cuppe vnto the king chanced in the middle of the floure to stumble with one foote helping and recouering himselfe with the other saying in these wordes Thus one brother as ye see helpeth an other These wordes being thus spokeÌ„ in the hearing of the king so moued his mind that forthwith he commaunded the false accuser of his brother to be had out to execution Whose iust recompence I would wish to be a warning to all men what it is to sowe discorde betwixt brother and brother King Ethelstane besides his vij yeares lamentation for this acte builded the two Monasteries of Midletone and of Michelenes for hys brothers sake or as the stories say for his soule Whereby it may appeare what was the cause most speciall in those daies of building monasteries to wit for releasing the sinnes both of them departed and them aliue which cause howe it standeth wyth the grace and veritie of Christes Gospell and of his passion let the Christen reader trie examine with himselfe This cruell fact of the king towarde Edwyne caused him afterwarde to be more tender and careful toward his other brethren and sisters left in his handes vnmarried Which sisters as is partly in the Chapter before declared he richly bestowed in great mariages As one to the king of NorthumberlaÌ„d Sithericus an other he gaue to Lewes King of Aquitania the thirde to Henricus Duke of Almaine for hys sonne Otho who was the first Emperour of the Germanes Whereby it is to be vnderstand that the Empire at this time began first to be translated from Fraunce where it remained about C. yeares and halfe vnto Germanie where it hath euer since continued The fourth of his sisters being a virgine of singulare benty Hugo the French king required to be geuen vnto him sending to King Ethelstane pretious and sumptuous presents such as were not before seene in England Among the which presents gifts besides the rare odours of sondry fauours fine spices and besides the precious costly gemmes namely of Smaradges of most redoleÌ„t grene besides also many and great coursers and palfries richly trapped especially of one iewell as wryters make inention which was a certaine vessell finely and subtilly made of the precious stone Onichinus so radiantly wrought that in it appeared the liuely corn growing and mens images walking c. Ouer and besides was sent also the sworde of Constantine the great with the name of the possessor wrytten in golden letters where in the hast of the same al beateÌ„ in gold was one of the yron nailes wherwith our Sauiour on the crosse was nailed Of the veritie whereof I am not disposed at thys present muche to say what I suspect but that this in the Ecclesiasticall storie of Eusebius is euideÌ„t That two of the foresaid nailes of Christ was speÌ„t on the bridle of Constantine the 3. he cast into the Sea in a raging tempest Wherfore if Christ were nailed with 4. nailes perhappes this naile might be one If he were nailed but with iij. I see not how this storie can stand with other stories neither howe this fourth naile can stand with truthe Among the rest moreouer was the speare as is reported wherwith the side of our Sauiour was opened which also the sayd ConstaÌ„tine was woÌ„t to cary in the field against his enemies with a portion likewise of the holy crosse inclosed in Cristall Also a part of the crowne of thorne in like maner inclosed c. Of the whych Reliques part was geuen to Winchester part to the Church of Malmesbury where king Ethelstane was buried As this King was indued and enlarged by the gift of God the serter vp disposer of all kings with great victories of worldly renowne hauing vnder hys subiection both the Scottes and Britons and the whole Monarchie of the land So he deuised diuers good and holesom lawes for the gouernment of the same as wel concerning the state of the orders Ecclesiasticall as also of the secular or lay people Whereby it is to be vnderstaÌ„d that the vsurped power of the bishop of Rome did not then extend it selfe so largely nor so proudly to derogate froÌ„ the authority of kings princes but that euery one in his owne dominion had vnder God and not vnder the Pope the doing of all matters within the same his dominion contained whether they were causes teÌ„poral or spiritual As by the decrees and constitutions of this king also of other as well before him as after him may euidently be testified as where hee among other lawes thus ordeineth â—ouching the bishop in wordes as folowe Episcopo iure pertinet omnem rectitudinem promouere Dei videlicet ac seculi In primis debet omnem ordinatum instruere quid ei â—it agendum iure quid hominibus secularibus iudicare debeant Debet etiam sedulò pacem concordiam operari cum seculi iudicibus qui rectum velle diligunt in compellationum allegationem edocere ne quis alij perperam agat in iureiurando vel ordalio Nec pati debet aliquam circumuentionem iniustae mensurae vel iniusti ponderis Sed conuenit vt per consilium testimoniuÌ„ eius omne legis rectum burgi mensura omne pondus sit secundum ditionem eius institutum valde rectuÌ„ ne quis proximum suum seducat pro quo decidat in peccatum Et semper debet Christianis prouidere contra omnia quae praedicta sunt ideo debet se de pluribus intromittere vt sciat quomodo grex agat quem ad Dei manum custodire suscepit ne diabolus cum dilaniet nec malum aliquod superseminet Nunquam enim erit populo benè consultum nec dignè Deo conuersabitur vbi lucrum impium magis falsum diligitur Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est eneruare quod iustum est eleuare nec pati vt propter falsum pecuniae questum homines se forisfaciant erga verè sapientem Deum cui displicet omnis iniustitia Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est vt rectum diligant iniqua condemnent faltem sacris ordinibus euecti iustum semper erigant praua deponant Hinc debent Episcopi cum iudicibus iudicia dictitare interesse ne permittant si possint vt illinc aliqua prauitatuÌ„ gramina pullulent Et sacerdotibus pertinet in suo Dioecesi vt ad rectum sedulò quemcumque muent nec patiantur si possint vt Christianus aliquis alij noceat non potens impotenti non summus infirmo non praelatis subditis non Dominus hominibus suis seruis aut liberis Et secundum ditionem per mensuram suam conuenit per rectum vt necessaria serui operentur super omnem scyram cui praeest Et rectum est vt non sit aliqua mensurabilis virga longioâ— quà m alia sed per
the porte of Southhampton But as Polydorus sayeth and Fabian affirmeth the same that it was by Thames side at London When his flatterers comming about him began to exalt him vp with high wordes calling him a king of all kings most mighty who had vnder his subiection both the people the land and also the sea Canutus reuoluing this matter in his minde whether for pride of his heart exalted or whether to trâ—e and refell their flattering words coÌ„maunded his chaire of estate to be brought to the sea side at what time it should begin to flowe Polydore sayth that no seate was brought but sitting vpon his garments being folded together vnder him there charged and commaunded the floudes arising comming toward his feete that they shoulde not touch neither him nor his clothes But the water keeping his ordinary course came nearer and nerer First to his feete and so growing higher began to wash him welfauoredly Wherewith the king abashed partly also afeard starte backe and looking to his Lordes Loe sayth he ye call me such a mighty king yet can I not commaunde backe this litle water to stay at my worde but it is ready to drowne me Wherfore all earthly kings may know that all their powers be but vaine and that none is worthy to haue the name of a king but he alone which hath all things subiect to the power authoritie of his word which is the Lord of heauen earth the creatour aboue of all thinges the father of our Christ and Lorde who with him for euer is to be glorified him let vs worship and extoll for our king for euer After this as histories witnes he neuer suffred the crowne to come vpon his head but went to Winchester or as some say to Canterbury but both those may be true for his going to CaÌ„terbury was to acknowledge that there was a Lorde much higher of more power then he himselfe was and therewithal to render vp his crowne for euer With that Egelnothes Archbyshop of Canterbury informed him of the image of the Crucifix before meÌ„tioned which dissolued the matter betweene maried Priests and life of Monkes and did many other myracles moe being then at Winchester Wherewith the King prouoked to go to Winchester to the roode there resigned vp hys regall Crowne and made the roode king ouer all the land Here is also to be noted in this Canutus that although as is said he coÌ„descended in the beginning of his raigne vpon king Edgares lawes yet after in proces of time hee set forth peculiar lawes of his own Among which diuers there be that concerne as well causes Ecclesiasticall as also temporal Whereby it may appeare that the gouernmeÌ„t of spirituall matters not to depende then of the Bishop of Rome but to appertaine to the lawfull authoritie of the temporall Prince no lesse then of matters and causes temporall As for example by these ordinaunces of the foresayd Canutus may be well considered as here folowe Pecunia sepulturae iustum est vt aperta terra reddatur Si aliquod corpus a sua parochia deferatur in aliam pecunia sepulturae c. In English It is mete and right that in funerals money be geuen for opening the earth If anybody or corse be caried from his owne Parishe into an other the money of the buriall shal pertaine by the law to his owne Parish Church All ordinaunces and ceremonies of God let them be obserued as neede in all things requireth Uppon the Sonday we forbid all publique â—ayres or markets all Synodes or conuenticles huntinges or any such seculare actions to be exercised vnlesse vrgent necessitie compell therunto Let euery ChristeÌ„ man prepare himself thrise a yere to approche to the receauing of the Lords body so to eate the same as not to his iudgemeÌ„t but to his wholsome remedy If a minister of the altare doe kill any man or haue intangled himselfe in any notorious crime let him be depriued both from his order and dignitie If any maried woman her husband being aliue haue committed adultery be proued with the same to her opeÌ„ shame in the world let her haue her nose and eares cut of Let euery widow after the death of her husband so remaine sole xij monethes or if shee marrye let her loose her ioynter And heere an ende of the Danish kyngs Nowe to the English kings againe whose right line coÌ„meth in againe in Edward here following King Edward called the Confessor FOr so much as God of his mercye and prouidence who is onely the maker of heires thought it so good after the wofull captiuitie of this Englishe nation to graunt now some respite of deliuerance in taking away the Danish kings without any issue left behind them who reigning here in EnglaÌ„d kept the english people in miserable subiection about the space of xxviij yeares and that from their firste landing in the time of King Brightricus wasting and vexing this land the terme of cc. â—v yeres Now their tiranny here comming to an ende the next election right of the crowne fell as appertained to Edwarde the yonger sonne of king Egelred and Emma a meere Englishman who had bene now long banished in Normandy as is aboue declared A man of gentle and soft spirite more appliable to other mens couÌ„sailes then able to trust to his owne of nature condition so geuen from al warre and bloudshed that being in his banishment he wished rather so to continue all his life long in that priuate estate then by warre or bloudshed to aspire to any kingdome This Edward after the death of Canutus the seconde or Hardecanute being sent for of the Lordes into NormaÌ„die to take possession of the Realme although he something mistrusted the vnconstant and fickle heads of EnglishmeÌ„ yet hauing sufficient pledges laid for him in Normandie came ouer with a few Normands accompanied and not long after was crowned at Winchester an 1043. by Edsius then Archbishop of Cant. And not long after that he maried Goditha or Editha daughter of Earle Godwyne whome he entreated after such sort that he neither put her from his bed nor yet delt with her fleshly Whether it 〈◊〉 for hate of her kin as most like it was or for loue of chastitie it remaineth vncertaine But most writers agree that he continued his lyfe without offence with women â—or the which he is highly exalted among our story writers and called holy king Edwarde After he had thus taken vpon him the gouernement of the realme he guided the same with much wisedome and iustice the space of 24. yeres lacking two monethes from whome issued as out of a fountaine much godlinesse mercy pitie and liberalitie towarde the poore gentlenes and iustice toward all men and in all honest life he gaue a vertuous example to his people He discharged the Englishmen of the great tribute called Dane gelt which before
perisheth in the Church of God for want of preachers all that shal be demaunded of them at the day of iudgement As Iacob confesseth to Laâ—an whose sheep he fedde Genesis 31 I did restore all thy losse and that which was stolne I made aunswere for I will demaund his bloud at thy handes Ezechiell 3. This is sayd to the Pastor or Prelate But if the other thinges which we haue spoken of before could not mooue the Prelates and Cardinals this at the least should mooue them Because that then the spirituall power which doth consist for the most part in the exercise of preaching in hearing confessions enioyning of penaunce shall be taken away froÌ„ them by litle little For by piece mele doth the wolfe dâ—nour the poore needy man 3. q. cap 1. when the authority Ecclesiasticall therfore shall be quite taken from them and disposed to other such as either by their order or Apostolicall grauÌ„t do challenge to haue the same Then doubtles shall neither the iurisdictioÌ„ of ciuile causes and pleadings nor any authority that such Prelates haue yet remaining neither yet the possessions of the temporall goodes of the Church any longer remayne amongest them Shall suche haue the temporall goods of the church which minister not the spirituall treasure thereof 1. Cor. 9. Know ye not that they which kill the sacrifice ought to eate of the sacrifice they that serue at the aultar are partakers of the aultar For as the body without the soule cannot stand so corporall thinges without spirituall things cannot continue 1. q. 1. if any shall take away the same Thus haue you had the 39 arguments for the which both he was coÌ„demned and his bookes burned In the dayes of this Guilielmus there was a most detestable and blasphemous booke set forth by the Friers mentioned also in Math. Parisiens which they called Euangelium aeternum or Euangelium spiritus sancti That is the euerlasting Gospell or the Gospell of the holy Ghost In which book many abhominable errors of the Friers were conteyned so that the Gospell of Iesus Christ was vtterly defaced which this booke sayd was not to be compared with this euerlasting Gospel no more then the shell is to be coÌ„pared with the carnell then darknes to light c. More ouer that the Gospell of Christ shal be preached no longer but fifty yeares and then this euerlasting Gospell should rule the Church c. Item yâ— whatsoeuer was in the whole Bible was in the saide Gospell contayned At length this Friers Gospell was accused to the Pope and so 6. persons chosen of the whole vniuersitye to peruse and iudge of the booke as Christianus Canonicus Baluacensis Odo de Doaco Nicholaus de Baro Ioannes de Sicca Vella Anglus Ioannes Belim Gallus Among whom this Guilielmus was one who mightely impugned this pestiferous and deuillish booke These 6. after the perusing of the booke were sent vp to Rome The Friers likewise sent their messengers withall where they were refuted and yâ— errors of the booke condemned but so that the Pope with the Cardinals commaunded the sayd booke to be abolished and condemned not publickly tendering the estimation of the religious orders as of his own most chiefe champions but that they should be burned in secret wise and the books of the foresayd â—uilielmus to be burnt with all Besides other his bookes 2. Sermons we haue of his yet remayning one vpon the Gospell of S. Luke of the Pharisy and the Publicane the other vpon the Epistle redde in the Church on May day where in the first he resembleth the Phariseis to our Monkes and that he proueth by all the properties of the Phariseis described in the Gospell The Publicane he resembleth to the Laity such as for because the sooner they are reduced to acknowledge their sinnes the more hope they haue of mercy The other because they stand confident in their own righteousnesse are therefore farther from their instification In the latter sermoÌ„ he setteth forth and declareth what perils and dauÌ„ders be like to fall vpon the Church by these religious orders of Monkes and Friers Among the other besides of that age which withstood the bishops of Rome his Antechristian errors was one LaureÌ„ce an Englishman and maister of Paris An other was Petrus Ioannes a Minorite Of whome the foresayde Laurence was about the yeare of our Lord. 1260. who in his teaching preaching writing did stoutly defeÌ„d yâ— part of the forsayd Guilielmus the rest of his side agaynst the Friers Against the which Friers he wrote 2. bookes One in the defence of William afore meÌ„tioned the other vpoÌ„ this argument and title To beware of false prophets c. Certayn other things also he wrote wherin by diuers proofes and testimonies he argued proued that Antichrist was not farre of to come The other Petrus Ioannes was about the yeare of our Lord. 1290. which taught and maintained many things agaynst the Pope prouing that he was Antichrist and that the sinagogue of Rome was great Babilon He wrot vpon Mathew vpon the Epistles and vpon the Apocalips Mention of this Petrus Ioannes is made in Nicholaus Emericus in Lib. Inquisitionum c. And sayth moreouer that Miâ—hael Cesenas of whoÌ„ Christ willing shall followe hereafter took of him a great part of his opinioÌ„s And because the pope could not burne him aliue after his death he caused his bones to be taken vp and burned To these and with these aboue specified is to be added Robertus Gallus who being borne of a right noble parentage for deuotion sake was made a Dominicke Frier about the same yeare of our Lord aboue touched an 1290 This man as appeareth by his writing had diuers and sundry visions whereof part is annexed with the visions and prophecy of Hildegardis His visions al tend against the spiritualty of Rome where in the fift chapter he calleth playnely the Pope an Idoll which hauing eyes seeth not neither lusteth to see the abhominatioÌ„s of his people nor the excessiue enormity of ther voluptuousnes But only to see to the heaping vp of his own treasure hauing a mouth speaketh not but sayth I hane set good men ouer them which is sufficieÌ„t for me to do them good either by my selfe or by some other And foloweth in the same chapter wo to that Idoll woe to the mighty and proud who shall be equall in all the earth to that Idoll He that exalted vp his name in earth saying who shall bring me vnder Is not my house compared with the mighty Potentates of the land I am higher then Dukes Knightes on their horsebacke do seruice vnto me That which my Fathers had not before me yâ— haue I done to me My house is strowed with siluer gold and pearle are the pauement of my palace c. Agayn in the 12. chapter and also in the first vnder the name of a SerpeÌ„t he paynteth out the Pope whom he
temporall and nobilitie of the Realme and cheifly those that studied for the preseruatioÌ„ of the commonweale not â—casing as yet to coÌ„tinue his mischeuous enterprise if by Gods prouideÌ„ce it be not preuented that with speed Amongst all other of the Nobilitie these first he put to death the Earle of Salisbury the Earle of Huntington the Earle of Gloucester the Lord Roger Clarendon the kyngs brother with diuers other knights and Esquiers and afterwards the Lord Thomas Percy Earle of Worcester and the Lord Henry Percy sonne and heyre to the Earle of Northunberland the which Lord Henry he not onely slew but to the vttermost of his power againe and againe he caused hym to be slayne For after that he was once put to death and deliuered to the Lord of Furniuale to be buryed who committed his body to holy sepulture with as much honour as might be commending his soule to almighty God with the suffrages of the blessed masse other praiers the said Lord Henry most like a cruel beast still thirsting hys bloud caused his body to be exhumate brought forth againe and to be reposed betwene two milstones in the towne of Shreusbury there to be 〈◊〉 wyth armed men And afterwards to be beheaded anâ— quartered commanding his head and quarters to be caried vnto diuers cities of the kingdome Wherefore for so detestable a fact neuer heard of in any age before we pronounce him as in the former articles excommunicate 8. Eightly we depose c. agaynst the said Lord Henry for that after his atteining to the crowne he willingly ratified allowed and approued a most wicked statute set forth renued in yâ— parliament holden at Winchester The which statute is directly against yâ— Church of Rome the power principalitie therof giuen by our Lord Iesus Christ and vnto blessed S. Peter his successors Bishops of Rome vnto whom belongeth by full authoritie the free disposing of all spirituall promotions as wel superior as inferiour which wicked statute is the cause of many mischiefes vid. of simonie periurie adultery incest misorder disobedience for that many Bishops Abbots priors and prelats we will not say by vertue but rather by errour of this statute haue bestowed yâ— benefices vacant vpoÌ„ yong men rude and vnworthy persons which haue compacted with them for the same so that scarce no one prelate is found that hath not couenanted with the partie promoted for the halfe yearely or at the least the third part of the said benefice so bestowed And by this meanes the said statute is the destruction of the right of S. Peter the Church of Rome and England the Cleargie and vniuersities the mainteuance of wars and the whole common wealth c. 9. Ninthly we say and depose c. against the said Lord Henry that after he had tyrannously taken vpon him the gouernement of the Realme England neuer florished since nor prospered by reason of his continuall exactions of money and oppressions yearely of the cleargie and coÌ„minaltie neither is it knowen how this money so extorted is bestowed when as neither his souldiours nor his gentlemen are payed as yet their wages and fees for their charges and wonderfull toile and labour neither yet the poore countrey people are satisfied for the victuall taken of them And neuertheles the miserable clergie and more miserable comminaltie are forced still to pay by menaces and sharp threatnings Notwithstanding he sware when he first vsurped the crowne that hereafter there should be no such exactions nor vexations neither of the clergie nor lâ—â—tie Wherfore as afore we pronounce him periured c. 10. In the tenth and last article we depose say and openly protest by these presents for our selues all our assistents in the cause of the Church of Rome and England and in the cause of king Richard his heires the clergie and comminaltie of the whole Realme that neither our entention is was nor shall be in word nor deed to offend any state either of the prelats spirituall Lords temporall nor commons of the realme but rather foreseeing the perdition and destruction of this Realme to approch we haue here brought before you certeine articles concerning the destruction of the same to be circumspectlie considered of the whole assembly as well of the Lords spirituall as temporall and the faithfull commons of England beseeching you all in that bowels of Iesus Christ the righteous iudge and for the merits of our blessed Lady the mother of God and of S. George our defender vnder whose displayed banner we wish to liue and die and vnder paine of damnation that ye will be fauourable to vs and our causes which are three in number Wherof the first is that we exalt vnto the kingdome the true lawfull heire and him to crowne in kinglie throne with the diademe of England And secondly that we renoke the weshmen the Irishmen and all other our enimies vnto perpetuall peace and amitie Thirdly and finally that we deliuer and make free our natiue countrey from al exactions extortioÌ„s vniust paiments Beseeching our Lord Iesus Christ to graunt his blessing the remission of their sinnes life euerlasting to all that assist vs to their power in this godly and meritorious worke and vnto all those that are against vs we threaten the curse of almighty God by the authority committed vnto vs by Christ and his holy Church and by these presents we pronounce them excommunicate These Articles being seene and read much concourse of people daily resorted more and more to that archbishop The Earle of Westmerland being then not far off with Iohn the kings sonne hearing of this mustered his souldiours with all the power he was able to make bent toward the Archbishop but seeing his part too weake to encounter with him vseth practise of policie where strength would not serue And first comming to him vnder colour of frendship dissembled laboureth to seeke out the causes of that great stirre To whome the Archbyshop againe answering no hurt to be entended thereby but profit rather to the kyng and common wealth and maintenance of publicke peace but for so much as he stood in great scare and danger of the king he was therefore compelled so to doo And withall shewed vnto him the contents of the Articles aforesaid which when the Earle had read setting a faire face vpon it seemed highly to commend the purpose and doyngs of the Bishop promising moreouer that he would helpe also forward in that quarell to the vttermost of his power And required vpon the same a day to be set when they with equall number of men might meere together in some place appointed to haue farther talke of the matter The Archbishop easilie perswaded was content although much against the counsaile of the Earle Marshall and came Where the Articles being openly published and read the Earle of Westmerland with his companie pretended well to like vpon the same and to ioyne their
counted for great holinesse Men therefore either to winne publique same with men or merites with God gaue themselues to lead a straite life thinking thereby the stranger their conuersation was and farther from the common trade of vulgar people the more perfect to be toward God and maÌ„ There was at that time and before that a monastery in France named Floriake after the order and rule of Benedict from the which Monasterie did spring a great part of our english moÌ„ks Who being there professed and afterward returning into England did coÌ„gregate men daily to theyr profession And so partly for strangenesse of theyr rule partly for outwarde holinesse of their strait life partly for the opinion of holinesse that many had of them were in great admiration not onely with the rude sort but with kinges and princes who founded their houses maintained their rules and enlarged them with possessions Among the which order of monks comming from Floriake especially was one Oswaldus first a monke of Floriake then bishop of Wirceter and of Yorke a great patrone and setter vp of monckery Touching the which Oswaldus William in his booke De pontific writing of his historie hath these woordes Familiaris per id temporis Anglis consuetudo fuit vt si qui boni afflati essent desiderio in beatissimi Benedicti monasterio caenobialem susciperet habituÌ„ a quo religionis huiusce manauit exordium c. That is It was a common custome at that time amoÌ„g English men that if any good men were well affected or minded toward religioÌ„ they went to the Monasterie of blessed S. Benedict in France and there receiued the habite of a Monke Wherupon the first origine of this religion began c. But of this Oswald bishop of Yorke and Dunstane bishop of Canterburie and Ethelwold bishop of Winchester howe they replenished diuers Monasteries Cathedral Churches with Monkes and howe they discharged maryed Priestes and Chanans out of their houses to plante in Monkes in their celles more shall be spoken by the grace of Christ heereafter Nowe let vs returne againe to the matter where we left of king Edmund who besides his noble victories against his enemies and recouering the Cities aboue expressed into his own haÌ„ds did also subdue the prouince of Cumberland And after he had put out the eyes of the two sonnes of Dunmail king of Cumberland he committed the gouernance therof to Malcolinus king of Scots vpon promise of his trustie seruice obedience when the king should stande in any neede of him In the time of this king Dunstane was not yet Archbi of Canterbury but onely Abbot of Glastenbury of whom many fabulous narrations passe among the wryters importing more vanity then verity Wherfore this is one of the first what time Edgarus called Pacificus was borne Dunstane being the same time Abbot of Glastenbury as the monkish fables dreame heard a voyce in the ayre of certaine Angels singing after this tenour and saying Nowe peace commeth to the church of England in the time of this child and of our Dunstane c. This I thought to recite that the christian reader might the better poÌ„der wyth himselfe the impudent and abhominable fictions of this Romish generation Out of the same mint also haue they forged how the sayd Dunstane should heare the aungels sing the Kyrieeleyson vsed to be song at euensong in the church Guliel de pontif lib. 1. Which is as true as that the Harpe hanging in a womans house played by it selfe the time of the Antheme called Gaudent in coelis c. What would not these deceiuers faine in matters something likely whych in thinges so absurde and so inconuenient shame not to lie and to forge so impudently also so manifestly Through the motion of this Dunstane King Edmund builded and furnished the monasterie of Glastenbury made the sayd Dunstane Abbot thereof Concerning the ende and death of this King sundrye opinions there be Alfridus and Marianus say that while this King Edmund endeuored hymselfe to saue his sewer from the daunger of his enemies which would haue slaine him at Pulcherchurch the king in parting of the fray was wounded and died shortly after But Guliel de Regibus lib. 2. sayeth that the king being at a feast at Pulcherchurch vpon the day of S. Augustine espied a fellon sitting in the hall named Leof whom he before for his fellony had exiled And leaping ouer the table did flie vpon him plucked the thiefe by the haire of the head to the ground In which doyng the fellon with a knife wounded the king to the death and also with the same knife wounded many other of the kings seruants and at length was all to hewen and died forthwith By the lawes of king Edmund ordeyned and set forth as well for the redresse of church matters as also of ciuile regiment it may appeare that the state both of causes temporal likewise spiritual appertained then to the kings right the false pretensed vsurpatioÌ„ of the bishop of Rome notwithstanding as by these lawes is to be seene where he by the aduise of his lordes and bishops did enact determine concerning the chastitie pure life of ecclesiastical ministers and such as were in the orders of the Church with the penalties also for them which transgressed the same Item for tithes to be payd of euery christian man and for the church fees and alme fees c. Item for deflouring of womeÌ„ professed which we call Nunnes c. Item for euery bishop to see his churches repaired of his owne proper charge and boldly to admonish the king whether the houses of God were well maintayned c. Item for flying into the church for sanctuary c. Item concerning cases and determinations spousall or matrimoniall c. All which constitutions declare what interest kings had in those days in matters as wel ecclesiastical as other within their dominion and that not only in disposing the ordinances and rites such as appertained to the institutioÌ„ of the church but also in placing and setting Bishops in their sens c. In the tyme of this Edmund was Ulstanus Archb. of Yorke and Odo Archbishop of Canterbury which Odo beyng a Daâ—e borne as is before touched was promoted to that sea by king Ethelstane for that as they say hee being first bishop of Witone present with kyng Ethelstane in the field against Analafus before mentioned what time the said Ethelstane had lost his sword he thorough his intercession vp to heauen did see a sworde from heauen come downe into the sheath of the kyng Whereof relation beyng made to the kyng by the foresayd Byshop Ethelstane vpon the same was so affected toward Odo that not onely he counted him for a Patrone of his life but also made him Primate of Canterbury after the decease of Ulfelmus This Odo was the first from the commyng of the Saxons till his
the bishops and of the clergie which I maintaine be right why be they set against me Why do they reprehēd me For if that I appealed to him before whome either it was not lawfull or els not expedient for me to do what seeme they by this but either to blame me causelesse or els to distrust your equity For me to be conuicted before your holinesse it had bene a double confusion Or wherein haue I deserued to be persecuted of them for whose cause I haue set my selfe to stande in their behalfe And if they had willed I had preuailed but it is ill with the head when he is left of his members and forsaken as if the eyes shoulde take the toung to speake against the head If they had had eyes to haue foresene the matter they might vnderstand themselues to speake their owne destruction and that the Princes did vse their helpe but to their owne seruitude And what so great cause of hatred had they against me to procure their owne vndoing in vndoing of me So while they neglected spirituall things in steade of temporall they haue lost them both What shoulde I speake more of this that I repugning them and appealing to your audience yet notwithstanding they durst presume to stand in iudgement and condemnation against me as children against their father Yea and not against me onely but against the vniuersall Church of God conspiring together with the Prince being with me offended And this suspection might also as well pertaine to you holy father But to this they will say that they owe their duety and seruice vnto the king as their Lord to whom they are bound vpon their allegeance To whom I answer that to him they stand bound bodely to me spiritually But to whom ought they rather to stand bound then to themselues And were it not better to sustaine the losse of corporall then of spirituall things But here they wil say againe at this time the Prince was not to be prouoked Howe subtily do these men dispute for their owne bondage Yea they themselues prouoke him by their owne excesse ministring wings vnto him to fight against them for he woulde haue rested if they had resisted And when is constancie more to be required then in persecution Be not a mans chiefe frendes most tried in persecution If they geue ouer still how shall they obtaine the victorie Sometime they must needes resist Condescend therefore holy father to my exile and persecution And remember that I also once was a great man in the time when it was and now for your sake thus iniuriously I am intreated Vse your rigour and restraine them by whose instigation the name of this persecution began And let none of these things be imputed to the king who rather is to be counted the repairer then the author of this businesse Besides this Epistle sent vnto the Pope he wryteth also an other letter sent to the King in Latine the tenour whereof he that is disposed to read may peruse in our former edition with the notes adioyned withall Besides which Epistle to the king in Latin he sent also one or two mo to the said king Henry the second much after the like rate sort The one thus beginning Loqui de Deo liberae mentis est valdè quietae Indè est quòd loquar ad Dominum meum vtinam ad omnes pacificum c. which Epistle for that I woulde not ouercharge the volume of these Hystories with too much matter superfluous I thought hore to omit The other he sent afterward wherof the wordes be these ¶ An other letter of Becket Archbishop of Canterburie sent to the king TO his Lorde and frende Henry by the grace of God king of England Duke of Normandy Aquitane Earle of Angeow Thomas by the same grace humble minister of the church of Cāterburie sometime his temporally but now more his in the Lord health and true repentaunce with amendement I haue long looked for that the Lord would looke vpon you and that you would conuert and repent departing from your peruerse way and cutte off from you your wicked and peruerse counsellours by whose instinction as it is thought you are fallen into that deepe wherof the Psalme speaketh A sinner when he commeth to the depth of mischiefes is without all care or feare And albeit we haue hetherto quietly suffred and borne considering and earnestly looking if there woulde any messenger come that woulde say Your soueraigne Lorde the king which nowe a long time hath erred and ben deceiued and led euen to the destruction of the church through Gods mercy with aboundant humility doth now againe make speede for the deliueraunce of the Church and to make satisfaction and amendement Yet notwithstanding we cease not day by day continually to call vpon almightie God with most humble deuotion that that which we haue long desired for you and by you we may speedely obtaine with aboundant effect And this is one poynte that the care of the Church of Canterburie whereunto God hath presently appoynted vs albeit vnworthy you being K. doeth specially constraine me in that as yet we are deteined in exile to write vnto your maiestie letters commonitorie exhortatorie and of correction But I woulde to God they were fully able to correct least that I be to great a cloker of your outragies if there be any as in deede there are for the which we are not a litle sorie I meane specially of them which are done by you in euery place about the Church of God and the Ecclesiasticall persons without any reuerence either of dignitie or person and least also that I appeare negligent to the great danger of my soule for without doubt hee beareth the offence of him which doth commit any offence who neglecteth to correct that which an other ought to amend For it is written not onely they which doe commit euill but also they which consent therunto are coūted partakers of the same For they verely do cōsent which when they both might and ought doe not resist or at the least reproue For the errour which is not resisted is alowed and the truth whē it is not defended is oppressed neither doth it lacke a priuie note of society in him which ceaseth to withstand a manifest mischief 2 For like as most noble Prince a small Citie doeth not diminish the prerogatiue of so mighty a kingdome as your is so your royal power ought not to oppresse or chaunge the measure of the religious dispensatiō For it is prouided alwaies by the lawes that al iudgemēts agaynst Priests should proceede by the determination of Priestes For whatsoeuer Byshoppes they are albeit that they do erre as other men do not exceeding in any poynt contrary to the religion of faith they 3 ought not nor can in any case be iudged of the seculare power Truely it is the parte of a good and religious Prince to repaire the ruinous Churches to builde
gouernement of both the states as well secular as also ecclesiasticall The king therfore not suffering the excessiue proceedinges of Pope Clement the 5. aboue specified directeth his letters mandatory to the Prelates and Barons of the realme of Fraūce to connēt assemble themselues together at Paris about the beginning of December the yeare aboue prefixed The tenor of which letters of the king directed to the Prelates followeth in this forme and maner ¶ The Sommons of a Parliament by Philip the French king PHilip by the grace of God king of Fraunce to our welbeloued Bishop of Eduens greeting and salutation Reuerend Father in God right trusty and welbeloued we greete you well The more sight and knowledge you haue in diuinitye and the holye Scriptures of God with the practise and experience of other good qualityes and vertues you know the better a great deale how that the Clergy and layty of this our Realme as members of one body ought to cleaue and sticke together and how by theyr helping hand vnity and peace should bee maynetayned of all and the contrary eschued and auoyded euery state contēting it selfe not incroching one vpon another And because we are aduertised how that our Barons and officers as well in time past as of late haue diuersly in diuers poyntes iniuried you as semblably you and yours in many causes haue wrongfullye damaged them by occasion wherof the knot of vnitie and concord which ought to haue florished among you is quite loosed and vndone To the end therefore by Gods grace some good reformation and redresse may be had herein We most studious of vnity and concord requere you and by these our letters commaūd you to appeare personally before vs at Paris the 15. day of Decēber next ensuing the dare hereof and there before vs to make relation of such wrong as ye haue receiued at the laities hāds And wee likewise straightly charge and commaund you our Barons Bailiffes and officers not to fayle but to make your personall appearaunces before vs the day and place aboue written there to exhibite before vs a bill of such complayntes wherewith you burden our Prelats and Clergy with their officials that we with our counsell consulting thereupon with due regard may see redresse therin wherby perpetuall loue and charity may euer hereafter raigne and remayne among them for euer Geuen at Paris the first day of September an 1329. At the day in the letters aboue specified the Prelates and Clergy assembled themselues before the King at hys palace in Paris that is to witte The L. Baturicen the L. of Auxitan the L. Turonen the L. Rothom and the L. Senon all Archbishops The L. Beluaren the L. Cathalan the L. Laudun the L. of Paris the L. Nousonon the L. Carnoten the L. Constan the L. Andegauen the L. Pictauen the L. Melden the L. of Cameracen the L. of S. Feri the L. Brioce the L. of Cabition the L. of Eduen all Byshops Where after due reuerence done vnto the Kinges grace there sitting in his owne person wyth his Barons and counsell about him a certayne noble and wise person Lord Peter de Cugnerijs being one of the kinges counsell rose vp and openly in the Parliament house spake in the kinges behalfe on this wise taking for hys Theame Reddite quae sunt Caesaris Caesari quae sunt Dei Deo which is to say geue and render vnto Cesar whiche is his and vnto God which is Gods which he uery artificially prosecuted and applyed deuiding it into 2. partes First that obedience and reuerence is due vnto the king Secondly that there ought to be a difference betweene the iurisdiction of the clergy and laity so that spirituall matters should be defined and ordered by the Prelats and spirituall men and temporall causes ruled and determined by the king his Barons and temporall men Which all he proued by many reasōs both of fact and law as more fully appeareth beneath in the answere of the Byshop of Eduen finally he concluded that the Clergy ought onely to deale and haue to doe with spirituall matters in defence whereof the kings highnes would stand their good Lord and maintayner His Oration being ended he repeated certayn wordes in the French toung which imported that the kinges will and pleasure was in some poyntes to renew the temporall state and iurisdiction therewith exhibited a certaine bill in French whereof also he gaue a copy to the Prelates contayning certaine pointes and articles vnder writtē the contentes wherof he affirmed not to appertaine to the order iurisdiction of the spiritualty but onely to the temporalty complayning that the Clergy had wrōgfully proceeded in y◠same But notwithstanding the premisses for all this his complaint he sayd that y◠Prelates should haue time to consult and deliberate thereupō with the king The copy of which articles with answers ensuing vpon the same and the grieuaunces of the kingdome of Fraunce wrought by the clergy and exhibited to the king hereafter foloweth 1. First the cognition of causes reall whether they touch possession or their propriety or not by commō law apperteineth to y◠iurisdicion temporall But the Prelates wyth their officials to y◠end to infringe the tēporall iurisdiction take vpon them the determination of such causes reall especially concerning possession and all other interdictes 2. Item when a temporall man is sued by any Clerke or spirituall man for the possession of his land obtayning an adiornament of the secular power in the cause of nouite or otherwise The prelates officials stopping hereby the tēporall iurisdiction at the instaunce of the Clerke calleth by proces before them both the secular iudge and the party inhibiting them to proceed any farther in the cause vnder payne of excommunication and forfeiture of a certayne summe 3. Item although the secular iudge haue the cognition of all lay mens matters except in spirituall causes yet wil y◠Bishops Officials at the instaunce of any partye call such before them And if the tēporall mē do except against their iurisdiction alleadging the incompitency of the iudge or els if they require the cause to be remitted to them vnder whom they are as the right iudges yet doth the Officials refuse this to do yea and by excommunication compell the parties to proceed before them 4. Item the Byshoppes Officials at the instaunce of the clerks alledging that they are iniuried in matters of inheritance by a lay man call by proces the laity And if it be alledged that those causes stand vpō reality being so indeed for that consideration the cause to be remitted to the tēporall law This notwithstanding the Officials prohibit them vnder payne of excommunication or some great forfeit not to proceed but before them 5. Item the Bishops Officials take vpon them to heare the plea of such contractes as either be conceiued in writings or made by word of mouth in the temporall law
