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B20451 Justice vindicated from the false fucus [i.e. focus] put upon it, by [brace] Thomas White gent., Mr. Thomas Hobbs, and Hugo Grotius as also elements of power & subjection, wherein is demonstrated the cause of all humane, Christian, and legal society : and as a previous introduction to these, is shewed, the method by which men must necessarily attain arts & sciences / by Roger Coke.; Reports. Part 10. French Coke, Roger, fl. 1696. 1660 (1660) Wing C4979 450,561 399

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Nor was that less abhorrent to me which men in this factious age beg for a Principle viz. That all men by Nature or the Law of Nature are in a like equal condition and that the Laws of Nature are eternal and immutable even by God himself And yet by a continued violence upon these eternal and immutable Laws men should every where in the world live in Society or in the mutual offices of commanding and obeying Yet did not I so confidently resolve these things as to exclude what I could argue against them I therefore did suppose in my self a company of such men as were in a parity of condition yet could I never conceive it possible that ever any Civitas or Supreme power could be derived or created by them For either this Civitas must be superior to the Cives or People that made it or not If it were not superior to it then could it not govern or rule them for dominion is always placed in the superior part If superior to it then was the Creature or Instrument superior to the Cause and Creator which is most absurd Nor was it to me less monstrous to imagine that any thing could give or transfer that to another which it self hath not but this people or multitude who should make this civitas had neither Jus vitae or necis nor Property seperately nor conjunctly they could not therefore endue another with that power which none of them nor all of them together had and without which there can be no supream power which may protect and defend Subjects But I did not insist onely upon this but supposed that the cives could make a civitas which should be superior to them and endew it with a power which none of them nor all of them had yet was I no less perplexed then before who these cives which should make this civil Pact should be and who should be subject to it If onely those be the cives who made this civitas and they onely subject to it then were Women and Children who were none of the cives that made this civitas free and independent from it Nor could all the people or multitude of both Sexes and all Ages in such an imaginary state be the cives which must constitute this civitas by virtue of the civil Pact For many must necessarily be so yong as not being compotes mentium they could have understanding sufficient for the doing such an act And if no Laws oblige Men to their Pacts and Contracts done under such an age then sure it must be unreasonable that Children and Infants should be obliged to their act if they then did it or therefore obliged because others had done it upon whom they had no dependence Well but suppose these men in such a condition to be qualified to do such an act yet did another doubt arise which I could no ways salve viz. Who should define at what age the Men should be who should constitute this civitas Well I went yet further I supposed it granted That it should be agreed at what age Men in such a condition might give up their wills and constitute a civitas yet was it not in reason probable that this civitas should be of one days continuance For being formally constituted of such individual cives it could not be of any longer continuance then the cause Sublata causa tollitur effectus but the next day some of the cives would be probably dead and others grown up to be of age who were none of those individuals which did constitute the civitas Well but I supposed the cives who made Formae rerum sicut numeri consistunt in indivisibili They could not therefore be the cives that did constitute the civitas and by consequence no such could remain as the civitas this civitas to be immortal and no posterity yet could not I in reason expect it to be of any continuance for cujus est velle ejus est nolle and not onely all just and legal actions but all Arts and Sciences may truly and ultimately be resolved into their first Principles without any diminution to them The People therefore constant in nothing but inconstancy could not in reason be expected constant and obedient to their Creature the civitas onely and yet so in nothing else Besides I always did believe and yet do that all Mens Pacts and Wills must be conformable to the Laws of every place and where they are against them then do they oblige no further then to Repentance Much more therefore ought all mens Wills and Pacts to conform and submit to the Laws of Nature and never transgress that and that all Pacts and Acts of mens Wills made against it oblige to nothing but Repentance Nor is there any thing more abominable then to conceive that the Acts of mens Wills should irritate the Law of Nature which they say is immutable by God Hence it is I conceive that Mr. Hobbs