeneas Syluius Epist 54. 55. In his Epistle also to Gaspar Schlicke the Emperours Chauncellour wherein he approueth the Councell of king Charles the seuenth for the re-vnion of the Church It is lawfull saith he for secular Princes to assemble whether the Clergie will or no and neuerthelesse an vnion may be made thereby for hee should be vndoubtedly Pope whom all the Princes obeyed I see no Clergie-men that will suffer martyrdome for the one nor for the other partie Wee all of vs haue the same faith that our Princes haue if they did worship Idols wee would worship them also And wee would not onely deny the Pope but euen Christ also if the secular power did vrge it because charitie is waxed colde and all faith is perished How euer it be wee desire peace be it by another Councell or by an assembly of Princes I weigh not for wee are not to contend for the name but for the thing Call bread if thou wilt a stone and giue it me when I am an hungrie Let it not be called a Councell let it be called a Conuenticle a Congregation a Synagogue it mattereth not prouided that schisme be taken away Therefore that which the king of France writeth pleaseth me exceedingly and I would sticke to his opinion for he seemeth to permit to our king to wit of the Romans the assembling of this congregation How farre is he from them who acknowledge no Councell but that which the Pope is author of And not without cause truely considering what he writeth of the Councels of his time to Lupus of Portugal Jdem Epist 10. Now the Church is a play such as we see of the ball whilest with the strokes of the players it is stricken to and fro But God beholdeth these things from on high and although he seldome inflict on earth deserued punishments on men yet in his last iudgement hee leaueth nothing vnpunished But so soone afterwards as he sat on that chaire of pestilence hee retracteth yea when first the Cardinals hat touched his head he changeth his mind and declineth to the left hand as appeareth in his last Epistles In the same maner spake Laurence Valla a Senator of Rome and wrot a booke of purpose against the Donation of Constantine at the time when Pope Eugenius caused the Emperour Sigismund to sweare vnto it and otherwise would not crowne him and if you aske what was the state of the Church in his time I say Laurentius Valla de Donatione Constant and exclaime saith he that in my time there hath beene none in the Popedome either a faithfull or a wise Steward so much wanteth it that he hath giuen bread and food to the familie of God that the Pope maketh warre on peaceable people and nourisheth discord betweene the chiefest cities the Pope with his consumeth both other mens riches and his owne The Pope pilleth not onely the Commonwealth more than Verres or Catilina or any other robber of the common treasurie durst do but also makes a gain euen of Ecclesiastical goods and the holie Ghost which Simon Magus himselfe detesteth And when he is of some men admonished and reproued of these things he denieth them not but confesseth them openly and boasteth of it as lawfull and by any meanes will haue the patrimonie of the Church giuen by Constantine wrested out of the hands of them that occupie it as if that being recouered Christian religion would be more happie and not rather more oppressed with wickednesse luxuries and lusts if yet it can be any more oppressed and that there is any place further left for wickednesse c. And in the meane time Christ in so many millions of poore dyeth with hunger and nakednesse c. There is therefore no more religion no holinesse no feare of God and which I speake with horrour impious men take the excuse of all their wicked crimes from the Pope For in him and in them which accompanie him is the example of all wickednesse so that we may say with Esay and S. Paul against the Pope and them that are about him The name of God is blasphemed because of you among the Gentiles Yee which teach others teach not your selues Yee who teach that men should not steale yee play the robbers Yee which teach to abhorre sacriledge commit the same Yee which glorie in the Law and in the Papacie by preuarication of the Law dishonor God the true high Bishop And if the Roman people by too much riches lost veram illam Romanitatem that true Roman heart If Salomon also for the same cause fell through the loue of women into Idolatrie thinke we that the same is not done in the Pope and in the rest of the Clergie Yea so farre is he carried that he saith Alledge no more vnto mee thy Dabo tibi claues c. I will giue thee the keyes c. to proue thence thy
him aboue all Whether he had not written to the Emperor or to some Prince either for to raise a schisme or procure a Councel for this was it that principally stucke to his heart and presently againe renewed the tortures At length Paul being wearie that hee could wring out nothing with all those exquisit torments commaundeth Christopher de Verona his Physitian to tell the poore men that they should bee of good courage for they should straight be deliuered who notwithstanding as he was a a man of a free spirit plainely said to him in the presence of many That this could not so soone be done least the Pope should be argued of lightnesse and crueltie so soone to let goe as innocent them whom he had taken and tortured with so great tumult Some time therefore passed that he might not seeme to haue done any thing rashly and without cause In the meane time he himselfe came to visit them in the castle and when all other accusations failed him he chargeth them with heresie That they had disputed of the immortalitie of the soule out of the opinion of Plato which Saint Augustine affirmed to come neerest to the opinion