and Emperor especially constituted the said lawe And likewise to speake of custome it hath bene known frō time out of mind the same to haue belonged to the church of Fraunce He therefore which shal go about to violate this lawe committeth sacrilege 11. q. 1. ca. 1. 2. And let not the kings maiestie maruell if that in this most noble Realme of Fraunce thys prerogatiue be due vnto the Churche As when hereby his power and nobilitie is beutified Anth. vt iud sine quoquo suffra fi in principio Col 2. Besides this our soueraigne Lorde and King at what time hee was crowned was sworne by the Euangelists to keepe and obserue thys Canonicall priuiledge of the Churche Further the Barons who in a manner are all sworne to the Churche swore fidelity to the same by which oth of fidelity they are bound to keepe these liberties and rights of the Churche When therfore euery oth which tendeth not to the perdition of the soule is to be kept a fortiori that oth which is taken in the fauor of the church is much more to be obserued c. Si vero extra de iure iurando 22. quaest 4. c vlt. Besides thys blessed Ludouicke Phillip of Arragon Phillip the faire Ludouicke Carolus the great Phillip confirmed these priuiledges customes and liberties of the Church which all were sworne at their coronations as before c. These things considered who can aduise the kings maiesty with out damning of his owne soule contrary to these liberties graunted and so confirmed to the Church To whom belōgeth great reward whosoeuer bestoweth any thing vpon the Churche Antho. de non alie at permut re ecc § si minis col 3. neyther maketh it against vs where it is sayde that there are two swordes c. Neyther yet the distinction betwene the Byshoppricke and kingdome Because it is true that there are two swordes the power wherof is left to the churches hand although the execution of the material sword is committed to the temporal and secular men Matth. 26. where Christ saith to Peter conuert and put vp thy sword into the place But as touching the distinction betwixt the Byshopricke and kingdom in deede it is true asmuch as appertaineth to the end to the execution of bloud but not concerning the beginning subiect for that in one subiect both the powers are may be and ought to be as is before prooued To that poynt where it is said that Christ payed tribute it is answered that not therfore he payd it because he ought or was bounde thereunto because it is certainly true that the sonnes of the king as hee was ought not to pay but this he did to auoide offence yea also the Clergy is not boūd hereunto Esdrae 1. vlt. Wherfore such things do not inferre a consequence Neither yet maketh that against vs where it is sayd that the king our soueraigne Lord maister can not abdicate from himselfe this right especially for that he was sworne thereunto at the time of his coronation c. for it is aunswered that he may wel abdicate the same And howe doth he abdicate the same from hymselfe which be geueth and bestoweth to God the Church The land is the Lords And doubtles to geue is nothing els but to tender to God and the church their owne for then by that reason the gift giuē to the church by Cōstantine is naught and nothing woorth which is false and this is proued xvi dist ca. Const. Wherby it appeareth that an Emperour and king may alienate things of the empire ff de legatis i. l. apud Iulianum § vlt. nor yet heereby the Empire or kingdome is damaged for that the thing returneth to the pristinat state ff de pactis l. vnus § pactus 35. dist ab exordio Furthermore by this reason propounded all the kings of France which euer were and especially blessed Ludouike shuld be spotted for if that were true as God forbid then al they were persured and died in mortal sinne which is to too absurde Last of all it hurteth not where it is sayd that such things are inprescriptible It is true in deede they cannot of subiects or otherwise then of the Church be prescribed but in this cause we talke not of subiects Also seeing they may be alieuated they may be prescribed especially the kinges thus consenting who confirmed the same so long a time which excludeth all right both fiscal and ecclesiastical The prelates therefore al with one consent agreeth affirmeth to the same as a verity to be maintained and defended Beseeching the kings maiestie their Lorde both for hys soule health and peace of the Church to maintaine the same and keeping the liberties of the Church Desiring hym to consider what commoditie daily he receiueth by the Churche and that hys Churche neuer failed him yet when hee had neede of the laitie shewing the daungers and examples of them who did to the contrary Further hee beseeched hys highnesse to way howe entierly hys Lord the Pope doeth and hath loued his person and realme Affirming that neuer any placed in the seat of Peter loued better his realme then he doth Alledging the text of Eccl. 6. where it is sayd Stande in the multitude of the Priests and beleeue them with thy heart After this in the sayd Session The foresayde Byshop of Eduen prolocutour inferred many things beside answered particularly to the articles aboue specified and exhibited by the Lord Peter in wryting to the king and parliament Which because they touch more the subtiltie of the law and stiles of the courtes then are necessary to this our history and because we would not burdē the volume with all conteining no great profite in them we haue heere of purpose for breuities sake omitted them passing to the next sitting which was the next friday next after following the same as ensueth The next Friday after thys the Prelates assembled at Uicenas before the Kyng to heare theyr answere where the foresaid Lorde Peter of Lugner being prolocutour for the king spake on this wise taking for hys theame I am peace vnto you do not feare c. which he prosecuted monished that they shoulde not be troubled in any thyng that there had bene spoken For that the intent and minde of the soueraigne Lorde their king was to keepe the rites of the Church and Prelates which they had by law and by good and reasonable custome Where betweene the first and second conclusion he went about to prooue that the cognition of ciuill causes ought not to appertaine to the Church For that such things were temporal and ought to pertaine to the temporaltie as spirituall things to the spiritualtie And besides his other reasons hee alleaged the 86 dist declaring for a truth that for this intent first the clarks crowns were shauen in signe that they shuld be free frō all worldlinesse and forsake
I suppose will and ought sooner runne and the word of Christ will sooner driue vs to our father then to the Priests Corban Marc. 7. So that this distinction here may haue place that as the one standeth vpon merite of vertue so the other standeth vpon mere duety of necessitie Pag. 362. col 1. These iurisdictions temporall and spiritual are compatible in one persone Aunswere I graunt pro ratione subiects That is in the subiect it selfe there is no cause to the contrary but these vocations may be exercised both of one persone as they haue beene of the Pope one after the other and so may contrary formes also and yet the Popes persone hath bene able to sustaine them both But now here is to be considered not what the nature of the subiecte is able to beare by Logicke but what order is taken heerein by the will of God whose order is thys That they which with Peter are called to the feeding of the flock shoulde leaue their fishing nettes and fishe for men and that they which labour in the warfare of the Lord should not intangle theÌ„selues with the busines of this life wherby they may be more free to please him whose souldiours they are Tit. 2 c. Pag. 362. col 1. The iurisdictions temporall and spirituall are so distincted that they are not contrary c. Aunswer And what let is there then but our Queene nowe and other kings heereafter may haue the gouernement of both states as well Ecclesiasticall as temporall Seeing both the formes being compatible may concurre both in one subiect why not as well in the persone of the King within the Realme as in the person of the Pope without the Realme Pag. 363 col 1. God after the creation of the world c. vnto Noes time c. Aunswere If God vnto Noes time gouerning the worlde as king gaue sentence himselfe against Caine as yee say howe then did he that by the ministerie of aungels If he did it by the aungels his ministers Whether is more like then that to make for the Pope or rather for kings and princes whom the Scripture thrise in one chapter calleth the ministers of God to execute punishment to him that doth euill Rom. 13. Pag. 363. Noe also which offered c. Aunswere If offering of burnt sacrifices to God doe make a priest then was Caine also Abell Abraham Isaac and all Patriarches priests If hee had both temporall and spirituall iurisdiction vppon them which were in his Arke I maruell why hee did not curse â—hen the disobedyent crowe that returned not to him againe Pag. 363. col 1 Melchisedech likewise c. Answere Melchisedech properly did beare a figure of Christ both king and priest and of none other Pag. 363. col 2. A. I haue geuen to me c. Aunswere That Christ hath all power geuen him no man doubteth but yet the same Christ sayth that his kingdome is not of this world Neither would he be made a king in this worlde c. Non eripit mortalia qui regna dat caelestia hym Pag. 363. col 1. B. Whom Christ made his vicar c. Answere Here in one line bee two lies For neither had Peter the very same power in heauen and earth as Christ had neyther was hee the vicar of Christ. Pag. 363. col 1. C. As the offence of Ananias and Saphira was not temporall but spirituall so did Peter kill them not iudicially that is as a temporall iudge but spiritually that is by the power of the spirite which spirite wrought by him not as by a iudge but as a minister And although this acte of Peter was extraordinarie for a singular example yet notwithstanding let any prelate with the like power of spirit so do none wil blame him Pag 363 col 1. D. And so likewise the condemnation of Paule against the Corinthian was onely spirituall and not temporall Pag. 363. 1. E. must be referred to the order c. Aunswere Christ woulde these causes to be referred to the hearing of the Churche for spirituall admonition but not for temporall iurisdiction of the prelates Pag 363. col 1. F. All things that the true Church doth truely binde are bound I graunt but first let the Pope proue his Church to be the true Church and himselfe to be the vniuersal head therof and then let him claime the keies Ibid. The two swords do as much signifie the two regiments as doe the two fishes wherewith Christ did feede foure thousande persones Ibid. Christ bad Peter put vp his sword and not to cast it away Ergo the Church may haue the temporall sworde Answere God geue you good morowe I haue brought you a capon Pag. 364. col 1. I. Know ye not the Saintes c. Aunswere S. Paule heere willing the Corinthians to pleade their matters not before the heathen but before the Saints meaneth the faithfull of the congregation not onely prelates K. In them was not the like reason c. Aunswere I graunt for Christ and true Christians is one thing Antechrist and hys Church is an other thing Ibid. As ye say the Apostles had no laisure to take lands and possessions for preaching but nowe for Lordly loytering you haue laisure inough Pag. 364. col 1. M. They are most fittest to beare temporal rule which followe neerest to God Prelates of the cleargie followe nearest to God Ergo Prelates of the Clergie are more meetest to beare temporall rule Resp. If God heere be taken for that God which is called the belly I graunt they seeme to followe nearer But if it be taken for the true God not I but their owne fruites life and doctrine and Esay also would denie their minor and say that this people draweth neare to me with their lips but their heart is farre from me Pag. 364. col 1. You are a chosen generation a royal Priesthode c. Aunswere This place of Peter was written not onely to persones Ecclesiasticall but to the whole congregation of the Saintes disparsed as the wordes following may declare Qui eratis quondam non populus c. And thus much concerning French matters which because they be Ecclesiasticall and beare wyth them some vtilitie to the diligeÌ„t reader such as list to search note and obserue the actes of men and course of religion I thought therfore here to place and adioyne next after the other contention before proceding betwene Philip the French king and Pope Boniface Albeit as touching the perfect keeping of yeres and time I am not ignorant that thys foresaid Parliament thus summoned and commenced against the French prelates falling in the yeare of our Lorde 1329. was to be referred rather to yâ— raigne of king Edward the iâ— Of whom now remaineth by the grace of Christ in order of historie to prosecute declaring first the instructions and informations of his father geuen to him in the time of his departing
statute of prouision and premunire made in the 25. yeare of thys kynges dayes And let hym read in the statutes made in the parliamentes holden the 27 yeare and 38. yeare of hys raigne And vnder the same title of prouision and premunire shall finde the popes primacie and iurisdiction wythin this Realme more nearely touched and much of hys papall power restrayned In so much that who soeuer for any cause or controuersy in law either spirituall or temporal the same being determinable in any of the kyngs courts as all matters were whether they were personall or reall citations or other or should eyther appeale or consent to any appellation to be made out of the realme to the pope or see of Rome should incurve the sayd penaltie and daunger of premunire Diuers other matters wherein the Pope is restrained of his vsurped power authoritie iurisdiction within this realme of England are in the sayd titles and statutes expressed at large set forth who euer list to peruse the same which for breuities sake I omitte hastening to other matters About this tyme being the yeare of our Lorde 1370. lyued holy Brigit whom the Church of Rome hath canonised not onely for a saint but also for a Prophetesse who notwithstanding in her booke of reuelations which hath bene oft times imprinted was a great rebuker of the pope and of the filth of his clergie callyng him a murtherer of soules a spiller and a pyller of the flocke of Christ more abhominable then Iewes more crueller thē Iudas more vniust then Pilate worse then Lucifer hymselfe The see of the Pope she prophesieth shal be throwne down into the deepe lyke a mylstone And that his assister shall burne with brimstone Affirmyng that the prelates byshops priests are the cause why the doctrine of Christ is neglected and almost extincted And that the clergie haue turned the ten commaundementes of God into two wordes to wyt Da pecuniam that is Geue money It were long and tedious to declare all that she against them writeth Among the rest which I omytte let this suffice for all where as the sayde Briget affirmeth in her reuelations that when the holy Uirgine should say to her sonne howe Rome was a fruitfull and fertile field yea sayd hee but of weedes onely and cockle c. To thys Briget I will ioyne also Catherina Senensis an holy virgin which lyued much about the same tyme ann 1379. Of whome writeth Antoninus part historiae 3. Thys Katherine hauyng the spirite of prophesie was wōt much to complaine of the corrupt state of the church namely of the prelates of the court of Rome of the pope prophesying before of the great schisme which then folowed in the Church of Rome and dured to the Councell of Constance the space of xxxix yeares Also of the great warres ano tribulation which ensued vpon the same And moreouer declared before and foretold of this so excellēt reformation of religion in the Church now present The words of Antoninus be these After this Uirgine in her going to Rome had tolde her brother of the warres and tumultes that should rise in the coūtries about Rome after y◠schisme of the two Popes I then curious to know of thinges to come knowing that she vnderstood by reuelation what should happen demaunded of her I pray you good mother sayd I and what shall befall after these troubles in the Church of God And she sayd By these tribulations and afflictions after a secret maner vnknowne vnto man God shall purge his holy Church and stirre vp the spirit of his elect And after these thinges shall follow suche a reformation of the holy Churche of God and suche a renouation of holye Pastors that the onelye cogitation and remembraunce thereof maketh my spirit to reioyce in the Lord And as I haue oftentimes tolde you heretofore the spouse which now is all deformed and ragged shall be adorned and deckt with most rich and precious ouches and brouches And all the faythfull shall be glad and reioyce to see themselues so beautified with so holy shepheards Yea and also the Infidels then allured by the sweet sauour of Christ shall returne to the catholicke folde and be conuerted to the true Bishop and shepheard of their soules Geue thankes therefore to God for after this storme he will geue to his a great calme And after she had thus spoken she stayd and sayd no more Beside these aforenamed the Lord which neuer ceaseth to worke in his Church styrred vp agaynst the malignant church of Rome the spirites of diuers other good godly teachers as Matthias Parisiensis a Bohemian borne who about the yeare of our Lord 1370. wrote a large book of Antechrist and proueth him already come and noteth the Pope to be the same Which booke one Illiricus a writer in these our dayes hath promiseth to put it in print In this booke he doth greatly inuey against the wickednesse and filthines of the Clergy and agaynst the neglecting of theyr duety in gouerning the church The Locustes mentioned in the Apocalips he sayth be the hypocrites raigning in the church The workes of Antechrist he sayth be these the fables and inuentions of men raigning in the Church the Images fained reliques that are worshipped euery where Itē that men do worship euery one his proper Saint and Sauior beside Christ so that euery mā and City almost hath his diuers and peculiar Christ. He taught and affirmed moreouer that godlines true worship of God are not boūd to place persons or times to be heard more in this place thē in an other at this time more thē at an other c. He argueth also agaynst the cloisterers which leauing the onely and true Sauior set vp to them selues theyr Franciscanes theyr Dominickes and suche other and haue them for theyr Sauiors glorying and triumphing in them and fayning many forged lyes vpon them He was greatly and much offended with Monks friers for neglecting or rather burying the word of Christ and in stead of him for celebrating setting vp theyr own rules and canons affirming it to be much hurtfull to true godlines for that Priestes Monkes and Nunnes do account themselues onely spirituall and all other to be lay secular attributing onely to themselues the opinion of holynes contemning other men with al theyr politick administration the office as prophane in cōparison of theyr owne He further writeth that Antechrist hath seduced all Uniuersities Colleges of learned men so that they teach no sincere doctrine neither geue any light to the Christiās with theyr teaching Finally he forewarneth that it will come to passe that God yet once againe will raise vp godly teachers who being feruent in the spirite and zeale of Helias shall disclose and refute the errors of Antechrist and Antechrist himselfe openly to the whole world This Mathias in the sayd booke of
if that you shall apprehend by personall citation the sayd Nicholas and Phillip or either of them or whither they shall be absent and hide themselues as of euery thing els which in this behalfe you shall thinke meete to be done that betweene this and the feast of S Laurence you clerely certifie vs by your letters patentes contayning the effect of these thinges Fare ye well At our Manour of Lambeth the 13. day of Iuly the yeare of our Lord. 1382. and first yeare of our translation * The names of the Doctours and Fryers assistentes at this sitting Seculars M. William Blankpayne M. Wil. Barton Friers Carmelits Robert Euery prior Iohn Reningham prior and Iohn Lunne Friors Minors William Barnwel Iohn Ryddin and William Brunscombe Friers Augustines Iohn Court Patrington Tomson and Reepes Against this blind excommunication of the said archb the parties excommunicate commēced and exhibited their appeale vnto the bishop of Rome Which appeale of theirs as insufficient or rather to him vnpleasaunt the said archbishop vtterly reiected as might oftētimes ouercommeth right proceeding in his preconceaued excommunication against thē and writing moreouer his letters to hym that should preach next at Paules crosse as is aforesaid to denounce and to publishe openly the said Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repington to be excommunicate for that not appearing and theyr terme assigned Which was in the 13. day of the month of Iuly Which archbishop moreouer the said yeare month and day aforesaid sent also an other letter to M. Rigge Commissary of Oxford straightly enioyning and charging him not onely to denounce the sayd sentence of excommunication and to geue out publique citation against them but also to make dilligent search and inquisition through all Oxford for them to haue them apprehended and sent vp to him personally before him to appeare at a certain day prescribed for the same Wherby may appeare howe busie this Bish. was in disquieting persecuting these poremē whō rather he should haue nourished and cherished vs his brethren But as his labour is past so his reward will follow at what day the great Archbishop of our soules shall iudicially appeare in his tribunall seat to iudge both the quick and the dead The archb yet not contented with this doth moreouer by all meanes possible sollicite the king to ioyne withall the power of his temporall sword for that he well perceaued that hitherto as yet the popishe Clergy had no authoritie sufficient by any publique law or Statute of thys land to proceede vnto death against anye person whatsoeuer in case of Religion but onely by the vsurped tyranny and example of the court of Rome Where note gentle reader for thy better vnderstanding the practise of the romish prelates in seeking the kinges help to further their bloudy purpose against the good saintes of God Which king being but young and vnder yeares of ripe iudgement partly enduced or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresayd Archbishop partly also eyther for feare of the Bishoppes for kings cannot alwayes doe in their realmes what they will or els perhaps entised by some hope of subsidie to be gathered by the Clergy was contented to adioyne his priuate assent such as it was to the setting downe of an ordinaunce which was in deede the very first lawe that is to be found made against Religion and the professors thereof bearing the name of an Acre made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Anno. 5. Rich. 2. where among sundry other Statutes then published and yet remayning in the printed bookes of Statutes this supposed Statute is to be found Cap. 5. vltimo as followeth Item forasmuch as it is openly knowne that there be diuerse euill persons within the realme going from county to countie and from Towne to Towne in certayne habites vnder dissimulation of great holinesse and without the licence of the ordinaries of the places or other sufficient authoritie preaching dayly not onely in Churches churchyardes but also in markets fayres and other open places where a great congregation of people is diuers sermons contayning heresies and notorious errours to the great emblemishing of Christen fayth and destruction of the lawes and of the estate of holy Churche to the great perill of the soules of the people and of all the realme of England as more plainly is found and sufficiently proued before the reuerend father in God the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the bishops and other prelates maisters of Diuinitie and doctors of Canon of ciuil law and a great part of the clergy of the said Realme specially assembled for this great cause which persons do also preach diuers matters of slander to engender discorde and discention betwixt diuers estates of the said realme as well spirituall as temporall in exciting of the people to the great perill of all the Realme which preachers cited or summoned before the ordinaries of the places thereto aunswere of that whereof they be impeached they will not obey to their sommons commandementes nor care not for their monitions nor censures of the holy Church but expressely despise them And moreouer by their subtile and ingenious wordes doe drawe the people to heare theire Sermons and doe mayntayne them in their errours by strong hand and by great rowtes It is ordayned assented in this present parliament that the kinges commissions be made and directed to the Sheriffes and other ministers of our soueraigne Lord the king or other sufficiēt persons learned and according to the certifications of the prelates therof to be made in the Chauncery from time to time to arest all such preachers and also their fautours mayntaynours and abbertours and doe hold them in arrest and strong prison till they wil iustify to them according to the law and reason of holy Church And the king will and commaund that the Chauncellour make such commissions at all times that he by the Prelates or any of them shal bee certified and thereof required as is aforesaid An examination of the foresayd supposed Statute and of the inualiditie therof WHich supposed statute for as muche as it was the principall ground whereuppon proceeded all the persecution of that time it is therefore not impertinent to examine the same more perticularly wherby shall appeare that as the same was fraudulently and vnduly deuised by the Prelates onely so was it in like maner most iniuriously and vnorderly executed by them For immediately vpon the publishing of this lawe without further warrant eyther from the king or his councell commissions vnder the great seale of England were made in this forme Richard by the grace of God c. vt patet act pag. 541. Witnesse my self at Westminster the 26. day of Iune in the sixt yeare of our raigne Without more wordes of warrant vnder written such as in like cases are both vsuall and requisite Viz. per ipsum Regem per Regem Concilium or per breue de priuato
and protesting before the face of the people that his comming into the Realme in the absence of the king was for none other cause but that he might in humble sort with the loue and fauour of the king and all the Lords spirituall and temporall haue and enioy his lawfull inheritance descending vnto him of right after the death of his father which thing as it pleased all men so cried they Blessed is he that commeth in the name of the Lord But how this blessing afterwards turned into cursing shall appeare in that which followeth and also ye shall vnderstand his horrible and wicked conspiracie against his soueraigne Lord king Richard and diuers other Lords as well spirituall as temporall besides that his manifest periurie shal wel be known and that he remaineth not only foresworne and periured but also excommunicate for that he conspired against his soueraigne Lord our king Wherefore we pronounce him by these presents as well periured as excommunicate 3. Thirdly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he the said Lord HeÌ„ry immediatly after his entry into England by crasty and subtile policie caused to be proclaimed openly throughout the Realme that no tenths of the Clergy fiftenes of the people sealing vp of cloth diminution of wooll impost of wine nor other extortioÌ„s or exactions whatsoeuer should hereafter be required or exacted hoping by this meanes to purchase vnto him the voice and fauour of the prelates spiritual the Lords temporall the Marchants comminaltie of the whole Realme After this he tooke by force the kings Castels and fortresses spoiled and deuoured his goodes wheresoeuer he found it crieng hauocke hauocke The kings maiestie subiects as well spirituall as temporal he spoiled and robbed some he tooke captiue and imprisoned them and some he slew put to miserable death wherof many were Bishops prelates Priests and religious men Whereby it is manifest that the said Lord Henry is not only periured in promising swearing that there should be hereafter no more exactioÌ„s paiments or extortions within the realme but also excommunicate for the violence and iniurie done to Prelats and Priests Wherefore by these presents we pronounce him as afore as well periured as excommunicate 4. Fourthly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he hearing of the Kings returne from Ireland into Wales rose vp against his soueraigne Lord the king with many thousands of armed men marching forward with al his power towards the Castle of Flint in Wales where he tooke the king held him prisoner and so led him captiue as a traitor vnto Leicester from whence he tooke his iourney towards London misusing the king by the way both he and his with many iniuries and opprobrious coÌ„tumelies and scoffes And in the end committed him to the Tower of London and held a Parliament the king being absent in prison wherein for feare of death he compelled the king to yeeld and resigne vnto him all his right title of the kingdome and crowne of England After which resignation being made the said Lord Henry standing vp in the Parliament house stoutly and proudly before them al said aâ—â—â—med that the kingdome of EnglaÌ„d and crowne of the same with al therunto belonging did pertaine vnto him at that present as of very right and to none other for that the said king Richard by his owne deede was depriued for euer of all the right title interest that euer he had hath or may haue in the same And thus at length by right and wrong he exalted himselfe vnto yâ— throne of the kingdome since which time our commoÌ„ weale neuer florished nor prospered but altogether hath bene void of vertue for that the spiritualtie was so oppressed exercise and warlike practises hath not bin mainteined charitie is waxed cold couetousnes and miserie hath takeÌ„ place finally mercy is taken away vengeance supplieth the rcome Wherby it doth appeare as before is said that yâ— said Lord HeÌ„ry is not only periured false by vsurping the kingdome and dominion belonging to another but also excommunicate for the apprehending vniust imprisoning and depriuing his soueraigne Lord the king of his roiall crowne and dignitie Wherefore as in the articles before we pronounce the said Lord Henry to be excommunicate 5. Fiftly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he the same Lord Henry with the rest of his fauourers complices heaping mischief vpon mischief haue coÌ„mitted and brought to passe a most wicked and mischieuous fact yea such as hath not bene heard of at any time before For after that they had taken and imprisoned the king and deposed him by open iniurie against all humane nature yet not coÌ„teÌ„t with this they brought him to Poinfret Castle and there imprisoned him where xv daies nights they vexed him with continuall hunger thirst and cold and finally berest him of life with such a kind of death as neuer before that time was knowen in England but by Gods prouidence it is come to light Who euer heard of such a deed or who euer saw the like of him Wherefore O England arise stand vp auenge the cause the death and iniurie of thy king and prince which if thou do not take this for certaintie that the righteous God will destroy thee by strange inuasions and foreigne power and auenge himselfe on thee for this so horrible an act Whereby doth appeare not only his periurie but also his excommunication most execrable so that as before we pronounce the said Henry not only periured but also excommunicate 6. Sixtly we depose c. against the sayd Lord Henry that after he had attained to the crowne and scepter of the kingdome he caused forthwith to be apprehended diuers Lords spirituall Bishops Abbots Priors and religious men of all orders whom he arested imprisoned bound and against all order brought them before the secular iudges to be examined not sparing the Bishops whose bodies were annointed with sacred oyle nor priests nor religious men but commanded them to be coÌ„demned hanged and beheaded by the temporall law and iudgement notwithstanding the priuiledge of the Church and holie orders which he ought to haue reuerenced and worshipped it he had bin a true and lawfull king for the first and chiefest othe in the coronation of a lawfull king is to defend and keepe inuiolate the liberties and rights of the Church and not to deliuer anie Priest or religious man into the hands of the secular power except for heresie onely and that after his degradation according to the order of the Church Contrary vnto all this hath he done so that it is manifest by this article as afore in the rest that he is both periured and excommunicate 7. Seuenthly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that not onely he caused to be put to death the Lords spirituall and other Religious men but also diuers of the Lords
For in that that euery one that worketh more meritoriously to the profite of the Church he hath so much the more greater authoritie from God 25. There is not so muche as one sparke of appearaunce that there ought to be one head ruling and gouerning the church in spirituall causes which should alwayes be conuersaunt in the church millitaâ—â— For Christ without anye such monstrous heds by his â—â—ue disciples sparsed through the whole world could better a great deale rule his church 26. The Apostles and faythfull priests of God haue right worthily in al thinges necessary to saluation gouerned the church before the popes office tooke place and so might they doe agayne by like possibilitie vntill Christ came to iudgement if the popes office should fayle Let euery one that is suspected in the foresayd articles or els otherwise found with assertion of them Be examined in maner and forme as followeth IN primis whether he knew Iohn Wicleffe of Englande Iohn Hus of Bohemia and Hierome of Prage or anye of them and how he came by the knowledge of them whither that during the liues of them or any of them they had eyther bene conuersant with them or found any frendship at their handes 2. Item whether he knowing them or any of them to be excommunicate did willingly participate with them esteming affirming the same their participacioÌ„ to be no sin 3. Item whither that after their deathes he euer prayed for them or any of them openly or priuily doing any work of mercy for them affirming them to be either saintes or els to be saued 4. Item whether he thought them or anye of them to be Saintes or whether that euer he spake such wordes and whether euer he did exhibite any worshippe vnto them as vnto saintes 5. Item whether he beleue hold and affirme that euery generall councell as also the Councell of Constance doth represent the vniuersall Church 6. Item whether he doth beleue that that which the holy Councell of Constance representing the vniuersall church hath and doth alow in the fauour of the fayth and saluatioÌ„ of soules is to be approued and allowed of all the faythfull Christians and that whatsoeuer the same Councell hath condemned and doth condemne to be contrary both to the fayth and to all good men is to beleued holden and affirmed for condemned or not 7. Item whether he beleueth that the condemnations of Iohn Hus Iohn Wickleffe and Hierome of Prage made as well vpon their persons as their bookes and doctrine by the holy generall Councelll of Constance be rightly iustly made and of euery good Catholicke man are so to be holden and affirmed or not 8. Item whether he beleue hold and affirme that Iohn Wickleffe of England Iohn Hus of Bohemia and Hierome of Prage were heretickes or not and for heretickes to be nominated preached yea or not and whether theyr bookes and doctrines were and be peruerse or not for the which together with their pertinacie they wre condemned by the holye sacred Councell of Constaunce for heretiques 9. IteÌ„ whether he haue in his custody any treatises smal workes Epistles or other writinges in what language or tongue soeuer set forth and translated by any of these heretickes Iohn Wickleffe Iohn Hus and Hierome or any other of their false Disciples and followers that he may deliuer them to the ordinaries of that place or his commissary or to the inquisitours vpon hys othe And if he say that he hath no such writing about him but that they are in some other place that then you sweare him to bring the same before his Ordinary or other aforenamed within a certayne time to him prefixed 10. Item whether he knoweth any that hath the treatises works Epistles or anye other writinges of the aforesayd Iohn Wickleffe Iohn Hus and Hierome in whatsouer tong they are made or translated and that he detect manifest the same for the purgation of their fayth and execution of iustice 11. Item especially let the learned be examined whether he beleueth that the sentence of the holy Councell of Constance vpon the 45. articles of Iohn Wickleffe and the 30. Articles of Iohn Hus be not Catholicke which sayth that some of them are notorious hereticall some erroneous other some blasphemous some slaunderous some rash and seditious some offensiue to godly eares 12. Item whether he beleeueth and affirmeth that in no case it is lawfull for a man to sweare 13. Item whether he beleueth that at the commaundement of a iudge or any other it is lawfull to take an oth to tell the truth in anye conuenient cause although it be but purging of an infamy or not 14. Item whether he beleueth that periury wittingly coÌ„mitted vppon what cause soeuer whether it be for yâ— safegard of hys owne life or of any other mans lyfe yea although it be in the cause and defence of the fayth be a sinne or not 14. Item whether a man contemning purposedly the rites of the Churche and the ceremonies of exorcisme of Cathechisme and the consecration of the water of Baptisme be deadly sinne or not 16 Item whether he beleue that after the consecration of the priest in the sacrament of the aultar vnder the figure of bread and wyne be no materiall bread and wyne but in al poyntes the same very Christ which was crucified vppon the Crosse and sitteth vpon the right hand of the father 17. Item whether he beleeue that after the consecration made by the priest vnder the onely forme of bread and besides the forme of wyne be the very flesh of Christ and hys bloud hys soule and hys deitie and so whole Christ as he is and in likewise vnder the forme of wine without the forme of bread bee the very fleshe of Christ and hys very bloud his soule and deitie and so whole Christ the same body absolutely vnder euery one of those kinds singularly 18. Item whether he doth beleue that the custome of houseling of the lay people vnder the forme of bread only obserued of the vniuersall Church and allowed by the onely Councell of Constance be to be vsed and not without the authoritie of the Churche at mens pleasures to be altered and that they that obstinately affirme the contrary to this are to be punished as heretickes or not 19. Item whether he beleue that those whiche contemne the receiuing of the sacramentes of confirmation or extreme vnction or els the solemnisation of matrimony coÌ„mit deadly sinne or not 20. Item whether he beleeue that a Christian man ouer and besides the contrition of hart being licensed of a conuenient priest is bound to confesse himselfe only to a priest and not to any lay man be he neuer so deuout or good vpon the necessitie of saluation 21. Item whether he beleue that in the cases before put a priest may absolue a sinner confessing himself and being contrite from all sinnes and enioyne him penaunce for the same
with the Sherifte and that the one shall teach them Gods law and the other mans law as ye heard in King Edgars lawes before Many other lawes both Ecclesiasticall and temporall besides these were enacted by these and other Kings heere in England before the Conquest but these be sufficient to geue the vnderstanding Reader to consider how the authority of the Bishops of Rome all this while extended not so farre to prescribe lawes for gouernement of the Church but that Kings and Princes of the Realme as they be now so were then full gouernours heere vnder Christ as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as temporall both in directing orders instituting lawes in calling of Synodes and also in conferring Byshoprickes and benefices without any leaue of the Romish Bishops Thus Odo Dunstane Oswold Ethelwold Aldelinus and Lancfrancus although they fet their palles afterwarde from Rome yet were they made Bishops and Archbishops by Kings only not by Popes And thus stoode the gouernement of this Realme of England all the time before the Conquest till Pope Hildebrand through the setting on of the Saxons began first to bring the Emperour which was Henry 4. vnder foote Then followed the subduing of other Emperours Kings and subiects after that as namely heere in England when Lancfrancus Anselmus and Becket went to complayne of their Kings and gouernours then brought they the Popes iudiciall authority first from Rome ouer this land both ouer Kings and subiects which euer since hath continued till these latter yeares Albeit the sayd Kings of this Realme of England being prudent Princes and seeing right well the ambitious presumption of those Romish Byshops did what they could to shake off the yoke of their supremacie as appeareth by the lawes and Actes of their Parliaments both in king Edward the thirds time King Richard the 2. and King Henry the 4. aboue in their Parliament notes specified yet for feare of other foreine Princes and the blind opinion of their subiectes such was then the calamitie of that time that neither they could nor durst compasse that which faine they would till at last the time of their iniquitie being complete through the Lords wonderfull working theyr pride had a fall as in the next Volume ensuing the Lord so graunting shall by proces of hystorie be declared The Image of the true Catholicke Church of Christ. ¶ The proude primacie of Popes paynted out in Tables in order of their rising vp by little and little from faythfull Byshops and Martyrs to become Lords and gouernours ouer King and kingdomes exalting themselues in the Temple of God aboue all that is called God c. 2. Thessalonians 2. IN the Table of the primitiue Churche aboue described hath bene gentle Reader set forth and exhibited before thine eies the greeuous afflictions and sorowfull tormentes which thorough Gods secret sufferance fell vpon the true Saints and members of Christes Church in that time especially vpon the good Bishops Ministers and teachers of the flocke of whome some were scourged some beheaded some crucified some burned some had their eies put out some one way some another miserably consumed which daies of wofull calamitie cōtinued as is foreshewed neare the space of CCC yeares During which time the deare spouse and elect Church of God being sharply assaulted on euery side had small rest no ioy nor outward safetie in this present world but in much bitternes of hart in continuall teares and mourning vnder the crosse passed ouer their daies being spoiled imprisoned contemned reuiled famished tormented and martired euerywhere who neither durst well tarie at home for feare and dread and much lesse durst come abroade for the enemies but onely by night when they assembled as they might sometimes to sing Psalmes and Hymnes together In all which their dreadfull dangers and sorrowfull afflictions notwithstanding the goodnes of the Lord left them not desolate but the more their outward tribulations did increase the more their inward consolations did abound and the farther off they seemed from the ioyes of this lyfe the more present was the Lorde wyth them wyth grace and fortitude to confirme and reioyce theyr soules And though theyr possessions and riches in this world were lost and spoyled yet were they enriched wyth heauenly giftes and treasures from aboue an hundreth fold Then was true Religion truely felt in hart Then was Christianitie not in outwarde appearance shewed but in inward affection receaued and the true image of the Churche not in outwarde shew pretensed but in her perfect state effectuall Then was the name and feare of God true in hart not in lippes alone dwellyng Fayth then was feruent zeale ardent prayer not swimming in the lippes but groned out to God from the bottome of the spirite Then was no pride in the Church nor laysure to seeke riches nor tyme to keepe them Contention for trifles was then so far from Christians that well were they when they could meete to pray together agaynst the Deuill authour of all dissention Briefly the whole Churche of Christ Iesus wyth all the members thereof the farther it was from the type and shape of this worlde the nearer it was to the blessed respect of Gods fauour and supportation ¶ The first rising of the Byshops of Rome AFter this long tyme of trouble it pleased the Lord at length mercifully to looke vpon the Saints and seruauntes of his sonne to release their captiuitie to release their miserie and to binde vp the old Dragon the Deuill which so long vexed them whereby the Church began to aspire to some more libertie and the Bishops which before were as abiects vtterly contemned of Emperours through the prouidence of God which disposeth all things in his time after his owne willy began now of Emperours to be esteemed and had in price Furthermore as Emperours grew more in deuotion so the Bishops more and more were exalted not only in fauour but also preferred vnto honour in so much that in short space they became not quarter maisters but rather halfe Emperours with Emperours Constantinus the Emperour embrasing Christen Byshops By which words of S. Paul we haue diuers things to vnderstand First that the day of the Lordes cōming was not thē nere at hand Secōdly the Apostle geuing vs a tokē before to know whē that day shall approch biddeth vs looke for an aduersary first to be reuealed Thirdly to shew what aduersary this shal be he expresseth him not to be as a common aduersary suche as were then in his time For although Herode Annas and Cayphas the high Priestes and Pharasyes Tertullus Alexander the Coppersmith Elymas Symō Magus Nero the Emperor in Paules time were great aduersaryes yet here he meaneth another besides these greater thē all the rest not such a one as should be like to Priest King or Emperor but such as farre exceding the estate of all kinges priests and Emperors should be the prince of priests should make kings to