will not have all men to be of a like and equal condition lege naturae but jure naturae and therefore most absurdly makes jus naturae to be contrary to lex naturae and yet oftentimes in his Preface and Cap. 8. Art 10. confounds jus with lex and that the Acts of mens Wills to make them in a better estate then God hath made them should be the Law of Nature or of God Whereas on the contrary If no man that ever was born in the World which was not a Posthumus King but was born in subjection not onely to his Parents or as a Servant in a Family but to something superior to these then cannot the will of that man nor all the men in the World alter or make that man in another condition then that whereof neither any act of his will nor the will of any man else was the cause But yet did not I conclude things onely as I was an intellectual or rational Creature but being a Christian I submitted all my Reason and Understanding to the most high Authority of sacred Scripture in those plain places which admit of no Controversie where both in the Old and New Testament the first causes of supream Power are owned to be Gods Ordinance Rom. 13. By God Kings raign and Princes decree Prov. 8. Justice and there can be no power but from above Joh. 19. 11. And all power is in relation to something subject to it But because I would not seem to see only with mine own eyes I desired yet to be better informed of these things and from whom better then Mr. Hobbs and Hugo Grotius Men no doubt of as eminent learning and parts as any this last Age hath produced these Men both derive their civitas from such Principles as is before spoken of viz. From the Pacts and contracts of Men in a parity and equal condition but so far was I from being convinced that if I understand them aright I was amazed to see such inconsistible
at all So that it may be rather termed a Representative of the Free Corporations then a Representative of the Freeborn people of England The House of Commons therefore cannot be a Representative of the Freeborn people of England But suppose them the Representatives of the Freeborn people of this Nor the Supreme Authority of the Nation Nation yet cannot they be the Supreme Authority of it for no power can act beyond the power of its being I say therefore that no Representative can be supreme or superior to the cause of its being The House of Commons therefore cannot be granting it the Representative of the Freeborn people of this Nation the Supreme Authority of the Nation But if the house of Commons be not sent by the people and their Representatives Who creates them and by what right do they make a house of Commons Before we answer this Quaere wee will see of what sorts of men a house Of what sorts of men the house of Commons is compounded of Commons is compounded A house of Commons is compounded of three sorts of men viz. Knights of Counties Citizens sent by Cities and Burgesses of Corporations Barons of the Cinque Ports are the same thing differently expressed with Burgesses of Corporations Now that all Cities Burroughs Corporations and Cinque Ports are not so jure naturali nor by any inherent birthright but from their Charter which is nothing else but the Kings grant is so manifest that I think no man in his wits will deny But all Cities and Corporations are not alike in priviledges but more or less as they are impowred by their Charter or Grant of the King Some Corporations have Liberties Priviledges and are impowred to send Burgesses others have Liberties and Priviledges but not qualified to send Burgesses nay some Cities have Liberties and Priviledges but not endewed with this right of having Representative in the house of Commons as the Cities of Durham and Ely And as neither Cities nor Burroughs are endewed with these their Liberties What creates the house of Commons and Priviledges by any inherent birthright so neither are the Counties nor Inhabitants endewed with any right of sending Knights of their Counties by any inherent birthright for then had all the Counties a like right one as another and all the Inhabitans a like vote and they mighr create representatives as often as they should see occasion But all these are most evidently false for we have shewed before that not only the division of this Nation into Counties was an act of the Kings but all Counties are not alike endewed with this Priviledge some Counties in Wales sending but one and the County of Durham none at all Nor have all men a like vote in electing and yet as much subject to Laws made in Parliament as other men but men only who have 40 s. yearly freehold rent nor can these 40 s. a year men when they will send their representatives What then does impower these to send representatives Why let Sir Ed. Coke say Inst 4. p. 1. Knights of Shires Citizens of Cities and Burgesses of Burroughs are respectively elected by the Counties Cities and Burroughs by force of the Kings Writ So that the Kings Writ is the first and efficient cause of the pag. 28. house of Commons as well of the Knights as Citizens and Burgesses the Commons cannot begin nor be dissolved without the King in person or representation If then Rebellion be as the sin of Witchcraft