of a Christian and for that they praysed the auncient Accademie and condemned the new he pronounced them heretikes which either in earnest or in ieast should from thenceforth any more make mention of the name of an Accademie So that if Laelius de Valla a Roman citizen and an Aduocat in the Consistorie had not taken their cause in hand they had vndergone the punishment of heresie At length wearied with the entreaties of the Cardinals he setteth them at libertie but yet in such a sort as that hee euer watched ouer their steps so that they judged not themselues to be free til after his death Death which tooke him by an Apoplexie when he had ordained that the Iubilie should be celebrated euerie twentie fiue yeares which falling in the yeare 1475 filled his mind with hope of excessiue gaine There be some which say That hee was in the night by the diuell strangled in the verie act of venerie And Platina noteth Gaspar Pencerus That he hated and contemned so the studies of humanitie that he called the students thereof by the name of Heretikes For this cause he exhorted the Romans not to suffer their sonnes be any longer at the studies of learning that it was ynough if they had learned to write and read Chronic. Genebr part 2. Therefore Genebrard calleth him The enemie of vertue and learning Fearing without doubt that if learning once came to be restored the abuses lying hid vnder the mists of ignorance would bee discouered And thus much aboundantly sufficeth to make knowne both his conscience and his knowledge Moreouer all offices generally were set to sale in his time neither was he woont to bestow Bishoprickes saue onely on them that possessed other offices by the sale of which they might come by money to giue to him As also this was he that extended the Bull of cases to be reserued to the Pope so farre as might be Bulla cuius initium Ineffabilis prouidentia in Summa Constitut reseruing to himselfe thereby so much the larger pretence of drawing money to himselfe from all parts The most memorable thing that he did for the good of the Church was That he bought at any price whatsoeuer all the most exquisit precious stones hee could get for to enrich the Papall Myter and tooke a pleasure to bee looked on and admired of all men in that brauerie for this cause he sometime retained strangers in the citie omitting the custome of shewing the Sudarium that he might be seene of more people at once Moreover he commaunded by publike Decree vnder a penaltie That none should weare scarlet caps but Cardinals and the first yeare of his Popedome he gaue them cloth of the same colour wherewith to couer the horses and mules when they rode that the Church of Rome might at length be brought to the perfect similitude of that Whore described vnto vs in the Apocalyps And Platina of this Paul in the life of Hadrian the first saith Platina in Hadriano primo in Vetustioribus Editionibus Vide eam quae prima omnium prodijt Coloniae Ann. 1479. Typis Iohannis de Colonia Iohannis Martien de Gheretzem He was so delighted with these effeminat delicacies hauing bought at a high rate precious stones from all parts and almost emptied the treasurie of the Roman Church so that whensoeuer he went forth in publike he seemed some Phrygian Cybele with turrets on his head rather than a myter Hence I thinke came through the sweat of his very fat bodie and the weight of the precious stones that Apoplexie whereof hee so suddenly dyed Which hee had noted also before to haue happened to Leo Augustus the sonne of Constantine Copronymus But all this hath Onuphrius rased out which in the oldest editions are read at large The like things we read also in Iames Cardinall of Pauia in his second booke of Commentaries And here Platina endeth his historie of Popes There is extant an Epigram of him made by Iohn Pannonius Bishop and Poet of those times Pontificis Pauli testes ne Roma requiras Filia quam genuit sat docet esse marem Pope Paule's a male Rome need no further triall He gat a daughter makes it past deniall And indeed Stephen Orichouius Bishop of Russia telleth vs when shee was knowne of all men to bee his daughter he often detested single life whereby hee could not see without shame her whom he might haue lawfully begotten But which is worse there want not some that accuse him both of Magicke and Sodomie which I here willingly omit OPPOSITION Pius the second as we haue seene hauing ouerthrowne his first and best writings was the first that decreed That the Pope is aboue a Councell and that it is not lawfull to appeale from him to a Councell against the Decrees both of Constance and Basil which had beene with so great solemnitie both determined and published but notwithstanding his retractation he was not presently beleeued Contrariwise the Vniuersities of Paris Colonia Prague Cracouia Oxford and others the most famous of Christendome constantly retained the Decrees of the said Councels and not without cause seeing that as Bellarmine witnesseth they had beene confirmed by the Suffrages of a thousand Fathers among whom at Constance were three hundred Bishops at Basil also by the testimonie of Pius the second in his Retraction with the consent of all the Vniuersities and with the applause of all which spake publikely of Nicholas Panormitan and Lewis Pontanus who saith he were accounted the two starres of the world Aeneas Syluius in Bulla Retract or the two chiefe and most famous lights of the Canon and Ciuile Law Yet neuerthelesse they approued by words and writings the Acts of the Councell condemned the doings of Eugenius neither was there any which either would