England one for Greeke the other for latine Ex historia Guliel de Regibus Ang. Pleimondus teacher to king Alfred and after Bishop of Canterbury Bookes translated out of latine by K. Alfrede None permitted to haue any dignitie in the court except he were learned Polycron lib. 6. cap. 1. The Psalter translated into English by king Alfrede The cause why the king turned latine bookes into English Learned men sent for and placed about the king The dialoges of Gregory translated Neotus â— Abbot The schole and vniuersitie of Oxford first begonneâ— King Alfrede The newâ— Colledge in Oxford Ioan. â—â—â—tus The aunswere of Ioannes Scotus to the French king Ioan Scotus translated Hierarchiam Dionâ—tij from Greek to Latine The booke of Ioannes Scotus called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ioannes Scotus adicted more to the Greeke Churche then the Latine Ioan Scotus accused of the pope for an heretike Ioannes Scotus slayne by hys owne scollers Ioan Scotus a Martyr This Ethelwitha builded first the house of Nunnes at Winchester The children of K. Alfrede All hys daughters learned The decease of King Alfred An. 901. Etheredus Plâ—imundus Athelmus Vlâ—elmus Odo Archb. of Canterbury 9. Popes in ix yeares at Rome Fermosus first Pope Ex Chroniâ—oâ— Sigeberti Schismes among the Popes Character indâ—lebilis Whether the pope with hys Cardinals may erre Bonifacius 6. Pope Stephen 6. Pope Ex Chroni Martini panitentiarij Sigebert Ex Polych alijs Pope Theodorus 2. Pope Iohn 10. One councell burneth an others decrees Pope Benedictus 4. Pope Leo. 5. imprisoned and vnpoped by hys own chaplayne Pope Christoferus 1. Pope Sergius Pope Formosus after hys death be headed of Pope Sergius A false fayned myracle vpon the body of Formosus Popish miracles not to be credited Bearing of candels on Candlemas day how it came vp Pope 〈◊〉 Pope Lâ—â—â—do 1. Pope 〈◊〉 11. Harloâ—â— this time ruled 〈◊〉 Rome P. Iohn 1. P. Leo. 6. P. Stâ—â— â— restored Liuthpranâ—dus 〈◊〉 sis lib. 3. P. Steph. â— P. Leo. â— P. Marâ— â— P. Agapetus 2. Ordo Clâ—niacensis beginnâ—â— King Edward the elder The Edwardes before the â—â—quest A comparison betweene Alfrede and hys sonne Edward Vse and long exercise of things maketh perfectnes Clyto Ethelwold rebelleth agaynst K. Edward An. 904. An. 913. Chesâ—er repayred and enlarged The Castle of Herford builded Castles builded vpon the riuer of Auene and Ouse The townes of Towcetour and wigmore builded The newe towne of Nottingham builded Thilwall Manchester repayred Elfleda Cittyes Townes and Castles builded by Elfleda The lawes of king Alfred and K. Edward Note howe kinges of England in tymes past had authoritie in spirituall causes Anno. 925. The Children of K Edward the elder Prince Ethelwald excellâ—nt in learning Galiel de Regib The bringing vp of K. Edwardes Children King Ethelstine or Adelstane Duke Elfrede sodenly stroken by the hand of God for periury Guliel lib. de Regib in vita Ethelstani The copie of an old Cart of K. Ethelstane Anno. 927. Northumberland subdued to king Ethelstane The Scots subdued to the king of England It is more honour to make a king then to be a king A fabulous miracle falsely reported of king Athelstane Bristanus Byshop Anno. 933. A ridiculous miracle forged vpon Bristanus Byshop of Winchester A miracle of soules aunswering Amen A sore battaile sought at Brimford An other vnlike myracle of K. Athelstanâ— sword Odo Archbishop of Cant. Analanus The North Brittaynes brought to tribute The South Brittaynes subdued K. Ethelstane seeketh the death of his owne brother A note to learne not to sowe discorde betwixt brother and brother The cause of building Abbeyes examined Otho first Emperour of the Germaine Precious iewels sent to king Ethelstane from the French K. Concerning one of the nayles wherewith our Sauiour Christ was crucified Kinges of England gouernors as well in 〈◊〉 ecclesiastical aâ—â—â—mporall Extractum on legib 〈◊〉 Athelstane * alias 〈◊〉 * alias minoribus * alias scristes dictionum * alias seruitistimentalas * 〈◊〉 sunt * alias seristes mensia 〈◊〉 * in sua scrysiseyra A lawe how that maisters ought to condiscend and beare sometime with their seruauntes The law of king Ethelstane concerning tythes Tythes The K. woulde vsurpe no mans goodes wrongfully The law of K. Ethelstane concerning fealous stealing aboue xii d. Epitap in Ethelst Sol illustrauit bisseno scorpion ortu Cum regeÌ„ cauda percuâ—â—t ille sua Anno. 940. Edmundus kyng of England Ex historia Cariona Monkes put out of Eusham the yeare of our Lord. 941. The difference betweene Monkes and priestes Chastitie wroÌ„gly defined Holy mariage by the definition of Paphnutius is chastitie Monkes how they differed from Priestes and how they first began in England Guliel de pontiâ—â—â—â— The monâ—stery of Fâ—â—riake Oswaldes Byshop of Yorke a great paâ—â—â—â— of Monkery Guliel lin 3. de pontif The origâ—â— of monkery how it first began in England Dunstane Abbot of Glastonbury The sonnes of King Edmund The impâ—dent vanitie of the Popes Churche in forgyng false myracles Guliel lib. 1. de pont The monastery of Glastonbury Dunstane Abbot of Glostanbury The Abbey of Glostenbury was first builded by K. Iue by the couÌ„sell of Adelmus after beyng destroyed by the Danes Guliel lib. 2. de Regib The lawes of king Edmunde touching as well the state spirituall as temporall Vlstanus Archbishop of Yorke Odo Arch. of Canterbury Guliel de pont lib. 1. Polycron lib. 6. ca. 6. Odo made monke at Floriake after he was Archb. of CaÌ„terbury Guliel de pont lib. 1. Guliel lib. 3. de pont Ebor. The difference of habite and garmentes among men of the Church False and lying myracles noted vpon Odo A note to the reader Transubstantiation not yet receaued The letter of Odo Archb. to the prelates Elsinus Archb. of Caunt elect S. Edmundesbury The children of King Edmund Anno. 946. Edrede gouernour of the Realme Dunstane made byshop of Wirceter and after of London With lye and all K. Edwyne Anno. 955. The king suspensed by the Archbishop K. Edwyne an enemye to Monkes Monkes put out and seculâ—r priestes placed in their roomes The death of K. Edwyne Anno. 959. K. Edgar called Pacificus Dunstane made Bysh. of Worceter and of London Ex hist. Rog. Houenden Spirituall liuinges geuen by the king and not by the Pope Oswaldâ—â— byshop of Worceter and after â— Yorke Ethelwâ—â—â— byshop of Wint. a great â—â—â—tayner of Monkery An. 96â— Ex Guliel Malmâ—sâ—â—rieâ—â— de gostis ponâ—â—â— Aâ—g Monkishe dreames Dreames not necessary to be regarded Difference of dreames How and wheÌ„ monks first began to swarme in England Dunstane Ethelwold Oswald three setters vp of Monkishe religion 40. Monasteries builded and repayred by K. Edgar Priestes thrust out of Cathedrall houses and monkes set in Roger Houeden lib. Continuationum post BedaÌ„ Chronicon Iornalense Guliel de gestis pontifi lib. 1. Oswald Byshop of Wytceter and Archb. of Yorke The pollicy of Oswald in driuing out priestes to place
Rome Pope Iohn had his eyes put out and so put to death Pope Gregory restored Vii electours of themperors ordayned in Germany and who they be Ex Chronico Martini King Egelred Anno. 979. The life of Egelred Anno. 981. The coronation of Egelred The prophecie of Dunstane as monkishe storyes geue it The Danes recoursed to England Houeden lib. continuationum London coÌ„sumed with fire The king warred against the Byshop of Rochester An. 990. The bloudy flixe and hote feuers reigned in this land The death of Dunstane Ethelgarus Elfricus Siricius Elphegus Archb. of Canterb. An. 995. The Byshops sea of Dyrham London besieged of the Danes The Dane spoyled the land Great tribute leuied of the Englishmen Danegelt The sorrowfull affliction of the English nation What disseÌ„tion and discorde doth amoÌ„g the nobles in a realme The pride and wretchednes of the Danes toward the Englishmen Lord Dane Lurdaine Anno. 1000. Henrie Archidiat lib. 6. The first ioyning betweene the Norm and Englishe men King Egelred marieth Emma the Dukes daughter of Normandy Richard Duke of Normandy The Danes by secret coÌ„mission slayne in euery towne of England Suanus K. of Denmarke ariueth in England Exeter beat down Norwiche spoyled and wasted by the Danes Anno. 1004. A tribute payd to the Danes of xxx M. pound to haue peace The persecution of Turkillus a Dane Euill counsell about a king what hurt it doth The second returne of Suanus into England The persecution of Suanus king of Danes Caunterbury besieged Treason of a false Deacon Caunterbury takeÌ„ and brent The tything of the Monkes of Caunterbury A cruell murther of the Danes Elphegus the Archb. of CauÌ„t stoned to death Anno. 1013. King Egelred driuen 〈…〉 I le of Wigâ—â— from then 〈◊〉 Normandy The vertue of Christen mens prayer The death and end of Suanus The Abbey of S. Edmundelburie builded King Egelred returneth into England Canutus cutteth of the noses and handes of hys pledges Canutus taketh Westsaxon A lessen for all Iudges and Iustices Brybes Euill Iudges worse in a common wealth then bloudy enemies Wicked officers Agaynst wicked Iudges A wicked Iudge deposed and depriued by the king Anno. 1016. Edmund Ironside sunne of Egelred king Canutus sonne of Swanus king The battayles betweene Edmundus and Canutus A witty oration to stay bloud betweene 2. armyes Two 〈◊〉 fight 〈◊〉 to hand The 〈◊〉 murtherd king Edmund Two soâ—ne of Edmund Yâ—onside Flattery 〈◊〉 fidelity 〈◊〉 vntrueth in English Lordes False vnfaythfulnes and vnconstant mobilitie in Englishe Lordes and rewarded Duke Edrike the false traytor and murtherer of 〈◊〉 king worthely rewarded for hys wicked falshode The end of pernicious traytours The brother of Edmund Yronside banished reconciled and lastly slayne Edmund and Edward two sonnes of Edmund Yronside sent out to be slayne Canutus K. of Denmarke Canutus maryeth Emma wife before of Egelred Lawes of K. Edgar Hâ—rold Harefoot K. of EnglaÌ„d a Dane Anno. 1039. Hardecknout king last of the Danes that reigned in England Erle Godwyn The miserable wretchednes of Godwyn agaynst the Normands The Normandes tythed and yet the tenthes retithed agayn Alfredus sonne of Egelred right heyre of the crowne tormented with cruell death The cause expended why God suffered this land to be conquered by the Normandes Example of Gods righteous iudgement The death of K. Hardeknout The sonnes of Erle Godwyn The story of Alfred repeated Taken out of the english story or chronicle compiled of certayne englishe Clerkes Alfred of Alâ—red sonne of K. Egelred Ex historia ignati autoriâ— Gunilda wife to Henricus the Emperour Canutus went to Rome The hospitall builde at Rome for English pâ—â—grimes Rome shote confirmed by Canutus The Cathedral Churche of Wintchest inritched by Canutus S. Benets in Norfolke builded Bury Abbey turned to Monkes Flatterers and clawbackes about Princes Canutus chargeth the sea to stand backe but it would not be A lesson notable for kinges and Princes God onely the king of all kings and Lord of Lordes The kinges crowne put on a roode Kinges of England haue as much right in causes spirituall as temporall Certaine lawes of K. Canutus for the ordering of matters ecclesiasticall Adultresse woman to loose their eares and noses Anno. 104â— King Edward the conâ—ellour England aâ—flicted by the Danes the space of 255. yeares K. Edward crowned Holy king Edward a virgine iâ— maryage Methe iâ— Greeke signifieth drâ—kennes Aceasation of the Archbish. against Emma the kinges mother False accusation purged by hote yron A straunge thing if it were true and without false conueyance Great snow and mortalitie in England Variaunce betweene the king and Godwyn Godwyn with hys v. sonnes outlawed Godwyn reconciled to the king vpon pledges geuen William D. of Normandy came into England to king Edward Marianus Scotus wheÌ„ he liued The end and death of vngodly Godwyn Ex lorna Malmesberiensi Polydor. Fabiano alijs Gods iust punishment vpon Godwyn for the murthering of Alphred Periurie plagued Edward the outlawe sonne of Edmund Yronside sent for to England Anno. 1056. The death of Edward sonne of Edmond Yronside William Duke of Normandy admitted heyre to the crowne The enuy and discorde of brethren Vngracious children of a wicked father A place of Polydorus Virg. examined Harold taken of the Normands Harold promiseth Duke William to marry hys daughter and to keepe the realme for hys behoofe Erle Leofricus euer true and faythfull to hys prince How Couentry was made free Godina wife to Leofricus The Abby of Couentry builded by Leofricus Edward the outlaw Edgar Edeling Margaret Queene of Scottes Matilde Queene of England Dauid King of Scots The death of King Edward Westminster repayred Guliel Malmesber Ex lornalen Ex Historia Richardi 2. iussu composita The lawes of K. Edward Ex Mathaeo pariensi William Conquerour sworne to K. Edwardes lawes yet went from it Ex libro Reg. antiquorum in praetorio Londinensi The office of a king described in the lawes of K. Edward A king the vicare of God in earth The limits of the kingdome of England how farre they doe extend The office of a king farther described 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 king 〈◊〉 to haue 〈…〉 iecâ—ion Anno. 1066. Harold 〈◊〉 K. of Saxons Harold king of Denmarke and Tostius slayne The Pope sendeth a banner to Duke W. vpon bone vâ—age into England Duke William landeth at Hâ—stinges Three causes why Duke William entred England Three conditions offered to Harold by D. William The fight betweene Harold and Duke William K. Harold slayne The consanguinitie betweene K. Edward and William Conquerour Murther iustly recompensed Archbishops of Caunterb Liningus Egelmothus Robertus Stigandus The decay of the Church Pope Siluester 2. Siluester the. 2 a soule sorcerer Ioannes Stella Platina Petrus Praemostratensis Nancleâ—us Antoninus Robertus Barnus Ioannes Baleus Ex Ioan Stella An admonition for sorcerers and wicked coniuâ—ers The feast of all soules brouâ—ht into the church Benedictus the 9. Gregorius the 6. A constitution no pope to be chosen but by the
fruites for 2. yeares graunted to the kyng Ex vetusto Chronico Albanensi A parliament in Fraunce assembled wherein is discussed the iurisdiction ecclesiastical how farre it extendeth Anno. 1329. The letter of Philip king of Fraunce to the byshops prelates The Parliament conuented Lord Peter speakes in the Parliament The theaâ—e of his oration The oration deuided in two partes Obedience to the kyng Difference betweene the iurisdiction of the state temporall and ecclesiasticall Articles in the Parliament propounded contayning the iust complaints of the laitie against the clergie Causes real Prelates intermedle in temporall mens matters Ex Officio Imprisonment pertaineth not to the Clergie Action reall personall No maÌ„ may appeale froÌ„ a spirituall iudge to the temporall law by the Popes diuinitie Deanes of the Clergie Maryed clear Gynnes to gâ—â— money Resortum The clergie preiudiciall to common iustice Ex Officio Vsury craftely obiected by the clergie against laye men The prelates make the church a denne of theeues Note the practise of officials to get money B. Eduen and Archb. of Seâ—â—â— elect Prolocutor for prelates Repetition of the L. Peters oration aboue touched page 358. Luke 22. Math. 17. Two gifts giue Priesthood Empyre Prouerb 22. Dif 10. 1. Peter 2. Actes 5. 2. Mach 7. 11. quast 1. Feare of God staÌ„deth in three pointes Num. 18. 1. Paral. cap. vlt. What benefite commeth by geuing to the church Luke 6. Time of warre 1. Mach. 3. Exod. 17. 2. Mach. Time of peace Prouerb 16. 1. Esdras 6. Eccle. 2. The 2. part of fearing God Hebr. 12. Honouring of spirituâ—â—â— fathers 4. Keg 6. Luke 10. 1. Thess. 4. 11. q. cap. â— Sacerdâ—â—â—bus Exod. 22. Malach. 2. Honour to be giuen to priestes Two powers temporall and spirituall and what difference betwene them both De mai obed cap. Solit. Double subiection vpon merite of vertue and vpon duetie of necessitie The authoritie of a byshop and a king compared The pride of the prelacye Siâ—upekings Eccle. 4. Eccle. 4. The third part of fearing God Eccle. 18. A thing made myne diuers wayes 6. Proofes 1. Diuine lawe 2. by the law of nature 3. by canon lawe 4. by ciuill lawe 5. by custom 6. by priuiledge Formes being dislike not contrary may be compatible in one subiect Proofes out of the olde Testament Melchisedech was both kyng and Priest Ergo the P. may haue both iurisdictions Gene. 14. Deut. 17. Samuell was iudge in temporall matters Ergo the Pope may haue both iurisdictions 1. Mach. â— Ierem. 1. Proofes taken out of the new Testament Apoc. 19. Christ by his humaine nature had both powers Psal. 8. Hebr. 2. Phil. 2. Act. 10. Acts. 5. Math. 8. Omnia terminus distributiuus Luke 22. 1. Cor. 6. 22. q. 1. cap. futuram Esay 13. Probation by ciuil lawe and reason 1. Peter 2. Probation by the Canon lawe Custome Iudicium contradictorium Three things pertayning to prescription 1. Titulus 2. bonafides 3. TemporiÌ„s continuatio Ius fisci The church not subiect to the kyng Obiection Answere The French 〈◊〉 more blessed then other in 3 thinges 1. Faith to God 2 Honour to the Church 3. Iustice to the people 5. thinges doth nobilate the realme of Fraunce The bloud of Fraunce came out of Priamus king of Troy 1. Reg. 2.1 Daniel 5. Ambrose in case denieth to obey the Emperour 3. Reg. 21. Nabaoth denyeth to the kyng his Vineyard Gene. 48. Math. 17. Offence how it ought to be auoyded Rom. 14. Math. 16. The 3. note of the feare of God Eccle. 15. Honour of the kyng Eccle. 10. Two kinde of honour Math. 17. Double honour with lippes and with heart A prince â—â—ther to be beloued 〈◊〉 feared Seneca de clementia ad Gerâ—â—â—â— A sentence Prouerb 22 In alteration what is to be coÌ„sidered 3. Reg. 11. Math. 20. 25. Quaestâ—â—â— cap. Si. Marke here a fable A dreaming fable Iohn 8. Eccle. 4. Rom. 11. Who honoreth the K. Prouer. 22. Conscience and good name Eccle. 4. 24. q. 5 cap. Regnum Eccle. 37. Eccle. 3. The 4. honoring of the kyng Mat. 6. 1. Reg. 15. The oth of the French kinges Aâ—g by the possessions of the church many brethren and kinsmen of the nobles be maintayned Ergo such possessions are not to be grudged at To beleeue in the Church is not in our faith 1. Reg. 21. To the bill of articles exhibited An other dayes sitting in the parliament Bishop of Eduen againe speaketh Math. 12. Marke 12. 11. q. 1. cap. 1. 2. 22. q. 4. cap. Si vero Math. 26. Why Christ payd tribute 16. Dist. cap. Constantiâ—â—â— 35. Dist. cap. ab exordio Eccle. 6. Speciall answeres to the articles premised by B. Eduen An other dayes sitting in the Parliament â—â— Dist. cap. sum ad vetum Shauing of Priestes crownes wherefore 11. quest 2. The B. findeth fault with the kings answere The gentle answere of the king to Bishope The finall answere of the kyng to the Prelates Notes vpon the bishops answerâ— Pag. 36â— col 2. Feare of God consisting in three thinges 1. In geuing 2. In honoring 3. In restoring Honour to the kyng double In word flattering in deede effectuall Honour effectuall standeth in foure pointes 1. in maintayning the kings loue 2. in maintayning his dignitie 3. in maintayning his good name 4. in maintayning his conscience Pag. 361. col 2. Pag. 361. col 2. Religio peperit diuitias nunc filia deuorauit matrem 4. incommodities that come in geuing to the church Pag. 361. col 2. 3. Things to be noted in offering to God and to the church Rom. 12. Pag. 361. col 1. Pag. 362. col 1. 1. Tim. 5. 2. Things â—â— be noted â— geuing honour whâ—â—in consiâ—â—â— honour geuing to Priestes 1. Tim. 5. Titus 2. Qui benè praesunt How far honour giuen to priestes extendeth Marke 7. Pag. 362. col 1. Tit. 2. Pag. 362. col 1. 2. formes not contrary maybe compatible in one subiect Pag. 363. col 1. Rom. 13. Pag. 363. col 1. Noe was a priest and had both iurisdiction in the Arke Pag. 363. col 1. A. Pag. 363. col B. Page 363. col 1. C. Pag. 363. col 1. D. E. Pag. 363. col 1. Pag. 364. col 1. Pag. 364. col 1. Pag. 364. col 1. Anno. 1307. The sicknes and death of K Edward Godly lessoÌ„s and precepts geuen to the yong prince The kyng coÌ„maundeth his bones to be caryed in the field against the Scottes The fatherly care of kyng Edward in excluding wicked coÌ„pany froÌ„ his sonne A rashe vow of kyng Edward The kyngs heart to be carâ—ed to the holy land The Epitaph of kyng Edward King Edward the second Anno. 1308. King Edward led by wicked counsaile Peter Gaueston or Gauerston a wicked doer about the kyng Anno. 1310. Peter Gaueston The vnordinate affection of the kyng to Peter Gaueston The pride of Peter Gaueston Peter Gaueston spoileth the kynges treasure The queene complaineth to the freÌ„ch kyng her Father of Peter Gaueston Gaueston againe
remissioÌ„ where no earnest repentaunce is sene before to number remission by dayes yeares to dispense with thynges expressely in the word forbiddeÌ„ or to restrayne that which the word maketh free to deuide Religion into Religions to binde and burthen consciences with constitutions of men to excommunicate for worldly matters as for breakyng of parkes for not ringyng bels at the Byshops commyng for not bringyng litter for their horse for not paying their fees and reÌ„tes for withholding the church goods for holding on their princes side in princely cases for not going at the Popes commaundement for not agreeyng to the Popes electioÌ„ in an other princes Realme with other such thyngs mo more vayne then these c. Agayne although the Scripture geueth leaue and authoritie to the Byshop and Churche of Rome to minister Sacraments yet it geueth no authoritie to make Sacramentes much lesse to worshyp Sacraments And though their authoritie serueth to baptise meÌ„ yet it extendeth not to Christen bels neither haue they authoritie by any word of God to adde to the word of God or take from the same to set vp vnwritten verities vnder payne of damnation to make other articles of belief to institute straunge worship otherwise theÌ„ he hath prescribed which hath told vs how he would be worshipped c. The third abuse of the Popes iurisdiction standeth in this that as in spirituall iurisdiction they haue vehemeÌ„tly exceeded the bouÌ„des of Scripture so they haue impudeÌ„tly intermedled them selues in temporall iurisdictioÌ„ wherein they haue nothing to do In so much that they haue traÌ„slated the Empire they haue deposed Emperours Kyngs Princes rulers Senatours of Rome set vp other or the same agayne at their pleasure they haue proclaymed warres haue warred them selues And where as Emperours in auÌ„cient tyme haue dignified theÌ„ in titles haue enlarged theÌ„ with donations they receauyng their confirmation by the Emperours haue like ingratfull clients to such benefactors afterward stampte vpon their neckes haue made theÌ„ to hold their sâ—urrup some to hold the bridle of their horse haue caused them to seeke their confirmation at their hand yea haue bene Emperours theÌ„selues Sede vacante in discordia electionis and also haue bene Senators of the Citie Moreouer haue extorted into their owne handes the plenary fulnes of power iurisdiction of both the swordes especially since the tyme of Pope Hildebrand which Hildebrand deposing Henricus the iiij Emperour made him geue attendance at his Citie gate And after him Pope Bonifacius the viij shewed him selfe vnto the people on the first day like a Byshop with his keyes before him the next day in his robes Imperiall hauyng a naked sword borne before him like an Emperour an 1298. And for so much as this inordinate iurisdiction hath not onely bene vsed of theÌ„ but also to this day is mainteined in Rome let vs therefore now compare the vsage hereof to the old maner in tymes past meanyng the primitiue and first age of the Church of the Romaines Wherein the old Byshops of Rome in those dayes as they were then subiect to their Emperours so were other Byshops in like maner of other nations subiect euery one to his Kyng Prince acknowledgyng them for their Lordes were ordered by their authoritie obeyed their lawes and that not onely in causes ciuile but also in regiment Ecclesiasticall as appeareth Dist. 10. cap. 1. 2. Dist. 97. cap. De illicita Also 24. q. 3. So was Gregorius surnamed Magnus subiect to Maâ—â—itius and to Phocas although a wicked Emperour So also both Pope people of Rome tooke their lawes of the Emperours of Constantinople were submitted to theÌ„ not onely in the time of Honorius an huÌ„dreth yeares after Constantine the great but also in the tyme of Martianus an 1451. so further vnto the tyme of Iustinian of Carolus Magnus and also after the dayes of them In all which coÌ„tinuance of tyme it is manifest that the Emperiall law of Martiane did rule bynde in Rome both in the days of Iustinian an 150. yeres after til the tyme of the Empire beyng translated from Grece vnto FrauÌ„ce Whereby it may appeare false that the Citie of Rome was geueÌ„ by Constantine the first vnto the bishop of Rome to gouerne for that Pope 〈◊〉 the first writyng to the Emperour Honorius câ—â—â—eth in the same place Rome the Emperours Citie Dist. 97. cap. 1. And Lotharius also Emperour appointed Magistrates and lawes in Rome as is aboue mentioned Moreouer for further probation hereof that both the Byshop of Rome all other Ecclesiasticall persons were in former tyme and ought to be subiect to their Emperours and lawfull Magistrates in causes as well spirituall as ciuile by many euidences may appeare takeÌ„ out both of Gods law and mans law And first by Gods law we haue exaÌ„ple of godly kyng Dauid who numbred all the Priestes and Leuites disposed theÌ„ into xxiiij orders or courses appointyng theÌ„ coÌ„tinually to serue in the ministery euery one in his proper order turne as came about which institution of the Clergy also good king Ezechias afterward renued of whoÌ„ it is written he did that was right in the sight of the Lord accordyng to all things as his father Dauid had done before he tooke away the high groues and brake downe Images c. 4. Reg. 8. The sayd Ezechias also reduced the Priests Leuites into their orders prescribed by Dauid before to serue euery one in his office of ministratioÌ„ .2 Paralip 30.31 And this order froÌ„ Dauid still continued till the time of Zachary at the coÌ„myng of Christ our Lord beyng of Abias course which was the viij order of the Priestes appointed to serue in the tabernacle Luc. 1. To passe ouer other lighter offices translated from the Priestes to the Kyngs authoritie as coÌ„cernyng the orderyng of oblations in the Temple and reparations of the Lordes house kyng Salomon displaced Abiathar the high Priest by his kyngly power and placed Sadoch in his stede 3. Reg. cap. 6 Also dedicatyng the temple of the Lord with all the people blessed the whole congregation of Israell 3. Reg. 8. Iudas Machabeus also elected Priestes such as beyng without spot had a zeale to the law of the Lord to purge the Temple which the Idolatrous Gentiles had before prophaned 1. Machab. 4. Also kyng Alexander writyng to Ionathas appointed him chief Priest in his couÌ„trey 1. Mac. 10. Demetrius ordeined Simon Alchinus in the like office of Priesthood Iosaphat likewise as in the whole laÌ„d did set Iudges so also in Hierusalem he appointed Leuites Priestes and heades of families to haue the hearyng of causes and to minister Iudgement ouer the people 2 Paral. 19. By these many other is to be sene the Kynges Princes in the old tyme as well when Priestes were borne Priestes as wheÌ„ they were made by election had the dealyng also
constitutionis Unto this Lotharius French kyng and Emperour Pope Leo the 4. writeth that Romana lex that is the Romane law meanyng the law of the Frēch Emperours as it hath hetherto stode in force Ita nunc suum robur propriúmque vigorem obtineat that is so now it may continue still in his vigour and strength Ino Carnotensis lib. 11. Decretorum about the yeare of the Lord .848 After this Lotharius succeeded his sonne Ludouicus the second in the kyngdome Empire of Fraunce before whō the foresayd Pope Leo was brought into iudgement pleaded his cause of treason and there was before the Emperour quyte and released Which declareth that Popes and Byshops all this while were in subiection vnder their Kynges and Emperours Moreouer descendyng yet to lower tymes an 1228. Ludouicus 9. called holy Ludouike made a law agaynst the pestiferous simonie in the Church also for the maintenaūce of the libertie of the Church of Fraūce established a law or decree agaynst the new inuētions reseruations preuētions exactions of the court of Rome called Pragmatica sanctio S. Ludouici the which Sāction was also practised lōg after in the kyngdome of Fraūce agaynst the popes collectors vndercollectors as appeareth by the Arestum of the coūsaile of Paris an 1463. ex Molinaeo in Cōmētarijs Furthermore king Philip le Bel. 1303. set forth a law called Philippina wherein was forbid any exactiō of new tithes and first fruites other vncustomed collections to be put vpon the Church of Fraūce Carolus the v. named Sapiens an 1369. by a law cōmaūded that no Byshops nor Prelates or their Officials within his kyngdome of Fraūce should execute any censure of suspense or excommunicatiō at the Popes cōmaundemēt ouer or vpō the Cities or townes corporations or cōmons of his Realme ex regist antiquarū const chart 62. Itē Carolus vi an 1388. agaynst the Cardinals other Officials collectors of the Pope reuoking againe the power which he had geuē to thē before prouided by a law that the fruites rentes of benefices with other pensions Byshops goodes that departed should no more be exported by the Cardinals the Popes collectours vnto Rome but should be brought to the king and so restored to them to whō they rightly did appertaine The like also may be inferred proued by the stories exāples of our kyngs here in Englād as kyng Offa kyng Egbertus Edgarus Aluredus Athelwoldus Canutus Edwardus William Conquerour Wilhel Rufus Henricus the first Henricus the second till the tyme of kyng Iohn and after Whose dealyng as well in Ecclesiasticall cases as in tēporall is a sufficient demonstration to proue what iniury the Popes in these latter dayes haue done vnto the Emperours their lawfull gouernours Magistrates in vsurpyng such fulnes of power iurisdictiō ouer them to whō properly they owe subiection cōtrary to the steps example of the old Romaine Byshops their aunciters therfore haue incurred the daūger of a Premunire worthy to be depriued Although it is not to be denyed but that Ecclesiasticall ministers and seruitures haue their power also committed vnto thē after their sort of the Lord yet it becommeth euery man to know his owne place standyng there to keepe him wherein his owne precinct doth pale him not rashly to breake out into other mēs walkes As it is not lawfull for a ciuile Magistrate to intermedle with a Byshops or a Preachers function so vnseemely vnorderly it is agayne that Boniface the viij should haue borne before him the tēporall male the naked sword of the Emperour or that any Pope should beare a triple crowne or take vpon him like a Lord and Kyng Wherfore let euery man consider the compasse limitation of his charge exceede no farther The office of a Bishop or seruiture Ecclesiasticall was in the old law to offer sacrifice to burne incense to pray for the people to expounde the law to minister in the tabernacle with which office it was not lawfull for any Prince or mā els to intermedle as we read how Ozias was punished for offering incense an other for touchyng the Arke so now the office of Christian Ministers is to preach the word to minister Sacramēts to pray to binde and loose where cause vrgently requireth to iudge in spirituall cases to publishe denounce free reconciliation remissiō in the name of Christ to erect comfort troubled consciences with the rich grace of the Gospell to teach the people the true differēce betwixt the law and the Gospell whereof the one belongeth to such as be not in Christ and come not to him the other pertaineth to the true beleuers in the sonne of God to admonish also the Magistrates erryng or transgressing in their office c. And as these properly belong to the functiō of the Ecclesiasticall sort so hath the ciuile gouernour or Magistrate agayne his proper charge office to him assigned whiche is to see the administratiō of iustice iudgement to defend with power the right of the weake that suffer wrōg to defend from oppression the poore oppressed to minister with equalitie that which is right and equall to euery man to prouide lawes good godly to see the execution of the same as cause moueth especially to see the law of God mainteined to promote Christes glory Gospell in settyng vp sendyng out good Preachers in mainteinyng the same in prouidyng Byshops to be elected that be faythfull in remouyng or els correctyng the same beyng faulty or negligēt in congregatyng the Clergy whē neede is of any coūsell or electiō to heare their learning in causes propoūded according to the truth learned to direct his iudgemēt in disposing such rites ordinaunces for the church as make to edification not to the destruction therof in conseruyng the discipline of the Churche and settyng all thynges in a congrue order Briefly the office of the ciuile ruler Magistrate extendeth to minister iustice and iudgement in all Courtes as well temporall as Ecclesiasticall to haue correction ouer all trāsgressours whether they be laymen or persons Ecclesiasticall And finally all such thyngs as belong to the mouyng of the sword whatsoeuer that is to say all outward punishment is referred to the iurisdiction of the secular Magistrate vnder whose subiection the ordinaunce of God hath subiected all orders and states of mē Here we haue the witnesse also of Hormisda Byshop of Rome which being well weyed maketh the matter plaine that Princes haue to deale in spirituall causes also not onely in temporall where the sayd Hormisda writeth to Epiphanius Patriarche of Constant. in this sort Clara coelestis misericordiae demonstratio procedit quando regés seculi causas de fide cum gubernatione politiae coniungunt c. ex Act. v. vniuers concil Constantini secundi an 528. And thus much and to much peraduenture concernyng the matter of
is said Romanam Ecclesiam non a concilio aliquo sed a diuina voce primatum accepisse that the church of Rome tooke not his primacie by any Councell but onely by the voyce of God And this is to be said although it were true that these titles termes were so giuen to the bishop of Rome in the olde time yet how and by whom they were giuen ye sâ—e Now to trie this matter as ioyning an issue with our aduersaries whether those foresaid titles of soueraigntie were applied in the old tyme of the Primitiue church to the Bishop of Rome as to be called the vicare generall of Christ the hed of the whole church and vniuersall bishop remaineth to be proued Wherunto this in my minde is to be answered that albeit the bishops of Rome of some peraduenture were so called by the names of higher preeminence of that citie of some going about to please them or to craue some helpe at their handes yet that calling 1. First was vsed then but of a few 2. Secondly neither was giuen to many 3. Thirdly was rather giuen then sought for of the most 4. Fourthly was not so giuen that it maketh or can make any generall necessitie of law why euery one is so bound to call them as the bishop of Rome now seeketh to be taken and called and that by necessitie of saluation as the decree of Pope Boniface 8. witnesseth where is said quòd sit de necessitate salutis vt credatur Primatus Ecclesiae Rom. ei subesse That it standeth vpon necessitie of saluation to beleue the Primacie of the church of Rome and to be subiect to the same c. As touching therfore these titles and termes of preheminence aforesaide orderly to set foorth and declare what histories of times doe saye in that matter by the grace of Christ. First we will see what be the titles the Bishop of Rome doth take and chalenge to himselfe and what is the meaning of them 2. When the first came in whether in the primitiue time or not and by whom 3. How they were first giuen to the Romane Bishops that is whether of necessary duety or voluntary deuotion whether commonly of the whole or particularly of a few and whether in respect of Peter or in respect of the Citie or els of the worthines of the Bishop which there sat 4. And if the foresayd names were then giuen of certaine Bishops vnto the bishop of Rome whether all the saide names were geuen or but certaine or what they were 5. Or whether they were then receaued of all Byshops of Rome to whoÌ„ they were giuen or els refused of some 6. And finally whether they ought to haue bene refused beyng giuen or not Touching the discourse of which matters although it appertaine to the profession rather of Diuines then hystoritians and would require a long and large debating yet for so much as both in these diuers other weighty controuersies of Diuinity the knowledge of times and histories must needes helpe Diuines disputing about the same so much as the grace of Christ shall assiste me therein I wil ioyne to the seeking out of truth such helpe as I may And first to begin with the names and titles now claymed and attributed to the sea and Byshop of Rome and what they be is sufficiently declared aboue that is the cheife Preist of the worlde the Prince of the Church Byshop Apostolicall the vniuersall head of the Church the head and Byshop of the vniuersall Church the successor of Peter most holy Pope the vicar of God on earth neither God nor man but a mixt thing betweene both the Patriarche or Metropolitane of the Churche of Rome the Byshop of the first sea etc. Unto the which titles or stile is annexed a triple crowne a triple crosse two crossed keyes a naked sword seauenfold seales in token of the seauenfolde giftes of the holy Ghost he being carried pickbacke vpon mens shoulders after the maner of heathen kynges hauing all the Empire and the Emperour vnder his dominion that it is not conuenient for any terrene Prince to reigne there where he sitteth hauing the plenary fulnes of power as well of temporall things as spirituall things in his handes that all thinges are his and that all such Princes as haue gyuen him any thing haue giuen him but his owne hauing at his will and pleasure to preach indulgencies and the crosse against Christen Princes whatsoeuer And that the Emperour certaine other Princes ought to make to him confession of subiection at their coronation hauing authoritie to depose and that he de facto hath deposed Emperors and the king of France Also to absolue the subiects from their allegeance to their Princes whom kings haue serued for footmen to lead his horse and the Emperour to hold his stirrop that he may and doth geue power to Bishops vpon the bodies of men and hath graunted them to haue prisons without whose authoritie no general Councell hath any force And to whom appellations in all maner of causes may and ought to be made That his decrees be equall with the decrees of Nicen Councel and are to be obserued and taken in no lesse force then if they had bene confirmed with the heauenly voyce of Sainct Peter himselfe ex fra Barth alijs Item that the sayd Byshop of Rome hath the heauenly disposition of thinges and therefore may alter and chaunge the nature of thinges by applying the substance of one thing to an other cap. Quando de transl Epis. tit 7. Item that he can of nothing make something and cause the sentence which before was none to stande in effect and may dispence aboue the lawe and of iniustice make iustice in correcting and chaunging lawes for he hath the fulnes of power And againe dist 40. cap. Si Papa If the Pope doe leade with him innumerable soules â—â— flockes into hell yet no man must presume to rebuke his faultes in this worlde Item that it standeth vpon necessitie of saluation to beleeue the Premacie of the sea of Rome and to be subiect to the same c. These thinges thus declared now let vs see whether these names and titles with the forme and maner of this authoritie and regalitie aboue rehearsed were euer attributed of any in the primitiue tyme to the byshop of Rome For al these he doth chalenge and clayme vnto him by old possession from the time of S. Peter And here a question is to be asked of our aduersaries the Papistes whether they will auouch all these aforesaide titles together wyth the whole forme and tenour of regalitie to the same belongyng as is afore touched or not if they wil let them come foorth with their allegations which they neuer haue done yet nor euer shal be able if they will not or can not auouch them all together in maner as is specified then why doth the byshop claime them altogether so stoutly
an 405. as appeareth dist 61. cap. Miserum Item Zosimus Byshop of the sayd Citie of Rome an 420 as witnesseth dist 59. cap. 1. who speaketh de summo sacerdotio that is of high priesthood not onely of the church of Rome but of all other churches Vrbanus the first was Byshop of Rome an 226. who in his writinges alleaged by Gratian referreth the name place Summi pontificis of the hygh Byshop not onely to the seate of Rome but vniformely to euery Byshop as appeareth in the wordes of the dist 51. cap. Si officia c. And thus much as touching the name or title of high Priest or supreme Byshop Which title as I doe not deny to haue bene vsed in maner forme aforesayd so do I denye this tytle and style of Summus orbis pontifex as it is now vsed in Rome to haue bene vsed or vsually receaued duryng all the primitiue tyme of the Church that is v. huÌ„dred yeares after Christ after the manner and sort I mean of that authoritie and glory which in these dayes nowe is vsed and is giuen to the same vntil the time of Phocas the wicked Emperour which was after the yeare of the Lord 608. The which title as it is to glorious for any one Byshop in the church of Christ to vse so is it not to be found in any of the approued and most auncient writers of the church namely these as Cyprianus Basilius Fulgentius Chrysostomus Hieronymus Ambrosius Augustinus Tertullianus but rather writeth against the same especially of the last And therfore not with out cause it is written and testified of Erasmus who speaking of the sayd name of Summus orbis pontifex denieth plainely the same to be hearde of among the olde writers whose wordes be these Certe nomen hoc nondum illis temporibus erat auditum quantum ex veterum omniuÌ„ scriptis licet colligere c. lib. Epist. 3. Epist. 1. art 37. c. as whosoeuer readeth the same authours shall finde to be true The like is to be affirmed also of other presumptious titles of like ambition as the head of the vniuersal church the Uicar of Christ in earth Prince of Priestes with such like which all be new found termes straunge to the cares of the old primitiue writers and Councels and not receiued openly and commonly before the tyme of Boniface the third and Phocas the aforesayd Now remaineth the name of the Pope which of his nature and by his first origine being a word of the Syracusane speech called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and signifieth as much as Pater Father was then vsed and frequented of them in the old tyme not so as proper onely to the Byshop of Rome but common and indifferent to all other Byshops or personages whosoeuer were of worthy excelleÌ„ce as is partly before declared But nowe contrarily the generalitye of this name is so restrayned and abused that not onely it is appropriate to the Byshop of Rome but also distincteth and disceuereth the authoritie and preminence of that Byshop alone from all other Byshoppes for which cause it is now worthely come into contempt and execration No lesse is to be reiected also the name of vniuersalis or oecumenicus pontifex Summus orbis Episcopus Caput vniuersalis Ecclesiae Christi in terris Princeps vicariê° sacerdotuÌ„ c. Al which termes and vocables tending to the derogation of other Bishops Patriarches as they were neuer receaued nor allowed in Rome if we beleeue Gregory during the tyme of the Primatiue church so now are worthely of vs refused Although it cannot be denied but certaine were in the Primatiue time which began priuately to pretende that proude and wicked title of vniuersall Byshop as Menna and especially Ioannes Patriarche of Constantinople who calling a Counsell at Constantinople went about to stablish and ratifie and to dignifie his throne by the consent of the Councell and the Emperour of Constantinople and obtained the same as appeareth in the v. generall Councell of Constantinople the 2. where both Menna is named Oichumenicus Patriarcharum and also Ioannes in the sayde Councell is titled Oicumenicus Patriarcha ex Concil general 5. cap. Domino Concerning the which title although it was then vsed to Constantinople through the sufferaunce of the Emperours being then willing to haue their imperiall City aduaunced yet notwithstanding this foresayde title all this while was not in the City of Rome And in Constantinople it stoode not then in force Iure aliquo diuino but onely by mans lawe And thirdly it was then but onely verbalis titulus hauing no true dominacion vpon all other Churches or any reall subiection belonging to the same Forasmuch as neither the Bishop of Rome nor any of the West churches were subiect or did acknowledge seruice vnto them but rather did repugne the same namely Pelagius the 2. Gregorius the 1. both Byshops at that time of Rome whiche Pelagius writing to all Byshops sayth playnely in these wordes that no Patriarch should take the name of vniuersalitie at any time because that if any be called vniuersall the name of Patriarch is derogate from all other But let this be farre saith he from all faithfull men to will to take that thing to him wherby the honor of his brethren is diminished Wherefore the sayd Pelagius chargeth all such Byshops that none of them in their letters will name any Patriarche to be vniuersall least he take from him selfe the honour due to him while they giue that which is not due to another What can be more euident then these wordes of Pelagius who was Bishop of Rome next before Gregory an 583 In lyke maner or more plainely and more earnestly writeth also Gregory of this matter in his register prouyng and disputing that no man ought to be called vniuersall Byshop Moreouer with sharpe wordes and rebukes detesteth the same title calling it new folish proude peruerse wicked prophane and such as to consent vnto it is as much as to denye the fayth He addeth further and saith that whosoeuer goeth about to extoll himselfe aboue other Byshops in so doing followeth the fact of Sathan to whoÌ„ it was not sufficient to be counted equall or like vnto other angels In his Epistles how oft doth he repeate and declare the same to repugne directly against the Gospell and auncient decrees of Counsels affirming that none of his predecessours did euer vsurpe to himselfe that style or title and concludeth that whosoeuer so doth declareth himselfe to be a forerunner of Antichrist c. With this iudgement of Gregory wel well agreeth also the wordes of S. Augustine Lib. 3 cap. 3. De Baptismo where reciting the wordes of Cyprian thus saith Neque enim quisquam nostrum se Episcopum EpiscoporuÌ„ constituit aut tyrannicomore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suns aâ—igit c. That is for none of vs doth euer set himselfe to be Bishop