as the Holy Ghost saies Annot. and if crimen lesae Majestatis be the highest crime and impiety as all Lawyers hold and if Gratitude be one the chief of all Moral virtues as all men hold for si ingratum dixeris omnia dixeris no man who is an ingrateful man but has rendred himself as if he had committed all manner of wickedness How impious then is it for men only from the Kings grace endewed with this high favor to convert it in opposition and derogation of that power and person from whence they originally received it But they say if the Commons did it then was it done by the people and so just and not to be questioned as if the people were not a thing to be governed and all as much subject to the King and Laws as every one or that a thing just or unjust in it self were more just or unjust because more or fewer did it Will any man say the crucifying of our Saviour was therefore just because many of the Jews did it or that a rout or riot is therefore lawful because done by many men or that it is not paricide or regicide if many Sons and Subjects kill their Parents and King As all the Members of both houses are created by the King so cannot The Parliament cannot begin but by the King these Members be formed into a body but by the King either by his Royal presence or representation By representation two waies either by a Guardian of England by Letters Patents under the great Seal when the King is in remotis out of the Realm or by Commission under the great Seal of Inst 4. p. 6. England to certain Lords of Parliament representing the person of the King he being within the Realm in respect of some infirmity This House is so far from being the Supreme Authority of the Nation The Jurisdiction of the Commons House that they are not a Court of Judicature nor can impose an Oath or take any mans Examination Yet Sir Ed. Coke says Inst 4. 28. that the House of Commons is to many purposes a distinct Court because he says they cannot be prorogued or adjourned but by its self yet gives no more It is true indeed that to many purposes among themselves they do judge their Members and Elections and have a Committee for Religion but these things are more of custom whether good or bad I cannot tell then of any original right that I know or ever heard of And Sir Ed. Coke Inst 4. 11. says They being the general Inquisitors of the Realm have principal care in the beginning of Parliaments to appoint Committees of Grievances both in Church and Commonwealth of Courts of Justice of Priviledges and of Advancement of Trade They have been wont too ever since the Statute de Tallagie non concedendo of course to grant the King Aids in extraordinary cases The House of Peers assisted as aforesaid are the Supreme Court of The Jurisdiction of the House of Lords Judicature in this Nation not only to judge whether matters presented to them by the Commons be fit or requisite for the King to pass into Laws as Monsieur Bodin well observes who disputes this better then any of our English Lawyers that I know of has done but also of Writs of Error and of matters of Fact either not determinable in other Courts or else when though they are determinable in other Courts yet in regard of nicety or
it is impossible they should receive their origination and first power from the Pacts and Contracts of Men For where there is no precedent humane Law obliging men can neither make Pacts Contracts or Gifts nor have any thing to give and contract for And to suppose that humane laws must precede and oblige men to thei Contracts and Pacts and that Contracts and Pacts must precede humane laws and give them their power is most manifestly absurd and contradictory THE CONTENTS of the Second Book Chap. I. HAving thus far treated of Rights and Laws which are the prime and efficient cause of all Humane Christian and Legal Society We in the first Chapter of this Book proceed to declare the Causes of all Society Chap. II. This Chap. shews the cause and end of Regal power Chap. III. Declares the attributes of it and incidently the causes of Magistrates power Chap. IV. Compares the three species of Government viz. Monarchy Democracy and Aristocracy wherein the excellency of Monarchy appears above either of the other as well by reason and experience as by the institution of God and consent of the world Chap. V. Shews the internal causes disposing men to sedition as well from the Party governing as from the Subjects or party governed Chap. VI. Declares the causes and attributes of the Fathers power And Chap. VII The causes and attributes of the Husbands power In this Chap. is demonstrated that though the Fathers and Husbands power be from the Law of Nature yet may the exercise of them be restrained by the Supreme power of any place without any wrong or prejudice to them which could not be done without a violence upon the Law of Nature if the Fathers and Husbands power were an institution of God and Supreme powers an institution of Man Chap. VIII Contains the causes and attributes of Despotical or the Masters power wherein is declared that if it be impossible for any man to make another his Master then necessarily is it impossible any man should make another his Prince