to fill againe his emptied coffers As likewise saith Langius de Citica All the gold and siluer by little and little raked and drawne out of Germanie was carried to Rome as into a broken bagge and insatiable gulfe the gouernement also of Churches was committed not to the best deseruing but to him that offered most Moreouer he created thirtie Cardinalls for the price of fiue hundred thousand Ducats And this is euer the lawfull vocation which they so much brag of He addeth that for to satisfie both his owne and his Cardinals greedie desire he exacted great summes of money throughout all Europe by his Legats vnder colour of making warre against the Turkes and no little summe also by his Commissaries vnder pretence of building the Temple of Saint Peter But saith he the stones which were hewen by day were carried away priuily by night to the great Palace of Florence and the money it selfe that was gathered was not for the vse of the building nor against the Infidels but was distributed among the Cardinalls and the Popes friends Now this his prodigalitie being joyned with want there was nothing so abhominable which he inuented not or hearkened not vnto for to get in mony therefore Guicciardine saith He vsed verie licentiously the authoritie of the Apostolike See when he followed the counsell of Laurence Pucci Cardinall of the Title of foure Saints he sowed abroad through all the world without any difference of times and places most ample Indulgences not onely to succour the liuing but also to deliuer the soules of the departed out of the paines of Purgatorie And because it was notorious that such Indulgences were onely graunted to draw money from men which his Commissaries who had bought those Commissions of the Popes officers impudently demaunded hee procured to himselfe the euill will of men in most places and caused many scandals especially in Germanie where his ministers for a verie small price sold those their wares and in Tauernes played away at dice the power of deliuering soules out of Purgatorie But that which most encreased their indignation was that Leo who by reason of the facilitie of his nature administred his Pontificall charge with lesse grauitie than became the Maiestie of so great a function gaue to his sister Magdalene the money that came of the Indulgences in many Prouinces in Germanie who appoynted her Commissarie for that businesse the Bishop of Arembauld a man worthie of such a Commission which hee executed with exceeding great couetousnesse and extortion So that the Preachers were not ashamed by suggestion of his ministers to publish in the pulpit That at the sound of the money as it was cast into the bason the soules skipped for joy amidst the flames and presently flew out of Purgatorie Yea some also pronounced That vpon the paiment of this taxation all sinne was pardoned not fearing to expresse particularly the most horrible which my pen abhorreth to vtter No more modestie was vsed in France England Poland and other countries where the Commissaries were woont to assure the people That hee which gaue ten soulz should deliuer the soule for whom he gaue it out of the paines of Purgatorie desperatly affirming That God whensoeuer they pleased would presently doe it Christoph Massaeus in Chron. An. 1515. according to that saying Whatsoeuer yee shall loosse on earth c. But if there was but one farthing lesse than ten soulz they could doe nothing And this gaine sayth Langius displeased the holie children of the Church seeing the power of the Vicar began to be called into question and from whence should come this new doctrine in these later Prelats which the auncient Popes had beene ignorant of and yet he is a Monke that speaketh it Martin Luther among others then arose against whom Leo in stead of reformation cast forth his thunderbolts but of that wee will speake more in his place At last hauing kindled warre betweene the Emperour Charles the fift and Francis the first king of France to driue the Frenchmen out of Italie newes was brought vnto him to Maliagno his place of pleasure That Milan and Parma were taken from the French whereupon he entred into such an excesse of joy that the same night he fell into a little feuer whereof a few dayes after hee dyed Pasquil comparing Leo and Iulius together drew the difference out of their names and concludeth his Epigram with these verses Iulius est hominis bruti Leo Iulius egit Quae suasit ratio quod libet iste facit Iulius a mans name Leo a bruit beasts had He did as reason will'd this what his lust him bad And Sanazarus yeelding a reason why being at poynt of death hee had not receiued the Sacrament saith Sacra sub extremâ si forte requiritis horâ Cur Leo non poterat sumere vendiderat Why Leo receiued not at his last houre The Sacraments aske not they were not in his power But more rightly if he had said Because he had in him no religion For Cardinall Bembo his Secretarie alledging vnto him one day something out of the Gospell he feared not to answer him It is sufficiently knowne to all ages how greatly that fable of Christ hath profited vs and ours That man of sinne the sonne of perdition of whom the Church hath so long aforehand beene warned thinke wee he could adde any thing to this Jndex Hispan fol. 129. But their Index Expurgatorius hath commaunded those verses to be rased out of Sanazarus The writers of that age doe note some signes which portended his fall at hand The Angell which stood on the top of the castle S. Angelo vnder Alexander the sixt was cast downe by lightning from heauen At Rome also on the same day that Leo the tenth created one and thirtie Cardinals a sudden tempest happened in the verie Temple where they were assembled which struck and carried away the keyes out of the hands of the Image of S. Peter there And this was in the