the same For in matters of the church which are spirituall all preeminence standeth vpon spirituall inward gifts spiritualia enim spiritualibus comparantur as fayth pietie learning and godly knowledge zeale and feruencie in the holy ghost vnitie of doctrine c. which giftes many tymes may excel in a church where the minister or bishop is inferiour to bishops or ministers of other churches As the most famous schoole in a realme hath not alway the most famous schoolemaister neither doth make him therby most excellent in learning aboue of all other So if our aduersaries do meane by this preemineÌ„ce of the church of Rome such inward gifts of doctrine faith vnitie and peace of religion then say I the excellencie hereof doth not inferre or argue the excellencie of the Bishop And thus concerning the principallitie of the Church of Rome commended at that time of the Doctors it may be true so well expounded one way And thus do I graunt the antecedent of this argument and deny the consequent But here will our aduersaries peraduenture reply againe and say that the principallitie of the church of Rome which is commended by the Doctours is not ment here so much by inward gifts and induments belonging to a christian church as by outwarde authoritie and domination ouer other churches whereto is to be aunswered First what necessitie is there or where did our Papists learne to bring into the spiritual church of Christ this outward forme of ciuile regimeÌ„t and pollicie that as the Romaine Emperours in tyme past gouerned ouer all the world so the Romaine bishop must haue his monarchie vpon the vniuersall Clergy to make all other churches to stoupe vnder his subiection And where then be the wordes of our Sauiour Vos autem non sic If they hold their affirmatiue quòd sic where then is Christes negatiue non sic if they say there must needes be distinction of degrees in the church and in this distinction of degrees superioritie must necessarily be graunted for the outward discipline of the church for directing matters for quieting of schismes for setting orders for commensing of Conuocations and Councels as neede shall require c. Against this superioritie we stand not therefore we yeld to our superior power kings and princes our due obedience and to our lawfull gouernours vnder God of both regiments Ecclesiasticall and Temporall Also in the Ecclesiasticall state we take not away the distinction of ordinarie degrees such as by the Scripture be appointed or by the primatiue church allowed As Patriarchs or Archbishops Bishops Ministers and Deacons for of these foure we especially read as chiefe In which foure degrees as we graunt diuersitie of office so we admitte in the same also diuersitie of dignitie neither denying that which is due to ech degree neither yet maintaining the ambition of any singuler person For as we geue to the minister place aboue the Deacon to the bishop aboue the minister to the Archbishop aboue the Bishop so we see no cause of inequalitie why one minister should be aboue an other minister One bishop in his degree aboue an other bishop to deale in his Diocesse or one Archbishop aboue another Archbishop And this is to keepe an order duely truly in the church according to the true nature and definitioÌ„ of order by the authoritie of August lib. De ciuit Dei Where he thus defineth that which we call order Ordo est parium dispariumque rerum sua cuique loca tribuens dispositio Order saith he is a discretion or diâ—position giuen to all things according as they are matches or not matches proportionally to euery one his owne right and proper place This definition of S. Augustine standing with the things before premised now here ioyneth the questioÌ„ betwene vs and the Papistes whether the Metropolitane Church of Rome with the Archbishop of the same ought to be preferred before other Metropolitane churches Archbishyps through vniuersall Christendome or not To the answer wherof if the voyce of order might here be heard it would say geue to things that be matches like like honour to things vnlike vnlike honour c. Wherefore seyng the sea of Rome is a Patriarchall sea appointed by the Primitiue Church and the Bishop thereof an Archbishop limited within his owne bordering churches which the Councel of Nice calleth suburbicas Ecclesias as other Archbishops be he ought therfore orderly to haue the honor of an Archbishop ordering himselfe thereafter such outward preeminence as to other Archbishops is due More if he do require he breaketh the rule of right order he falleth into presumption and doth wrong vnto his fellows and they also do wrong vnto themselues whosoeuer they be which feeding his humour of ambition geue more vnto him theÌ„ the foresaid rule of order doth require For so much as they yeld to him more theÌ„ is his right so much they take froÌ„ theÌ„selues which is due to theÌ„ And the same is the cause why both Gregory and Pelagius his predecessour reprehendeth them which gaue to the Archbishop of Constantinople that which now the bishop of Rome clauneth to himselfe charging them with the breach of order in these words Nedum priuatim aliquod daretur vni honore debito sacerdotes priuarentur vniuersi that is least that while any singular thing is giuen to due person all other Priestes be depriued of their due honour And for the like case Pelagius exhorteth that no Priest do giue to any one Archbishop the name of vniuersall bishop ne sibi debitum subtrahat cum alteri honorem offert indebitum That is least saith he in so doing he take from himselfe his due honour while he yeldeth that which is not due to another And also in the same Epistle Quia si summus Patriarcha vniuersalis dicitur Patriarcharum nomen caeteris derogatur For saith he if he be called the chiefe vniuersal Patriarch then is the name of Patriarchs derogated from other c. Wherefore as is said seing the bishop of Rome is an Archbishop as other be Order giueth that he should haue the dignitie which to Archbishops is due whatsoeuer is added more is derogation to the rest And thus much concerning distinction of degrees and order in giuing to euery degree his place and honour The second reason or answer to the obiectioÌ„ before moued pag. 16. is this that beyng graunted to the Papists that the Doctours aforesaid speaking of the principallitie of the church of Rome doe meane not onely of the inward vertues of that church but also of the outward authoritie and iurisdiction of the same aboue other churches yet the cause wherfore they did attribute so much to the church is to be expeÌ„ded which was this as before was alledged out of the Councel of Calcedon cap. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is for the title and Imperie which that citie of Rome had then aboue other
properly appertain briefly with this one short distinction I answer these all such other like places where S. Peter with his successours are called head of the church chiefe of Bishops Prince of the Apostles c. In which places this worde head chiefe and Prince of the Apostles may be taken two maner of waies to note either dominiō or els commendation For so we read sometime Caput and princeps to be wordes not of authoritie but of excellencie wherby is declared the chiefest and worthiest part among many parts and not possessour and gouernour of the whole Like as in the person of mā the hed is the principal part of the whole body being endued with reason furnished with most excellēt senses by the which the whole body of mā is directed so thereof is deriued by a metaphor to what man or thing soeuer nature or condition hath giuen the greatest excellēcie of gifts and properties aboue other partes or mēbers the same societie to be called of the said parties Caput or Princeps head or Prince And yet the same head or Prince so called hath not alwayes dominion or iurisdictiō of the rest So we call in our vulgar speach the head or chiefe men of the parish who for their riches wisdom or place are most specially noted After like phrase of speach we call the head man of the Inquest him that hath the first place And yet neither they nor these haue any dominion or iurisdiction vpon the residue In a schoole the chiefest Scholer in learning is not therefore the maister or gouernour of his fellowes Neither hath M. Cicero any title thereby to claime subiection and seruice of all other Oratours because he is named Princeps eloquentiae and goeth before them in that kind of phrase The same Cicero Lib. 1. offic calleth Cratippū principem huius aetatis Philosophorum as Homerus also may be called Poetarum Princeps And yet neither Philosophers to Cratippus nor Poetes to Homere owe anye thing els but onely fame and praise And what if S. Peter the blessed Apostle be called and counted of the old auncient Doctours as head and Prince of the Apostles which is as much as Coryphaeus Apostolorum for his excellent faith for his deuine confession singular affection to the Lorde Iesus yet what Interest or charge either hath he to chalenge ouer the Apostles or the Pope after him ouer all other bishops the whole church of Christ although the Pope haue the like excellencie of Christes faith which Peter had as would God he had As concerning these allegations therfore out of the Doctors two thinges are to be obserued First that neither these names and titles though they be geuen to Peter doe geue him any state or dominion aboue other Apostles nor yet the succession of him doth further any whit this celsitude and regalitie of the Pope to aduance him aboue his fellow Archbishops as he now doth And if our aduersaries would needs prouoke vs to the numbring of testimonies deuiding the house speaking of the writers and Counsels of the Primitiue age for these aforesaid testimonies alleaged on their side I could on the contrary part recite out of the witnesse of Doctours out of the examples of Councels practises of Emperors no lesse then 60. voices much more repugnant against their assertion then there is for the Pope The tractation wherof for this present I do refer either to them that haue more laisure at this time to discourse them or els omit it to an other time if the good pleasure of the Lord shall be to graunt me further laisure in an other Booke to intreat thereof at large in such order as if the Lord so graunt shal appeare sufficient matter to proue by the Doctors general Councels examples and histories of time that the Bishops of Rome during the first 500. yeres after Christ although for the greatnes of the Empire were somewhat more magnified then the other and therfore were sought of many and were flattred of some and they themselues diuers did set forth themselues more then they should yet by the commō consent of churches were stopped of their purpose so that by the consension of the most part within the compasse of that age the Bishops of Rome had not this regall state of title iurisdiction and fulnes of power which now they vsurpe but were taken as Archbishops of equal honour of equal merite with other Archbishops rulers of the church And if any preferment was giuen vnto them some thing aboue the rest yet neither was it so giuen of all nor of the most part secondly neither was it so giuen of them for any such necessitie of Gods worde aut iure aliquo diuino as which did so bind them thereunto nor yet so much for the respect of Peter his succession as for certaine other causes and respects as may be gathered to the number of 13. Of which the first is the greatnesse of the citie and Monarchie of Rome The second is the authoritie of the Emperor Constantine the great first of the Emperors conuerted to the faith and ruling in the same citie by whom the vniuersal libertie of the church was first promooted and the causes of the bishops being then at variance were committed partly to the bishop of Rome partly to other bishops nere by to be decided as appeareth Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5. The third was the Councel of Nice which confirmed the preeminence of that church to haue the ouersight of the churches bordering about it The fourth cause of aduauncing the church of Rome was the vnquiet state of the Greek church much troubled in those dayes with sects factions and dissentions wherof we may read Socrat. lib. 2. cap 15. Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 8. The fift when Synodes were called by other Metropolitanes then if it chanced the bishops of Rome to be absent and their sentence being absent to be required by the occasion therof they began at length to take their sentence for a Canon or rule Ecclesiasticall thereby to refuse other Synodes where their decree or sentēce was not required An other cause was that when any common matter was in hand in other places whatsoeuer was done commonly the maner was to write to the Romaine bishop for his approbatiō in the same for publike vnitie and consent to be had in Christes church as appeareth Lib. 10. Epist. 78. Ambrosij ad Theophilum Item for that the testimonie somtimes of the Romain bishop was woont in those dayes also to be desired for admitting teachers and bishops in other churches whereof we haue example in Socrat lib. 4. cap. 37. Moreouer this was a great setting vp of that church when as their sentence not only was required but also receiued diuers times of other bishops And when Bishops of other prouinces were at any dissention among thēselues they of their owne accord appealed to the bishop of Rome desiring him to
to the brethren of Fraunce and of Spayne appointeth such an order and forme of the church as seemeth not to agree with the time then present For so hee declareth in that Epistle that a Byshop in al places whether soeuer he goeth should haue two Priestes with three deacons waiting vpoÌ„ him to be witnesses of al his waies and doings Which ordinaunce although I deny not but it may be and is conuenient yet I se not how that time of Lucius could serue then for a Bishop to cary such a pompe of Priestes Deacons about him or to study for any such matter for so much as Bishops commonly in those daies were seldome free to go abroad went they neuer so secrete but either were in houses close and secret or in prison or els in banishment Moreouer in the said Epistle how poÌ„pously he writeth to the Church of Rome This holy and Apostolycall Church of Rome sayth he the mother of all Churches of Christ which by the grace of God omnipotent hath neuer bene proued to swerue out of the pathe of Apostolicall tradition neyther hath euer fallen or bene depraued with heretical innouations but euen as in the first beginning it receaued the rule of the Apostolicall faith by his first instructers the Princes of the Apostles so it continueth euer immaculate and vndefiled vnto the end Unto this Lucius also is referred in the decrees of Gratian this constitution that no minister whatsoeuer after his ordination should at any time reenter to the chamber of his owne wife in paine of loosing his Ministery in the Church c. Eusebius in his vij booke making mention of the death of Lucius and not of his Martyrdome saith that he sate but eight moneths But Damasus in his Martyrologe holdeth that hee sat thre yeares was beheaded the second yeare of Valerian and Galienus Emperours And so doth also Marianus Scotus and Nauclerus with other that folow Damasus affirme the same After him came Stephanus next Bishop of Rome following Lucius whome Damasus Platina and Sabellicus affirme to haue sit vij yeares fine monethes to die a martir Contrary Eusebius and Volateranus holding with hym giue him but two yeares which part commeth most neare to the truth I leaue to the readers iudgement of his two Epistles decretall and of his ordinaunces out of the same collected I nede not much to tary for two respects eyther for that concerning these decretal Epistles suspiciously intituled to the names of the fathers of the primitiue church sufficiently hath bene said before or els because both the phrase barbarous and incongrue and also the matter it self therin contained is such that although no testimony came against it yet it easely refelleth it selfe As wherein the second Epistle he decreeth that no Byshop being expulsed out of hys seate or depriued of his goodes ought to be accused of anye or is bound to aunswere for himselfe before that by the lawe regularly he be restored agayne fully to his former state and that the Primates and the Synode render to him agayne all such possessions and fruites as were taken froÌ„ him before his accusation as is agreeing both to the lawes Canon also seculare First here I would desire the Reader a little to stay this to consider to himself who be these here ment which either vsed or might despoile these bishops of their goods expulse theÌ„ froÌ„ their seates for such wroÌ„gfull causes but only Kings Emperours which at this time were not yet Christened nor vsed any such proceedinges against these Bishops in such sort as either Primates or Synodes coulde restore them again to their places and possessioÌ„s Againe what priuate goodes or possessions had Byshops then to be taken from them when as Churches yet neither were indued wyth patrimonies nor possessions And if any treasures were coÌ„mitted to the church it pertained not properly to the Byshop but went in general to the subuention of the poore in the Church as in the Epistle of Cornelius to Fabius maye appeare alleaged in Eusebius Lib. 6. cap. 43. where he speaking of his Church declaring how there ought to bee but one Byshoppe in the same â—nterreth mention of xlvj Priestes vij Deacons with vij Subdeacons xlij Acoluthes of widowes and poore afflicted persons to the â—â—ber of a 1500 and aboue founde and nourished in the same Church by the mercifull benignitie and prouidence of god Eusebius Lib. 6. cap. 43. It followeth more in the ende of the said Canon which thing is forbidden both by the lawes Ecclesiastical also seculer c. Now what lawes seculer were in the time of Stephen for bishops not to be charged with any accusation before they were restored againe to their state let any Reader marking well the state or the Heathen lawes that then were iudge and in iudgeing I doubte not but this matter alone though there were no other will be ynough to descry the vntruth hereof Moreouer by diuers other probable notes and arguments in the saide seconde Epistle of Stephanus it maye be easely espied this Epistle to be famed and â—â—authored especiall by the fift Canon of the saide Epistle where hee so solemnely entreateth of the difference betweene Primats Metropolitanes and Archbyshops which distinction of degres and titles sauoring more oâ— ambition then of persecution giueth me verily to suppose this Epistle not to be written by this Stephen but by â—ine other man either of that name or of some other time when the Churche began to be setled in more prosperitie and orders therein to bee taken for euery man to know his â—egâ—â—e and limits of his authoritie according as tâ— specified by the vj and vij Canon of Nicene Councell â—â—â—ceeing of the same matter The like 〈…〉 of the seuenth Canon of the said Epistle where he writeth and appointeth all causes iudiciarie to be decided determined within the precinct of their owne proper Prouince and not to passe ouer the boundes theron vnlesse saith he the appeaâ—e be made to the Apostolical sea of Rome which sanâ—reth in my nose rather of a â—â—acke of Popery then of the veine of Christianity especially in these times during this terrible persecution among the Byshops of Christ. And thus much of the second decretall Epistle of Stephanus although of the first Epistle also written to Hilarius some thing may be said as where he speaketh in the said Epistle of holy â—â—â—timentes and holy vessels and other ornaments of the aulter seruing to diuine worship and therfore not to be touched nor handled of any maÌ„ sauing of Priests alone Concerning all which implements my opinion is this that I thinke the Church of Rome not to haue beene in so good state theÌ„ that either Stephanus or Sixtus before him beyng occupied about other more earnest maters and scarce able to hide their owne heades had any minde or cogitation to studie vpon such vnnecessary inuentions seruing in
in effect were these Quid autem acciderit vt Theodorus sanctiss Archiepiscopus me superstite in sede quam licet indignus dispensabam absque consensu cuiuslibet Episcopi ex sua autoritate mea humilitate non acquiescente ordinauit tres Episcopos omittere magis quam vrgere pro eiusdem viri reuerentia * coÌ„decet Quem quide pro eo quod ab hac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est accusare non audeo c. In English Howe it chaunceth that Theodorus the most holy reuerend Archbishop my selfe being aliue in the sea which I though vnworthy did rule and dispose hath of his own authority without the coÌ„sent of any bishop neither hauing my simple voice agreing to the same ordained iij. Bishops I had rather passe ouer in silence then to stir any farther therin because of the reuerence of that man and no lesse thought I it my duetie so to doe The which man for that he hath beene dyrected by the authoritie of this sea Apostolicall I wyll not nor dare not here accuse c. Thus the cause of the sayd Wilfride albeit it was sufficiently knowne in the Court of Rome to be well allowed for iust and innocent yet it was not then redressed In such estimation was this Theodorus then among the Romaines Upon this controuersie of these two Bishops I may wel here inter the words of W. Malmelbury not vnworthy in my minde to be noted whiche be these in his Latine story Vbi videri doleri potest humana miseria quod videlicet quantum libet quis sanctitate polleat non ad plenum peruicaces mores exuat c. That is In the whiche Theodore saith hee the weake and miserable infirmitie of man may be sene and also lamented considering that although a maÌ„ be neuer so holy yet in the same man is some thing whereby it may be perceaued that hee hath not vtterly put of all his stubburne conditions c. In the time of this Theodorus and by the meanes of hym a prouincial Synode was holden at Thetford mentioned in the storye of Bede the principall contents wherof were these First that Easter day shoulde bee vniformely kept and obserued through the whole Realme vpon one certayne daye videlicet prima 14. Luna mensis primi Secondly that no Byshop should entermedle within the Dioces of an other Thirdly that monasteries consecrated vnto GOD should be exempt and free from the iurisdiction of the byshops Fourthly that the Monkes should not stray from one place that is from one Monastery to another without the license of his Abbot also to kepe the same obedience which they promised at their first entryng Fiftly that no Clergyman shoulde forsake his owne Byshop and to be receaued in any other place wyth out letters commendatory of his owne Byshop Sixtly that forraine Byshops Clergimen coÌ„ming into the Realme should be content onely with the benefite of such hospitality as should be offered theÌ„ neither should entermedle any further within the precinct of any bishop without his speciall permission Seuenthly that Synodes prouinciall should be kept within the Realme at least once a yeare Eightly that no Bishop shoulde preferre himselfe before an other but must obserue the time and order of hys consecration Ninthly that the number of Byshops should be augmented as the number of the people encreaseth Tenthly that no mariage should be admitted but that which was lawfull No incest to be suffered neyther any man to put away his wyse for any cause except onelye for fornication after the rule of the Gospell And these bee the principall chapters of that Synode c. In the next yere following was the sixt general councell kept at Constaunce whereat this Theodore was also present vnder Pope Agatho where Mariage was permitted to Greeke priests and forbidden to the Latin In this Councell the Latine Masse was first openly saide by Iohn Portuensis the Popes Legate before the Patriarche and Princes at Constantinople in the temple of S. Sophy After the decease of Alfride king of Northumberlande from whom he was digressed succeeded his sonne Osredus raigning xj yeares After whome raigned Kenredus 2. yeares And next Osricus after him .xj. yeares In the time and raigne of these 4. kings of Northumberland king Iua reigned in westsaxe who succeding after Cadwalder the last king of the Britaines began his reigne about the yeare of the Lorde 689. and raigned with great valiauntnes ouer the westsaxons the tearme of xxxvij yeares Concerning whose actes and wars mayntayned against the Kentish saxons and other kinges because I haue not to entermedie withal I referre the reader to other Chroniclers About the sixt yeare of the raigne of this Iua or Iue Polychronicon other make mentioÌ„n of one Cuthlacus whoÌ„ they call S. Cuthlake a confessour who about the 24. of hys age renouncing the pompe of the world professed himself a Monke in the abby of Repindon and the third yeare after went to Crowlande where he led the life of an Anker In the which Ile and place of his buriyng was builded a faire Abbey called afterward for the great resort and gentle entertainment of straungers Crowlande the courteous but why this Cuthlake should be saincted for his doinges I see no great cause as neither doe I thinke the fabulous miracles reported of him to be true as where the vulgare people are made to beleeue that he enclosed the deuill in a boyling pot and caused wicked spirits to erecte vp houses with such other fables and lying miracles c. Among which lying miracles also maye be reckened that which the stories mention in the xi yeare of the raigne of Iua to be done of one Brithwalde or Drithelmus who â—eing dead a long season was restored to lyfe againe told many wonders of straunge things that he had seene causing thereby great almes deedes of charitie to bee done of the people And so the disposing of his goods giuen in iij. partes went to the Abbey of Mailroos where he continued the rest of his life Moreouer about the xvj yeare of the saide Iua Etheldred king of Mercia after he had their raigned 30. yeares was made a Monke and after an Abbot of Bacducy And about the xviij yeare of the raigne of Iue died the worthy and learned bishop Aldelmus first Abbot of Malmesbery afterward bishop of Schirborn of whoÌ„ William Malmesbery writeth plenteously with great commendation and that not vnworthelye as I suppose especially for the notable praise of learning and vertue in him aboue the rest of that time nexte after Bede as the great number of bookes and Epistles and Poemes by him set forth will declare Although concerning the miracles which the sayd author ascribeth to him as first in causing an infant of ix daies old to speak at Rome to cleare pope Sergius which was then suspected the father of the said child Also in hanging his cauiule vpoÌ„ the
Aquitania and afterward a Frier This Hadrianus walking with his cardinals abroad to a place called Anagnia or Arignanum as Volateran calleth it chaunced to be choked with a flie getting into his throte and so was strangled who in the latter tyme of his papacie was woont to say that there is no more miserable kynd of lyfe in the earth then to bee a Pope and to come to the papacie by bloud that is said he not to succeed Peter but rather Romulus who to raigne alone did slay his brother Although this Adrian was bad enough yet came the next much worse one Alexander the 3. of that name Who yet was not elected alone for beside him the Emperor with 9. Cardinals albeit Sabellicus saith but with 3. did set vp another Pope named Victor the 4. Betwene these two Popes rose a soule schisme and great discord and long cōtinued In so much that the Emperour being required to take vp the matter sent for them both to appeare before him that in hearing them both he might iudge theyr cause the better Victor came but Alexander disdaming that his matter should come in controuersie refused to appeare Whereupon the Emperour with a full consent of his Bishops and clergy about him assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand and so brought him into the Citie there to be receiued placed Alexander flying into Frāce accused them both sending his letters to all christendom against them as men to be auoided and cast out of all christian company Also to get him frendes at Rome by flattery and mony got on his side the greatest part of the Citie both to the fauouring of him and to the setting vp of such Consuls as were for his purpose After this Alexander comming from France to Sicile and frō thence to Rome was there receiued with much fauour thorough the helpe of Phillip the French king The Emperour hearing this rebellion and conspiracie in Rome remooued with great power into Italy where he had destroyed diuers great cities Comming at length to Rome he required the Citizens that the cause betwixt the two Popes might bee decided and that he which had the best right might be takē If they would so do he would restore agayne that which he tooke from them before Alexander mistrusting his part and doubtyng the willes of the Citizens hauing shippes ready prepared for hym from William Duke of Apulia fetcht a course about to Venice To declare here the difference in histories betweene Blondus Sabellicus and the Venetian chronicles with other writers concerning the order of this matter I will ouerpasse In this most do agree that the Pope beyng at Venice and required to be sent of the Venetians to the Emperour they would not send him Wherupon Fridericus the Emperour sent thither his sonne Otho with men and ships well apointed charging him not to attēpt any thing before his comming The yong man more hardy then circumspect ioyning with the Venetians was ouercome so taken was brought into the city Hereby the Pope toke no small occasion to worke his feates The father to helpe the captiuitie and miserye of hys sonne was compelled to submit hymselfe to the Pope and to intreat for peace So the Emperour commyng to Venice at S. Markes Church where the bishop was there to take hys absolution was bidde to kneele downe at the Popes feete Pope Alexander treading on the necke of Fredericke the Emperour Here as I note in diuers writers a great diuersitie and varietie touching the order of this matter of whome some say that the Emperour campt in Palestina before he came to Venice some say after so I meruell to see in Volaterane so great a fauourer of the pope such a contradiction who in his 22. book saith the Otto the Emperours sonne was taken in this conflict which was the cause of the peace betweene his father and the pope And in his 23. booke agayne saith that the Emperour himselfe was taken prisoner in the same battayle so afterward peace concluded tooke his iorney to Alia Palestina This P. in the time of his papacie whiche continued 21. yeares kept sundry councels both at Turo at Lateran where he confirmed the wicked proceedings of Hildebrand and other his predecessors As to binde all orders of the clergy to the vowe of chastitie which were not greatly to be reprehended if they would define chastitie aright For who so liueth not a chaste lyfe sayth he is no fit person to be a minister But herein lyeth an error full of much blindnes and also peril to thinke that matrimony immaculate as S. Paul calleth it is not chastitie but onely a single life that they esteeme to be a chaste life Now forasmuch as our english pope holy martyr called Thomas Becket happened also in the same tyme of this pope Alexander let vs somewhat also story of him so far as the matter shall seeme worthy of knowledge and to stand with truth To the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lyes of such popishe writers as paynt out his story men may the better iudge both of hym what he was and also of hys cause The life and history of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury IF the cause make a Martyr as is sayd I see not why we should esteeme Tho. Becket to dye a martyr more then any other whome the Princes sword doth here temporally punish for their temporall desertes To dye for the Church I graunt is a glorious matter But the Church as it is a spirituall and not a temporal Church so it standeth vpon causes spirituall and vpon an heauenly foundation as vpon sayth religion true doctrine sincere discipline obedience to Gods cōmandements And not vpō things pertaining to this world as possessions liberties exemptions priuileges dignities patrimonies and superiorities If these be geuen to the Churche I pray God churchmen may vse them wel but if they be not geuen the church cannot clayme thē or if they be takē away that stadeth in the princes power To contend to Princes for the same it is no matter in my minde materiall to make a martyr but rather a rebellion agaynst them to whom we owe subiection Therfore as I suppose Tho. Becket to be far frō the cause and title of a Martyr neyther can he be excused from a playne rebell against his prince so yet would I haue wished agayne the lawe rather publikely to haue found out his fault then the swords of men not biddē not sent to haue smitten him hauing no speciall commandement neyther of the prince nor of the lawe so to doe For though the indignation of the Prince as the wise Prince sayth is death yet it is not for euery priuate persō straghtwayes to reuenge the secret indignation of his Prince except he be publikely authorised thereunto And thus had bene as I suppose the better way the lawes first to haue executed
the byshop of Salisbury and of Norwiche who for old matters indangered to the king long before came weeping lamēting to the archbishop desiring him to haue some cōpassion of them to remit this pertinacy to the king left if he so continued through his stoutnes to exasperate the kinges displeasure happely it might redound to no small daunger not onely of thē which were in ieoperdy already but also of himselfe to be imprisoned and the whole Clergy to be indaungered Besides these two byshops there wet to hym other two noble pieres of the realme labouring w e him to relent condiscend to the kings desire If not they should be inforced to vse violence as neither would stand with the kinges fame and much lesse with his quietnes But yet the stout stomack of the mā would not geue ouer After this came to him ij rulers of the temple called Templars one Richard de Hast an other Costans de Heuerio with their company lamenting bewayling their great peril which they declared vnto him to hang ouer his head yet neyther with their teares nor with their kneelinges would he be remoued At length came the last message from the kyng signifying vnto him with expresse wordes and also with teares what he should trust to if he woulde not geue ouer to the kinges request By reason of which message he either terrified or els perswaded was content to submit hymselfe Whereupon the king incontinent assembling the states together the Archbishop first before all other beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission vnto his custome and that Cum Bona fide leauing out of hys former addition Saluo ordine mentioned before in steede whereof he promised in Verbo veritatis to obserue and keep the kings customes and sweare to the same After him the other Byshoppes likewise gaue the like othe Whereupon the king commaunded incontinent certayne instruments obligatory to be drawne of the which the king should haue one the archbishop of Canterbury an other the Archbishop of Yorke the third requiring also the sayde Archbishop to set hys hand and seale To the whiche the Archbishop although not denying but that he was ready so to do yet desired respite in the matter while that he being but newly come to hys bishoppricke might better peruse with himselfe the foresayd customes and ordinaunces of the king This request as it seemed but reasonable so it was lightly graunted and so the day being well spent they departed for that season and brake vp Alanus one of the iiij writers of the life of this Thomas Becket recordeth that the archbishop in his viage toward Winchester begā greatly to repēt that he had done before partly through the instigation of certayne about him but chiefly of hys crossebearer who going before the Archbish. did sharply and earnestly expostulate with him for geuing ouer to the kings request agaynst the priuelege liberties of the Church polluting not onely his fame and consciēce but also geuing a pernitious example to them that should come after with many like wordes To make the matter short the Archbishop was so touched vpon the same with such repentaunce that keeping himselfe from al company lamenting with teares with fasting and with muche penaunce macerating and afflicting himself did suspend him selfe from all deuine seruice and would not receaue comfort before that word being sent to hys holy graundfather the pope he shoulde be assoild of him who tenderyng the teares of hys deare chicken directed to him letters agayne by the same messenger which Thomas had sent vp to hym before In whiche letters not onely he assoyled hym from hys trespasse but also with words of great consolation did incourage him to be stout in the quarrel he tooke in hand The copy of which letters consolatory sent from the Pope to Popish Becket here follow vnder written ALexander Byshop c. Your brotherhoode is not ignoraunt that it hath bene aduertised vs how that vpon the occasion of a certayne transgression or excesse of yours you haue determined to cease henceforth from saying of Masse and to abstayne from the consecration of the body and bloud of the Lord. Which thing to doe how daungerous it is especially in such a personage and also what inconuenience may rise thereof I will you aduisedly to consider and discreetly also to ponder Your wisedome ought not to forget what difference there is betwixt them which aduisedly and willingly doe offend and those whiche through ignoraunce and for necessitie sake do offend For as you reade so muche the more greater is wilfull sinne as the same not being voluntary is lesser sinne Therefore if you remember your selfe to haue done any thing that your owne cōscience doth accuse you of whatsoeuer it be we coūsell you as a prudent and wyse prelate to acknowledge the same Which thing done the mercifull and pittifull God who hath more respect to the hart of the doer then to the thing done will remit and forgeue you the same according to his accustomed great mercy And we trusting in the merites of the blessed Apostles S. Peter and Paule doe absolue you from the offence committed and by the authoritie Apostolicall we release you vnto your fraternitie counsailing you and commaunding you that henceforth you abstayne not for this cause from the celebration of the Masse Thys letter with other moe after like sort the pope thē wrote to him animating and comforting him in this quarrell so neerely pertaining to the popes profite By the occasion whereof Becket toke no small hart and consolation In so much that thereof seemeth to me to proceed al the occasiō the made him so stout malipart against his prince as hereafter followeth to be seene by his doynges What the other letters were that the pope wrote vnto hym shortly after when we come to the appellatiōs made to the pope shall appeare God willing In the meane season as he sat thus mourning at home the king hearing of hym howe be denyed to set hys seale to those sanctions which he condesceded to before tooke no little displeasure against him In so much that he threatning to him and hys banishmēt death began to call hym to reconinges and to burden hym with paymentes that all men might vnderstand that the kings minde was sore set agaynst him The Archbishop hereupon whether more for the loue of the pope or dread of hys prince thought to make an escape out of the realme and so wēt about in the night with two or three with hym stealing out of hys house to take the sea priuely Now amongest other the kinges ordinances and sanctions this was one that none of the prelacy or nobilitie without the kinges licence or of his iustices shoulde depart out of the realme So Becket twise attempted the sea to flee to the see of Rome but the wether not seruing was driuē home agayne and hys deuise for that tyme frustrated After his
excommunicate 12 Theodosius the great Emperour for a fault which seemed not so waighty vnto other Priestes and shut him out of the Church who afterward by condigne satisfaction was absolued There are many other like examples for Dauid when he had committed adulterie and murther the prophet Nathan was sent vnto him by God to reprooue him and he was soone corrected And the king laying aside his scepter and Diademe and setting apart all princely maiestie was not ashamed to humble himselfe before the face of the Prophet to confesse his faulte to require forgeuenes for his offence what wil you more he being stricken with repentance asked mercy and obtained forgeuenes So likewise you most beloued king and reuerend Lord after the example of this good king Dauid of whom it is sayde I haue founde a man after mine owne heart with a contrite and humble heart turne to the Lorde your God and take holde of repentaunce for your transgressions For you are fallen and erred in many things which yet I kepe in store still if peraduenture God shall inspire you to say with the prophet haue mercy on me O god according to thy great mercye for I haue sinned much against thee don◠euil in thy sight Thus much I haue thought good to write to you my deare Lorde at this present passing other things in silence till I may see whether my wordes take place in you and bring foorth fruits in you worthy of repentance and that I may heare and reioyce with them that shall bring me worde and say Oh king thy sonne was dead and is aliue againe was lost and is founde againe But if you will not heare me looke where I was wont before the maiestie of the body of Christ to pray for you in aboundance of teares sighes There in the same place I will crie against you and say Rise vp Lord and iudge my cause forget not the rebukes and iniuries which the king of England doeth to thee and thine forget not the ignominie of thy Church which thou hast builded in thy bloud Reuenge the bloud of thy saintes which is spilt reuenge O Lord the afflictions of thy seruants of whome there is an infinite number For the pride of them which hate persecute thee is gone vp so highe that we are not able to beare them any longer Whatsoeuer your seruant shall do all those things shall be required at your handes for he seemeth to haue done the harme which hath geuen the cause thereof Doubtlesse the sonne of the most highest except you amende and cease from the oppressing of the church and clergie and keepe your hand from troubling of them wil come in the rod of his furie at the voices of such as cry to him and at the sighes of them that be in bands when the time shal come for him to iudge the vnrighteousnesse of men in equitie and seueritie of the holy ghost For he knoweth how to take away the breath of Princes and is terrible among kings of the earthe◠Your deare and louing grace I wish well to fare Thus fare ye well againe and euer ¶ Certaine notes or elenches vpon this Epistle which by the figures you may finde out and their places 1. The scope of this Epistle is this to proue that bishops and priests ought not to come vnder the court and cōtrolment of temporall power 2. This similitude holdeth not For though the smalnesse of a Citie blemisheth not the prerogatiue of a kingdome yet the euilnes and rebellion of a Citie doth worthely blemish his owne prerogatiue 3. So sayth the Popes decrees Dist. 10. but the Scripture of God importeth otherwise Abiathar the Priest was deposed of king Salomon not for any heresie but for other causes 3. Reg. 1.2 Ionathas tooke his priesthoode of king Alexander And Simon of Demetrius 1. Mach. 7. Christ offered tribute to Cesar for him and for Peter Also Peter sayeth be ye subiect to euery humaine creature and it followeth whether it be to the king as to the chiefe c. Item Pope Leo submitted himselfe to Ludouicus the Emperor with these words And if we do any thing incompetently and do swarue from the path of righteousnes we wil stand to your reformation or of them whom you shall send 2.9.7 Hos. 4. Notwithstanding the saide Constantinus wryting to the bishops cōgregated at Tyrus first chideth them then commādeth them to resort vnto his presence to haue their cause iudged and decided Trip hist. lib. 3. cap. 7. 5. The father vnder obedience c. If fatherhoode goe by age I suppose that king Henry was elder then Becket If fatherhoode consist in authoritie I iudge the authoritie of a king to be aboue the authoritie of an Archbishop If the see of Canterburie make the fatherhoode yet had Becket no cause to claime fatherhood ouer the king seeing the sonne ordeined the father that is seeing the king made him his Archbishop and not he made him his king 6. By wicked bonds Al is wicked with the Papists that bringeth them in subiection to their Princes 7. Ecclesiasticall matters be suche as properly belong to doctrine and deuine knowledge for the institution of the soule and information of conscience In which both Princes and subiects ought to followe their pastors so long as they go truely before them without error or els not But what maketh this for the lands liberties of churchmen 8. Punishment due to malefactors and rebelles is not to be called persecution but due correction 9. Saule brake the commandement of God and was reiected Ozias cōtrary to the commandement of God tooke the office of a priest and was striken Oza against the expresse word of the law put his hand toy arke was punished But what expresse word had k. Hēry why he should not correct and punish rebellious bishoppes and wicked priests within his owne realme wherefore these similitudes accorde not As for Achas he was not so much punished for taking the priests office as for spoyling the temple of the Lord and offering to Idoles 10. Common lawes S. Augustin wryting to Boniface sayeth thus Whosoeuer obeyeth not the lawes of the Emperor being made for the veritie of God procureth to himselfe great punishment For in the time of the prophets all the kings which did not forbidde and subuert all such things as were vsed of the people against the law of God are rebuked And such as did with stand them are commended aboue the rest August 11. Isidorus hath these wordes Let temporal princes know that they must render accōpt to God for the church which they haue at the hands of God to gouerne c. 12. The case of Archadius Theodosius Dauid of this king as touching this mater hath no similitude In them was murder This king doeth nothing but claime that which is his due And though by the spiritual sword those kings were resisted yet it argueth not therefore that the persons of them which haue the
thereby to anger whose anger yet notwithstaÌ„ding had bene easily swaged if the other woulde haue submitted himselfe and acknowledged his default But he adding stubburnnesse to his trespasse through the quantitie and greatnesse of his excesse was the author of his owne punishment which nowe by the law ciuill he sustaineth and yet shameth to craue pardone for his desert at the kings hande whose anger he feared not to sturre vp in such a troublesome time of the persecution of the Church greatly against the profite of the same augmenting increasing therby the persecution which now the Church lieth vnder Much better it had bene for him to haue tempered himself with the bridle of moderation in the high estate of his dignitie least in exceeding too farre in straining the straite poyntes of things by ouer much presumption peraduenture through his presumption being not in meane and tollerable things might fall from higher And if the detriments of the Church woulde not moue him yet the greâ—t benefits and preforments of riches and honours ought to perswade him not to be so stubburn against the king But here peradueÌ„ture his friend and our aduersary wil obiect that his bearing and submitting to the king in this behalfe were preiudiciall against the authority and sea Apostolical as though he did not or might not vnderstand that although the dignity of the Church should suffer a little detriment in that iudgement yet he might ought to haue dissimuled for the time to obtaine peace into the Church He will obiect againe alleaging the name of father that it soundeth like a poynt of arrogancie for children to procede in iudgement of coÌ„demnation against the father which thing is not conuenient But he must vnderstand againe that it was necessary that the obedience and humilitie of the children shoulde temper the pride of the father least afterwarde the hatred of the father might redounde vpon the children Wherefore of these promises your fatherhoode may vnderstand that the action of this our aduersary ought to fall downe as void and of none effect who only vpon the affection of malice hath proceeded thus against vs hauing no iust cause nor reason to ground vpon And forsomuch as the care and charge of all churches as yeâ— knowe lieth vpon vs it standeth vs vpon to prouide concerning the state of the Churche of Canterbury by our diligence and circumspection so that the sayd Church of Canterbury through the excesse of his pastor be not driuen to ruine or decay By this Epistle it may appeare to the Reader therof that Becket being absent from Englande went about to worke some trouble against certaine of the Clergy and of the laitie belike in excommunicating such as he tooke to be his euill willers Now to vnderstand further what his working was or who they were whom he did excommunicate this letter sent to William Bishop of Norwitch shall better declare the matter A letter of Becket to the B. of Norwitch HE bindeth himselfe to the penalty of the crime whosoeuer receiuing power and authoritie of God vseth and exerciseth not the same with due seueritie in punishing vice but wincking diâ—simuling doth minister boldnesse to wicked doers maintaining them in their sinne For the bloud of the wicked is required at the hand of the Priest which is negligent or dissembleth And as the Scripture sayth thornes and brambles grow in the handes of the idle dronkard Wherfore least through our too much sufferance and dissembling the transgressions of manifest euil doers should also be laid to our charge and redound to the destruction of the Church through our giltie silence We therfore following the authoritie of the Popes commaundement haue laid our sentence of curse excommunication vpon the Earle Hugo commaunding you throughout all your Diocesse publickely to denounce the sayde Earle as accursed so that according to the discipline of the Church he be sequestred from the fellowship of all faithfull people Also it is not vnknowen to your brotherhoode how long we haue borne with the transgressions of the Bishop of London Who amongest other his factes I would to God were not a great doer and fautor of this schisme and subuerter of the right and liberties of holy Church Wherefore we being supported with the authoritie of the Apostolicke sea haue also excommunicated him besides also the Bishop of Salesbury because of his disobedience and contempt and others likewise vpon diuers and sundrie causes whose names here followe subscribed Hugo Bernardes sonne Radolph of Brocke Robert of Brocke a clearke Hugode of S Cleare and Letardus a clearke of Northfolke Nigellus of Scacauil and Richard Chapleine William of Hasting and the Frier which possesseth my Church of Monchote We therfore charge and commaunde you by the authoritie Apostolicall and ours and in the vertue of obedience and in the perill of saluation and of your order that yee cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate throughout all your Diocesse and to command all the faithful to auoide their companie Fare ye wel in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled nor feare for we stande sure thorough the assistance of the Apostolike sea God being oure borowe against the pretensed shiftes of the malignant sorte and against all their appellations Furthermore all such as haue bene solemnely cited of vs shall sustaine the like sentence of excommunication if God will in the Ascension day vnlesse they shall otherwise agree with me That is to witte Geffray Archdeacon of Canterburie and Robert his vicare Rice of Wilcester Richard of Lucie William Gifferd Adam of Cheringes with suche other moe which eyther at the commaundement of the king or vppon their own proper temeritie haue inuaded the goods and possessions either appertaining to vs or to our clearkes about vs. With these also we doe excommunicate all suche as be knowen eyther with aide or counsel to haue incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king against the liberties of the Churche and exiling of the innocents And such also as be knowen to Impeche or let by any maner of way the messengers sent either from the Pope or from vs for the necessities of the Churche Fare you well againe and euer Hetherto hast thou seene gentle reader diuers sundry letters of Thomas Becket whereby thou maist collect a sufficient historie of his doings demeanor though nothing els were said further of him concerning his lusty and hauty stomack aboue that beseemed either his degree or cause which he tooke in hand And here peraduenture I may seme in the story of this one man to tary tâ—o long hauing to write of so many others better then it yet for the weaker sort which haue couÌ„ted him and yet do count him for a Saint hauing in themselues little vnderstanding to iudge or discerne in the causes of men I thought to adde this letter more wherein he complaineth of his king to a forreine power doing what in him did lie to stirre for