or Soveraign Chap. IX Treats of the causes and attributes of Ecclesiastical power DEFINITIONS 1. SOciety Aristotle in lib. 1. Pol. cap. 5. truly defines to be made up of many What is Society divided parts or persons so that there must necessarily be Unum quid quod imparet alterum quod pareat 2. There are six sorts of Society First of Supreme powers and Subjects How manifold is the Society of Men. Secondly of Magistrates and those committed to their care or government and this is most properly called the Civitas especially where the Magistrates and those in their jurisdiction have a priviledged or exempted authority peculiar to them and not the same with that which is not contained in their jurisdiction Such are the Societies of our Civitates Boroughs and Corporations in England where the Magistrates jurisdiction is exempt and priviledged from the ordinary jurisdiction of Magistrates where these priviledges and immunities are not Thirdly of Husband and Wife and this Society the Greeks called Gamaca Fourthly of Fathers and Children which is called Patrica Fifthly of Masters and Servants which is called Despotica Besides these there is a sixth Society which is proper only to Christians viz. of Bishops Curates and Congregations committed to their charge 3. Potestas est jus imperiale in aliqua persona cujus praeceptum continet What is power rationem obedientiae 4. There are four kinds of Powers viz. Divine Humane or Natural Legal How many kinds of powers are there What is Divine power and Ecclesiastical 5. Divine power or right of Command is that power which is by highest right solely and originally in God and incommunicable to any Creature from whence all other Powers are mediately or immediately derived 6. Humane power is a right of Command created immediately by God or What is Humane power immediately derived from the Law of Nature 7. Legal power is a right of Command which is not immediately derived What is Legal power from any positive or natural law of God but from some Humane law 8. Ecclesiastical power is an institution of our Saviour and left to continue What is Ecclesiastical power What is force or Tyranny in the Church of Christ until his second coming to Judgment 9. Force or Tyranny is an usurpation of Command of any Creature or company of Creatures not created by any law of God or Man Nor is it the commanding of one alone which makes Tyranny the very Grecians could account the Athenian Thirty to be Tyrants and so could the Romans the Decemviri and Triumviri And no question but it was malice and spight which made the Grecians call all Kings Tyrants and both Romans and Grecians to make all Kings to be Ravenous creatures And all those Kings who abuse their power are by men usually called Tyrants not justly I find no such title given to Saul Ahab Ahaz Nabuchadnezzar but Wicked and Idolatrous often Nor is a Father or Husband less a Father or Husband if they abuse their powers because they have a right of Command 10. Dominion or Government is the exercise of Command by any Creature What is Dominion or Government or company of Creatures who have a right or no right of Command So that though all Government or Dominion be the exercise of Command yet is not all Government the exercise of Power as the Dominion or Government of Thieves Robbers and Pyrates c. is the exercise of Command who yet have no right of Command 11. All Power is Right but all Right is not Power as Jus Proprietatis How Potestas differs from Jus. Usufructuarium is Right not Power Common Notion ALl Created Powers are from the Law of Nature or Divine posisive Institution or Humane Laws THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. Of Society or the mutual offices of Commanding and Obeying 1. IF all Commanding and Obeying had To command and to obey is no humane artifice or invention been an Humane artifice or invention then was there a time when Men lived out of Society and in a parity or equal condition without commanding and obeying But there is no such time recorded in Sacred or Prophane history wherein Men lived so or when or who first invented or introduced these offices of commanding and obeying Besides we see that Arts and Sciences are received in one place and not in another and in the same place and by the same men at one time and neglected at another But at no time or place did ever men live out of society or commanding and obeying All commanding therefore and obeying is no Humane artifice or invention 2. If then there was never any man born but was born in subjection To command and to obey is natural and all subjection being in the predicament of relation which must suppose something commanding and if all things which are not artificial or invented are natural Then is it as evident as that Homo