yere 1517 An. 1517. at which verie time Luther began to thunder out against the Pope OPPOSITION The Councell of Pisa was a manifest opposition against the Popes tyrannie though in a better cause as Guicciardine noteth Guicciard l. 9. they of Pisa were no better than the others but as the Angels of Sathan destroyed each other And yet by occasion thereof were published many notable Treatises against the temporall power of the Pope Philip Decius among others a most famous Lawyer of Milan in his writings publikely set forth defended the cause of them of Pisa That the Pope being hardened in simonie and infamous in wicked manners the power of assembling a Councell was come to the Cardinals which in so vrgent euils are the fittest remedie especially seeing their proceedings therein were approued by the authoritie of the Emperour elect by the consent of the Most Christian King and with the concourse and assistance of the German and French Clergie and that according to the
auntient times except onely saith he in one kind of men who must in no wise be excepted These are the Priests whom now almost alone next after Kings and Princes we see to be the richest and most giuen to riches Here must I needs exclaime O wretched as well as fortunat Fraunce Is it possible thou shouldest striue now to abolish by wicked ambition the institutions of thy Elders confirmed by so many holie Decrees and approued by the continuance of so many yeares And now by the abuse of a fauourable law shouldest make hast to loose a singular prerogatiue not obtayned by flattering the Pope by wresting or by begging it but required as a recompence of the merit of our Elders that thou mightest vse in the establishment of sacred things that auntient and peculiar right proceeded à majorum gentium Pontificibus from those Bishops of the Primitiue Church And with what face then alledgest thou that peculiar Sanction whereof thou so much boastest as of a certain honor of Religion Whence hast thou the libertie or confidence to cal thy selfe Most Christian vnlesse thou wilt keepe it by the same Religion whereby thou hast gotten a glorious name and a law witnesse of thy pietie O fault pleasing to those thine enemies who enuie this Palladium of thy felicitie and perhaps of the Kingdome as a gift come downe from heauen which being either taken away or cut off thou withall canst bee then no longer fortunat Take heed I pray thee thou beleeue not too much those earth borne men whom antiquitie therefore called Giants who heaping vp large Titles vpon Titles after the example of the Aloidae seeme to warre against God and thinke to climble vp into heauen to offer violence to the inhabitants there And hee leaueth not for vs to ghesse whom hee meaneth For of these things saith hee publique consent layeth the blame on the Head of Christendome who if hee be not well conditioned the inferiour members draw from him the causes of diseases Wherefore wee see it to bee the wish of godlie men so oft as that indignitie is set before their eyes that God would either fashion better the Pillar of the Church or place some fitter in his roome Neither yet sayth hee am I ignorant that the Church is builded vpon a most firme Rocke by a cunning hand so that it cannot bee ouerthrowne by any force neither ayrie nor earthlie c. But now pietie and religion the gardians of this house complaine with a loud crie that the proportion which the hands of the Architect did modell forth at first is not now kept which is a notable dishonour for the head The cause of this vnseemely disproportion they lay vpon the Merchant Mercurie to wit the Pope who since the time hee gouerned the light of the world and began to bee the chiefe coach-man hee did not burne the world as Phaeton is said to haue done but rather ouer shadowed it with most horrible thicke darkenesse So that from thenceforth it commeth to passe that in the holie Camp that is in the Church is nothing done rightly nor in order And here hee putteth himselfe forth to speake of the abuses of the Church namely them that proceeded from sale whence he shewed that the present gouernement was nothing like to the institution of Christ that if any man cast his eyes on the vniuersall face of the Clergie on their pompous prouision and their designes hee is presently constrained to say that the Spouse hath renounced her bridegroome and denounced vnto him that he is to keepe houshold by himselfe And there againe he maketh a comparison of Christ and the Apostles with the Pope and Court of Rome And then hee passeth to the discipline of the Church violated by them who ought to preserue it from all impuritie Who will beleeue sayth hee that these men that doe thus know what is the good and right faith And who knoweth not that the chosen stones of the Sanctuarie not long agoe haue beene so dispersed and cast downe that the Maiestie of the Church is decayed and now the Spouse of God herselfe as forgetfull of her coniugall faith hath not onely turned aside from her bridegroome but euen without any respect of modestie licentiously wandred about by the high-waies and by the streets and prostituted herselfe for money in euerie Prouince Who remembreth not that the Pastors as fugitiues are become not onely forsakers of the flock but driuers and stealers of it away And haue wee not seene the chiefe Heads of Prelates behaue themselues so preposterously and impurely as in steed of ordering things in good seemelinesse and teaching the daunce called Emmelia to mollifie mens hearts and make their mindes gentle they lead them the warredance Pyrrhicha in armour altogether abhorring the holinesse of order hee meaneth Iulius They which should bee the chiefe annointers of the Champions