partes whilest that the tyranny of the heretickes indured made their concourse to vs and were recaiued and part fled vnto you that is olde Rome as to a strong tower of refuge and so receiued they cōfort in both places and one brother was thus receiued into the bosome of an other by mutuall loue for their defence Then after when Rome had bene often distressed by the barbarous and heathen nations the Grecians were euer ready to rescue and deliuer them Did not Agapitus and Vigilius flye vnto Constantinople by reason of the dissentions then at Rome and being honourablye receiued were here desended vnder our protection ' although the like kindenes was neuer yet shewed of your part to vs agayne in our like necesities Notwithstanding wee ought to do good to them also that be vngrateful for so doth the Sea participate her sinoth and calme tides euen vnto the Pirats And so God causeth the sunne to shine vpon the lust and vniust But alas for sorow what bitter diuision is this that hath thus sequestred vs a sonder One of vs detracteth an other shonning the company one of an other as the damnation of his soule What a mortall hatred is this come amongest vs if you thinke we are fallen then do you help to lift vs vp and be not to vs as a stombling blocke to our bodely ruine but helpers vnto the spirituall resuvrection of our soules So shall we acknowledge our selues boūd vnto you to geue you condigne thankes accordingly But if the blame and first origine of all this offence proceedeth from Rome and the successours of Peter the Apostle then read you the wordes of S. Paule to the Galathians saying When Peter came vnto Antioche I withstood him in the face because he was to be rebuked c. Howbeit this resistaunce was no cause of any discord or breach betweene them but the cause rather of further search and profounder disputations prouoking temporall agrement For they were fast ioyned together in the bond of charity in Christ agreeing in faith and conformity of doctrine separated by no ambition or auarice In which poyntes would God we also were like vnto them This to vs in our mindes gendreth a great offence that your gaping so greedyly after terrene possessions scrape together all that you can scratch and rake You heap vp gold and siluer and yet pretend that you be the Disciples of him which sayd gold and siluer I haue none c. You make whole kingdomes tributary to you and kings and princes your vassals You augment your mony by vsury by feates of marchaundise You vnteache by your deedes that whiche you teach in wordes Moderate your selues therefore with more temperaunce that you may be an example to vs and to all the world You see how good a thing it is one brother to helpe an other Onely God alone needeth no helpe or counsell but men neede one to be holpen one of another And were it not that I doe reuerence the blessed Apostle Peter the chiefe of Christes Apostles the rocke of our fayth I would here put you in remembraunce how greatly this rocke was shaken and remooued from the foundation at the sight of a seely woman and Christ of his secret purpose permitted the same which by the crowing of the cock brought him agayne to remembraunce of that which was foretolde him and raysed him from the slumber of desperation Then he being thus waked washed his face with teares confessing himselfe before God and all the world to be a true paterne of repentance which before bare the keyes of the kyngdome as saying thus vnto vs May not he which falleth rise agayne Oh you whiche are fallen rise vp beholde me harken vnto me trauelling toward Paradise The gates wherof to open I haue receiued power And thus do I write vnto you not for any instruction but onely to put you in remēbraunce for I know how God hath endued you with all wisedome and knowledge As Salomon sayth Geue onely occasion to the wise and he will learne wisedome Teach the iust man and he will be glad to take instruction This one thing more I will say and so make an end There be great and mighty nations that are of like mind and opinion with vs. First the Ethiopians that inhabite the chiefest part of the East After that the Sirians and other moe of greater number thē they and more disposed to vertūe as the Hyberi Alonà Gothi Chaiari with innumerable people of Russia and the kingdome of great victory of the Vulgarians And all these are obedient vnto vs as their mother Church persisting hetherto constantly in the auncient and true orthodoxasticall fayth immouáble The God of all holynes which for our sakes became man and which onely is the head of his Church and congregation vouchsafe to gather vs agayne together in vnity and graunt that the Grecian church together with her sister church of old Rome may glorify the same Christ the prince of peace by he vnitye of faith to the restitutiō of soūd wholsom doctrine wherein many yeres agone they haue agreed and were vnited God graunt vnto you brotherlike charity and the hand of the most mighty God gouern you all holy Cardinals till that ioyfully ye arriue in the heauen of euerlasting trāquility The grace of God be with you all Amē Ex Math. Parisiens fol. 111. Shortly after the sending of these letters Pope Gregory prepared to send men of warre signed with the crosse to fight agaynst the Grecians Wherupon the Archbishop of Antioch with the said Germanus solemnly excommunicated the Pope after he first had excommunicated them Par. fol. 118. In the meane time by the tenour of these letters of the Patriarch sent to the Pope and to the Cardinals it is euident to all men that haue eies in their heads to see first how the whole vniuersall church of Christ frō the east partes to the west in auncient times were altogether vnited in one cōsent of doctrine lincked together in brotherly charity one Church brotherly to helpe an other both with temporall ayd spirituall councell as case required Neither was then any one mother Church aboue other Churches but the whole vniuersall Churche was the mother Church and spouse of the Lord to euery faythfull beleuer Under which vniuersall Church in generall were comprehended all other particular Churches in speciall as sister churches together not one greater thē an other but all in like equality as God gaue his giftes so seruing one another euer holding together the vnity of fayth and Sisterly loue And so long was it and rightlye might so be called the catholicke church hauing in it true vnity uniuersality and free consent Unity in doctrine vniuersality in cōmunicating and ioyning together of voyces cōsent in spirit and iudgement For what soeuer was caught at Rome touching fayth and saluation it was no other then was taught at Antioch
eaten any mans bread for nought or of free cost Glossa Then those false Prophetes ought much more to liue by theyr labour which haue not that authoritye which we ought to haue that is to say to liue by the Gospell And S. Augustine speaketh of this more expressely in his booke De opere monachorum by these words Those our brethren do clayme to themselues very rashly as me thinketh that they haue any such authority to liue by the Gospell If they be preachers of the Gospel I graunt that in deed they haue such authority if they be ministers of the aultar if they be disposers of the Sacraments they cannot well but take to thēselues this authority as also manifestly to chalenge the same if at the least they haue not where with all to sustayne this present life without labour of their handes c. As though he woulde haue sayd if they be not such maner of men then haue they no authority to liue by the Gospell Therefore those preachers which haue not authority to line by the Gospell or els minister the Sacraments because they haue no cōgregation wherby to take charge of soules yet for al that wil needs liue vpon the Gospell they be no true Apostles but false Prophets The 10. signe is that false teachers reioyce more to be commēded themselues then the word of God to haue the commendation prayse But they that are true preachers and Apostles are farre otherwise minded as to the Thess. 2. not seeking the prayse of men c. And herin he toucheth those false Prophets which desire rather to be commēded themselues then that the word of God which they preach should haue the commendatiō but he is an Apostle which not seeking the glory of this present world but for the glory to come doth abase himself to the intēt that the preaching and word of God might be commended and exalted They therfore which desire to haue prayse to be commended of others rather then that the word of God should haue the prayse to be no true Apostles but false Prophets The 11. signe is that true Apostles do preach onely for Gods cause and for the health of soules and for no tēporal gayne as in the 2. Cor. 4. saying we preach not our selues c. Glose Our preaching tendeth not to our glory and gayne but onely to the glory of Christ. But the preaching of Christ by those that are false Prophets tendeth to the contrary Wherupon in the Phil. 1. is sayd whether it be vpon occasion geuē or els for the verities sake let christ be preached c. Glose False prophets doe preach the Gospell vpon some occasion as either by seeking some commodity at the hands of mē or els because of getting goodes honor or prayse among men Which notwithstanding that they be ready and willing as it should seeme to beare and sustaine iniuryes yet they seek not so much the health of him to whom they preach as in very deed they do their owne commodity and gaine Whereupon 2. Cor. 12. Glosse Because I seeke not the thinges that be yours that is to say not your treasure as gold siluer but onely you your selues Glosse For other wayes it could by no meanes be gathered that they should vnderstand him to speake or meane of theyr substaunce because he more estemeth them then theyr mony to the intent that they might vnderstand his great good will toward them Therfore these euill and naughty preachers which preach for worldly gayn or honor or els for the prayse cōmendation of men be no true Apostles but false Prophetes But it may be asked how shall men vnderstand when these good fellowes preach for their owne vayne glory sake It may be aunswered thus when they preach before they be called as in the 2. Cor. 11. whosoeuer boasteth let him boast and reioyce in the Lord. Glosse Which thing to doe cannot he by any meanes that hath not his authority from God For if any such Prophet preach he seeketh his owne glory and that may easely be perceiued Because he is not called of God he hath no such authority of him that is to say of his Church or congregation as to the Heb. 7. No man taketh to himselfe anye dignity but he that is called of God as Aaron was The Glosse He is called of God that it is lawfully chosen of the congregation The 12. signe is or token of a false prophet is Because such Prophets do counterfait themselues to haue greater care and loue to mens soules then those that be theyr very gouernors pastors haue although they haue no charge at all of them agaynst whom the Glose speaketh and the 1. Thess. 2. We are become meek and louing towardes you euen as the nurse which geueth her child sucke Glosse A woman nurseth other mens children for wages not for loue alone but she geueth her own suck of very loue with out respect of mony Therfore those preachers which faine themselues to haue a greater loue affection to the soules of men then they that haue the charge ouer them seeme not to be true Apostles The Apostles studye not for eloquēce nor for the curious placing of their words but false Prophets do them both As in the 2. Cor. 11. If the simple and vncloquēt man c. Glosse The Apostles were not eloquent but false Prophets are ful of curious eloquence Also vpon the same an other Glosse The Corinthiās were led away from the Gospell by ouer nice eloquence the 2. Cor. 7. Let vs shew our selues before all men as the ministers of God Glosse The ministers of God do not flatter as false Prophets do And for this occasion those that be true Apostles haue not theyr abiding in princes Courtes and noble mens houses knowing this saying of Christ in S. Mathewes Gospel Behold those that are clothed with silkes dwell in kinges Courtes And therefore true Apostles are not conuersaunt in Princes Courtes and noble mens houses Glosse Hard strait life with the preaching of the Gospel loueth not to come neare Princes pallaces and noble mens houses Often times it commeth to passe that Courtiers are found great flatterers Therfore those preachers that haue their abode in Courtes or that in any other place do vse to flatter are no true Apostles but false Prophets The 13. signe is that true Apostles or messengers doe not circumuent or subtlely goe about to deceiue men that they should geue vnto them their goods either in their life time or els at the time of theyr death as in the 2. Cor. 7. We haue falsly deceiued no man Glosse By the subtle and deceitfull getting away of your substaūce as false Prophets do which get away from you those things that be yours vnder pretence of great frēdship Also Mat. 22. Wo be vnto you Scribes Phariseis you hipocrites which spoile widowes houses by your long prayers which mean nothing els by your
the city by the Barons and Citizens for the space of 40. dayes And Octobonus the Legate who for feare was fled into the Tower they narowly layd for that he shoulde not escape At length by the intreaty of the Earle of Gloucester and other Earles that were his friendes both the Barons and Cittizens were pardoned and admitted to the kinges fauour And 4. Byshops and 8. other noble men were chosen such as were at Couentry first nominated that they should order and dispose all matters betweene the King and suche as had lost theyr inheritaunce as also the forme of theyr peace and raunsome And proclamation was made vppon the feast of all Sainctes of perfect peace and record throughout al the Realme The 52. yeare of this king Henries raigue 8. daies after the feast of S. Martin he held a parliament at Marlberge in the yeare of our Lord aboue recited where by the aduise of wise and discrete men with all the consentes of the nobles he ordeined and enacted diuers good and profitable statutes for the reformation and bettering of the state of the realme execution of common iustice which are called the statutes of Marleberge The same yeare vpon S. Gregoryes day Octobonus the Legate called a Councell at London where were fine Archbishops and a great number of Byshops Abbots other Prelates which Councell also within three dayes brake vp agayne The same yeare vpon S. Iohns day the Baptist Edward the kinges sonne diuers other noble men of England took vpon thē the crosse by the legates hands at Northhampton to the reliefe of the holy land and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ which done the legate that same yeare wēt out of England not purposing after that to returne agayne This holy Legate sayth mine author whiche might well bee resembled to Lynx the monstrous beast whose quicke sight penetrateth euery thing enrolled to perpetuall memorye the valuation of all the churches in the realme of England so narowly as by any meanes possible be might enquire the certainty thereof The same was he that made all the Cathedral Conuentuall Churches to pay pencions so that those Churches whiche gaue not the vacancie of their benefices to their Clerkes and straungers should pay vnto them a certein yearly pencion during the vacācy of the benefices which they should haue The same yeare died Pope Clement 4. after whose death the Church of Rome was two yeares vacant then was chosen an archdeacon Cardinall whose name was Theardus as hee was taking hys iourny into the holy lande and called hym Gregory the 10. Then also dyd Edmunde Earle of Lancaster and Leicester and seconde sonne of king Henry take to wife the Earle of Albemark his daughter and the Niece of y◠Earle of Gloucester at whiche maryage was the king and the Queene and all the Nobilitie of England The same yeare was the body of S. Edward the king Confessour by Walter Gifford Archbishop of Yorke and other Bishops intombed in a new rich Schrine of golde and siluer beset with precious stones in the presēce of Hēry the king of Englād In which yeare also fel great rayne and inundation of waters suche as hath not lightly bene seene which increased and continued the space of 40. dayes and more The same yeare died Walter de Lawile Bishop of Sarum the third day before the nones of Ianuary After whō succeeded Robert of Northampton the Deane of the same Church And because the see of Cant. was then vacant he was confirmed by the Chapter of Canterbury whiche Chapter had alwayes the iurisdiction in spirituall causes during the vacancy of that see in as ample maner as the Byshop hymselfe had beyng aliue After thys the Byshop elect comming thither thinking to haue had hys consecration was notwithstanding put backe for two causes one was for that there was present then no more but one Byshop the other was for that all the other Bishops had appealed that he might not be consecrated to their preiudice that is by the authoritie of the Chapter of Cant. saying that they would not be vnder the obedience of the monks After this solempne Messengers were for this cause sent to the Cardinals of Rome for that then that see of Rome was vacant who receiued aunswere that during the vacation of that see the confirmation and consecration of the Byshop elect pertayned to the foresayd Chapter of Caunterbury The same yeare also was the Lord Henry the sonne heyre of the Lord Richard king of Almayne and brother to king Henry 2. slayne at Uiterbium in a certayne Chappel hearing Masse by the Lord Simō and Buido the sonnes of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earle of Leister During this kinges raigne there was made a great generall expedition of diuers and sondry Christian princes to Ierusalem taking vpon them the Lords character that is the Crosse among whome was also Edward the kings sonne one to the which expeditiō was graunted him a subsidie throughout al the realme And the month of May the yeare of our Lord. 1270. or as sayth Florilogus an 1269. he set forward on his iourny About the time when Prince Edward was preparing his iourny toward Asia Boniface the Archbishop of Canterbury ended his life in the country of Sebaudia goyng belike to Rome or comming thence After whose death the Monks of Canterbury proceeding to a new election grāted by the king agreed vppon the Prior of their house named Adam Chelendene But the king his sonne Prince Edward consenting and speaking in the behalfe of Robert Burnell theyr Chauncellour did sollicite the matter with the Monkes partly intreating partly threatning them to chuse the said Robert to be Archbishop Notwithstanding the Monkes being stoute woulde neyther relent to their curteous request nor yet bow to theyr boystrous threates but constantly persisting in their former election appealed from the king and prince to the Pope Prince Edward being now on his iourny and seing himselfe thus frustrated of the Monkes writeth backe to the king his father deuoutly praying and beseching in no wise to admit the election of the foresayd Monks And so passing to Douer with Hēry the sonne of Rich. his vncle king of Romanes with their wiues tooke their passage in the month of August After this the Prior thus elected as is foretold but not admitted by the king to be Archbishop went vp to Rome In the meane tyme the Monkes in the absence of their elect ordayned one Geoffrey Pomenall to be theyr Official who seing himself aduaunced to that dignity bearing belike some old grudge agaynst the Prior of Douer caused him to be cited vp to appeare in the Chapter house of Canterbury The Prior of Douer seing this citation to be preiudiciall to him and to the Church of Douer whereas the Monkes of Cant. haue no such iurisdiction the see of
seÌ„ding out their monition of excommunication against theÌ„ that stand bound concerning the same contractes 6. Item the Byshoppes and Prelates decree prouinciall couÌ„cels and Sinodall Statuts enacting ordering therin many thinges to the high great preiudice of the temporall iurisdiction wherin they ought to haue no cognitioÌ„ at all neither to intermeddle themselues therwith 7. Item the foresayd Officials take vpon theÌ„ before Notaries to sweare persons for performance of contractes bargaynes made by them in places vnder the iurisdiction temporal concerning the sale of inheritance or otherwise incroching thereby vpon their iurisdiction when verelye they haue nothing to do with any contracts and obligations but with such as are made and agreed vpon within the compasse of their owne seat and iurisdiction 8. Item the sayd Officials of ther meere office call before them the laity to aunswere to such matters of correctioÌ„ as shal be layd to theyr charge the cognition where of as they say doth appertayn vnto them And when the sayd persoÌ„s do appeare before them deny the crime obiected against them the Officials deteyne them and put them in prison although in such cases they are to be released and that imprisonment appertaineth onely to the temporall power not to them 9. Item in the cases aforesayd although by making of their purgations and other the proces therein they be fouÌ„d cleare of that which is layd to theyr charge and are acquitted these yet the said officials will in no wise discharge and dismisse theÌ„ before they haue to the vttermost payd for the writings and proces in that behalfe a good piece of mony when by law it ought to be done gratis and for nothing 10. Item it must not be forgotten to talke of the senteÌ„ce of excoÌ„munication which is decreed by vertue of one only citation so often times as a man sayleth in his appearance 11. Item mentioÌ„ is to be made of those kinde of obligatioÌ„s De nisi whereby a man is excommunicated by and by if he make not payment at the day prefixed although he be not able so to do 12. Item whosoeuer by vertue of excommunicatioÌ„ in the Bishops court is excommunicate and he â—â— excoÌ„municate do not satisfy the summe due about the excommunication by by the summ is doubled And the secular power charged by the bishops or their officials that they vnder paine of excoÌ„mmunication compell the excoÌ„municate by attaching their goods to pay the sayd summe and not to misse a iote which monitioÌ„ if the layry refuseth to put in executioÌ„ they themselues are then excommunicate in no wise to be absolued before they disburse that mony the which the principall excommunicate person should haue payd 13. Item if the Balifes Hedborowes or other the kings officers and iudges of the temporaltye receiuing the foresayd monitions do put the same in execution finde those that be excoÌ„municate to be beggerlye and nothing worth the sayd officers are bound at their owne proper costs and charges to resort to the Bishops sea or consistory where soeuer it is there to take a corporall oath that the partyes excoÌ„municate are nothing worth This if they fayle those officers are sure to be excommunicate and therby inforced to disburse the due of the first excommunicate persons 14. IteÌ„ if two lay men be in sute together before a temporall iudge about an action either reall or personall one of theÌ„ after contestation of law and great proces therin do appeale vnto an ecclesiasticall iudge he will presume then to deteine before him the plea of such cases actions both reall personal causing by vertue of his monitions authority the temporall iudge to cease leaue of from medling therein which if the secular iudge obeyeth not he is pronounced excommunicate compelled to make satisfaction by occasions wherof the teÌ„poral iurisdiction is much annoyed and cleane loseth the prerogatiue thereof because by law no man may appeale from a spirituall iudge to the temporall law 15. Item if a lay man inhabiter of any the kings townes procureth his debter being also a lay man to be arested by vertue of secular iustice in that place he which is so arrested appealeth causeth also his creditor to be arrested the officials will take vpoÌ„ them to heare this matter And if any thing be atteÌ„pted concerning the appeale they misse not to demauÌ„d cost and satisfaction both of the iustice and also of him to whom the arrest was made And if any of the Princes retinne compelleth them to resist this iniury they are straight wayes pronounced excommunicate 16. Item if the sayd Bishops haue a number of Officials vnder them whom they terme Deanes of the clergy which vsually causeth all sorts of people through the kinges dominions onely by word of mouth to come afore theÌ„ that sometime without commissioÌ„ when that in euery Dioces there ought onely to be but one seat or Consistory wherâ—â— matters should be heard and decided And hereby it hapneth diuers times that many are wrongfully without cause cited to the end that they may pay mony enough to rid themselues thereof which is to the no small preiudice of the Kinges Maiestyes subiectes and the temporall iurisdiction 17. Item the sayd rulers of the clerks sealeth vp the houses of their clergy which are situate in the kinges townes and other of his noble mens villagyes to the preindice of the kinges maiestyes iurisdiction other of his nobility for that in such kinde of places the Bishops haue no suche kinde of iurisdiction 18. Item the sayd Prelates or their officials doe presume to seale vp the moueable goods of maryed Clerkes and of marchaunts where in such cases the order thereof apperteineth to the temporall law 19. Item they compel the laity to put in surety to answere clerkes before them in the spirituall court yea and chiefly the kinges owne seruitures 20. Item they presume to heare and haue the cognition of actions which are reall or at leastwise mixt that is both reall and personall 21. Item the sayd prelates go about to haue cognition of such temporall mens matters as dwel in hospitals almes houses the kings peculiars and in villagies of his subiectes although the plea thereof apperteineth to the King himselfe and his subiects forbidding vnder payne of excoÌ„munication great forfeits no man so hardy to commeÌ„ce any sute agaynst any of them but before theÌ„selues in pain of a great summe of mony 22. Item to the end the Clergye and Ecclesiasticall rule should be multiplied they conferre a number of Tonsures to children vnder age some of them being sonnes of bondmen other some bastardes borne yea and to many more maried folkes insufficient vnable and vnlearned 23. Item they do cause by the gouernors of their clerkes widow women to be inforced defiled and will haue the discussing therof as in like maner they will determine the matters
none of them whom he could there finde so he neuer ceased all hys life after to enquire out and to be reuenged of all suche as had bene in any part or consenting to that matter For the which his extreme and implacable tyranny he was in such hatred of all the people that as he sayd he could not fynde one of all the commons to take his part when need required Among all other which were for that matter troubled was one Adam Byshop of Hereford who being unpeached of treason with other moe was at length arested in the Parliament to appeare and answere to that should be to him obiected Many thinges there were layde agaynst him for taking part with them that rose agaynst the Kyng with matters moe and haynous rebukes c. Whereunto the Byshop a great while aunswered nothing At length the Byshop clayming the liberties and priuiledges of the Church answered to the king in thys form The due reuerence of your Princely maiesty euer saued Ego Sanctae Ecclesiae Dei minister humilis membrum eius Episcopus consecratus licèt indignus ad tam ardua nequeo respódere nee debeo absque D. Cant. Archiepiscopi post summum pontificem mei directi iudicis cuius etiam sum suffraganeus autoritate aliorum parium meorum Episcoporum consensu That is I an humble minister and member of the holy Churche of God and Byshop consecrate albeit vnworthy cannot neither ought to answere to these so hye matters without the authoritie of the Archbishop of Caunterbury my direct iudge next vnder the high Bishop of Rome whose suffâ—agane also I am and the consent likewise of the other my fellow Bishops After which wordes by him pronounced the Archbishop and other Byshops with him were ready to make humble intercession for hym to the king and did But when the king would not be wonne nor turned with any supplication the sayd Byshops together to the Archbishop and the Clergy comming with their crosses tooke him away challenging him for the Churche without any more answere making charging moreouer vnder the censures of the Churche and excommunication none to presume to lay any further handes vpon him The king moued with thys boldnes and stoutnes of the clergy coÌ„mandeth notwithstanding to proceede in iudgement and the iury of 12. men to go vppon the enquiry of his cause who finding and pronouncing the Bishop to be gilty the kyng caused immediately al his goods possessioÌ„s to be coÌ„fiscate vnto himselfe moreouer made hys plate and all his housholde prouision to be throwne out of his house into the streete but yet he remained so stil vnder the protection and defence of the Archbishop c. This Archb. was Walter Winchelsey after whom succeeded Simon Mepham in the same see of Caunterbury an 1327. Ex Thom. Walsingham After pope Clement the 5. by whose decease the Romish see stood vacant as ye heard two yeares and 3. moneths next was elected Pope Iohn 22. a Cistercian monke who fare in that papacy 18. yeares He was stout and inflexible geuen so much to the heaping of riches that he proclaymed them heretickes whiche taught that Christ and hys Apostles had no possessions of theyr owne in thys world At this time was Emperour Ludonicus Bauarus a worthy man who with this Pope and other that folowed hym had no lesse contention then had Fredericus before mentioned in the time of king Henry the thyrd Insomuch that this contention and variaunce continued the space of 24. yeares The cause and first origene of this tragical conflicte rose vpon the constitution of ClemeÌ„t the 5. predecessor to this pope by whom it was ordayned as is afore meÌ„tioned that Emperours by the Germayne Princes elected might be called kinges of the Romaynes but might not inioy the title or right of the Empyre to bee nominated Emperour without theyr confirmation geuen by the Pope Wherefore this foresayd Emperour because he vsed the emperiall dignitie in Italy before he was authorised by the pope the sayd Pope therefore excommunicated the Emperour And notwithstanding the Emperoure oftentimes did profer himself to make intreaty of peace and coÌ„corde yet the Pope inflexible woulde not bend The writinges of both partes yet be extant wherein the sayd Byshop doth make his auaunt that he had full power to treat and depose kinges and Emperours at his pleasure In the same time were diuers learned men which seeing the matter did greatly disalow the Bishop of Romes doynges among whome was Guillerne Ocham whose tractations were afterward condemned by the Pope for writing agaynst the temporall iurisdiction of theyr see And an other named Marselius Patauius which wrote the booke intituled Defensor pacis geuen vp to the handes of the sayd Emperour wherein the controuersie of the Popes vnlawful iuiurisdiction in things temporall is largely disputed the vsurped authoritie of that see set forth to the vttermost It is found in some wryters that a great cause of this variaunce first began for that one of the Emperours secretaries vnknowing to the Emperour in certayne of hys letters had likened the Papal see to the beast rising out of the sea in the Apocalips At length when the Emperour after much sute made to the pope at Auinion could not obtayne his coronation comming to Rome was there receaued with great honour where he with his wife were both crowned by the full consent of all the Lordes and Cardinals there and moreouer an other pope there set vp called Nicholas the fift After which thinges done the Pope not long after departed at Auinion in France after whom succeeded then Benedictus 12. a monke of Benedicts order and rayned 7. yeares Who by the counsayle of Phillip the French kyng confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursinges that Iohn his predecessour had published agaynst Lewes the Emperour Moreouer depriued him of his Emperiall Crowne and also of hys Dukedome of Bauaria The Emperour vpon this commeth to Germany and assembling the Princes electors Dukes Bishops Nobles and the learned in a councel at Francford there declared before them out of the auncient lawes and customes of the Empire how it standeth onely in the Princes Electours and in none other to elect the k. or the Emperors of the Romaines for in both these names was no difference so that the same Electors in chusing the king of the Romaynes did also elect and chuse the Emperour whiche Emperour so by them constitute had lawfull right without any information of the Apostolicall see to exercise the administration of the Empyre And if he were lawfully elect ought to be annoynted of the Romayne Byshop which if hee doe refuse then might hee be annoynted and declared Emperour and Augustus by any other Catholicke Bishoppe thereunto appoynted as by the olde maner and custome hath bene especially seeing these iniunctions are but certaine soleÌ„nities added and inuented by the bishops onely for a token of vnitie betweene the church
for that we had left so long vncorrected the insolencie of the byshops and other officers that if remedy in these cases were not had with spede they wold withdrawe themselues from our allegeance and the couenaunt which they had sworne vnto to the vtter subuersion of our kingdome our perpetuall ignominie and the euerlasting shame of our English nation which God our most mercifull father forbid shoulde come to passe in our daies in whom is fixed immoueably the anchor of our hope Whereuppon entending the due correction of our officers we remoued from offices as semed good to our wisdome diuers persons whom we suspected in causes euidēt of euil administration of iustice of subuersion and oppressiō of our subiects of corruption of bribes and other hainous offences Others also of inferiour degree offending in the premisses we caused to be deteined in safe custody least by their liberty iustice might be troden vnder foote and the inquisition of the trueth concerning the premisses not to come to light Forasmuche therefore as the knowledge of the trueth in these cases might of none more certainly be knowen then from the secrete brest of our sayd Archbishop for that nothing pertaining to our information ought to lie hid from him vnto whome of so long a time had bene committed the administration of our whole common weale and summe of our businesse Wee sent vnto him our faithfull subiect Nicholas de Cantilupe with special commandement from vs all delayes set a part that he should forthwith make his personall appearance before vs at our City of London But he as one alwaies timerous as wel in prosperity as in aduersity and fearing where no feare was vntruely alleageth that some of our assistents had threatned hym and laid wait for his life if at any time he departed frō the Church of Cant. which God wee take to witnesse and a pure conscience wee neuer meant nor any of our assistents Wee suppose he touched thereby our Cousin although to all other aswell of the cleargy as comminalty through his malicious misdemeanors he was become odious Wherfore intending the safegarde of our subiects by letters or otherwise called before vs we appoynted our trustie and welbeloued Rasse Stafforde our Harbynger to offer vnto hym safeconducte and moreouer to present vnto him our letters patentes vnder our seale willing and commanding him therby againe personally to come before vs that we might be enformed what of so long a time hee had done touching the affaires of the kyngdome Wherunto contemning our commanndement gentle request he answereth that neither he wold in person appeare neither yet in any matter conferre wyth vs except it were in a full Parliament which for diuers reasonable causes coulde not then be called Thus may you see this archb whom our royal benignity had amplified wyth large honours admitted into all familiarity receiued into the bonde of vnnimitie and frendship vpon whome as on a father our whole hope did consist who so long as wee accomplished his will in all things pretended towardes vs a face of counterfet loue cloaked wyth dissembling beneuolence euen as though he had bene a louing father howe cruelly against reason he hath now forsaken vs requiting benefits with ingratitude oppressing his benefactour wyth the arrogancie of feare and finally according to the vulgare prouerbe rewarded vs as a horse in a satchell a Snake in a mannes bosome and fire cherished next the skinne rewardeth their receiuers When we were first exalted vnto the throne of our kingdome descended vnto vs by right of inheritaunce Gods diuine prouidence so working we thought and alwayes thinke it a detestable thyng to abuse so high authoritie but rather desire to gouerne wyth clemencie leuitie and moderation of iustice that peace of all men desired might firmely take place Neuerthelesse our sayde Archbyshop hath gone about to defame our innocencie and the fidelitie and diligence our faithfull counsailers prosecutours of true iustice openly declaring in hys letters patent and publishing abroade in diuers places that hee was oppressed by the kings power contrary to iustice the Clergy and comminaltie confounded and the church ouer charged wyth diuers grieuous taxes exactions He subtilly vsurped the name of a good pastour when in deede he was nothing lesse but rather as it should seeme by his owne cōfession and the common opinion had of him a very hireling He cloked his craftie subtilnesse with the zeale of defending the Churche although he hymselfe in very deede was the onely cause by his euill counsaile and craftie deuises of the tribulations of the same Hee also fained that not long agoe certaine wrytings were brought vnto him to be sealed containing in effect the defence and excusation of all such in generall that were violaters of the liberties of the Churche hoping thereby to defame the opinion had of vs and our faythfull counsailours to stirre vp sedition amongst the people and finally to withdrawe from vs the hearts of our nobilitie Hee gaue commaundement by hys letters that these things shoulde be proclaimed in all places of great resorte by diuers speciall articles contrary to his former order in his prouinciall Councel Wherefore respecting the integritie of our fame entending to preuent the malice of the sayde Archbishoppe and also to decline from vs the snares prepared for vs and ours wee haue thought good at thys present ouer besides those which before are rehersed amongst so many which wee omitte to declare vnto you some of hys peruerse and wicked actes When in our minoritie wee were constituted ouer our dominions hee caused vs through hys vnaduised counsaile and rash perswasion therby to winne excesiue fauour to geue away so many wastfull giftes and so many vnlawfull alienations that nowe by meanes thereof our treasury is cleane consumed the reuenewes of our Exchequer without all order dimished and he corrupted with bribes innumerable Oftentimes also without cause why when neither necessitie nor vtilitie so required onely through his perswasion wee forgaue diuers men great summes of money due vnto vs yea and the rents and reuenewes which ought to haue bene conserued for our necessitie and profite we applied to the vse of his frendes largely bestowing vppon such as euill deserued it Moreouer accepting aswell persones as money contrary to our minde and hys othe of fidelitie made vnto vs he admitted vnto publique offices throughout our dominions persones vnworthy neglecting those that had well deserued Many other things he rashly tooke in hand to the detrimēt of our state the hurt of our dignitie royall and no smal dammage of our subiectes by abusing his authoritie office committed vnto him But if he persist in his proude obstinacie and stout rebellion wee shall heereafter in conuenient time and place cause it to be more openly knowen willing and commaunding you to publish and cause to be published all and singular the premisses openly and distinctly in places where you shall thinke it
consequently absolue any man confessing hys faulte being contrite and penitent for the same 16. It is lawfull for kinges in causes licenced by the lawe to take away the temporalties from the spiritualty sinning habitualiter that is which continue in the custome of sinne and will not amend 17. Whether they be temporall Lordes or any other men whatsoeuer they be which haue endowed any Churche with temporalties It is lawfull for them to take away the same temporalties as it were by way of medicine for to auoyd sinne notwithstanding any excommunication or other ecclesiasticall censure for so much as they are not geuen but vnder a condition 18. An ecclesiasticall minister and also the Byshop of Rome may lawfully be rebuked of his subiectes and for the profite of the Church be accused eyther of the Clergy or of the Laitie These letters with the articles inclosed being thus receiued from the pope the bishops tooke no litle hart thinking and fully determining with themselues and that in open profession before their prouinciall Councell that all maner respectes offeare or fauour set apart no person neither high nor low should let them neither woulde they be seduced by the intreaty of any mā nor by any threatnings or rewards but that in this cause they would execute most surely vpright iustice and equitie yea albeit presēt danger of life should follow therupon But these so fierce brags stout promise with the subtile practises of these Byshops which thought them so sure before the Lord against whō no determination of mans counsaile can prenayle by a small occasion did lightly confound ouerthrowe For the day of examination being come a certayn personage of the princes court yet of no great noble byrth named Lewes Clifford entring in among the Byshops commaunded them that they shold not proceed with any diffinitiue sentence against Iohn Wickliffe With which wordes all they were so amased and their combes so cut that as in the story is mentioned they became so mute and speachlesse as men hauing not one word in their month to answere And thus by the wonderous worke of God his prouidence escaped Iohn Wickliffe the second time out of the Byshops hands and was by them clearely dismissed vppon his declaration made of his articles as anone shall follow Moreouer here is not to be passed ouer how at the same tyme and in the sayd Chappell of the Archb. at Lamheth where the byshops were sitting vpon Iohn Wickliffe the story writing of the doing therof addeth these wordes saying Non dico ciues tantùm Londinenses sed viles ipsius ciuitatis se impudenter ingerere praesumpserunt in eandem capellam verba facere pro eodem istud negotium impedire confisi vt reor de ipsorum praemissa negligentia praelatorum c. That is I say not onely that the Citizens of London but also the vile abiectes of the Citty presumed to be so bold in that same Chappell at Lamheth where the Byshops were sitting vppon Iohn Wickliffe both to entreat for him and also to let and stoppe the same matter trusting as I suppose vpon the negligence which they sawe before in the Byshops c. Ouer and beside here is not to be forgotten how the sayd Iohn Wickliffe the same time of his examination offered and exhibited vnto the Bishops in writing a protestation with a declaration or exposition of his owne minde vpon the sayd his articles the effect whereof here followeth The protestation of Iohn Wickliffe FIrst I protest as I haue often before done that I doe minde and intend with my whole hart by the grace of God to be a true Christian and as long as breath shal remayne in me to professe and defend the law of Christ. And if it shall happen that through ignoraunce or otherwise I shall fayle therein I desire my Lord God of pardon forgeuenes And now againe as before also I do reuoke and make retractation most hūbly submitting my selfe vnder the correction of our holy mother the church And for somuch as the sentence of my fayth whiche I haue holden in the scholes and els where is reported euen by children more ouer it is caried by children euen vnto Rome Therefore left my deare beloued brethren should take any offence by me I wil set forth in writing the sentēce and Articles for the which I am nowe accused and impeached the whiche also euen vnto the death I will defend As I beleeue all Christians ought to doe and specially the Bysh. of Rome and all other priestes and ministers of the Church For I do vnderstand the conclusions after the sense and maner of speaking of the scriptures and holy doctours the whiche I am ready to expound And if they shall be found contrary vnto the faith I am ready to reuoke and speedily to call them backe agayne An exposition vpon the conclusions of Iohn Wickliffe exhibited by him to the Byshop ALl the race of mankinde here in earth beside Christ hath no power simply to ordayne that Peter c. This conclusion of it selfe is euident for as much as it is not in mans power to stop the cōming of Christ to hys finall iudgement but he must needes come according to the article of our Creede to iudge both the quick and the dead And then as the scripture teacheth shall surcease all ciuill and politicke rule here I vnderstand the temporall and secular dominion pertaining to men here dwelling in this mortall life For so doe the Philosophers speake of ciuill dominion And although the thing which is terminable hath an end is called sometimes perpetuall yet because in holy scripture and in vse of the Church and in the bookes of Philosophers most commonly that is takē to be perpetuall which hath no ende of tyme hereafter to come according to the which sense the Church singeth Gloria Patri c. nunc perpetuum I also after the same signification do take here this woorde perpetually and so is this conclusion consonant to the principles of the Scripture that it is not in mans power to ordayne the course and voyage of the Church here perpetually to last 2. God can not geue to any man c. ¶ To the second conclusion I aunswere vnderstanding ciuil dominion as in the conclusion before And so I hold that God first by his ordinate power cannot geue to any person ciuil dominion here for euer Secondly by his absolute power it is not probable for hym so to doe For so much as he cānot euer detaine his spouse in perpetual prison of thys life nor alwayes deferre the finall beatitude of hys Church 3. To the third conclusion Many wrytings or chartes inuented by men as touching perpetual hereditage ciuile be vnpossible The verity of this conclusion is incident For we must not canonize all maner of Charts what soeuer as Catholicke or vniuersal for then it were not lawful by any meanes to take away