King comes to be in the exercise of another Kings power he is subject to that King so long as he continues in the exercise or dominion of that King By more reason therefore ought the Subjects of any Prince to be in subjection to Supreme powers so long as they continue in the exercise of their power whether it were by Conquest or not Besides God hath ordained Supreme powers for mens preservation not their destruction And there must be some visible power upon earth which may put a period to and decide differences or they will be endless But there is no power under heaven but their sword that can put a period to the differences of Princes what therfore in such case the sword decides ought to be obeyed and the conquered Subjects nay Princes who come into the dominion or exercise of anothers power ought to be subject to it so long as they continue therein God therefore pronounceth Zedekiah a Rebel against Nebuchadnezzer But this reason cannot 1 Chro. 36. 13. hold for Subjects against their Soveraign where the Law may decide their Regal power cannot be transferred nor communicated by any humane or voluntary act differences and where by no Law of God or Man they are permitted to take the sword 26. Cujus est velle ejus est nolle No power less then that which made any thing can alter it But Regal power is Gods ordinance therefore nothing less then the power of God can alter transfer or communicate it Yet is the exercise of it subject to violence As Gravia sursum levia deorsum feruntur yet may a man by violence throw a stone upward and depress smoke from ascending without altering the nature of either So though Regal power cannot be transferred nor communicated by Man yet is the exercise of it not only subject to violence and usurpation but also being voluntary may be suspended by Supreme powers themselves without any diminution of the power or right of exercise of it When therefore Subjects or Enemies do unjustly invade and possess the Dominion of another this possession does not divest the right or jus ad rem of that other but only suspend the exercise of the others power or right during such usurpation So may a King by a league or peace with others by his act suspend the exercise of his power in any place unjustly usurped from him by others yet without diminution of his power or right to that place But this act cannot oblige his Successor nor himself after such term but they have a just cause of war if it be no● restored Having thus far treated of the efficient or final cause of Regal power it is time to descend to the Attributes of it CHAP. III. Of the Attributes of Regal power and incidently of the Power of Magistrates 1. WHo hath the Supreme power hath the sword of Justice to punish The sword of Justice is his who hath the Supreme power them who transgress Laws and endeavour to cause sedition He is the Minister of God to thee for good but if thou do that which is evil be afraid for he beareth not the sword in vain for he is the Minister of God a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil Rom. 13. 4. And Gods rod in his hand Exod. 17. 9. 2. The end of all Government is either to preserve the governed inwardly The power of making War and Peace belongs to the Supreme power in peace or to defend them from the outward violence and opposition of others In vain therefore should Government be if he who hath the Supreme power may not as well defend Subjects from the violence of others outwardly as to preserve them from factions and feditions within And this power God gave to Moses Joshuah David and all the Kings of Judah nor can any King be a Supreme Prince without it nor the governed in a probable condition of hoping for preservation from it 3. Judgment is the determining of a good or bad action which cannot All Judgment is with him be in any who is subject to another What therefore could be a more subtile temptation of the Devil to our first Parents then to tell them Gen. 3. 5. that by eating the forbidden fruit they should be like to God knowing good and evil Solomon as the most requisite thing prays to God that he would give him an understanding heart that he might be able to judge between good and bad 1 King 3. 9. And The King by judgment establisheth the land Pro. 29. 4. And Give the King thy judgments O God and thy righteousness to the Kings Son that he may judge the people according to right and defend the poor Psal 72. 1 2. 4. The right of making Laws is with him The Scepter shall not depart Jus legislativum penes eum from Judah nor a Lawgiver from between his feet until Shilo come Gen. 49. 10. Submit your selves therefore to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be to the King as Supreme 1 Pet. 2. 12. And this is the onely visible means by which Subjects may become safe rich and happy 5. In punishment Equals cannot judge Equals much less can Inferiors That he does all things without punishment judge Superiors But a Supreme Prince cannot have an Equal much less a Superior therefore a Supreme Prince cannot be punished If a Supreme Prince might be punished for any thing he doth then cannot he do any thing but he will be liable to punishment for so doing For what property can he give to one which will not offend some other Nor did the veriest Thief or Murderer ever suffer punishment but some of his Comrades would seek revenge and if they might would punish the Lawgiver Besides who shall judge his Prince If any one then every one may Let no man therefore be hasty to go out of his sight nor stand in an evil thing for he doth whatsoever pleaseth him Where the word of a King is there is power and who shall say unto him what doest thou Eccles 8. 