for the holie Combates and who ought to bee the Authors of waging godlie warre for their altars and bounds against prophane peoples and Infidels are not they themselues the butchers of Christian forces setting them at warres one against the other to the destruction of that sacred name And there hee declareth the wrath of God fallen both vpon Alexander and him What hope saith hee of saluation can these men haue who beeing chiefe Priests gouerning the sterne of the Ship at noone day runne it against the rockes of impietie And when they which ought by their good life to shine and giue light to the Lords familie strike into our eyes the horrible darkenesse of error and blindnesse of mind c. Can I beleeue that they haue the knowledge of good faith who holding the Altar and sacred things vnder the Lords mantle yea and kissing the Lord himselfe as Iudas did neuerthelesse make no account of his Precepts and Institutions and embrace things directly opposite and contrarie c. And what man is there I pray you who if hee consider the state motion course habitude inward and outward affections and the verie Sessions of the Church such as wee haue seene them of late can iudge that they make any account at all of the sacred Oracles and monuments to wit of the holie Scriptures For we see that the Pontificall iurisdiction hath so degenerated from the auncient charitie that there where was woont to be the bosome of equitie and benignitie is now found to be a shop of contentions and of impious snares to intrap Thence are those pit-falls of Processes and cautions of Pontificall rites of purpose set forth for to deceiue the Lords familie There are the profits of amerciaments on Prelats which plainely augment the pages of receits Thence againe the sacrilegious faires of those things which cannot without impietie be in humane commerce I omit now to speake of tesseras non modo veniales sed etiam vaenales Indulgences set to sale which giue largely by a sordid or filthie bountie impunitie of wickednesse and absolution for breach of sacred lawes Therefore
alone to the Lambe 2. Thess 2. v. 8. to the spirit of his mouth to the brightnesse of his comming Which things are of so much the more greater weight in as much as our aduersaries the ministers of Antichrist hauing gotten the vpper hand of all haue with all diligence and industrie left nothing vndone whereby they might with continuall care and craft extinguish and deface our proofes by abolishing withholding or corrupting the instruments and writings of good men from time to time in all ages By which meanes we are forced to seeke right out of the instrument of their owne pleading out of their owne writings for to decide and defend our cause to produce witnesses out of their bosom and testimonies from their owne mouth to make seeing Gods will is so euen Balaams Asse to speake the verie beast that carrieth them to vtter their Histories Councels and Decrees to the rebuke and reproofe of themselues and their doings But it remaineth for recapitulation to set before our eyes in what state wee found both the See of Rome and Roman Bishop at first and vnto what state from that by degrees at length we haue brought him and now see him brought As touching therefore their spirituall function the Bishops of Rome in those first ages as we haue seene were indifferently called Bishops and Priests behauing themselues as brethren towards others yea by their neerest neighbours were named Brethren and Collegues they were consulted withall and did themselues also consult with others about the affaires of the Church controuersies schismes and heresies liuing simply in their profession and dying vertuously in the confession of the name of Christ they glittered not in any other purple or scarlet than with their owne bloud the Crosse was their onely glorie But not long after we might perceiue in some that spirit which from Saint Paules time wrought which vnder pretence of the dignitie of the citie drew vnto it selfe the cause of the neighbors would haue their counsels accounted for Decrees and turned the honour voluntarily offered them into right of homage seemelinesse into seruitude That sting notwithstanding of ambition was oftentimes beaten backe by the persecutions and many times also blunted by the vertuous Oppositions of the ancient Fathers But when after that by Constantine peace was restored to the Churches through the fauour of Princes they encreased in honors and riches behold this spirit continually watching ouer the worke and not loosing any moment of time gathereth heart and strength to it selfe by degrees And because that by reason of the dignitie of the citie the first Seat was willingly granted vnto it they contend That their Church ought to haue dominion ouer other Churches That like as Rome I meane the Commonwealth thereof ruled ouer other cities and Prouinces so the Bishop of Rome like as a Monarch ouer other Bishops That therefore from all parts of the world they should appeale vnto him from him expect commaundements which all men were held absolutely to obey Whereas he on the contrarie ought to depend of none might be judged of none neither yet of all together And hereof came those falsifications that wee haue seene of Councels and Decrees those suppositions of Acts and Histories those prophanations of the holie Scriptures and shamelesse wresting of them to a contrarie sence Hence are also those contestations and protestations of some of the greatest men in all ages against that domination which they arrogat to themselues ouer other Churches and Bishops which they on the other side besides and against all right diuine and humane either by none or by a false title complained to be