or sequester thyngs geuen by Charte or charter when any doth vniustly occupye the same And so if that stand confirmed and ratified by the fayth of the Churche great occasion thereby should be ministred to men so chartered to trust to their temporall chartes and so might grow thereby much libertie and licence to sinne For like as by what supposition euery truth is necessary so by the same supposition euery false thyng is possible as it is playne by the testimony of Scripture of holy Doctours speakyng of necessitie of thynges to come 4. Euery man beyng in grace iustifying finally hath not onely right vnto the thyng but also for his tyme hath right in deede ouer all the good thynges of God The veritie hereof is euidēt by holy Scripture Math. 24. Where veritie promiseth to euery mā entryng into his ioy verely sayth he I tell you he shall set place him ouer all the goodes he hath For the right and title belōgyng to the cōmunion of Saintes in their countrey he meaneth in the kingdome of heauen Fundatur obiectiuè super vniuersitatem bonorum Dei That is Hath his relation as vnto his obiect to all the goodes and possession of God 5. A man can but onely ministratoriously geue any temporall dominion or gift perpetuall as well to his owne naturall sonne as to his sonne by imitation It is euidēt For euery mā ought to recognise himselfe in all his workes and doyngs as an humble seruaunt and minister of God As the wordes of Scripture doth teach vs. Let a man so esteeme of vs as the ministers of Christ. Yea so Christ himselfe did teach his chief Apostles to minister but in their countrey the Saints shall geue vnto their felow brethren the dominion of their goodes vt pater de suis corporibus bonis eis inferioribus in natura accordyng to the wordes of Luke 6. They shall geue you and put into your bosomes a good measure and perfect well filled and heaped vp and runnyng ouer 6. If God be temporall Lordes may lawfully and meritoriously take away the goodes of fortune from the Church when they do offend habitualiter This conclusion is correlatiue with the first Article of our fayth I beleue in God the father almighty c. Where I vnderstand this word may in this conclusion after the maner of autentique Scripture which sayth graunteth that God is able of these stones to rayse vp children to Abraham for otherwise all Christian Princes were heretiques For this conclusiō thus stādeth the reason If God be he is omnipotēt if he be almighty he is able to commaunde the Lordes temporall so to do if he way so commaunde thē may they lawfully so take away such goods c. And so by the vertue of the same principle Christian Princes haue practised the sayd sentence vpon the Church mē heretofore as did William Rufus c. But God forbid that any should beleue hereby my intention to haue bene that secular Lords may lawfully take away what goodes soeuer and by what meanes soeuer by their owne naked authority at theyr pleasure but only by the authority of the church may so do in cases and forme limited by the law 7. We know that it is not possible that the vicare of Christ is able by his pure Bulles c. This is manifest by the Catholique faith for asmuch as the Church doth fully beleue that the abling of any mā ought first to procede and come of God wherfore no man being Christ his vicar hath any power in this matter but onely as vicar in the name of the Lord so far forth as he is enabled of the Lord to notify vnto the church whom God hath enabled Wherfore if any mā do any thing not as vicar in the name of the Lord whom he ought to forethinke to be his author and head It is a presumption of Lucifer for so much as Christ by his Apostle sayth 1. Cor. 3. all our hability or sufficiency cōmeth of God And so consequently it commeth not purely by the ministerie of hys Uicarship that he is inabled but the ablenesse or vnablenesse of him being the Uicar of Christ commeth to hym an other way from aboue 8. A man can not be excommunicate to his hurt or vndoing except he be excommunicate first and principally of himselfe It is euident forasmuch as all such excommunication ought to procede begin originally of his owne sin which is damnified wherupon Augustine sayth De verbis Domini Sermone 51. Doe not thou conculcate thy selfe and man ouercōmeth thee not And moreouer the faith of the church doth teach quòd nulla ei nocebit aduersitas si nulla dominetur iniquitas that is to say No aduersitie shall hurt if no miquitie haue the vpper hand And yet notwithstanding euery excommunication for many causes is also to be reared although that the excommunication of the Churche to the humble man being excommunicated be not damnable but wholesome 9. No man ought but in Gods cause alone to excommunicate suspende c It is cleare for asmuch as euery iust cause is the cause of God whose respect ought chiefly to be wayed and pondered Yea the loue of the person excommunicate ought to surmount the zeale of reuengement and the desire of all temporall goodes whatsoeuer for otherwise he that doeth excommunicate doth damnify himselfe To this 9. conclusion notwithstanding it is congruent that a Prelate may excommunicate in the cause also of man so that his principal respect in so doing be had to y◠iniury done to his God as appeareth 13. quaest 4 Inter querelas 10. No curse or excommunication can binde simply but in case it be geuen out against the aduersary of Christes lawe And it appeareth thus because that God doth bynde simply euery one that is bound who cannot excommunicate but onely for trāsgression of his law Whereunto it is consonant notwithstanding that the censure of the Church doth not binde simply but secondarely in that case and respect as it is denounced against the aduersary of the members of the Church 11. There is no example of Christ which geueth power to hys disciples to excommunicate any subiecte especially for denying of any temporalties but contrary Which is thus declared by the fayth whereby we beleue that God is to be beloued aboue all thynges and our neighbour and enemy are to be beloued aboue all tēporall goodes of this world necessaryly for the law of God cannot be contrary vnto it selfe 12. The disciples of Christ haue no power by any ciuill coaction to exact temporall things by their censures This appeareth by the fayth of the Scripture Luke 23. Where Christ did forbid hys Apostles ciuilly to raigne or to beare any lordship The kings sayth he of the Gentiles beare rule ouer them but you not so And after thys sense it is expounded of S. Bernarde of S. Chrysostome and other holy men which conclusion notwithstanding yet may they exact
wryteth thus When we were amongst you wee declared this vnto you that he that would not worke should not eate Wherefore the law of nature doth licence al such as haue the gouernance of kingdoms to correct the abuse of the temporalities which wold be the chief cause of the destruction of their kingdoms whether the tēporall Lords or any other had endowed the Church with those temporalities or not It is lawful for them in some case to take away the temporalities as it were by way of phisicke to withstand sinne notwithstanding any excommunication or other Ecclesiasticall censure For so much as they are not endowed but only with cōditiō therunto anexed Heereby it appeareth that the condition annexed to the endowing or enriching of any church is that God shuld be honoured the which condition if it once fail the contrary taking place the title of the gift is lost and consequently the Lord which gaue the almes ought to correct the offence Excommunication ought not to let the fulfilling of iustice Secondly according to the Canon lawe 16. quest 7. This sentence is noted where it is thus spoken as touching the children neuewes and the most honest of the kindred of him which hath builded or endowed any church That it is lawful for them to be thus circumspect that if they perceiue the priest doe defraude any part of that which is bestowed they should either gently admonish or warne him or els complaine on him to the bishop that he may be corrected But if the bishop him selfe attempt to do the like let them complaine of him to his Metropolitane and if the Metropolitane do the like let them not defer the time to report it in the eares of the king For so saith the canon Let them not deferre to report it in the eares of the king To what ende I pray you but that he shuld do correction neither is it to bee douted but that correction doeth more appertaine vnto he king in this poynt for their goods wherof he is chiefe Lord by a substraction proportional according to the fault or offence Item it is thus proued It is lawful for the seculer Lords by their power to do correction vpon the clergy by some kind of fearfull discipline appertaining to their seculer power Ergo by like reason it is lawful for them by their power to do such correction by all kind of fearful discipline pertaining vnto their seculer power For so much then as the taking of their temporalities is in kinde of fearful discipline pertaining vnto the seculer power It foloweth that it is lawfull for them therby to doe such correction And consequently it followeth that the truthe is thus to be prooued The consequent is euident and the antecedent is proued by Isidore 23 quest 5. Principes Where it is thus wrytten There shuld be no seculer powers within the church but onely for thys purpose that whatsoeuer thing the priests or ministers cannot bring to passe by preaching or teachings the seculer powers may command the same by the terror and feare of discipline For oftētimes the heauēly kingdom is profited and holpen by the earthly kingdom that they which are in the church and do any thing contrary vnto faith and discipline by the rigour of the princes may be troden downe And that the power of the rulers may lay that discipline vpon the neckes of the proude and stifnecked which the vtility and profit of the church can not exercise or vse Item all things that by power ought to worke or bring to any perfect ende by the reasonable measuring of the meane thereto it may lawfully vse by power the substraction or taking away of the excesse and the addition of the want of the meanes according as shall be conuenient or meete for the measure to be made For so much then as the seculer Lordes ought by their power to prouide for the necessary sustentation of the Christian clergie by the reasonable measuring of their temporalties whych they are bounden to bestow vpon the Christian cleargie it followeth that they may lawfully by their power vse the taking away or putting vnto of those temporallities according as shall be conuenient for the performance of that reasonable matter Item it is lawfull for the clergie by their power to take away the sacramentes of the Church from the laitie customably offending forsomuch as it doeth pertaine to the office of the Christian ministers by their power to minister the same vnto the lay people Wherefore for so much as it doeth pertaine vnto the office of the laitie according vnto their power to minister and geue temporallities to the clergie of Christ as the Apostle sayeth 1. Cor 9. It followeth that it is also lawfull for them by their power to take away the temporallities from the clergie when they do customably sinne and offend Item by like power may he which geueth a stipende or exhibition withdraw and take away the same from the vnworthy labourers as hee hath power to geue the same vnto the worthy labourers for so much then as temporallities of the clergie are the stipendes of the laitie it followeth that the lay people may by as good authority take away the same again from the clergy which will not worthely labour as they might by their power bestowe the same vpon those which would worthely labour according to the saying of the Gospel Mat. 21 The kingdome shal be taken away from you and geuen vnto a people which shall bring foorth the frutes thereof Item it is also lawfull for the secular Lordes by their power to chastice and punish the lay people when they do offend by taking away of their temporalties according to the exigēt of their offence forsomuch as the lay people are subiect vnder their dominion Wherefore the clergy being also subiect vnder the dominion of the seculer Lordes as appeareth Rom. 13. and many other places it is euident that it is lawfull by their power to punish the cleargie by taking away of their temporalities if their offence do so deserue Item the true and easie direction of the cleargie vnto the life of Christ and the Apostles and most profitable vnto the laity that the cleargie shuld not liue contrary vnto Christes institution semeth to be the taking away of their alms and those things which they had bestowed vppon them And it is thus proued that medicine is most apt to be laide vnto the sore whereby the infirmitie might soonest be holpen and were most agreeable vnto the pacient Such is the taking away of the temporallities Ergo this article is true The minor is thus proued for so much as by the aboūdance of temporallities the worme or serpent of pride is spronge vp where vppon vnsaciable desire and lust is inflamed and thereby proceedeth all kinde of gluttonie and lecherie It is euident in this poynt for so much as the Temporallities being once taken away euery one of those sinnes is either vtterly taken away or
rooted out or otherwise punished by any that hath authoritie and the feare and loue of God And also they are not afrayd openlye to write the same articles and so being written to deliuer thē to your kinglye parliament and obstinately to affirme the same The venemous and disdainfull recitall of which articles vpon good aduisement at this present we passe ouer lest the sufferaunce of such sensualitie might fortune to renue the woūd that reason may heale Yet notwithstanding least so great and contagious an euil should escape vnpunished and that without deserued vexation and also that it might not get more hart and waxe stronger we therefore according to that our office and duetie is where such neglygence and sluggishnes of our prelates being present where this thing is do commit and geue in commaundemēt to our reuerend brethren Canterbury and Yorke Archbishops by other oure letters that they stand vp in the power of God agaynst this pestilent and cōtagious sect and that they liuely persecute the same in forme of lawe roote out and destroy those that aduisedly and obstinately refuse to withdraw their foote frō the same stumbling block any restraint to the contrary notwithstanding But because the assistance counsaile fauour and ayde of your kingly estate highnes are requisite to the execution of the premisses we require exhort and beseech the same your princely highnes by the bowels of the mercy of Iesus Christ by his holy fayth by your owne saluation by the benefit that to all men is common and by the prosperitie assured to euery man and woman that not onelye your kingly seueritie may readily shewe and cause to bee shewed vnto our Archbishops and their Commissaries in this behalfe requyring the foresayd due execution conuenient ayd and fauour as otherwise also to cause them to be assisted But that also you wil enioyne your Magistrates and Iustices of assise and peace more straightly that of their owne good wils they execute the authoritie committed vnto thē with al seueritie against such damned men according as they are boūd by the office which they are put in trust with Against those I mene which haue determyned obstinatly to defile thēselues in their malice and sinnes those to expell banish and imprison and there so long to keepe them til cōdigne sentence shall pronounce them worthye to suffer punyshment For your kingly wisedome seeth that such as they be do not only deceiue poore simple souls or at the least do what they can to deceiue thē but also bring their bodies to destructiō and further prepare confusion and ruinous fall vnto their temporall Lordes Go to therefore my sweete sonne and indeuour your self to worke so in this matter as vndoubtedly we trust you will that as this firebrand burning and flaming ouer sore beganne vnder your president or gouernment so vnder your seuere iudgement and vertuous diligence might fauour and ayde not one sparke remaine hid vnder the ashes but that it be vtterlye extinguyshed and spedely put out ¶ Geuen at our palace of S. Peter at Rome the xv Calendes of October in the sixt yere of our pontificalitie ¶ The Kynges Commission RIchard by the grace of God kyng of Englande Fraunce and Lorde of Irelande To all those vnto whom these present letters shall come greeting Know ye that where as lately at the instance of the reuerend father William Archbishop of Caunterbury Metropolitane of all England and Legate of the Apostolycal seate we for the redresse and amendement of all those whych would obstinately preach or maintaine publiquely or priuely any conclusions of the holy scripture repugnant to the determynatiō of our holy mother the church notoriously redounding to the subuersion of the Catholique faith or cōtaining any heresie or errour within the prouince or bishopricke of Cāterburie Haue by our special letters patents in the zeale of the fayth geuē authoritie and licence vnto the foresayd Archbishop to all and singular his suffraganes to arest all and euerye of them that will preach or maintaine any such cōclusions wheresoeuer they may be found and to cōmit them either to their owne prisons or any others at their owne pleasure and to kepe thē in the same vntill they repēt them of the errours prauities of those heresies or til that of such maner of arests by vs or by our counsayle it shoulde be otherwise determined that is to say to euery one of them and their ministers throughout their cities and dioces And nowe the reuerēd father in god Iohn B. of Herford hath for a certaintie informed vs that although the same B. hath accordinge to iustyce cōuinced a certain felow named W. Swinderby pretending himself to be a chaplaine one Stephē Bell a learned man and hath pronounced thē heretikes and excōmunicate false informers among the cōmon people and hath declared the same by the definitiue sentence of the aforesaid bishop for that they haue presumed to affirme and preach openly in diuers places within the dioces of Herford many conclusions or naughty opinions notoriously redounding to the subuersion of the Catholike sound faith and tranquilitie of our kingdome The same Bishop notwithstandinge neyther by the ecclesiasticall censures neyther yet by the force and strength of our cōmission was able to reuoke the foresaid William and Stephen nor yet to bridle the malice and indurate contumacie of them For that they after that they were vpon such heretical prauitie conuict by the same bishop to the intent they might delude his iudgement and iustice conueyed thēselues by and by vnto the borders of Wales with suche as were their factours and accomplices in keping themselues close vnto whō the force of our said letters doth in no wise extende Whereupon the sayde Bishop hath made supplycation vnto vs that wee will vouchsafe to prouide a sufficient remedye in that behalfe Wee therfore which alwayes by the helpe of almightie God are defēdours of the fayth willing to withstand suche presumptuous and peruerse enterprises by the most safest way and meanes we maye geue and cōmit full power and authoritie to the foresayd bishop and to his ministers by the tenour of these presents to arrest or take or cause to be arrested or taken the foresayde William and Sthephen in any place within the citie dioces of Hereford and our dominiō of Wales with al the speede that may be and to cōmit thē either to our prison or els to the prison of the same bishop or any other prison at their pleasure if such neede bee and there to keepe thē safe And afterwards vnles they will obey the commaundements of the Church with dilygence to bring them before vs and our coūsel or els cause them to be brought That we may determine for their further punishment as we shall thinke it requisite conuenient to be done by the aduise of our coūsell for the defence and preseruation of the Catholike faith And
the obedience of Christs true vicare yet peraduentuâ—e if euery man were left to his owne libertie he would doubt of the preferring of your dignity or that is worse woulde vtterly refuse it by such doubtfull euidence alleaged on both sides and thys is the subtil craft of the croked Serpent that is to say vnder the pretense of vnitie to procure schismes as the spider of a wholesome flower gathers poyson and Iudas lerned of peace to make warre Wherefore it is liuely beleeued of wise men that except this pestilent schisme be withstand by and by the keyes of the Churche will be despised and they shall binde the consciences but of a few and when either none dare be bolde to correct this fault or to reforme things contrary to Gods lawe so by this meanes at length temporall Lordes will take away the liberties of the Church and peraduenture the Romanes will come and take away their place people and landes they wil spoile their possessions and bring the men of the Churche into bondage and they shall be contemned reuiled and despised because the obedience of the people and deuotions towardes them will almoste bee taken away when the greater part of the Church left to their owne libertye shall waxe prouder than they be wont leauing a wicked example to them that doe see it For when they see the Prelates studie more for couetousnesse than they were wont to pursse vp money to oppresse the subiectes in their punishings to seeke for gaine to confounde lawes to stirre vp strife to suppresse truth to vexe poore subiects with wrong corrections in meat and drinke intemperate in feastings past shame what maruell is it if the people despise them as the foulest forsakers of Gods lawe but all these things doe folowe if the Church shoulde be left long in this doubtfulnesse of a schisme and than shoulde that olde sâ—ying be verified in those dayes there was no king in Israel but euery one did that that seemed right and straighte to himselfe Micheas did see the people of the Lord scattered in the mountaines as they had bene shepe without a shephearde for when the shepheard is smitten the sheepe of the flocke shal be scattered the great stroke of the shepheard is the minishing of his iurisdiction by which the subiects are drawen from his obedience When Iason had the office of the highest Priest hee chaÌ„ged the ordinance of God and brought in the customes of the heathen the priests leauing the seruice of the holy altar applying themselues to wrasting other exercises of the Grecians despising those things that beloÌ„ged to the priests did labor with all their might to learne suche thinges of the Grecians and by that meanes the place people and holy oynting of Priestes whych in time past were hadde in greate reuerence of kynges were troden vnder foote of all men and robbed by the kinges power and was prophaned by thrusting in for money Therefore let the hyghest vicare of Christe looke vnto this with a diligent eye and let hym be the follower of him by whom he hath gotten authoritie aboue others If you mark well most holy father you shal find that Christ rebuked sharpely two brethren coueting the fease of honour hee taught them not to play the Lordes ouer the people but the more grace they were preueÌ„ted with to be so much more humble then other and more lowly to serue their brethren To hym that asked hys coate to geue the cloake to him that smote him on the one cheeke to tourne the other to him For the sheepe that are geuen to hys keeping hee must forsake all earthly thyngs and to shedde his owne bloud yea and if neede required to die These things I say be those that adorne the highest Byshop if they be in him not purple not hys white horse nor his Imperiall crowne because hee among all men is most bounde to all the sheepe of Christ. For the feare of GOD therefore and for the loue of the flocke which yee guide consider these things diligently and doe them wisely and suffer vs no longer to wauer betwixte two although not for your owne cause to whom peraduenture the fulnes of your owne power is knowen yet in pitying our weakenes if thou be he tell vs openly and shew thy self to the world that al we may follow one Be not to vs a bloudy bishop least by your occasion mans bloud be shed least hel swalow such a nomber of soules least the name of Christ be euill spoken of by Infidels thorough suche a worthy personage But peraduenture yee will say for our righteousnes it is manifest inough and we will not put it to other mens disputations If this bald aunswer should be admitted the schisme should continue still seeing neither part is willing to agree to the other and where the world is as it were equally deuided betwixt them neither part can be compelled to geue place to the other without much bloudshed The incarnation of Christ and his resurrection was well inough knowen to himselfe and his disciples yet hee asked of his father to be made knowen to the world Hee made also the Gospel to be wrytten and the doctrine of the Apostles sent his Apostles into all the world to do the office of preaching that the same thing might be knowen to all men The foresayde reason is the subtelty of Mahomet the which knowing himselfe guilty of his sect vtterly forbad disputations If ye haue so ful trust of your righteousnesse put it to the examination of worthy persones in a generall councel to the which it beloÌ„geth by right to define such doubts or els commit it vnto able persons and geue them ful power to determine all things concerning that matter or at the lest by forsaking the office on both parties leaue the Churche of God free speedily to prouide for a new shepheard We finde kings haue forsaken their temporal kingdomes vpon onely respect of deuotion and haue taken the apparel of Monkes profession Therefore let Christes Vicar being a professour of most high holinesse be ashamed to continue in his seat of honor to the offence of all people and the preiudice and hurt of the Romish church and the deuotion of it and cutting away kingdomes from it But if you say it is not requisite that the cause of Goddes church should he called in controuersie and therefore we cannot so easily goe from it seeing our conscience gainesayeth it To the which we answer if it be the cause of God and the church let the general councel iudge of it but if it be a personal cause as almost all the world probably thinketh if ye were the follower of Christ ye would rather chose a temporall death then to suffer such a wauering I say not to the hurt of so many but the endles destruction of soules to the offence of the whole world and to an euerlasting shame of the Apostolical dignitie Did
for els as this Doctor saith priests take now tithes wrongfully ¶ And the archb said to his clarkes Heard ye euer Losell speake thus Certaine this is the learning of them all that whersoeuer they come and they may be suffered they enforce them to expugne the freedome of holy Church ☞ And I said Sir why call you the taking of tithes and of such other duties that priests chalenge now wrongfullie the freedome of holy church Since neither Christ nor his apostles chalenge nor tooke such duties Herefore these takings of priests now are not called iustly the freedome of holy church but all such geuing and taking ought to be called and holden the slanderous couetousnes of men of the holy church ¶ And the archb said to me Why Losell wilt not thou and other that are consedered with thee seeke out of holy scripture of the sence of doctors al sharpe authorities against lords knights and squiers against other secular men as thou doest against priests ☞ And I said Sir whatsoeuer men or women lords of ladies or any other that are present in our preaching specially or in our cōmoning after our cūning we tell out to thē their office their charges But sir since Chrisostome sayth that priests are the stomack of the people it is nedeful in preaching also in commoning to be most busy about this priesthode Since by the viciousnes of priestes both Lordes cōmons are most sinfully infected led into the worst And because y◠the couetousnes of priests pride the boast that they haue make of their dignity and power destroyeth not onely the vertues of priesthod in priests thēselues but also ouer this it stirreth God to take great vengeance both vpon the Lords vpon cōmons whych suffer these priests charitably ¶ And the Archb. said to me Thou iudgest euery priest proud y◠wil not go arayed as thou doest By god I deme him to be more meke y◠goeth euery day in a scarlet gown thā thou in thy threed bare blew gown Wherby knowest thou a proud man ☞ And I said Sir a proud priest may be known when he denieth to follow Christ his Apostles in wylfull pouerty and other vertues coueteth worldly worship and taketh it gladly gathereth together with pleding manasing or with flattering or with simony any worldly goodes And most if a priest busy him not chiefly in himselfe after in all other men and women after his cunning power to withstand sinne ¶ And the Archb. sayd to mee Though thou knewest a priest to haue al these vices though thou sawest a pryest louely lye now by a womā knowing her fleshly wouldst thou therfore deme this priest dānable I say to thee that in the turning about of thy hand such a sinner may be verily repented ☞ And I sayd Sir I wil not damne any man for any sinne that I know done or may be done so that the sinner leaueth his sinne But by authoritie of holy Scripture he that sinneth thus openly as ye shew here is damnable for doing of such a sinne and most specially a priest the shoulde be example to al other for to hate flye sinne And in how short time that euer ye say the such a sinner may be repēted he ought not of him the knoweth his sinning to bee iudged verily repentant without open euidence of great shame harty sorow for his sinne For whosoeuer and specially a priest that vseth pride enuy couetousnes lechery simony or any other vices sheweth not as open euidēce of repentance as he hath geuen euil exāple occasion of sinning if he cōtinue in any such sinne as long as he may it is likely that sinne leaneth him he not sinne And as I vnderstād such a one sinneth vnto death for whō no bodye oweth to pray as S. Iohn sayth ¶ And a Clerke saide then to the Archb. Sir the lenger that ye appose him the worse he is and the more ye busye you to amend him the waywarder he is For he is of so shrewd a kinde that he shameth not onely to be himselfe a soule nest but withou shame he busyeth him to make his nest souler ☞ And the Archbishop saide to hys Clerke Suffer a while for I am at an ende with him for there is an other poynt certyfyed agaynst hym and I will heare what hee sayth thereto ¶ And so thā he said to me Lo it is here certified against thee that thou preachedst opēly at Shrewsbury that it is not lawful to sweare in any case ☞ And I said Sir I preached neuer so openlye nor I haue taught in this wise in any place But sir as I preached in Shrewsbury with my protestation I say to you now here that by the authoritie of the Gospell of S. Iames by witnes of diuers Saints doctours I haue preached opēly in one place or other that it is not leful in any cause to sweare by any creature And ouer this Sir I haue also preached and taught by the foresaid authorities the no body should sweare in any case if that without othe in any wise he that is charged to sweare might excuse him to them that haue power to compel him to sweare in leful thing lawful But if a man may not excuse him without oth to them that haue power to cōpel him to sweare than he ought to sweare onely by God taking him onely that is southfastnesse for to witnes the southfastnes And then a Clarke asked me if it were not leful to a subiect at the bidding of his Prelate for to kneele downe and touch the holy Gospel booke and kisse it saying So helpe me God and this holydome for he should after hys cunninge and power doe all thynges that hys Prelate commaundeth hym ☞ And I said to them Sirs ye speake here full generally or largely What if a prelate commaūded hys subiect to do an vnlawful thing should he obey therto ¶ And the Archb. said to me A subiect ought not to suppose that his prelate wil bid him do an vnlawfull thinge For a subiect ought to thinke that his prelate wil bid him do nothing but that he wil aunswer for before God that it is leful And then though the bidding of the prelate bee vnleful the subiect hath no peril to fulfil it since that he thinketh iudgeth that whatsoeuer thing his prelate byddeth him do that it is leful to him for to do it ☞ And I sayd sir I trust not thereto But to our purpose Sir I tel you that I was once in a gentlemās house and there were then two Clarkes there a maister of diuinity and a man of law which man of law was also communing in diuinitie And among other things these men soake of othes the man of law sayd at the bidding of his soueraigne which had power to charge him to sweare he would lay his
Christenmasse what condites were made what Maiors and shirifes were in London what battails were fought what triumphs and great feasts were holdē when kings began their raigne and when they ended c. In such vulgare and popular affairs the narration of the Chronicler serueth to good purpose may haue his credite wherein the matter forceth not much whether it be true or false or whether any listeth to beleue them But where as a thyng is denied and in cases of iudgement and in controuersies doubtfull which are to be decided and boulted out by euidence of iust demonstration I take them neither for Iudges of the bench not for arbiters of the cause nor as witnesses of themselues sufficient necessarily to be sticked vnto Albeit I deny not but hystories are takē many times and so termed for witnesses of times and glasses of antiquitie c. yet not such witnesses as whose testimony beareth alwaies a necessary truth and bindeth beliefe The two witnesses whych came against Susanna being seniours both of auncient yeares bare a great countenance of a most euidēt testimony wherby they almost both deceiued the people oppressed the innocent had not yōg Daniel by the holy spirite of God haue take thē aside and seuerally examining them one from the other found them to be falsliers both leauing to vs therby a lesson of wholsome circumspection not rashly to beleeue euery one that commeth and also teaching vs how to try thē out Wherfore M. Cope following here the like example of Daniel in trying these your records whom ye inferre against these men we wil in like maner examine them seuerally one frō an other and see how their testimonie agreeth first beginning wyth your Robert Fabian Which Robert Fabian being neither in the same age nor at the deede doing can of himselfe geue no credite herein without due proofe and euidence conuenient Now thē doth Rob. Fabian proue this matter of treason true what probation doeth he bring what authoritie doth he alleage And doth Rob. Fabian thinke if he were not disposed to conceiue of the L. Cobham and those men a better opinion but to be traitors that men are bounde to beleue him only at his word without any ground or cause declared why they shuld so do but only because he so saith and pleased him so to write And if yee thinke M. Cope the word only of this witnes sufficient to make authority speaking against the Lord Cobham and prouing nothing which followed so many yeres after him why may not I as well and much rather take the worde and testimonie of Richard Belward a Northfolke man and of the towne of Crisam who liuing both in his time possible knowing the party punished also for the like trueth is not reported but recorded also in the registers of the church of Norwich to geue this testimonie among other his articles for the foresaid L. Cobham that is that sir Iohn Oldcastle was a true Catholike man and falsely condemned and put to death wythout a reasonable cause c. Ex Regist. Noruic Agaynst this man if you take exception say that one hereticke will hold with an other why may not I with the like exception reply to you agayne say as well one Papist hold with an other and both cōiure together to make and say the worst agaynst a true Protestant Further yet to examine this foresayd Fabian witnes agaynst Sir Iohn Oldcastle as Daniell examined that witnesses agaynst Susanna I will not here aske vnder what tree these adherentes of sir I. Oldcastle conspired agaynst the king subuersion of that land but in what time in what yeare and moneth this conspiracie was wrought Fabian witnesseth that it was in the moneth of Ianuary Cōtrary Edward Hall other our Abridgementers followyng him doe affirme that they were condemned in the Guild hall the xij of December and that their executiō vpon the same was in Ianuary followyng so that by their sentence the fact was done either in the moneth of Decēber or els before so Fabianus mentitus est in caput suum vt cū Daniele dicam or if it were in the moneth of Ianuary as Fabian sayth then is Hall and his followers deceiued testifying the fact to be done in the moneth of December And yet to obiect moreouer against the sayd Fabiā for so much as he is such a rash witnes agaynst these burned persons whom he calleth traytors it would be demaūded further of him or in his absence of Maister Cope in what yeare this treason was conspired If it were in the same yeare as he cōfesseth himselfe in which yeare Iohn Cleidon the Skinner Richard Turmine Baker were burned then was it neither in the moneth of Ianuary nor in the first yeare of kyng Henry the fift For in the register of Cāterbury it appeareth playne that Iohn Claydon was condemned neither in the tyme of Thom. Arundell Archbyshop nor yet in the first nor second yeare of kyng Henry the v. but was cōdemned in the second yeare of the translation of Henry Chichesly Archbyshop of Canterbury the. 17. day of August which was the yeare of our Lord. 1415. So that if this conspiracie was in the same yeare after the witnesse of Fabiā in which yeare I. Cleydon was burned then doth the testimony of Fabian neither accord with other witnesses nor with him selfe nor yet with truth And thus much concerning the witnes of Rob. Fabian Let vs next proceede to Polidore Uirgill whose partiall and vntrue handling of our history in other places of of his bookes doth offer vnto vs sufficient exception not to admit his credite in this And yet because we will rather examine him then exclude him let vs heare a little what he sayth how he fayleth in how many pointes numbring the same vpon my fiue fingers First ending with the life of king Henry 4. hee sayeth that hee raigned 14. 14. yeares and 6. moneths and 2. dayes Angl. hist. lib. 21. whyche is an vntruth worthy to be punyshed wyth a whole yeares banishment to speake after the maner of Apulenis when as truth is he raigned by the testimony of the story of S. Albones of Fabian of Hall of our old English Chronicle and of Scala mundi but 13. 6. moneths lacking as some say 5. dayes Hal saieth he raigned but 12. yeares The second vntruth of Polydore is this where as hee speaking of this sedition of sir Iohn Oldcastle and his adherents affirmeth the same to be done after the burning of Iohn Hus and of Hierome of Prage whych was sayeth he An. 1415. in which yere sayth he Thomas Arundell died Hys wordes be these In eodem concilio damnata est Ioh. Wicliffi haeresis ac Ioan. Hus Hieronymus Pragensis in ea vrbe combusti sunt Quod vbi reliquis consocijs qui etiam tunc in Anglia erant patefit tanquam furijs agitati primùm
the king Wenselaus who thē fauored that pope gaue cōmaundement that no man should attēpt any thing against the sayd Popes indulgēces But Hus with his folowers not able to abide the impiety of those pardōs began manifestly to speake agaynst them of the which cōpany were 3. certayn artificers who hearing the priest preaching of these iudulgences did opēly speak against them called the pope Antichrist which would set vp the crosse to fight agaynst his euenchristened Wherefore they were brought before the Senate and committed to warde But the people ioyning thēselues together in armes came to the magistrates requiring thē to be let loose The magistrates with gētle wordes and fayre promises satisfied the people so that euery man returning home to his own house the tumult was asswaged But the captiues being in prison not withstanding were there beheaded whose names were Iohn Martin and Stascon The death and martirdome of these three being knowne vuto the people they took the bodies of them that were slaine and with great solemnitye brought them vnto the church of Bethlem At whose funerall diuers priestes fauoring that side did sing in this wise These be the Sayntes whiche for the testament of God gaue their bodies c. And so their bodyes were sumptuously interred in the church of Bethlem I. Hus preaching at the same funerall much commending them for theyr constancye and blessing God the father of our Lord Iesus Christ whyche had hidde the way of his verity so from the prudent of this world and had reuealed it to the simple lay people and inferior priestes which chose rather to please God then men Thus this City of Prage was deuided The prelates with the greatest part of the clergy most of the Barons which had any thing to lose did hold with the pope especially Steuen Paletz being the chiefest doer on that side On the contrary part the commons with part of the clergy studentes of the vniuersity went with Iohn Hus. Wenslaus the king fearing least this would grow to a tumult being moued by the doctors and prelates and councell of his barons thought best to remoue Iohn Husse out of the Citty who had bene excommunicated before by the Pope And further to cease this dissention risen in the church committed the matter to the disposition of the doctors and the clergy They cōsulting together among thēselues did set forth a decree ratified and confirmed by the sentēce of the king contayning the summe of 18. articles for the maynteynance of the Pope and the see of Rome agaynst the doctrine of Wickeliffe and Iohn Husse The names of the Doctors of Diuinity were these Steuen Paletz Stanislaus de Znoyma Petrus de Ikoyma Ioannes Heliae Andreas Broda Iohannes Hildesen Mattheus Monachus Hermannus Heremita Georgius Bota Simon Wenda c. Iohn Hus thus departing out of Prage went to his coūtry where he being protected by the Lord of the Soile continued there preaching to whom resorted a great concourse of people neither yet was he so expelled out of Prage but that sometimes he resorted to his church of Bethleem and there also preached vnto the people Moreouer agaynst the sayde decree of the doctours I. Hus with his companye replied agayne and aunswered to their articles with cōtrary articles agayn as foloweth The obiections of Iohn Hus and of his part agaynst the decree of the Doctors FIrst the foūdation of the Doctors wherupon they foūd all their writings and counsels is false which foūdatiō is this where as they say that part of the clergy in the kingdome of Boheme is pestilent and erroneous and holdeth falsely of the Sacramentes 2. The Doctors hereby do defame the kingdome of Boheme and do rayse vp new discordes 3. Let them shew therefore those persons of the Clergye whom they call pestilent so let them verify theyr report binding themselues to suffer the like paine if they be not able to proue it 4. False it is that they say the Pope the cardinals to be the true manifest successors of Peter of the Apostles neyther that any other successors of Peter or the Apostles can be foūd vpon earth besides thē Whē as no man knoweth whether he be worthy of hatred or of fauour And all Byshops and priests be successors of Peter of the Apostles 5. Not the pope but Christ onely is the head and not the Cardinals but all Christes faythfull people be the body of the Catholick church as all holy Scripture and decrees of the holy fathers do testify and affirme 6. And as touching the pope if he be a reprobate it is plain that he is no head no nor member also of the holy Church of God but of the deuill and of his sinagogue 7. The clergy of the gospellers agreeing with the saying of S. Austen which they alledge and according to the sanctions of the fathers and determinations of the holy mother church do say and affirme laudably that the condēnation and prohibition of the 45. articles is vnlawful and vniust and rashly done for that not onely because the doctors but also all Bishops and Archbishops in suche great causes namely touching faith as these articles doe haue no authority at all as appeareth◠De baptismo et eius effectu cap. Maiores Et in Can. 17. dist cap. Hinc sedi c. 8. The second cause of the discord which they alledge also is most false seing the fayth of whole Christendome cōcerning the church of Rome is deuided in 3. parts by the reason of 3. popes which now together do raigne And the 4. part is newtrall Neither is it true that we ought to stand in all things to the determination of the pope of the cardinals but so farr forth as they do agree with the holy scripture of the old and new Testament from whence the sanctions of the fathers did first spring as is euident De accusationibus cap. qualiter c. 9. In the 4. Article they brast out into a certayne dotage are contrary to themselues By reason that they doitishly haue reprehēded the gospellers who in all their doings receiue the holy scripture whith is the law of God the way of trueth and life for their iudge and measure and afterward they themselues doe alleadge the scripture Deut. 17. where all iudges both popes and Cardinals are taught to iudge discern betwene leaper leaper in euery ecclesiasticall cause only after the rule of gods law And so are they cōtrary vnto their secōd article wherin they say that in euery catholicke matter we must runne to the pope which is cōtrary to the foolish condemnation of the Articles aforesaid 10 Consequently like idiots they doe most fasly alledge for their purpose the Canon vnder the name and authority of Ierome written 24. q. 1. Haec est fides papa c. where they do apply the wordes of Ierome most impertinentlye to the pope of Rome which he writeth to S.