vsurped not sticking to pronounce That it proceeded from none other and pertained to none other than the forerunner of Antichrist or Antichrist himselfe Yet thinke not for all this that they any thing slacked in their purpose By Phocas the murderer of the Emperour Mauritius his Lord was the Bishop of Rome declared Vniuersall Bishop he laboured to be so declared so farre was he off from blushing at it Now from thenceforth carried with full sayles hee maketh no difficultie of any thing As Emperours and Kings in a confused troubled world had need of his helpe or endeuour he got authoritie in their dominions Hee winneth the Archbishops to his side by alluring the most ambitious with commissions and offices and hauing woon them hee bindeth them vnto him by a Pall and that at first was sent them freely and onely as a token of good-will towards them afterward by ordinance made necessarie and a badge of subiection at length by degrees it grew to be sold taxed exacted the price thereof euerie day encreasing of which the Archbishops from time to time complayned After that hee obtained of the Princes That the Clergie the Lords lot sayth hee and inheritance should bee exempt and free from all temporall jurisdiction whereupon followed licence of all vices impunitie of all crimes and so by little and little withdrew from their lawfull and naturall Lords them whom hee had marked with his character by voluntarie seruitude yea and liege homage bound them vnto himselfe By their ministerie and meanes and not without mysterie hee sitteth and presideth in the Councels of Kings exerciseth his kingdome in their realmes and his tyrannie in the consciences of kings and their people whilest he bindeth them to his pleasures by his censures and excommunications and as he will loseth them from all duetie and obedience He setteth Princes one against the other or else bandeth their nobles and people against them and maketh many to sheath their swords in their owne bowels By which and by such like meanes hee obtained at length a Soueraigne Empire in spirituall things throughout the West And because the East yeelded not vnto him hee excommunicated those Churches and chuseth to himselfe from among his owne Patriarches of the Easterne Churches imaginarie indeed but yet future Images of his vniuersall Monarchie which hee arrogateth to himselfe who were resident with him representing the person or vizor rather of the Orientall Church Yea when hee celebrated the Masse Cerem Roman l. 3. Charta 6. 7. hee commaunded the Epistle and Gospell to bee read in Latine and in Greeke signifying both Churches but in Latine first and with seuen candles lighted in Greeke afterward with two onely lighted for to shew the supereminencie of the Latine Church Yet who knoweth not that the Greeke Testament is the originall and the Latine but a translation taken out of the Greeke At last hee pardoneth all sinnes out of his fulnesse of power thereby affecting the Maiestie of God who alone pardoneth and of Christ the Lambe of God who alone taketh away sinnes Yet truely hee giueth not those pardons but selleth and maketh merchandise of them and vnder that pretext wasteth and despoyleth the whole world Then hee instituted Iubilies at certaine set times which by degrees hee shortened being truely his generall Marts and Faires in which he
ignominie to the Maiestie Royall shame to the glorie Imperiall and eternall infamie to the Christian Commonweale Aeneas Syluius Histor Bohem. c. 46. That our age hath seene Sigismund a Prince of good yeares borne of Emperours and himselfe an Emperour whose name Italie France Germanie and all Europe honoured and whom barbarous nations feared a suppliant vnto this man not borne otherwise of any great nobilitie an old man blind an heretike giuen to sacrilege and all wickednesse to offer vnto him money and the greatest honours that he might vouchsafe to take his part But the death of Zischa partly broken with trauels partly with yeares brake off the treatie And some write that hee dyed of the plague Whereupon Syluius hath this bitter taunt Him whom the hand of man was not able to kill the finger of God destroyed By how much better right ought hee in the basenesse and infirmitie of the man which he representeth to haue acknowledged the arme of God Neither yet were this miserable poore people destitute of Gods protection although by his death they thenceforth named themselues Orphans as shall bee seene in his place The Epitaph written on his tombe in the citie of Tabor which he had builded is memorable I Iohn Zischa rest here in skill of militarie affaires not inferiour to any of the Emperours or Captaines Paralipom Abbatis Vispergensis a seuere reuenger of the pride and couetousnesse of the Clergie-men and a most valiant defender of my countrey That which Appius Claudius being blind did for the Romans in well counselling and Furius Camillus in valiantly exployting the same haue I done for my Bohemians I neuer was wanting to the good fortune of the warre nor it to mee I haue foreseene though blind all importunities of well-doing and with Ensignes spred haue fought eleuen times euer victorious It seemed vnto mee that I haue verie well done to take in hand the most iust cause of the miserable and hungrie against the delicat fat and crammed Priests and in this doing haue felt the helpe of God If their enuie had not hindered it no doubt I should haue merited to be numbred among the Illustrious men Neuerthelesse my bones lye here in this sacred place etiam insalutato inuitoque Papa Euen without hauing saluted the Pope and in despight of his teeth And vnderneath was written in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iohn Zischa enemie of