and graunts to that I say that this safeconduct stood not only vpon the Emperour but also vpon the consent of the Pope himselfe vide infr page And admit that to be true that the councell had power to make this decree to breake promise wyth hereticks yet this can not be denied but that Iohn Hus was condemned and iudged before that decree in the xix Session was made Finally when Cope hath prooued by what scripture the councels haue power to defeat the authoritie of their Emperours in such secular causes touching safeconductes and outward safetie then will I answere him more fully heerein But to the purpose againe of the story Iohn Hus seeing so many faire promises and the assurance which the Emperour had geuen vnto him sent answere vnto the Emperour that he would come vnto the Councell But before hee departed out of the Realme of Boheme and specially out of the towne of Prage he did write certaine billes long inough afore as well in Latine as in the Bohemian language and Almaine and caused them to be set and fastened vpon the gates of the Cathedrall Churches and parish Churches Cloysters and Abbayes signifieng vnto them all that he would go to the generall Councell at Constance wherof if any man haue any suspition of his doctrine that he should declare it before the Lord Conrade or Bishop of Prage or if he had rather at the generall Councell for there he would render and giue vp vnto euery one and before them all an accompt and reason of his fayth The example of his letters and intimations set vp were these the copie where of here followeth ¶ The Letters of Iohn Hus set vp in common places of the Citie of Prage MAister Iohn Hus Bacheler of Diuinitie will appeare before the most reuerend father the Lord Conrade Archbyshop of Prage and Legate of the Apostolicke seate in the next conuocation of all the Prelates and Cleargy of the kyngdome of Boheme being ready alwayes to satisfie all men which shall require him to giue a reason of hys fayth and hope that he holdeth And to heare and see all such as will lay vnto his charge either any stubburnes of errour or heresie that they should write in their names there as is required both by Gods law and mans And if so be that they could not lawfully prooue any stubbornes of errour or heresie against him that then they should suffer the like punishmentes that he should haue had vnto whome altogether he will aunswer at the next generall Councell at Constance before the Archbyshop and the Prelates and according to the decrees and Canons of the holy Fathers shew foorth his innocencie in the name of Christ. Dated the Sonday next after the feast of Sainct Bartholomew ¶ The Intimations folowing were drawne out of the Bohemian tongue I Maister Iohn Husnerz do signifie vnto all men that I am ready to come and stand before the face of my Lorde the Archbishop and to aunswere to all things whereof I am falsely accused in the next conuocation of Bachelers and chefly to this point that in many places they doo report me an hereticke not hauing respect vnto iustice or to law neither yet to my merits or deserts Therefore since that you which do neuer cease to selaunder and backebite me with your words doo vnderstand and knowe these things come foorth openly before the face and presence of the Lord Archbyshop and with an open mouth declare and shew foorth what false doctrine or other things you haue heard me teach contrary to Catholicke fayth and if that I shall be found faultie in neuer so small a matter contrary or against the faith of Christ or in any false doctrine and that I do choose that or other things contrary to the faith of Christ then I will hold my peace and suffer punishment as an hereticke And if there be no man that will resist against me or accuse me in this point once againe I say vnto you that I am ready to appeare at Constance in the famous congregation to the end that I may stand in the company of the Diuines euen before the face of the Pope Therefore whosoeuer knoweth any false doctrine contrary to the faith of Christ in me let him come thether and shew it forth boldly if he haue any thing to lay against me and for my part I will not be slacke if I may vnderstand or knowe it to answere as well to small as great as touching the truth which I haue receiued of God and desire to be defended All you good men therefore which loue the truth say now whether by these my words I do thinke or go about any thing either contrary to the law of God or man If I be not admitted then to be heard be it knowne and manfest vnto all men that it hapneth not thorough my fault the same day This Epistle which followeth was set vpon the gates of the Kings Palace translated into Latin out of the Bohemian tongue VNto the Kings maiestie the Queene and to all such as are of his Councell and to all other Rulers and Magistrates which now are in the Kings Court I Iohn Hus doo signifie and publish that I haue vnderstand not by any vayne rumor or tale that there be letters brought from the Pope to the Kings Maiestie the contents whereof is this That the Kyngs Maiestie shoulde bring to passe that the heretickes which were now lately sprong vp in hys kyngdome and dominions should not take any firme or strong roote For so much as without any desert as I trust by Gods grace the fame or noise is sproong and blowne abroade it shall bee our part to foresee and take heed that neyther the Kyngs Maiestie neyther the noble Kyngdome of Boheme should bee driuen to beare or suffer anye reproche on slaunder for mee Wherefore now of late I haue sent my letters too and fro whych I haue with great labour and diligence caused to be openly set vp to thys intent that I myght thereby cause the Archbyshop to be carefull and diligent about the matter signifyeng openly that if there were any man in all Boheme which did knowe mee to be a follower of anye false or corrupt doctrine that he should professe hys name in the Archbyshop hys Court and there to shew foorth and declare what he thought And for asmuch as there would none be found or come foorth which would accuse me the Archbyshop commaunded me and my procurers to depart in peace Wherefore I require and desire the Kings Maiestie which is the defender of the truth also the Queene and theyr Counsellers and all other Rulers and Magistrates that they woud geue me a faithfull testimoniall of this matter For somuch as I haue oftentimes willed and attempted this and no man hath eyther accused mee or troubled mee I doo it moreouer to bee knowne vnto all Boheme and to all nations that I wil bee present euen at the
his seate and office at the request of the Cardinalles that the whole Colledge of Cardinalles sent letters to the king of Boheme requiring him that together with them he would renounce forsake his obedience vnto pope Gregory and so it shoulde come to passe that by the authoritie of a new Byshop he should recouer againe his imperial dignity For this cause the king cōsēted to the wil of that Cardinals as touching a neutrality that is to say that he would neyther take part with Pope Gregory neyther yet with Benedict the xii Byshop of Auinion whiche was then named Pope as it doth appeare by Chronicles In this cause then for somuch as the archbishop Swinco with the Clergy were agaynst the kyng and abstayning from the deuine seruice many of them departed out of the Citty and the archbishop hymselfe breaking down the tombe of the Lord Wincelate contrary and agaynst the kinges will did also take Wickliffes bookes burned them therupon the king without any gaynsaying suffered that certayne goodes of theyrs which of their own wils were fled away should be spoyled because they shold not consent or accord with the bishop Wherupon it is easie to be vnderstanded and knowne that Iohn Husse was falsely accused for that matter Howbeit a certayn man one Naso rising vp sayd the Clergy sayd he did not abstayne from the deuine seruice because they woulde not sweare to consent vnto the king but because that they were spoyled and robbed of theyr goodes and substaunce And the Cardinall of Cambray who was one of the Iudges sayd here I must say somewhat which is come into my minde When as I came from Rome the same yeare that these thinges were done by chaunce I met on the way certayne Prelates of Boheme Whome when I demaunded what newes they had brought out of Boheme they aunswered that there was happened a wonderfull cruel and haynous fact for all the Clergy were spoyled of all theyr substaunce and very ill intreated and handled Then Iohn Hus alledging the same cause which he did before went forward vnto the secōd part of the Article which was obiected against him denying also that it happened thorough his fault that the Germaynes departed from the Uniuersitie of Prage But when as the king of Boheme according to the foundation of Charles the fourth his father granted three voices vnto the Bohemes the fourth vnto the Germaynes whereat the Germaynes grudging that they shoulde be exemted from theyr voices of theyr owne accorde departed went theyr wayes binding themselues with a great oth and vnder a great penalty both of their fame and also money that none of them should returne agayne vnto Prage Notwithstanding I am not ashamed to confesse that I did approue and allow the doinges of the king vnto whom of only I ow obedience for the commoditie and profite of my country And because you shal not thinke that I haue spoken any vntrueth here is present Albert Warren Tranius whiche was deacon of the faculties who hadde sworne to depart with the rest of the Germaynes he if that he wil say the truth shal easly clere me of this suspitiō But when as Albert would haue spoken he could not be heard But the foresayd Naso of whome before is made mention after he had asked leaue to speak sayd this matter do I vnderstand wel inough for I was in the Kinges court when these thyngs were done in Boheme when as I sawe the maysters of the 3. nations of the Germaynes Bauarians Saxons and Silesians amongst whome the Pollonians were also numbred most humbly come vnto the king requiring that he would not suffer the right of their voyces to be takē from them Then the kyng promised thē that he would forsee and prouide for theyr requestes But Iohn Hus and Ierome of Prage with diuers others perswaded the king that he should not so do Wherat the king at the first being not a little moued gaue him a sore checke that he and Hierom of Prage did somuch intermedie themselues and moued such open controuersies in somuch that he threatned them that except they woulde forsee and take heede hee woulde bring it to passe that the matter shoulde be determined and decreed by fire Wherfore most reuerēd fathers you shall vnderstand that the king of Boheme did neuer fauour with his hart these men whose vnshamefastnes is such that they feared not euen of late to entreat me euill being so much in the kinges fauour and credite After hym stepped forth Paletz saying verely most reuerend fathers not onely the learned men of other nations but also of Boheme it selfe are through the Councell of Iohn Hus and his adherentes banished out of Boheme of the which number some remayne yet in exile in Morauia Hereunto Iohn Hus answered how can thys be true sayd he sithēs I was not at Prage at that tyme when as these men you speake of departed and went awaye from thence These thynges were thus debated the day aforesayd as touching Iohn Hus. This done the sayd Iohn Hus was committed to the custody of the bishop of Rigen vnder whome Ierome of Prage was also prisoner But before that he was led away the Cardinall of Cambray calling him backe agayne in the presence of the Emperour sayd Iohn Hus I haue heard you say that if you had not ben willing of your own mind to come vnto Constance neyther the Emperour himselfe neither the king of Boheme coulde haue compelled you to do it Unto whom Iohn Hus answered vnder your licēce most reuerend father I neuer vsed any such kinde of talke or wordes But this I did say that there was in Boheme a great number of gentle mē and noble men which did fauour and loue me the whiche also might easely haue kepte me in some sure and secret place that I shoulde not haue bene constrayned to come vnto thys towne of Constance neyther at the will of the Emperour neyther of the king of Boheme With that the Cardinall of Cambray euen for very anger began to chaunge hys colour and despiteously said do you not see the vnshamefastnes of the man here And as they were murmuring and whispering on all partes the L. Ioh. de Clum ratifying and confirming that which Iohn Hus had spoken sayd that Iohn Hus had spoken very well for on my part sayd he which in comparison of a great many others am but of small force in the realme of Boheme yet alwayes if I would haue taken it in hand I could haue defended hym easely by the space of one yeare euen agaynst all the force power of both these great and mighty kinges How much better might they haue done it which are of more force or puissance then I am and haue stronger castles and places then I haue After that the L. de Clum had spoken the Cardinal of Cambray sayd let vs leaue thys talke And I tell you Iohn Hus and
not onely left such articles and opinioÌ„s wherin he was defamed but also did abstaine from all company that were suspected of such opinions so that he should neither geue ayd helpe councell nor fauor vnto them And moreouer the sayd Iohn was asked by the sayde Archbishop whether he euer had in his house since his abiuration in his keeping any bookes written in Englishe Wherunto he confessed that he would not deny but that he had in his house and in his keeping many english bookes for he was arested by the Mayor of the city of London for such bookes as he had which bookes as he thought were in the Mayors keping Upon the which the Mayor did openly confesse that he had such bookes in his keping which in his iudgement were the worst and the moste peruerse that euer he did read or see and one booke that was well bound in red leather of parâ—chment written in a good english hand and among the other bookes found with the said Iohn Claydon the Mayor gaue vp the sayd booke afore the Archbishop Whereupon the sayde Iohn Claydon being asked of the Archbishop if he knewe that booke dyd openly confesse that he knew it very well because he caused it to be written of his owne costes and charges for he speÌ„t muche money thereupon since his abiuration Then was he asked who wrote it He did aunswere one called Iohn Grime And further being required what the said Iohn Grime was he aunswered he coulde not tell Agayne being demaunded whether he did euer read the same booke he dyd confesse that he could not read but he had heard the fourth part therof red of one Iohn Fullar And being asked whether he thought the contentes of that booke to be Catholicke profitable good and true he aunswered that many thinges which he had hearde in the same booke were both profitable good and healthful to his soule and as he sayde he had great affection to the sayd book for a Sermon preached at Horsaldowne that was written in the sayd booke And being futher asked whether since the tyme of hys sayd abiuration he did commune with one Richard Baker of the City aforesayd he did answere yea for the sayde Richard Baker did come often vnto his house to haue coÌ„munication with him And being asked whether he knew the said Richard to be suspected and defamed of heresy he did aunswere agayne that he knew well that the sayd Richard was suspected defamed of many men and women in the City of LondoÌ„ as one whom they thought to be an hereticke Which confession being made did cause the sayd bookes to be deliuered to maister Robert Gilbert Doctour of diuinity to William Lindewood Doctor of both lawes and other Clerkes to be examined and in the meane time Dauid Beard Alexander Philip and Balthasar Mero were taken for witnesses agaynst him and were committed to be examined to Maister Iohn Escourt generall examiner of Canterbury This done the Archbishop continued hys Session till Monday next in the same place Which Monday being come which was the xx of the sayd moneth the sayd Maister Escourt openly and publickely exhibited the witnesses being openly read before the Archbishop and other Bishops which being read then after that were read diuers tractations founde in the house of the sayde Iohn Claydon out of the which being examined diuers points were gathered and noted for heresies and errors and specially out of the booke aforesaid which booke the said Iohn Claydon confessed by his owne costes to be written and bound which booke was intituled the Lanterne of light In the which and in the other examined were these Articles vnder written conteyned 1. First vpon the text of the Gospell how the enemy dyd sowe the tares there is sayd thus that wicked Antichrist the Pope hath sowed among the lawes of Christ his popish and corrupt decrees which are of no authoritye strength nor valure 2. That the Archbishops and Bishops speaking indifferently are the seates of the beast Antichrist when he sitteth in theÌ„ and raigneth aboue other people in the darck caues of errors and heresyes 3. That the Bishops licence for a man to preach the word of God is the true caracter of the beast i. Antichrist therfore simple and faythfull Priestes may preache when they will agaynst the prohibition of that Antichrist and without licence 4. That the court of Rome is the chiefe head of Antichrist and the Bishops be the body the new sectes that is the monks canons and friers brought in not by Christ but damnably by the pope be the venimous pestiferous tail of Antichrist 5. That no reprobate is a member of the Church but only such as be elected and predestinate to saluation seing the church is no other thing but the congregation of faythfull soules which doe and will keepe their faith constantly as well in deed as in word 6. That Chryst did neuer plante priuate religions in the church but whilest he liued in this world he did root them out By which it appeareth that priuate religioÌ„s be vnprofitable branches in the church and to be rooted out 7. That the materiall churches should not be decked with golde siluer precious stone sumptuously but the folowers of the humility of Iesus Christ ought to worship their Lord God humbly in mean simple houses not in great buildings as the churches be now a dayes 8. That there be ij chiefe causes of the persecution of the christians one is the priestes vnlawfull keeping of teÌ„poral and superfluous goods the other is the vnsatiable begging of the friers with their hye buildings 9. That almes is not geuen vertuously nor lawfully except it be geuen with these 4. conditions first vnlesse it be geuen to the honor of God 2. vnlesse it be geuen of goodes iustly gotten 3. vnlesse it be geueÌ„ to such a person as the geuer therof knoweth to be in charity And 4. vnles it be geueÌ„ to such as haue need and do not dissemble 10. That the often singing in the church is not founded in the scripture and therefore it is not lawfull for priestes to occupy theÌ„selues with singing in the Church but with the study of the law of Christ and preaching his word 11. That Iudas did receiue the body of Christ in breade his bloud in wine In the which it doth playnly appeare that after consecration of breade and wine made the same bread and wine that was before doth truely remayne on the aultar 12. That all ecclesiasticall suffrages do profit all vertuous and godly persons indifferently 13. That the Popes and the Bishops indulgences be vnprofitable neither can they profite them to whom they be geuen by any meanes 14. That the laity is not bound to obey the prelates what so euer they commauÌ„d vnles the prelats do watch to geue God a iust account of the soules of them 15. That Images are not to be
22. Item whether he beleueth that an euill Priest with due maner and forme and with the intentiō of doing doth verily consecrate doth verily absolue doth verily baptise and doth verily dispose all other sacramentes euen as the Church doth 23. Item whether he beleeue that Saint Peter was the Uicar of Christ hauing power to bynde and to lose vppon the earth 24. Item whether he beleue that the Pope being canonically elect whiche for the tyme shall be by that name expresly be the successor of Peter or not hauing supreme authoritie in the Church of God 25. Item whether he beleue that the authoritie of iurisdiction of the Pope an archbishop or a Bishop in binding loosing be more then the authorititie of a simple priest or not although he haue charge of soules 26. Item whether he beleue that the pope may vpon a iust and good cause geue indulgēces and remission of sins to all Christian men being verily contrite and confessed especially to those that go on pilgrimage to holy places and good deedes 27 Item whether he beleue that by such graunt the pilgrimes that visite those Churches and geue thē any thing may obtayne remission of sinnes or not 28. Item whether he beleue that all Bishops may graūt vnto their subiectes according as the holy Canons doe limit such indulgences or not 29. Item whether he beleue and affirme that it is lawfull for faythfull Christians to worship Images and the reliques of sayntes or not 30. Item whether he beleue that those religions whiche the Churche hath allowed were lawfully and reasonably brought in of the holy fathers or not 31. Item whether he beleueth that the pope or any other Prelate for the time being or their vicars may excommunicate their subiect Ecclesiasticall or secular for disobediēce or contumacie so that such a one is to be holden and taken for excommunicate or not 32. Item whether ye beleue that for the disobediēce and contumacie of persons excommunicate increasing the prelates or their vicares in spirituall thinges haue power to agrauate and to reagrauate to put vpon men the interdict and to call for the secular arme and that the same secular arme or power ought to be obedient to the censures by their inferiors called for 33. Item whether he beleue that the pope and other prelates or els their vicares haue power in spirituall things to excommunicate priestes and lay men that are stubberne and disobedient from theyr office benefice or entrance into the church and from the administration of the sacraments of the Church also to suspend them 34. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull for ecclesiasticall persons without committing sinne to haue anye possessions temporall goodes and whether he beleeue that it is not lawfull for lay men to take away the same from thē by their authoritie but rather that such takers away incrochers vpō ecclesiasticall goods are to be punished as committers of sacriledge yea although such Ecclesiasticall persons liue naughtely that haue such goodes 35. Item whether any such taking away or incrochyng vpō any priest rashly or violently made although the priest be an euill liuer be sacriledge or not 36. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull for lay mē of whether sexe soeuer that is men and women to preache the word of God or not 37. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull to al priestes freely to preach the word of God whersoeuer whensoeuer and to whom soeuer it shal please them althogh they be not sent at all 38. Item whether he beleue that all mortall sinnes and especiall such as be manifest and publike are to be corrected and to be extirpate or not Furthermore wee will commaunde and decree that if any by secrete information by you or any other to be receiued shall be founde either enfamed or suspected of anye kind of the pestiferous sect heresie doctrine of the most pestilence men I. Wickleffe I. Hus and Hierome of Prage the archheretickes aforesaid or of fauoring receiuing or defending the foresayd damned men whilest they liued on the earth their false followers and disciples or any that beleeueth their errours or any that after their death pray for thē or any of them or that nominateth them to be amongst the number of catholick men or that defendeth them to be placed amongst the number of y◠saintes either by their preaching worshipping or otherwaies wherin they deserue to be suspected y◠then they by you or some of you may be cited personally to appeare before you or some of you wtout either Proctor or Doctor to answere for them an oth being opēly taken by them as is aforesayd to speak the plain mere veritie of the articles aboue written and euery of them or other oportune as case and circumstance shall require according to your discretion as you or anye of you shall see expediēt to proceed against them or any of them according to these presentes or otherwise canonically as you shall thinke good Also that you do publish solemnly cause to be published these present letters omitting the articles interrogatories herein contayned in the citties other places of your dioces where conueniently you may vnder our authoritie there to denounce and cause to be denounced all singular such hereticks with their abbetters fauorers of their heresies erroures of what sexe or kinde soeuer that do hold defend the sayd erroures or doe participate any maner of way with heretickes priuely or apertly of what state dignitie or condition soeuer he or they be Patriarche Archbishop king Queene Duke or of what other dignitie either Ecclesiasticall or seculare he be also with their aduocates and procurators whosoeuer whiche are beleuers followers fauourers defenders or receiuers of such heretickes or suspected to be beleuers followers fautors defenders or receiuers of them to be excommunicate euery sonday and festiuall day in the presence of the people Furthermore that you dilligently do to be inquired by the sayd our authoritie vpon all and singular such persons both men and women that mayntayne approue defend teach such erroures or that be fauourers receauers and defenders of them whether exempt or not exempt of what dignitie state preeminence degree order or condition soeuer And such as you shal finde in the sayd your inquisition either by their own confession or by any other meane to be diffamed or otherwise infected with the spot of suche heresie or errour you through the sentence of excommunication suspension interdict and priuation of their dignities personages offices or other benefices of the Church and fees which they hold of any church monastery and other Ecclesiastical places also of honours and secular dignities and degrees of sciences or other faculties as also by other paynes and censures of the Church or by wayes and meanes whatsoeuer els shall seeme to you expedient by taking and imprisoning of their bodies and other corporall punishmentes
1420. also Henry Radtgeber Priest in the same Citie an 1423. Iohn Draendorfe of noble birth and a Priest was burned at Wormes an 1424. Peter Thoraw at Spyre an 1426. Math. Hager also suffered at Berline in Germany not long after Ex Balei Centur. sept After the death of Pope Martine who reigned foureteene yeares succeeded Eugenius the fourth of that name about the yeare of our Lord 1431. Of whome Antoninus thus writeth that he was much geuen to wars as may well declare his conflictes and fighting with the Romaines also the battailes betweene the Venetians and the Florentians This Pope began first to celebrate the Councell of Basill which Councell Martin his predecessour had before intended according to the institution of the Councell of Constance Notwithstanding the said Eugenius perceauing afterward this Councell of Basill not to fauour him and his doings and fearing some detriment to come to him by the same afterward laboured by all subtill practise to dissolue and interrupt the saide Councell and from Basill to translate it first to Ferraria then to Florentia more neere to his owne sea of Rome Concerning the which Councell of Basill forsomuch as we haue begon heere to make mention it shall be no great digression out of the way to discourse something thereof the Lorde so permitting more at large so much as for the most principall matters thereof shall seeme sufficient or necessary to be knowne ¶ Heere foloweth the order and maner of the Councell of Basill touching the principall matters concluded therein briefly collected and abridged heere in this present booke The rest whereof we haue referred vnto our former edition wherein the full discourse of the whole disputation is to be seene more at large for suche as haue list and leisure to see more thereof IN the 39. session of the Councell of Constance as is before mentioned page 594. it was decreed and prouided concerning the order and tunes of such generall Councels as should heereafter followe The first that shoulde next ensue to be kept the fift yeare after the said Councell of Constance the second to be holden the seauenth yeare after that and so orderly all other to follow successiuely from ten yeare to ten yeare Wherefore according to this decree followed a generall Councell fiue yeares after the Councell of Constance celebrate and holden at Sene vnder Pope Martine an 1424. but it soone broke vp After the which Councell the tearme of seauen yeares being expired another Councell was holden at Basill in the yere of our Lord 1431. The which Councell is noted to haue bene the most troublesome and to haue endured longer then any other Councell beforetime celebrate and holden in the Church This Councell continued almost the space of seauenteene yeares wherein it was concluded as before in the Councel of Constance that the generall Councels were aboue the Pope and both of these two Councels did attribute the chiefe authoritie in decreeing and determining vnto the generall Councell which is the cause that the contrary part doth derogate so much from the authoritie of this present Councell When as Pope Martine the first had appointed Iulian Cardinall and Deacon of S. Angell his Legate to celebrate and holde a generall Councell at Basill for the reformation of the Churche and rooting out of heresies within short space after Pope Martin died in whose seate Eugenius the fourth succeeded who confirmed vnto the said Cardinall Iulian the same authoritie which his predecessor before had giuen him Vnto this Councell of Basill beeing begon came the Emperour Sigismund who during his life time with his presence and authoritie did protect and defend the said Synode After the Emperours death Pope Eugenius altering his former minde purpose would transport the Councell vnto Bononie and thereby hindred the successe of the Councell of Basill And first he helde a contrary Councell at Ferraria and afterward at Florence For after the death of the Emperour Sigismund there was no Princes or noble men that had any care or regard of the Councell Eugenius the Pope pretended causes as touching the Greekes which should come vnto the Councell and the vniting of their Church vnto the West Church the which Greekes woulde in no wise passe the Alpes Also as touching his owne incommoditie that he could not come vnto Basill being so long a iourney and that all his men might haue easie accesse vnto Bononia and that amongst the Germaines which in their owne countrey are so intractable nothing can be attempted for their reformation whereupon he cited Cardinall Iulian and the fathers of the Councel vnto Bononia vnder great penaltie vnder great penaltie They againe cited the Pope that either he should come himselfe vnto the Councell or send Ambassadors vnder the like penaltie For this cause the Ambassadours of Albert King of the Romaines and of the other Princes of Germany assembled together first at Norenberge and when as they coulde determine nothing there they assembled againe at Frankford to appease the dissention betweene the Councell and the Pope for it was thought that the Electors of the Empire might best assemble and meete in that place In the meane time the Emperours Ambassadours and the Ambassadours of the Electors went vnto Basill and hauing conference with the Ambassadours of the other Princes which were there they did earnestly exhort the fathers of the Councell that they would embrace and receiue the vnitie which they would offer The request of the Princes was that the fathers would transport the Councell and go vnto another place the which onely thing Pope Eugenius seemed alwaies to seeke and desire that therby he might either diuide the fathers of the Councell or take away their libertie Notwithstanding this sacred Synode thought good neither to deny the princes request nor to graunt that which Pope Eugenius required During this doubt the Emperours Ambassadours the Bishops of Patauia and Augusta being much required and stirred thereunto appointed a noble and valiant Baron called Conrad Weinsperge by the Kings commandement to be Protector and defender of the Councell and the fathers Whereby as the enemies perceiued the Emperours minde to be alienate from the Pope so the Fathers of the Councell vnderstood his good will towards them forsomuch as he would not haue sent them a protector if he had not iudged it a lawfull Councell neither againe would he haue iudged it a Coūcell in Basill if he had geuen credit to Pope Eugenius But by meanes of a great pestilēce which began to grow the assembly that should haue bene holden at Frankford was transported vnto Mentz The Ambassadours of the princes also thought good to go thether if they might find any meanes of vnity whereby they might vnite and knit the Pope againe vnto the Councell The assembly was very famous for there were present the Archbishops of Mentz Colen Treuers Electours of the sacred Empire and all the Ambassadours of the other Electours
listed These thinges thus being done and the tumult ceased after three dayes Mahometes the Turke entreth into the Citie and first calling for the heades and auncientes of theÌ„ Citie such as he found to be left aliue he commaunded the to be mangled and â—ut in peeces It is also sayth my author reported that in the feastes of the Turks honest matrones and virgins and such as were of the kinges stocke after other coâ—umeties were he 〈◊〉 and cut in peeces for their disport And this was the end of that princely and famous 〈◊〉 of Constantinople beginning first by Constantinus and ending also with ConstaÌ„tinus which for the princely royalty therof was named and euer honoured from the time of the first Constantine equally with the City of Rome called also by the name thereof new Rome so continued the space of 1120. yeares I pray God that olde Rome may learne of new Rome to take heed and beware by tyme. This terrible destruction of the Citty of Constantinople the Queene of Cittyes I thought here to describe not so much to set forth the barbarous cruelty of these filthy rake hels and mercilesse murtherers as specially for this that we being admonished by the dolefull ruine and misery of these our euen christened may call to minde the plagues miseryes deserued whiche seeme to hang no lesse ouer our owne heades and thereby may learne betime to inuocate and call more earnestly vpon the name of our terrible and mercifull God that he for his sonnes sake will keepe vs preserue his church among vs and mitigate those plagues and sorrowes whiche we no lesse haue deserued then these aboue minded before vs. Christ graunt it Amen Ex hist. Wittenbergica Peucer The history of Reynold Peeocke Byshop of Chichester afflicted and imprisoned for the Gospell of Christ. AFter the death of Henry Chichisley before mentioned pag. 657. next succeeded Iohn Stafford an 1445. who continued 8. yeares After hym came Iohn Kempe ann 1453. who sate but three yeares Then succeeded Thomas Burschere In the time of which Archbishop fell the trouble of Reynold Pecocke Bishop of Chichester afflicted by the Popes Prelates for hys fayth and profession of the Gospell Of this Byshoppe Halle also in his Chronology toucheth a little mention declaring that an ouerthwart iudgement as he termeth it was geuen by the Fathers of the spiritualty agaynst him Thys man sayth he beganne to moue questions not priuatly but openly in the Uniuersityes concerning the Annates Peter pence and other iurisdictions and authorities perteyning to the sea of Rome and not onely put forth the questioÌ„s but declared his mind and opinion in the same wherefore he was for thys cause absured at Paules Crosse. Thus muche of hym wryteth Hall Of whom also recordeth Polychronycon but in few wordes This bishop first of S. Assaphe then of Chichester so long as Duke Humfrey lyued by whome he was promoted and much made of was quiet and safe and also bolde to dispute and to write hys mynde and wrote as Leland recordeth diuers bookes and treatises But after that good Duke was thus as ye haue heard made away this good man lacking his backstay was open to his enemies and matter soone found agaynst hym Wherupon he being complayned of and accused by priuy and malignant promoters vnto the Archbishop letters first were directed downe from the Archbishop to cite al men to appeare that could say any thing agaynst hym The forme of which citation here ensueth The copy of the Citation sent by the Archbyshoppe THomas by the permission of God Archb. of Canterbury primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke Sea to all and singuler Parsons Vicares Chaplaynes Curates not Curates Clerkes and learned men whatsoeuer they be constitute ordeined in any place throughout our prouince of Caunterbury health grace and benediction We haue receiued a greeuous complaint of our reuerend felow brother Reynold Pecocke Byshop of Chichester conteyning in it that albeit our sayd reuerend felow brother the Byshop deliuered vnto vs certayne bookes written by him in the English tongue by vs and our authority to be examined corrected reformed and allowed notwithstanding many the examination and reformation of the sayde bookes depending and remayning before vs vndiscussed haue openly preached and taught at Paules crosse in London and in diuers other places of our prouince of Canterbury that our sayd felow brother the Byshop hath propouÌ„ded made and written or caused to be writen in the sayde bookes certayne conclusions repugnaunt to the true fayth and that he doth obstynately hold and defend the same By the pretence of which preaching and teaching the state good name and fame of the sayd Lord Reynolde the Byshoppe are greeuously offended and hurt and he and his opinion maruellously burdened Wherefore we charge you all together and seuerally apart do commaund you firmely enioyning you that openly and generally you doe warne or cause to bee warned all and singular such persons whiche will obiect any thing contrary and agaynst the conclusions of our sayd reuereÌ„d felow brother the Bishop had or conteined in his bookes or writings that the 20. day after such monition or warning had they do freely of theyr own accord appeare before vs and our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted wheresoeuer we shall then be in our Citty Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to speake propound alledge and affirme fully sufficiently in writinge whatsoeuer hereticall or erroneous matter they wil speak propound or obiect agaynst the sayde conclusions conteyned in his sayde bookes and both to satisfye and receiue whatsoeuer shall seeme meete and right in this behalfe by the holy institutions and ordinaunces And for so muche as this matter depending yet vndetermined and vndiscussed nothing ought to be attempted or renewed we charge you that by this our authority you inhibite and forbid all and euery one so to preach and teach hereafter Vnto whom also we by the the tenour of these presents do likewise forbid that during the examination of the conclusions and bookes aforesayde depending before vs and our Commissaryes vndiscussed they do not presume by any meanes without good aduise and iudgemeÌ„t to preach iudge and affirme any thing to the preiudice or offeÌ„ce of the sayd Lord Reynold the Byshop and if so be you do finde any in this behalfe gayne saying or not obeying this our inhibitioÌ„ that you do cite or cause theÌ„ peremptorily to be cited to appeare before vs or our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted the 10 day after theyr citation if it be a courte day or els the next courte day following wheresoeuer we shall then be in our City Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to make further declaration by form of law of the cause of their disobedieÌ„ce to receiue such punishment as iustice and equity shall determine in that behalfe that by your leters you do duely certify vs or our Commissaries what you haue
may appeare that he neyther careth for GOD nor the health of the Churche Item that the preceptes and commaundementes of the pope and prelates be no otherwise but as the Councels and preceptes of Phisitions binding no further then they are founde to be holesome and standing with the trueth of the word Item that the Pope can commaunde no man vnder payne of deadly sinne except God commaund him before He sayth that the keyes of the Pope and of the prelates be not such wherwith they open the kingdome of heauen but rather shut it as the Phariseis did Concerning vowes he disputeth that such as be foolish and impossibile ought to be brokē that the hearers ought to discerne and iudge of the doctrine of their Prelates and not to receiue euery thing that they say without due examination He sheweth moreouer that the sentence or excommunication is of more force proceeding from a true godly honest simple and learned men then from the Pope as in the Councell of Constance Bernard was more esteemed then Eugenius Also if the pope with hys prelates gouern and rule naughtely that the inferiours be they neuer so base ought to resist him Writing moreouer of two Popes Pius the second and Sixtus the fourth he sayth that Pius the second dyd vsurpe vnto hymselfe all the kingdomes of the whole world that Sixtus the pope did dispense with al maner of othes in causes temporall not onely with suche othes as haue bene already but also with all suche as shal be made hereafter which was nothing els but to geue libertie and licence for men to forsweare themselues and deceiue one an other This Weselus beyng a Phrisian borne and now aged in yeares vpon a certayne time when a yong man called mayster Ioannes Oftendorpius came to hym sayd these wordes Well my childe thou shalt lyue to that day when thou shalt see the doctrine of these new and contentious diuines as Thomas and Bonauenture with others of the same sort shal be vtterly reiected and exploded from al true Christen deuines And thys which Oftendorpius then being young heard Weselus to speake he reported himselfe to Nouiomagus which wrote this story an 1520. heard it of the mouth of the sayd Weselus an 1490. Martij 18. Philippus Melanchton writing of the lyfe of Rodolphus Agricola sayth that Iosquinus Groningonsis an auncient and a godly man reported that when as he was young he was oftentimes present at the Sermons of Rodolphus and Weselus wherein they many times lamented the darckenes of the church and reprehended the abuses of the Masse and of the single life of priestes Item that they disputed oftentimes of the righteousnes of sayth why S. Paule so oftentimes did inculcate that men be iustified by faith and not by workes the same Iosquine also reported that they did openly reiecte and disproue the opinion of monks which say that men be iustified by their works Item concerning mens traditiōs their opinion was that all suche were deceiued whatsoeuer attribued vnto those traditions any opinion of Gods worship or that they could not be broken And thus much for the story of doctour Wesellianus and Wesilus By this it may be seene and noted how by the grace of God and gift of printing first came forth learning by learning came light to iudge and discerne the errors of the pope from the truth of Gods word as partly by these abouesaid may appeare partly by other that followe after by the grace of Christ shall better be seene About the very same tyme and season when as the Gospell began thus to braunch spring in Germanie the host of Christes church began also to muster to multiply likewise here in Englād as by these historyes here consequent may appeare For not long after the death of this Weselus in the yeare of our Lorde 1494. and in the 9. yeare of the reigne of K. Henry 7. the 28. of Aprill was burned a very old woman named Ioane Boughton widow and mother to the Lady Young which Ladye was also suspected to be of that opinion which her mother was Her mother was of foure score yeares of age or more held 8. of Wickleffes opinions which opiniōs my author doth not shew for the which she was burnt in Smithfield the day abouesayd My author sayth she was a Disciple of Wickleffe whome she accompted for a Sainct and helde so fast and firmly viij of his x. opinions that all the Doctours of Lōdon coulde not turne her from one of them and when it was told her that she shoulde be brent for her obstinacie false beliefe shee set nothing by theyr manacing wordes but defied them for the sayde she was so beloued of God and hys holy aungels that she passed not for the fire in the midst therof she cryed to God to take her soule into his holy handes The night following that she was burnt the most parte of her ashes were had awaye of suche as had a loue vnto the doctrine that she dyed for Shortly after the martyrdome of this godly aged mother in the yeare of our Lord 1497. and the 17. of Ianuary being Sonday two men the one called Richard Milderale and the other Iames Sturdy bare Fagots before the procession of Paules and after stoode before the preacher in the time of hys Sermon And vpon the sonday following stood other two men at Paules crosse all the sermon tyme the one garnished with paynted written papers the other hauing a Fagot on hys necke After that in Lent season vppon Passion Sonday one Hugh Glouer bare a Fagot before the procession of Paules after wyth the Fagot stoode before the preacher all the sermon while at Paules crosse And on the sonday next following foure men stoode and did there open penaunce at Paules as is aforesayd in the sermon time many of their bookes were burnt before them at the Crosse. FUrthermore the next yeare following whiche was the yeare of our Lord. 1498. in the beginning of Maye the king then being at Canterbury was a priest burnt which was so strong in his opinion that all the clerkes doctors then there beyng coulde not remoue him from his sayth whereof the king beyng enformed caused the sayd priest to be brought before hys presence who by hys perswasions caused him to reuoke and so he was burnt immediately The burning of Babram ABout which yere likewise or in the yere next folowing that xx day of Iuly was an old mā burnt in Smithfield IN the same yeare also which was of the Lord. 1499. fell the martyrdome and burning of Hieronimus Sauonarola a man no lesse godly in hart then constant in his profession Who being a Monke in Italy singularly well learned preached fore agaynst the euill lyfe liuing of the spiritualty and specially of hys own order compsayning fore vpō thē as the springes and authors of all mischieues wickednes
Queene Elizabeth The trayterous murdering of the Lord Iames Regent of Scotland Martyr The chiefe cause of al these latter persecution in the Church is onely the priuate quarrell of the Bishop of Rome The plantation of the Popes supremacie proued not to be of God Iohn 8. Luke 18. The 3. question Apocal. 13. The two beastes in the booke of ReuelatioÌ„ described The second beast with the hornes like a Lambe The misterie of the first beast rising out of the Sea applied The Image of the beast resembled to the Monarchie of Rome Apocall 13. Of these 42. monethes and the exposition thereof read page 101. The wounded head of the beast in the reuelation what it meaneth The second beast rising out of the land pretending the hornes of a Lambe what it meaneth Apocall 13. The Misterie of the 13. chapter of the Reuelations expounded Ex platina in vita Gregoâ—ij 7. The Image of the old Monarchie reuiued by the Bishop of Rome Power to doe the workes of the beast before his sight Apocal. 13. The 4. question 2. Thess. 2. Religion of Christ spiritual and not corporall The Pope turneth the spirituall religion of Christ to a corporall religion The whole summe of the Popes Catholicke religion set forth in partes A man may be Catholique by the Popes religion without any working of the holy ghost The nature of tâ—ue Christian Religion described Saluation of man standeth onely in fayth of Christ. Fayth in Christ no light matter to fleshe and bloud Many thinges incident to saluation besides fayth but not as causes thereof Workes of sanctification how they come and follow fayth Esay 58. Math. 25. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 1. Plat. de rep 8. Hippocrates Constantinus erus Ad Martyres Ad deum de inundantibus bellorum procellis Math. 16. Three thinges noted in Christes wordes The order of the disposition of this history 1 The suffering time of the church 2 The florishing time of the Church 3 The declining time of the church 4 The time of Antichrist in the Church 5 The reformation of the Church Church of Rome Foure thinges to be considered in the Church of Rome 1. Title 2. Iurisdiction 3. Lyfe 4. Doctrine The title of the Pope The iurisdiction of the Pope The iurisdiction of the Pope The properties of life in the Romish Clergy The doctrine of the Pope Pope siluester the second Pope Gregory 7. called Hildebrand Pope innocentius the third Pope Bonifatius the eight Equinocé That is in name onely and not in very deede Vutuocè That is both in â—ame and also in definition and effect agreeing with the name The Church of Rome as now it is is not Apostolicall but onely aequiuocè The argument of Pighius Hosius and Eckius for the aucthoritie of the Church of Rome Aunswere Fallacia aquiuoci The minor examined The maior examined A distinction The church of Rome distincted into a double consideration of tymes The 〈◊〉 of Rome how it was commendâ—d of the 〈◊〉 Doctours The principall obiection of the Papistes agaynst the Protestants Aunswere to the obiection The church of Rome reuolted from the Church of Rome An other obiection of the papists An answere to the obiection No man bound to follow the opinions of hys Godfathers in all poyntes vnlesse they be consonant in al things The church of Rome distincted froÌ„ the Church of Rome Two times of the Church of Rome considered and examined The first poynt The enormities of life in the latter Churche of Rome described Policies and practises of Rome to get mony XV. Practises of the newe Churche of Rome to get mony Summa totalis The iurisdiction and power of this new church of Rome examined This â—ewe Church of Rome in three poyntes challenged Nicen. Con. Cap. 6. Victor stopped from his excommunication by Ireneus Boniface the first falsefieth the Councell of Nice The 6. Councell of Carthage Appellations to Rome forbidden in England Appellations to Rome forbiddeÌ„ in Fraunce Ex Annonio de gestis FraÌ„corum Lib 5. Cap. 33. The Popes iurisdiction resisted in Fraunce Pragmatica sanctio The Popes iurisdiction concerning elections examined Platina Sabel Enead 8. lib. 6. ConstaÌ„tine the 4. Emperour of Constantinople The Popes bibliothe carie suspected The constitution of Constantine the 4. Emperour of ConstaÌ„tinople examined Rubrica de ordinatione Episcopi ex Caelestino Papa dist 63. Cap. Cleri Dist. 63. Cap. Sacrorum Libertie graunted to the Clergy and to the people to chuse their Bishop Carolus Magnus Ludouicus Pâ—us The decree Ego Ludocus dist 63. suspected Gratianus Volâ—teranus what ground they haue of their recordes Dist. 63. ca. Ego Ludouicus Election of the Bishop of Rome standeth vpon the coÌ„sent of the Clergy and the people of Rome The decree Ego Ludouicus proued fals Dist. 23. ca. In Nomine Domini The iudiciarie power of the Pope examined Georg. Turonens in Francorum hist. lib. 10. ca. 18. The Popes jurisdiction vsurped in geuing and disposing ecclesiastical promotions 16. q. 7. cap. emnes Basilicae The Councell of Nice cap â— The generall Councell of Antioch cap. 9. 9. q. 3. cap. per singulas Pragmatica sanctio sancti Ludouici Impropriations and first finites of benefices Institutiones canonicae sub Ludouico Pio. The wordes of Prosper Aug. ad Bonifac Vowsons and pluralities of benefices Three points wherein the Popes Church erreth in his iurisdiction 1 Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction falsly restrained impropriate to the Church of Rome which ought to be generally equall to all Churches Christian. 2 Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction abused and extended in the church of Rome further then the word limiteth Christening of Bels. 3 The iurisdiction of the Pope abused and vsurped in temporal matters where he hath nothing to doe Popes submitted in the olde tyme to Emperours Ex cap. 1. de iuramentis calumniat Dist. 97. cap. 1. Plat. in vita Euge. 2. Euidences prouing ecclesiasticall persons to haue bene subiect to their Magistrates in causes both Ecclesiasticall temporall Euidences out of the Scripture Dauid 1. Par. cap. 30.31 Ezechias 4. Reg. 18. The order of Abias was the eight order among the Priests 1. Par. 24. Salomon Iudas Machabeus 1. Mac. 10. 1. Mac. 14. Iosaphat 2. Par. 19. Iohn 19. Rom. 13. Theophilactus Aug. ad Bonifacium Aug. contra CresconiuÌ„ li. 3. cap. 5. Thomas de regim princip li. â— cap. 32. 1. Pet. 2. Gregor ad Maurit Aug. lib. 3. epist. 61. The Pope calleth king Lucius Christes Vicar 23. q. cap. 5. principes cap. Administratores Dist. 97. ca. ecclesiae cap. Victor Dist. 79. ca. Si duo 24. q. 3. cap. De illicita Ex Nouel 5. Iustinian Diuine seruice vsed in the vulgare tongue Clodoueus Concilium Aureliense Carolus Magnus Canonicall Scripture onely to be read in Churches Conc. Cartha 3. cap. 47. Bishops and Priests charged to pâ—each with diligence Superstition in Funerals forbidden Ex. Ansegiso Abbate lib. 1. cap. 76. Ludouicus Pius Ex Ans. lib. 1. cap. 20. Lib. 2. C de
Henr. Coldyron answereth to the 3. article Iohn Pollomarius answereth to the 4. article Certayne chosen on both sides to determine the matter The oration of Cardinal 〈◊〉 Nicolas the 2. propounder charged by the Cardinall for the commeÌ„cing of Ioh. Wickliffe A prudent answere of the Bohemians to the Cardinall Iulian. The Ambassadours of the Bohemians return without agreement The coÌ„ming of the Legates to Prage Ioh. Rochezanus speaketh Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7. Polomas answereth to the Bohemians The Bohemians reply againe to Polomar Polomar extolleth the Councelles Generall councelles may erre and haue erred Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7. The Ambassadours of the councel and the Bohemians could not agree A declaration of 3. articles promised to the Bohemians by the Councell A declaration of the Councell to the Bohemians concernyng the first 3. articles The 2. proposition propounded by the Bohemians with the declaration from the Councell Punishing of publicke offences how and by whom Note here the popes addition The 3. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the councell Liberty of preaching how farre and to whom at extendeth The 4. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the Councell Temporal possessions in the clergie mens handes The papists staÌ„d hard for their temporal Lordships The Bohemians take a deliberatioÌ„ of the fourth article A declaration of the councel touching the fourth article of the communion Consecrat dist 2 quia pissus This is to set vp the church aboue the scripture The holie communion requireth amendment of lyfe Holy things nothing profit the wicked The reuereÌ„t receiuing of the sacraments Receiuing vnder one kinde for auoiding two perils Error grounded vpon errour Causes why to minister vnder one kinde Receiuing in both kindes permitted to the Bohemians The condition annexed Doubtes or questions of the Bohemians Aunswere Permission of both kindes granted to the Bohemians not of sufferance but by full authoritie Punishing of offences considered How and by whom offeÌ„ders ought to be punished To doe that God commaundeth is obedience and no sin though it be extraordinary The Israelites dyd steale from the Egyptians without sinne Sampson killed himselfe without sinne Of extraordinary commaundementes no generall lawes to be made Obiection Aunswere How the laitie hath power ouer the clergie and wherin The Pope wil be iudged by his own law Obiection Aunswere Obiection Aunswere Abuse of prelates in inhibiting true preachers Remedie of appeale Obiection Aunswere Actes of secular dominion to be exercised of the clergie after a double respecte â—el per se â—el per alium Obiection Aunswere Coactiue power whether in belongeth to the clergie and how The goods of the church in whose possession they be properly 12. q. 1 cap. expedit The clergie be administratours not Lordes of the temporalties of the Church The agreement betweene the Bohemians and the Councell Anno. 1438. Certaine petitions of the Bohemians put vp to the CouÌ„cell Anno. 1438. The communioÌ„ in both kindes to be generally graunted To haue a good and lawfull pastor and Bishop Free communioÌ„ vnder both kindes to be permitted to all princes The Gospells Epistles to be read in the vulgare tongue The scriptures read in the Slauons tongue of olde time Incorporations to be graunted to vniuersities an vnlawfull request A request for necessary reformation discipline The coÌ„ception of our Lady brought into the Church The visitation of our Lady brought in Vowsons giftes of benefices before they were voide debarred by the couÌ„cell which vowsons here ar called expectatiue graces IncoÌ„uenieÌ„ces that rise by vowsons of benefices No controuersies to be brought to Rome beyond 4. daies iourney from thence No fâ—â—uolous appeales to be made to the Pope Against the superfluous number of errours Against the popes first fruites Pragmatica Sanctiâ— per Carolum 7. An Acte made for the conuersion of the Iewes An Acte for studying the Hebrue Latine and Chaldey Against priestes that kept Concubines An Epistle of Martin Meyr to Aeneas Siluius translated into Englishe the â—atine wher of inextant in the former edition of this booke Ex Orth. Grat. The corruption of the Church of Rome detected The authoritie of the councell of Basill expended The epistle of the Cardinall Iulian to the Pope in the commendation of the councell of Basill Thambassadors of the Councell are returned from Egra What the church is Eugenius prouoketh the Church A strong argument against Eugenius The cause of the long delay of the Prelates The councel of Sene. An epistle of Eneas Siluius in defence of the councell of Basill The tâ—â—â—nal seate standeth not in one Bishop The authoritie of the Councell of Basill maintained by the Emperour and the French king so long as they liued The practise of Pope Eugenius to vndoe the Councell of Basill The Pope stirreth vp warre The Dolphin driueâ— away by a few Germaines The dissolution of tho Councell of Basill Fredericke of Austrich crowned Emperour great grand father to this Ferdinando The Legaâ— of the Greekes coÌ„descend first to the popes law The Greeke Churches refuse the Popes doctrine The inconuenience of discorde Ex Cochleo lib. 8. hist. Hussit Ex Antonin 3. part tit Ex hist. Cas pari Peucer lib. 5. Maruelous feare fallen vpon the popes army Gods holy angels pitch their tentes about them which feare him Psal. The cruell deceite and wicked facte of Mainardus against the souldiours of Boheme Certaine thousandes of the BohemiaÌ„ souldiors brent Ex Aenea Silu. lib. de hist. Boem cap. 51. England noÌ„ted of crueltie Burning slaying in England Anno 1439. R. Wiche Priest Martir Ex Fabian part 7. Ex antiquo alio Chronico Ex Regist. Hen. Chicheslei The bishops coÌ„sult to abolish the lawe of Premuniri facias The king aunswere to the bill of the Clergy touching the law of Premuniri A briefe aunswere to Cope concerning Lady Eleanor Cobham To the third obiection Vid. Centu. 8. Ral. ca. 4. To the 4. obiection M. Coperay leth without a cause See the former edition pag. 371. The 5. obiection The story of the Ladie Eleanor and Rog. Onley here pretermitted A question whether Eleanor the Duches was culpable in treason agaynst the king Certaine coniectures of the crime not to bee true 1. Coniecture 2 Coniecture 3 Coniecture 4 Coniecture 5. Coniecture 6. Coniecture 7 Coniecture 8. Coniecture 9. Coniecture 10. Coniecture A briefe aunswer to Maister Copes cauillations concerning Duke Humfreyes wyfe The contention betwene the Cardinall of Wint. Duke Humfrey Lorde protectour Anno. 1440. Eâ— Polycâ—ra Wint. presumeth to be Cardinall against the minde of his king Wint. incurreth the law of premuniâ—i Wint. intrudeth himselfe to be the kings gouernour The Cardinall defraudeth the king of his iewels The Cardinall deliuereth the K. of Scottes vpon his owne authoritie The Cardinall playeth the marchant The Cardinall a defrauder of the king The Cardinall taketh vpon him like a king The Cardinall traytour to the crowne The Card. a purchaser of of the kingâ— landes Peruerse counsaâ—le of
Martir Men of Amersham burnt in the cheeke for Gods word Anno. 1506. Tho. Chase Martir Tho. Chase brought before the B. Tho. Chase condeÌ„ned to the Bishops prison at Wooburne called little ease A worthy almes of a Bishop The perfect patience constancy of Tho. Chase. Tho. Chase cruelly murthered in the Bishops prison Tho. Chase falsely slauÌ„dered to hang himselfe God bringeth to light the secret murthers of the papistes Math. 10. Luke 12. Tho. Norice Martir Anno. 1507. Elizabeth Sampson Anno. 1508 Laurence Ghest Martir LaureÌ„ce Ghest two yeares in prison at Salisbury Laurence would not be turned for wyfe nor childreÌ„ Laurence died a Martir Witnes to the story A notable storke of a faithfull woman burned in Chippingsadbery D. Whittington Chauncellour a persecutour A faithfull Christian womaÌ„ and Martir burned at Chippingsadbery A comparison betweene butchers and the popes murthering ministers A rare speciall example of the iust punishment of God vpon a persecutour D. Whittington slaine of a Bull. Witnes to the story The state of the commoÌ„ wealth comonly foloweth the state of the church The duetie of princes to defend their subiectes froÌ„ the slaughter of the Church of Rome Ex comenta riis Phil Co minaei De bello Neapolitano lib 3. Vid supra pag. 731. The prophesie of Hierome Sauonarola Note Vide Phil. CominaeuÌ„ de bello Neopol lib. 5. De bello Neopolit lib. 5. Examples of kinges of England which were blessed of God with long prosperitie being enemies to the byshops of Rome Augustus reigned 55 yeares Vide supra pag. 340. Vide supra pag. 352. Vide supra pag. 383. What difference betweene moderat princes and theÌ„ that were persecutors The death of K. Henry 7. Couentry men persecuted I. Blomstone The power of Peter flitteth not to his successours Purgatory denied Images not to be worshipped Richard HeghaÌ„ Merites condemned Images serue rather to be burned then to be worshipped Robert Crowther Against Pilgrimage Iohn Smith The Lordes prayer to be in Englishe Roger Browne Against Pilgrimage Fleshe eating in Lent Against Purgatory and confession auricular Against confessioÌ„ satisfactioÌ„ Thomas Butler Against Purgatory Against merites Iohn Falkes Against Images It is heresie to say a stone is a stone a blocke is a blocke Richar. Hilmin Scripture in Englishe Margery Goyt Against the Sacrament of the Aultar Picus MiraÌ„dula Earle This Thomas LaÌ„ghton was elected Archbysh but died before he was confirmed Ecclesiasticall lawes ordeined by auncient kings of this Realme Ecclesiastical lawes of king Ina. King Alure des lawes K. Edwards lawes K. Ethelstanes lawes K. EdmuÌ„des lawes K. Edgars lawes King Ethelrede lawes King Canutus lawes Kinges of England before the Conguest gouernours as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as temporall WheÌ„ kinges of England came first vnder the Popes subiection The martirdome of good bishops vnder wicked Emperours in the primitiue Church The true riches of the Church described The first rising of the Bishops of Rome A declaration of Saint Paules wordes The Pope matching himselfe euen with God Iohn Patriarch of Constantinople subdued by B. of Rome The Emperours Lieuetenaunt of Rauenna subdued by the Lumbardes and Romaine Byshops Boniface 3. obtained of Phocas to be called vniuersall byshop Pope Zachary putteth downe Childericus the French K. and serteth Pipinus in his place Pipinus and Carolus Magnus set vp by pope Zachachary How the Byshops of Rome came first to be the head Byshops of the Church Donation of Constantine a thing false and forged Pâ—pe Gregory 5. practiseth with the Germains to reduce the Empyre to Germany an 1002. Otho first Germaine Emperour Emperours brought to kisse the popes feete Henricus 4. accursed wayteth at the popes gate 3. daies Rodulphus and at last his owne sonne set vp to fight against him Read before pag. 179. Pope Alexander 3. treadeth vpon the necke of Fredericke Emperour Pope Celestine crowneth Henry 5. Emperour with his feete and with his foote spurneth the crown from his head agayne Warre raysed against Conradus by the Byshops of Rome Ex Auentino The insolencie of Pope Boniface 8. against Philip French kyng The tyrannous iniuries of Byshops of Rome agaynst kings of England Pope Alexander 3. against Kyng Henry 2. Pope Innocent 3. against king Iohn Ex Rotulo patent De anno Regni Reg. Ioannis 8 K. Iohns supplication to Pope Innocent 3 H. Henry 3. kissing the knee of the popes Legat Ex D. Paulo 2. Thess. 2. 186 Ioan Dreido De Dogmatibus vanis Lib. 4. 187 Hugo in Glosa Dist. 40. c. Non Net 188 Glos. in Caus. 11. q. 3. cap. Absis 189 Glosa in c. 11. q. 3. Si. inimicus 190 Hostiensis in cap. Quanto De transl praeb 192 Ex summacasuum fratris Baptistae 192 Ex Citatione Henr. Bulling de fine seculi Orat. Prima Item ex citatione Iacobi Andre ae aduersus Hosliâ—â— Lib 5. Item excitatione Hier. Marij in Actis 2. Diui. 193 Pope Nicolaâ—s Dist. 96. c. Satis 194 1â— q. r. Sacerdotibus 195 12. q. r. FuturaÌ„ 196 Decretal De Transl. epist. c. p. Quanto Thus ye may see it verified that S. Paul prophesieth of the aduersary sitting in the temple as God and boasting himselfe aboue all that is named God c. 2. Thess. 2. 197 Pope Nicolaus Causa 15. q. 6. c. Autoritatem 198 Pope Martin Dist. 14 â— cap. Lector 199 Pope Gregorius Innior 32. q. 7. cap. Quod proposuisti 200 Pope Inno. 4. Sext. Decretal De sententia excom cap. Dilecto 201 Pope Alexander 3. De Decimis cap. Ex parte 202 Pope Nicolaus â—5 q. 6. Autoritatem 203 De elect elect potestate Significasti in Glosa 204 Baptista de Salis. in Summa casuum ex panormitano 205 pope Innoc. 4. De elect Venerabilem 206 Ext. De Iureiurando cap. Venientes Item Dist. De Elect Significasti in Glosa 207 Pope Martinus 5. Extra cap. Regimini Vniuersalis ecclesiae 208 Pope Vibanus 2. Câ—â—â— 23. q. 5. c Excommunicatorum 209 Pope Nicolaus Caus. 25. q. 6. Autoritatem 210 Ibidem 211 Dist. â—2 â— praesbyter 212 pope pelagius Dist. 34 cap. Fratâ—â— tatis 213 Baptista de Salis. fol. 24. q. 1. Quoties Extr. de translat c. Inter 3. q. 6. Quamuis 9. q. 3. Deniq 16. q. 1. Frater 2. q. 6. Ideo Extr. De restitutione cap Cum venissent 7. q. 1. temporis 16. q. 1 Felix 16. q. 1. Et Christus Extr. De vota Ex multa Extr. de statu monachi c Cum ad Extr. De iuramento cap Venientes Extra De iudicio c. At si clerici Extr. de Bigamia c. nuper Extr. de clerico noÌ„ ord ministrante Extr. De corpore vitiatis Dist. 55. Dist. 50. Miror Extr. De sententia excom ca. Cum illorum Extr. De filajs praesbyt c. Is qui. Extr De praebend c. De multa Extr. De elect cap. Cum nobis Extr. De aetate qualit Generalem Dist. 15. per totum 9. q. 3. Per principale De elect cap. VenerabileÌ„ Extr. De officio legati c. Querenti 9. q. 3. Aliorum Extr. De templi ordine c. Cum in Distrib Extr. De vsu palij cap. Ad honorem Extr. De elect c. Dudum Ext. de elec c. venerabileÌ„ Tractatu De censuris Ext. De elect c. Innocuit Extra De religione veneratione Sanct. cap. 1 Extrau De praebendâ—ca De multa Extrau Qui. si sint leg cap. Tanta 9 q. 3. cap. Vltimo Extrau De Sentent re Indie c. In causis Extrau De elect cap. Quod sicut Extrau De restit spo Literas Extrau De praescript c. vlt. De Iudicio c. Nouit Thomas Extrau Qui. si sint legit c. Pervenerabilom Petrus de Palude lib. 4. Secundum Thomam in 4. 9. q. 3. Per principalem Distinct. 40. Si Papa Ibidem Dist. 32. cap. Praeter hoc â— Verum The riches and possessions of the Pope 214. Dist. 96. Constantinus 215. Ex Commentarins Theodorici Niemi quem citat Illyricus in Catalogo restium fol. 228. 216. Dist. 96. Constantinus 217. Antoâ—inus in â—umma Maiore 3. Parte 218. Ex lib. GranominuÌ„ nationis Germanicae Aboue fiftie byshopprickes in Germany Aeneas Syluius 219. Sext Decret De penis cap. Felicis in Glosa Ité De priuilegiâ—s c. Autoritaté in Glosa 220 Pope Bonifacius 8. Ext. De Maio. obed c. Vnam sanctam 221. Ibid. â—Iâ— Monethes Reuelat. xi lii yeares a halfe iij. dayes a halfe Reuelat. xi A time times and halfe a time Reuelat. xij M.CCLX dayes Reuelat. xij The tying losing agayne of Sathan Reuelat. 20.
appeare to your excellencie he hath assigned appointed to the furniture of this legacie not the least but the greatest not the worst but the best and chiefest of al his subiects both Archbishops Bishops Earles Barons with other potentates mo of such worthines and parentage that if he could haue found greater in all his Realm he would haue sēt thē both for the reuerence of your person and of the holy Church of Rome Ouer and besides this I might adde to more which your sanctitude hath sufficiently tried and proued already the true and hartie fidelitie of this our king and soueraigne toward you Who in his first entrance to his kingdome wholy submitted himselfe with all that is his besides to your will and pleasure And truely to testifie of his maiestie howe hee is disposed to the vnitie of the Catholike faith we beleue there is none more faithful in Christ then he nor more deuout to God nor yet more moderate in keeping the vnitie of peace whereunto he is called And as I may be bold this to protest for our king maister so neither do I denie the Archbishop of Caunterbury to be a man destitute or vnfurnished with gifts and ornaments in his kinde of calling but to be a man both sage and discrete in such things as to him appertaineth saue onely that he seemeth to some more quicke and sharpe then needeth This blotte alone if it were not and that the breach betweene our king and him had not so happened both the regiments together of the temporaltie spiritualtie might quietly haue flourished one with the other in much peace and concorde both vnder a prince so worthy and a pastor so vertuous Wherfore the case so standing as it doeth our message hether and our supplication to your vigilant prudence is that through your fauour wisedom the necke of this dissention may be broken and that reformation of vnitie and loue by some good meanes may be sought ¶ This oration of his although it was liked of them for the softnesse and moderation therof yet it could not so perswade the Romish Bishop to condescende to their sute and request Which sute was to haue two legates or arbiters to be sent from his Popish side into England to examine and take vp the controuersie betweene the king and the Archbyshop But the pope incensed as is sayd before would not graunt to their petition forasmuch as it shuld be sayeth he preiudiciall and tending to the oppression of the archbishop to graūt vnto it he being not present And therefore he willed them to tarrie his comming vp otherwise he being absent he would not he sayde in any case proceede against him But they alledging againe their time to be expired appointed them of the king hauing besides other lets and causes as they alledged sayd that they coulde not there waite for the comming of Becket but retourned backe their cause frustrated without the Popes blessing to the king Within iiij daies after Becket commeth to the Popes courte where he prostrating himselfe at his feete brought out of his bosome a scrolle conteining the customes and ordinances of the king afore mentioned fol. 207. The Pope receiuing the foresayd scrolle and reading it in the open hearing of his Cardinals condemned and cursed the most parte of the sayde decrees of the King which he called consuetudines auitas that is hys grandfathers ordinaunces Besides this the Pope moreouer blameth Becket for that he so much yelded to them at the beginning as he did yet notwithstanding because he was repentant for his vnaduised fact he was content to absoil him for the same and the rather because of his great troubles which he for the liberties of holy church did susteine and so with great fauour for that day dimissed him The next day Alexander the Pope assembling hys cardinals together in his secret chamber appeareth before them archbyshop Becket hauing this oration to the pope and his popelings which here I thought to set out in our vulgare English tongue translated out of Latine to the entent that the posteritie heereafter may vnderstand eyther the vaine superstition or vile slauery of the Churchmē in those dayes who being not content with their owne naturall Prince and king geuen them of God must secke further to the Pope thinking no ecclesiasticall liuing to be geuen which is not taken at his handes The wordes of his Oration be storied rightly thus ¶ The Oration of Becket resigning his Byshopricke to the Pope FAthers and Lordes I ought not to lie in any place much lesse before God and in your presence here Wherefore with much sighing and sorrowe of heart I graunt and confesse that these perturbations of the Church of England be raised through my miserable fault For I entred into the folde of Christ but not by the dore of Christ for that not the canonical election did cal me lawfully thereunto but terrour of publike power drone me in And albeit I against my will tooke this burden vpon mee yet not the will of God but mannes pleasure placed me in the rowme And therefore no maruell though all things haue gone contrary and backward with me And as for the resigning vp againe thereof if I had so done geuē vp to their hands the priuiledge of my byshoply authoritie which I had graunted to me at the commaundement of the king so as my fellow Byshoppes did instantly call vpon me to doe then had I left a pernicious and daungerous example to the whole catholike Church By reasō wherof I thought to deferre that vnto your presence And now therefore recognising with my selfe my ingresse not to be Canonicall and therefore fearing it to haue the worse end and againe pondering my strength and abilitie not to be sufficient for such a charge lest I should be found to susteine that roome to the ruine of the flock to whome I was appointed a pastor vnworthy I render vp to your fatherly handes the Archbishopprike here of Canterburie c. And so putting of his ring from his finger and offering it to the Pope desired a Byshop for the Church of Caunterburie to be prouided seeing he thought not himself meete to fulfil the same and so with teares as the storie sayth ended his oration This done the Archbyshop was bid to stande a parte The Pope conferring vpon this with his Cardinals about the resignation of Becket what was best to be done some thought it best to take the occasion offered thinking thereby the kinges wrathe might easely be swaged if the church of Cāterbury were assigned to some other person and yet the sayd Becket otherwise to be prouided for notwithstanding Cōtrary other againe thought otherwise whose reason was If hee which for the liberties of the church had ventred not onely his goodes dignitie and authority but also his life should now at the kings pleasure be depriued like as it might be a president heereafter to others in
resisting their king in like sort if hys cause were maintained so contrariwise if it quailed it shoulde be an example to all other heereafter none to resist his Prince in the like case And so might it redounde not onely to the weakening of the state of the Catholike Churche but also to the derogation of the Popes authoritie Briefly this sentence at length preuailed and so Becket receaueth hys pastorall office of the Popes hand againe with commendation and much fauour But for somuch as he coulde not be well placed in England in the meane while the Pope sendeth him with a monkes habite into the abbay Pontiniak in Fraunce where he remained 2. yeres from thence he remoued to Senon where he abode 5. yeares So the time of his exile continued a 7. yeares in all c. Uppon this the King being certified by his Ambassadours of the Popes aunswere howe his fauoure enclined more to Becket then to him was mooued and woorthely with wrathful displeasure Who vpon the same sailing frō England vnto Normandy directed ouer certain Inunctions against the Pope and the Archbishop of Canterburie as were recited aboue Fol. 207. The contents wherof were declared to be these If any person shal be found to bring from the Pope or from the Archbishop of Canterburie c. Of these and suche other iniunctions Becket specifieth partly in a certaine letter writing to a frend of his in this maner THomas Archbishop of Canterburie to his welbeloued frend c. Be it knowen to your brotherly goodnes that we with al ours heere by Gods grace are safe and in good health Hauing a good hope and trust to your faithfull amitie I charge you and require you that either by the bringer heereof or by some other whome ye know faithfull and trusty to our church of Canterburie and to vs you write with al spede what is done As touching the kings decrees here set out these they be that all hauens and portes shoulde be diligently kept that no letters of the Popes interdict or curse be brought in And if religious men bring them in they shall haue their feete cut off if he be a priest or clearke he shall lose his priuie members If he be a lay man let him be hanged If he be a leper let him be burned And if any bishoppe for feare of the Popes interdict will depart besides his staffe onely in his hand let him haue nothing els Also the kings will is that all scholers and students beyonde the seas shall repaire home or else lose their benefices And if they yet shall remaine still they shall lose the libertie of all returning Further if any such Priests shal be found that for the Popes suspense or interdict wil refuse to sing they shall lose their priuie members In summe all such Priests as shew themselues rebels to the king let them be depriued of their benefices c. Besides these and such like iniunctions it was also set forth by the Kings proclamation An. 1166. that all maner of persons both men and wemen who soeuer were foūd of the kindred of Thomas Becket should be exiled wythout taking any part of their goodes with them and sent to him where he was which was no litle vexatiō to Becket to behold them Moreouer for so much as he then was lying with Gwarine Abbot of Pontiniacke to whome the pope as is aforesaid had cōmended him therefore the king wryting to the same Abbote required him not to retaine the Archbishop of Canterbury in his house for if he did he would driue out of his realme all the monks of his order Whereupon Becket was enforced to remoue from thence and went to Lewes the French King by whome he was placed at Senon and there founde of him the space of fiue yeares as is aboue mentioned In the meane time messengers went daily with letters betwene the king and the pope betwene the Pope againe and him and so betwene the Archbishop and other whereof if the Reader peraduenture shal be desirous to see the copies I thought here to expresse certaine of them to satisfie his desire first beginning w e the Epistle of Becket complaining of his prince to the Pope in maner and forme as foloweth The copie of an Epistle sent of Thomas Becket to Pope Alexander TO your presence and audience I flee moste holy father that you who hath bought the libertie of the Churche with your so great daunger might the rather attend to the same either being the onely or chiefest cause of my persecution vsing and following therein the example of you It grieueth me that the state of the Church should fall to any decay and that the liberties therof should be infringed thorough the auarice of princes For the which cause I thought to resist betime that inconueniencie beginning so to grow And the more I thought my selfe obliged to the same my Prince vnto whome next vnder God I am moste chiefly bound the more boldnesse I tooke to me to withstand his vnrightfull attempts till such that were on the contrary part my aduersaries preuailed working my disquietnesse and incensing him against me Whereupon as the maner is amongst Princes they raised vp against me citations and slaunders to the occasion of my persecution but I had rather to be proscribed then to subscribe Besides this I was also called to iudgement and cited before the king to make answere there as a lay person to secular accomptes where as they whome I most trusted did most forsake me For I saw my fellow brethren the Bishops through the instigation of some ready to my condemnation Wherupon all being set against me I thus oppressed on euery side tooke my refuge to appeale to your goodnesse which casteth off none in their extremities being ready to make my declaration before you that I ought neither to be iudged there in that place nor yet of them For what were that father but to vsurpe to thēselues your right and to bring the spiritualtie vnder the temporaltie Which thing once begon may breede an example to many And therefore so much the more stouter I thought to be in withstanding this matter how much more prone and procliue I saw the way to hurt if they once might see vs to be faint and weake in the same But they will say to me here againe geue to Cesar that which belongeth to Cesar. c. But to answere againe therunto albeit we are boūd to obey our king in most things yet not in such maner of things whereby he is made to be no king neither were they then things belonging to Cesar but to a tyrāt Concerning the which points these Bishops should not for me onely but for themselues haue resisted the king For if the extreme iudgemēt be reserued to him which is able to iudge both body and soul is it not then extreme pride for men there to iudge which iudge but by themselues If the cause of
be seen after For he sayd that the warres in Fraunce shoulde not be ended till the Realme were vtterly wasted exiled in euery part The which saying was well sene after for the noble realme of Fraunce was sore wasted and exiled specially in the terme that the sayd Fryer had set The which was in the yeares of our Lord. 1356. 57. 58. 59. He sayd in those yeares the Princes and Gentlemen of the Realme should not for feare shew themselues agaynst the people of low estate assembled of all countries without head or captayne and they shoulde doe as they list in the Realme of Fraunce the which fell after as ye haue heard how the coÌ„panions assembled them together and by reason of theyr robbery and pillage waxed rich became great captains About the same time happened in Fraunce a certayne contention betwene the French Prelates and the Fryers of Paris testified and recorded by Godfridus de Fontanis the briefe effect of which story is this The Prelates of France conuenting and assembling together in the Citty of Paris after a long deliberation among themselues caused by the Bedels to be called together all the Studentes maisters Bachelers of euery facultie with the chiefe heads also of al the Religious houses and Friers in the vniuersitie of Paris who being al there congregated together in the bishop of paris his house where there were preseÌ„t 4. archbishops and 20 Bishops first stood vp the Bishop of Biturecense who there making his Sermon tooke for his theame the place of S. Paule to the Ephesians Fratres vt sciatis quae sit longitudo latitudo altitudo profunditas charitatis c. and concluded therupon first that true charity would compell them to see and prouide for their flockes Secondly that the vigore of charity would arme them to withstand errors Thirdly he concluded that by duety of charity they were bound to geue theyr liues for the soules of theyr flock committed to their charge Fourthly that by the same charity euery man to holde himselfe content with that which was his owne and not to intevineddle or busye himselfe further then to him appertayned or belonged to his office For there sayth he all order ecclesiasticall is dissolued where as men not concerning themselues in their owne precincts presume in othermes charges where they haue nothing to doe But this charity sayth he now a dayes waxeth colde and all Ecclesiasticall order is confounded and vtterly out of order For many there be which nowe a dayes presume to thrust in themselues where they haue nothing to do so that now the Church may seeme a monster For as in a natural body appeareth a monster where one meÌ„ber doth the office of an other so in the spirituall body which is the church may be thought likewise As wheÌ„ our learned and prudent brethren to wit the Friers maiors and minors do take vpon them to vsurpe and occupye the office to vs specially apperteining namely where as the scripture warneth vs all none to take vpoÌ„ him any office except he be called thereunto of the Lord as Aaron was Wherfore we haue heretofore oftentimes caused the sayd Friers both by the king himselfe in his owne person also by other nobles to be spoken to and desired to furcease from doing and intermedling in our office yet they would not but haue preached agaynst our willes through all our diocesses haue heard confessioÌ„s saying that they haue the Popes priuiledge to beare them out therein For the which cause we come to you and not we here present onely but also we haue the handwriting and the full consent of all other our fellow Bishops throughout the kingdome of Fraunce to complaâ—ne to you of this so great insolency and presumptioÌ„ of the Friers For that as we are you shall be Neither do I thinke to be any of vs prelates here now which haue not sometime bene taken out of this vniuersity of yours We haue desired moreouer and caused to be desired the foresayd Friers to send their priuilegies to the Apostolicke see to be interpreted and expounded more playnely by the Lord Pope which they refused also to do Wherefore to the intent you may the better vnderstand and see what their priuiledges be and how farre they do extend we haue appoynted the said priuilege here openly to be read vnto you Then stood vp an other in the publicke place and there read the priuileges of both the orders and afterward read also the constitution of Pope Innocent 3. written in the 5 of the decretals and beginneth Omnis vtriusque sexus c. which constitution was repugnant and contrary to the foresayd priuilegies as he there manifestly proued declaring how both the said priuiliges were derogatory to that constitution This done then rose vp the Bishop Ambianensis a great Lawyer who discoursing froÌ„ article to article there proued by good law that the sayd constitution stood in hys full force and vigore and ought not to be infringed by the friers priuilegies in no part And therfore by the vertue of that constitution that the Friers ought not so misorderly to intrude themselues in hearing confessioÌ„s in inioyning of penaunce and in preaching in Churches and Diocesses without speciall licence of the Bishop of the Dioces curate of the parish vnto whose words neuer a Frier at that time replyed againe And so the Bishop proceeding to his conclusion desired the vniuersity to assist them in that case wherin they were all determined saith he to stand firmely to the shedding of theyr bloud in resisting that misorder and iniuries of the Friers This happened the 6. day of December which they dedicate to S. Nicholas The next day being sonday one of the order of the minorites or Franciscanes went to the Church of the maiorites or preaching Friers where he made a sermon whiche was neuer sene before the one order to come and resort with the other beginning in the forsayd matter to reply to expound in order through euery article as well as he could adding moreouer and saying that they went not so farre in their priuilegies as they lawfully might And said moreouer that what time the sayd priuileges were in obteining in Rome the Bishop Ambianensis was there present himselfe resisting the same with all his power yea all the Prelates also of Fraunce sent and wrote vp to the Court agaynst the same and yet did not preuaile For wheÌ„ the Friers there presently declared opened to the Pope in what maner and how farr they had vsed priuileges the Pope the same time sayd Placet That is agreed vnto the same And now sayth he the Prelates require demaund of vs to send vp our priuiledges to the Court which were great folly in vs For in so doing what should we els but geue place occasioÌ„ to reuoke agayn the authority which is geuen in our handes already Furthermore our wardeÌ„ and maister
is now lately dead and the maister here of the Dominike Friers is not now present Wherfore we dare not determine in such a weighty cause touching the priuileges of our order without the presence of them And ther fore we desire you of the Uniuersity to holde vs therin excused and not to be so lightly stirred against vs for we are not the worst and vilest part of the Uniuersity c. The next day being the 8. day of the same moneth whithe is also dedicate to the conception of our Ladye vpon which day it was determined likewise that one of the dominicke Friers should preach in the Church of the Franciscane or gray Friers and so he did tending to the same end as the other frier in the other church had done before Whereby it may seeme the prouerb well aunswered vnto whereof we read in the Gospell Facti sunt amici Herodes Pilatus in ipsa die It was not long after that the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle folowed in whose Uigile all the heads of the Uniuersity againe were warned the third day after to congregate together in the Church of S. Bernard at the sermon time Which being done and the assembly meeting together an other Sermō was made by a Diuine of the Uniuersity whose theame was Prope est Dominus omnibus inuocantibus eum in veritate c. Wherein he with many words and great authorities argued agaynst them that woulde not be obedient vnto theyr Prelats c. The sermon being ended then rose vp againe the Bishop Ambianensis who prosecuting the rest of the Theame and comming to the word in veritate deuided it in three parts according to the common glose of the decretals Est verum vitae doctrinae iusticiaeque Primum semper habe duo propter scandala linque Shewing and declaring by many authorities both of canonicall scriptures and out of the law and by euidēt demonstratiō of experience that the Friers first had no verity of life because they were full of hypocrisy neither had they verity of doctrine because in their hart they bare gall and in theyr toung hony neither verity of iustice because they vsurped other mens offices And thus concluding with the same caused agayn to be read the sayd priuileges with the constitution aboue specified And so expoūding place by place did argue and proue that the sayd constitution in no part was euacuat or infringed by that priuilegies aforesayd Which thing being declared he added moreouer that where as the Friers say sayd he that I should be present in the obteining of the priuileges I graunt it to be true when word came to me thrise thereof I went to the Pope reclayming requiring the sayd priuileges to be renoked But the next day after it so pleased the Pope to send me out abroad vpon weighty affayres so that then the matter had no end After that we sent also other messengers with our letters for the same cause vnto the Court of Rome whom the Friers say not to haue preuailed but they lye therein For the sayd messengers agayne brought vs letters from the chief of the court of Rome sealed with their seales which letters we haue diuers times presented to our king wil shortly shew them vnto you all In the which letters the Lord Pope hath promised the sayd priuiledges either to be vtterly abrogate or els to be mitigated with some more playnely interpretation of the which we trust shortly to haue the publicke Bulle or writ from the Pope At last the sayd Bishop required desired of all there of what Dioces or countrey so euer they were that they would copy out the foresayd priuiledges and send them abroad into their coūtries that all men might see what they were and how far they did extēd In fine the matter comming into open disputation it was cōcluded by M. Giles one of the Austine Friers who was thought to be most reasonable of all the other Friers in this wise that after his sentence the Prelates were in the truer part c. Haec ex Godfrido de Fontanis ¶ Concerning this wrangling contention betwene the Uniuersity and Friers of Fraunce heretofore mentioned whereof partly the original cause there may be vnderstand by that which hath bene sayd to rise vpon certaine priuilegies graūted by popes to the Friers to intermedle in matters of Parish churches As to heare confessiōs to preach and teach with power there to annexed to gather for theyr labor to bury within their houses and to receiue impropriations c. because it were long here to describe the full circumstances therof also because the sayd contention dyd endure a long time not onely in fraūce but also came ouer to englād The whole discourse therof more ample Christ willing shal be declared in the beginning of the next booke folowing when we come to the story of Armachanus About what time yere this brawle was in the Uniniuersity of Paris betwene the Friers and Prelats there as hath bene declared the like contētion happened also in the vniuersity of Oxford in the yeare aboue prefixed 1354. saue onely that the strife amōg the maisters of Paris as it rose vpon Frierly ceremonies so it went no farther then brawling wordes and matter of excōmunication but this tumult rising of a dronken cause proceeded further vnto bloudy stripes The first originall wherof began in a tauerne betwene a scholer the good man of the house Who falling together in altercatiō grew to such heat of words that the student contra ius hospitij poured the wine vpon the head of the host and brake his head with the quart pot Upon this occasion geuen estsoones parts began to be taken betwene townes men the scholers In somuch that a grieuous sedition conflict folowed vpō the same wherin many of the townes men were wounded to the number of 20. slayn Diuers also of the scolers grieuously hurt The space of 2. dayes this hurly burly continued Vpon the second day certain religious and deuout persōs ordeined a solemne processiō general to pray for peace Yet notwithstanding all that procession as holy as it was it would not bring peace In the which procession the skirmish stil waxing hoat one of the studentes being hardly pursued by the townesmen for succour in his flight came running to the Priest or Frier which caried about as the maner was the pixe thinking to finde refuge at the presēce of the transubstātiated God of the aultar there caried inboxed Notwithstanding the God there not presēt or els not seing him or els peraduēture being a sleepe the scholer foūd there small helpe For the townesmen in the heate of the chase forgetting belike the vertue of the popes transubstātiation folowed him so hard that in the presēce of the pixe they brake his head woūded him greuously This done at length some peace or truce for that day was taken The
sought to by pilgrimages neither is it lawfull for Christians to bow theyr knees to them neither to kisse them nor to geue them any maner of reuerence For the which Articles the Archbishoppe with other Bishops and diuers learned commoning together first condemned the bookes as hereticall and burned them in fire and then because they thought the said Iohn Claydon to be forsworne and fallen into heresy the Archbishop did proceed to his definitiue sentence against the said Iohn personally appearing before him in iudgement his coÌ„fessions being read and deposed against him after this maner IN the name of God Amen We Henry by the grace of GOD Archbishop of Caunterbury primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke sea in a certayne cause of hereticall prauity of relapse into the same wherupon I. Claidon lay man of the prouince of Caunterbury was detected accused and denounced in the sayd our prouince of Caunterbury publickely defamed as by publick fame and common report notoriously to vs hath bene known first sitting in iudgement seat obseruing all things lawfully required in this behalfe do proceed to the pronouncing of the sentence definitiue in forme as followeth The name of Christ being inuocated onely set before our eies forasmuch as by the actes and thinges enacted producted exhibited and confessed before vs also by diuers signes euidences we haue found the said Iohn Claydon to haue bene and to be publickly and notoriously relapsed agayne into his former heresye heretofore by him abiured according to the merites and desertes of the sayd cause being of vs diligently searched weyed and pondered before to the inteÌ„t that the sayd I. Claidon shall not infect other with his scab by the consent and assent of our reuerend brethreÌ„ Richard Bishop of LoÌ„don Iohn Bishop of Couentry and Liechfield Steuen Bishop of S. Dauids and of other Doctors as well of diuinity as of both lawes and also of other discreet and learned men assisting vs in this behalfe do iudge pronounce and declare the sayd I. Claydon to be relapsed agayne into his heresy which he before did abiure finally and definitiuely appoynting him to be left vnto the secular iudgement and so do leaue him by these presentes Thus Iohn Claidon receiuing his iudgement condemnation of the Archbishop was committed to the secular power and by them vniustly vnlawfully was coÌ„mitted to the fire for that the teÌ„porall magistrate had no such law sufficient for them to burne any suche man for religion condeÌ„ned of the prelats as is aboue sufficiently proued declared pag. 523. But to be short Quo iurè quaque iniuria Iohn Cleydon notwithstanding by the temporall magystrats not loÌ„g aâ—ter was had to smithfield where meekely he was made a burnt offering vnto the Lord. an 1415. The burning of Iohn Claydon and Richard Turming Robert Fabian and other Chronologers which folow him adde also that Richard Turming Baker of whome mention is made before in the examination of Iohn Claydon was likewise the same time burned with him in smithfield Albeit in the Register I finde no sentence of condemnation geuen against the sayd Turming neither yet in the story of S. Albons is there any such metioÌ„ of his burning made but only of the burning of Iohn Claydon aforesaid wherfore the iudgement hereof I leaue free to the reader Notwithstanding concerning the sayd Turming thys is certaine that he was accused vnto the bishops no doubt was in their handes bands What afterward was done with him I refer it vnto the authors The next yeare after the burning of these two aforesaid and also of Iohn Hus being burnt at Constaunce whiche was an 1416. the Prelates of England seing the dayly increase of the Gospell and fearing the ruine of theyr papall kingdome were busily occupied with all theyr counsel and diligence to mayntayne the same Wherefore to make their state and kingdome sure by statutes lawes constitutions and terrour of punishment as Thomas Arundell and other Prelates had done before so the forenamed Henrye Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury in his conuocation holden at London maketh another constitutioÌ„ as though there had not enough bene made before agaynst the poore Lollardes the coppy and tenor wherof he sendeth abroad to the bishop of London and to other his Suffraganes by them to be put in straight execution conteyning in words as foloweth HEnry by the grace of God Archbishop of Canterbury Primate of all England and Legate of the chiefest seat to our reuereÌ„d brother in the Lord Richard by the grace of God bishop of London health brotherly loue with continuall increase Lately in our last conuocation in Sayncte Paules Church in London being kept by you and other our brethren and clergy of our prouince we do remember to haue made this order vnderwritten by your consentes When as among many other our cares this ought to be chiefe that by some meanes we take those heretickes whiche like foxes lurke hide theÌ„selues in the Lordes vineyard that the dust of negligeÌ„ce may be vtterly shakeÌ„ from our feete and from the feete of our fellow brethren In thys the sayd conuocation of the Prelats and clergy we haue ordeined and that our fellowe brethren our Suffraganes and Archdeacons of our prouince of Canterbury by theÌ„selues their Officials or Commissaryes in all their iurisdictioÌ„s euery of their charges in theyr country twise euery yere at the least do diligeÌ„tly enquire of such persons as are suspect of heresy And that in euery suche their Archdeaconries in euery parish wherin is reported any hereticks to inhabit they cause three or more of the honestest meÌ„ and best reported of to take their othe vpon the holy Euangelist that if they shall knowe or vnderstand any frequenting either in priuy conueÌ„ticles or els deferring in life or maners froÌ„ the common conuersation of other Catholick men or els that holde any either heresyes or errors or els that haue any suspected bookes in the English tong or that do receiue any such persons suspect of heresyes and errours into theyr houses or that be fauorers of them that are inhabitants in any such place or conuersant with them or els haue any recourse vnto them they make certificats of those persons in writing with all the circumstances wherewith they are suspect vnto the said our Suffraganes or Archdeacons or to theyr Commissaryes so soone with as much speede as possibly they can And that the sayd Archdeacon and euery of their Commissaryes aforesayd do declare the names of all such persons denounced together with all the circuÌ„staÌ„ces of theÌ„ the dioces places secretly vnder theyr seales do send ouer vnto vs the same And that the same diocessans effectually direct forth lawfull proces agaynst them as the quality of the cause requireth that with all diligence they discerne define and execute the same And if perhaps they leaue not such persons
coÌ„uict vnto the secular court yet notwithstanding let them commit theÌ„ vnto the perpetuall or temporall prisons as the quality of the cause shall require vntil the next conuocation of yâ— prelates and Clergy of our prouince of Canterbury there personally to remaine and that in the same prisons they cause theÌ„ to be kept according as the lawe requireth And that of all and singular the things aforesayd that is what iniquisition they haue made and what they haue found and how in the processe they haue behaued themselues and what persons so conuict they haue caused to be put in safe keeping with what diligence or negligence of the Commissaryes aforesayd with all and all maner of other circumstances premised and therunto in any wise apperteining and specially of the abiurations if in the meane time they shall chaunce to abiure any heresyes that then in the next coÌ„uocation of the Prelates and Clergy vnder the forme aforesayd they cause the same distinctly and apertly to be certified to vs and our successours And that they deliuer effectually to the Officiall of our Court the same processe to remain with them or els in the register of one court of Canterbury so that euery one to whom â—â—th things appertaineth for the further execution of the same proces may haue recourse vnto the same officiall with all effect We therefore commaund that as touching the constitution brought vnto your City Diocesan you cause the same in conuenieÌ„t place and time to be published and that in all pointes you both obserue the same your selues and cause it also of others to be diligently obserued CommauÌ„ding furthermore all and singular our felow brethren and Suffraganes that they in likewise cause the same to be published throughout all their Cities and Dioces both diligently obserue the same themselues and also cause al others to do the same and what thing soeuer you shall do in the premisses that you certify vs betwixt this and the feast of S. Peter ad vincula next comming that you duely certify vs of these thinges by your letters patentes contayning the same effect sealed with your seales Dated at our house in London the first day of Iuly an 1416. During the time of this conuocatioÌ„ in the yere aboue sayd two priestes were presented brought before the bishops noted and defamed for hereticks one named Iohn Barton vnto whom it was obiected by Philip Bishop of Lincolne that he had bene excommunicated about 6. or 7. yeares before vpon Articles concerning religion and yet neither would appeare being cited nor woulde seeke to be reconciled agayne vnto the Church Which thinges being so prooued agaynst him he was committed to the custody of the foresayd Philip Bishoppe of Lincolne and so to be holden in prison till he should heare further what should be done The other was Robert Chapel otherwise named Holbech Chaplain sometime to the Lord Cobham vnto whoÌ„ likewise it was obiected that he being vnder the sentence of excommunication about three or foure yeares yet notwithstanding to the contempt of the keyes did continue saying Masse and preaching sought not to be recoÌ„ciled Chapel denying that he did know any such excommunication geuen out agaynst him Then was the copy of his excommunicatioÌ„ first made by the bishop of Roff. afterward denouÌ„ced by the Bishop of LoÌ„don at Paules crosse brought and read before him so that done that Session brake vp for that time which was about the latter ende of May. an 1416. The xij day of the moneth of Iuly next following the sayd Chappell appeared agayn before the Archbishop and the Prelates To whom when it was obiected as before how he had preached without the Bishops licence in dyuers places as at Cobham at Cowling and at Shorne ac length he confessing and submitting himself desired pardoÌ„ Which although it was not at the first graunted vnto him yet at the last the Bishop of Roff. putting in his hands the decree of the canon law 1. q. 7. cap. Quoties c. and causing him to read the same made him to aviure all his former articles opinions as hereticall and schismaticall neuer to holde the same agayne according to the contentes of the foresayd Canon Wherupon the sayd Robert being absolued by the authority of the Archb. saue only that he should not intermeddle with saying Masse before he had bene dispensed from the Pope himselfe for his irregularity was enioyned by the Archb. himselfe for his penance standing at Paules to publish these articles folowing vnto the people in stead of his confession geuen him to be read In primis I confesse that Bishops Priestes and other Ecclesiasticall persons hauing no other profession to the contrary may lawfully haue receiue and reteyne landes and possessions temporall to dispense and dispose the same and the rentes thereof to the behoofe of themselues or of theyr Church where they dwell according as semeth good to them 2. Item I confesse that it were very vnlawfull yea rather vniust that temporal men vpon any occasion whatsoeuer it be should take away temporall landes and possessions from the church either vniuersal or particular to whoÌ„ they are geuen the consideration of the abuse of mortall prelates priest or other ministers in the Church conuersant which are mixt together good with bad abusing the same to the contrary notwithstanding 3. Item I confesse that peregrinations to the reliques of saintes and to holy places are not prohibited nor to be coÌ„temned of any Catholicke but are auayleable to remission of sinnes and approued of holy fathers and worthy to be commended 4. Item I confesse that to worship the images of Christ or of any other saynts being set vp in the church or in any other place is not forbiddeÌ„ neither is any cause inductiue of Idolatry being so vsed as the holy fathers do will them to be worshipped But rather such images do profit much to the health of Christians because they do put vs in remeÌ„brauÌ„ce of the merits of those sayntes whom they represent and the sight of them doth moone and stirre vp the people to prayers and deuotion 5. Item I confesse that auriculer confession vsed in the Churche is necessarye for a sinner to the saluation of hys soule and necessary to be done of such a priest as is ordeyned by the Church to heare the confession of the sinner to enioyne him penance for the same without which confession if it may be had there is no remission of sinnes to him that is in sinne mortall 6. Item I confesse and firmely do hold that although the Priest be in mortall sinne yet may he make the bodye of Christ and minister other Sacramentes and Sacramentals which neuerthelesse are profitable to all the faythfull whosoeuer receiueth them in fayth and in deuotion of the Church 7. Item I confesse that bishops in their own dioces may forbid decree ordayn vpoÌ„ reasonable causes that priests should not preach without theyr