the Priests couetous of dishonest gaine but in a godlie zeale Neither is it to be omitted That when a certaine Picard came into Bohemia had by his illusions enticed after him some people into an island of the riuer Lusmik where he had taught them to goe naked and promiscuously to couple themselues one with another whence they were called Adamites as it is an ordinarie thing with Sathan to cast such mistie clouds ouer the light of the Gospel when he seeth it begin to shine forth Zischa and his people were the first that set vpon them with open force inuaded the island and put them all to the edge of the sword excepting two onely of whom they might learne the particularities of their impious superstition When notwithstanding the Preachers of the Romish Church burden the doctrine of Iohn Hus with diuers calumnies the Fathers of the Councell of Constance condemned it for the opinions of Wickliffe but they imputed to wickliffe such opinions after their owne pleasure as he neuer thought off and one monstrous aboue the rest That God ought to obey the diuell although the calumnie it selfe is such as sheweth their vntrue dealing and none of them that wrot against Wickliffe whilest he was aliue doth make mention of any such And as for Iohn Hus Pope Pius the second recounteth in his historie the articles of his doctrine agreeable to our confessions And there is extant the confessions of the Bohemians exhibited to their kings when libertie of their religion was permitted them in which is nothing which agreeth not with true Christian pietie In the meane time Pope Martin loseth not courage on the contrarie thinking as indeed it was that the vnion of this people was shaken by the death of Zischa determined to contriue against them They had two different captaines for the warre the great and the little Precop and thence their concord seemed to be but ill repaired He therefore sendeth the Cardinall of Winchester an Englishman into Germanie to stirre vp the mind of the Emperour command the Germans to take the Crosse against this people and so is a threefold armie leuied the first out of the circuit of Saxonie and the townes by the sea coast commaunded by the duke of Saxonie the second out of the territorie of Franconia by the Marquesse of Brandebourg and the third out of the jurisdictions of Rhine of Bauaria and of Sueuia by Otho Archbishop of Treuer who by three wayes enter into Bohemia and joyne themselues together joyntly to recouer the citie Mizla which the night before the enemies had surprised That handfull of men seemed vnable to stand against so mightie an armie neuerthelesse hauing gathered themselues together in hast they march directly towards their enemies Aeneas Syluius c. 48. But they saith Pius the second fled without seeing the enemie and comming to Thacoâ—ia left their artillerie and bootie there The Cardinall commeth to meet them admiring at the fearefull and shamefull flight of so many Captaines and valiant men He earnestly entreateth them againe and againe to turne backe their face to the enemie euerie way weaker than they But when hee could not obtaine this hee is constrained to accompanie them in their flight I durst not write thus much if Pope Pius the second had not first written it and in so many words Scarcely were they entred into the forest when the Bohemians comming vpon them began to assaile the hindmost troupes then their flight is made more disorderly and fearefull neither doe the Germans giue ouer sooner to flie than the Bohemians to follow Therefore they take their baggage winne Thacouia by assault and make themselues masters of the artillerie Thence they wast Misnia taxe Franconia Bamberg Nuremberg and other cities to redeeme themselues Here Sigismund and Pope Martin bethinke themselues of another armie stronger than the former vnto which all the Princes States and cities doe contribute Iulian Cardinall of S. Angelo commaunded for the Pope and the Elector of Brandebourg for the Emperour many Princes accompayning them there was in the army fortie thousand horse but the number of the footemen was not so many And with these great forces the Cardinall entreth into the countrie putting all he can to fire and sword and sparing neither sex nor age Yet scarcely haue the feet of all touched the borders but that whether there were treason in the armie of the faithfull meaning the Papall as many supposed or that a vaine feare had inuaded the mindes of men without cause they trembled throughout all the campe and before there was one enemy
seene they betooke themselues to a most shamefull flight Iulian wondreth whence this feare rose what reason might persuade such an armie to flie He went about suing to the Captaines and exhorting them to take armes to set themselues in battaile aray and couragiously to expect the enemie That they did not now contend for the glorie of the kingdome or for the possession of some countrey but waged warre for their liues religion for the honour of Christ and saluation of soules That it was a shamefull thing for the Germans whose nobilitie and vertue was famous throughout all the world to flie out of battaile that better were it to die then to giue place to the enemies before they see them But truely here might Pius haue said more to purpose that from the death of Zischa Here is the finger of God But whatsoeuer Iulian could vpbraid them of or set before their eies all is in vaine so much had feare ouercome shaâ—â— The ensignes are suddenly snatched vp and as if there were no Generall in the armie euery man tumultuously without staying for commandement without saluting his fellow also some casting away their armes make hast to flight running as fast as they could no otherwise than if the enemie had bene hard at their backes and the Cardinall will he nill he is faine to accompany them Aeneas Syluius Histor Bohem. c. 48. 49. A while after the enemy emboldened by their feare come and seise vpon their baggage and get a great bootie Wherefore the Emperor and the Pope despairing that they should euer by force bring them vnder speeches are cast forth of calling another Councell at Basil whither the Cardinall went to take courage and heart againe after the flight Monstrelet Monstrelet vol. c. 1.258 though ill affected towards the Bohemians saith They feared no martyrdome no torments their verie women took armes and fought and the dead bodies of many were found among the slain in battels So that here if we respect the cause and reason of this war it may seeme to be compared to that of the Machabees Pope Martin with Antiochus both in their Councels and in their successes warring in time past against the people of God which Antiochus also is set forth vnto vs for a figure of Antichrist Sigismund had giuen hope to the complaints of the people from all parts That hee would prouide in the Councell of Constance for the reformation of the Church and therefore as well the Vniuersities as many nations themselues had exhibited by their embassadors to the Councel verie many articles tending to reformation namely of Paris by M. Iohn Gerson Chancelor of the same and M. Peter de Aliaco Cardinall which to this day are read yet they were appointed to be examined after order was taken for the schisme When therfore Sigismund saw all things finished that seemed should goe before Concilium Constantiens Sess 12.14 17.39 Sess 15. 21. That Iohn the foure and twentieth was deposed That Gregorie the xij had renounced That sentence was giuen against Benedict the xiij and order taken as it was thought to preuent schismes to come and moreouer Iohn Hus and Hierome of Prague condemned and punished he thought now the time was come wherein he might seriously solicite the Fathers to take in hand a Reformation and that so much the rather for that there was not yet any Head chosen the Councel might both more safely with greater authoritie and with lesse contradiction ordaine for reforming the Head and constraining him into order and he which was to be chosen Pope would the more willingly accept of the law prescribed to him for hee knowing not of his owne election he himselfe would consent to the reformation of the future Pope Therefore in the fortieth Session Sess 40. in which sat chiefe the Cardinall of Ostia William Cardinall of S. Marke read certaine Decrees of which he required the Councell to giue sentence that they might be published by the future Pope before the dissolution of the Councell yet were they but matters superficiall as the number qualitie nation of Cardinals reseruations Annates common and mean seruices collations and graces expectatiue confirmations causes to be reserued to the Court of Rome or which are not to be reserued Appeales Rules of Chancelrie and Penetenciaries commenda's alienations of the goods of the Romish Church extirpation of simonie dispensations indulgences tithes also the causes for which the Pope may be corrected deposed All which neuerthelesse are put off to be ended after the Popes election that a law might be made of them in Councel by his authority by the aduise of the nations Without doubt because that word galled them that scaped from Sigismund who to some that said reformation shold be begun à minoritis with the meaner sort answered yea rather a matoritis with the greatest meaning the Pope and Cardinals For he himself had instituted a forme of reformation which is yet read printed at Ausbourg in the yeare 1484. Wherefore Cardinall Colonne being elected Pope called Martin the fift on S. Martins day 1417 and Sigismund vrging him earnestly to a reformation he declareth That this long sojourning at Constance had bin a discommoditie to all the Churches That so great a businesse needed mature deliberation That euerie Prouince as saith Hierome hath their peculiar manners and opinions which without trouble could not be soone taken away and by his cunning deuises hee preuailed so much that he obtayned the dissolution of the Councell on condition that another Councell should be held fiue yeares after then another seuen yeares after that and from thenceforth from ten yeares to ten yeares in which they should treat of matters pertaining to Faith and to the Common weale And to make them beleeue that hee meant good earnest he presently ordaineth that the next should be held within fiue yeares at Pauia And then in the fiue and fortieth Session Concilium Constantiens Sess 45. Platina in Martino 5. Cardinall Winbald by the Popes commaundement pronounceth Dominiâ—ite in pace My Lords depart in peace with which words they were dismissed Sublato saith Platina omnium consensu maximè verò Imperatoris without the consent of all yea of the Emperour Who entreating him that he would yet sojourne but a verie little while longer in Germanie Martin excused himselfe vpon the necessitie of returning to Rome for that the Chappels of the Saints by the Popes absence went to ruine Wherefore saith Volateran he departed against the will and liking of Sigismund What fit excuse when there were propounded to him the diseases of the Church fretting away her most inward bowels yea threatning an vtter ruine at hand Martin then passeth into Italie triumphing without doubt that he had by his diligence escaped this daungerous rocke of reformation which he so much feared and now wholly bendeth his mind to settle and strengthen himselfe in the Popedome Balihasar Cossa called Iohn the foure and twentieth or according to