3 4. The Lord forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords Anointed to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the Lords Anointed 1 Sam. 24. 6. It may seem to some that this unlimited power of doing any thing Annot. with impunity will only beget a confidence in Kings of doing what they list without ever taking care of their duty in preserving their Subjects from intestine broils and factions and from the outward force and violence of their Enemies whereas more narrowly looked into no men are so subject to care and have their wills less then they For private men if they do any thing in their passion their fame and fortunes are alike neither much removed from their persons few take notice of it But they who are set in high place all men take notice of their actions In the greatest Fortune therefore is the
least Liberty and that which in other men is termed Anger in them is called Pride and Tyranny Besides in private men it is enough that they themselves do well but Princes must have a care that neither they nor their Ministers do ill 6. Tibi soli peccavi says the Psalmist Psal 50. Humane Laws are the The Supreme power is not obliged by his own Laws organs or instruments of the Power that governeth they cannot therefore extend themselves to bind him from whom they are derived for Omnis potentia activa est principium transmutandi aliud Besides the Prince may free other men from the obligation of the Laws and therefore much more himself And if Supreme Princes were obliged by their own Laws then were Humane Laws as well as the Laws of Nature eternal and immutable which is absurd nor could Humane Laws protect Subjects when any thing happens which comes to pass every day that was not foreseen at the making of the Laws Humane Laws are made to oblige and preserve the governed necessitate coactionis but they cannot have any obligation upon Lawgiver who is the Supreme power unless a man will grant that an Effect may be prime and superior to the Cause Nor were ever other Governments subject to their own Laws No man hath any thing proper against the Supreme power 7. No Subject hath any Property except Ecclesiasticks but by the Laws of his Country But by the precedent Proposition no Supreme Prince can be obliged by his own Laws and therefore no Subject can have property against him If any Subject had property against the Supreme power then could not the Supreme power impose a Forfeiture of Goods in case of Praemunire Attaint Conviction of Treason or Felony But the Consequence is false and therefore the Antecedent is false That any man hath any property against the Supreme power Besides there could no Fine nor Fine and Recovery be levied or suffered if he in Reversion or Remainder had property against the Supreme power Nor could an Act of Parliament enable Tenant for life to make sale of his Estate It is remarkable that the Children of Israel should not be content to Annot. have God to reign over them immediately who did himself give them Laws being enquired of by the High-Priest Samuel might well say therefore unto them Ye shall cry in that day because of your King which not ye shall choose but which ye shall have chosen you and the Lord shall not hear you in that day 1 Sam. 8. 18. For Gods ways and actions are always perfect whereas by the reason of humane frailty the best mans actions are subject to imperfections But if it seems grievous to any man that he holds his goods at the will of another let him consider that God since Adam did never give any Nation but only the Children of Israel Property but always used the mediation of his Vicegerents And since Property must be derived from some Humane act for the Law of Nature gives none but to Supreme Princes and therefore the possessions of Kings are called Sacra patrimonia because Kings have no Superior but God Almighty Proedium Domini Regis est directum dominium cujus nullus Author est nisi Deus How Sir Ed. Co. Com. on Lit. p. 1. 6. much better is it for Subjects to hold of one Man then of many For nothing can be objected against one but will have more force against many And let any man shew me in these last five hundred years any Subjects estate taken from him without due and legal proceeding by the act of any of the Kings of England and I will shew him five hundred who not being liable to any punishment by Law have been ruined themselves and their families in seven years and that for observing the Laws and against the will of the King Obj. But many Actions have been brought against the King which if no Annot. 2. man hath Property against him may seem inconsistent Answ But the question here is not what the King may do but what he hath done Not what the King may declare Law but what he hath already declared Law 8. Majesty is from the Law of Nature immediately but the power Power of Magistrates from him of Magistrates is not so but mediately that is from him who hath the Supreme power Magistracie is the instrument or organ by which Majesty is conveyed to every place whither its own power is extended And as Majesty is restrained to the Laws of Nature and is accountable to God for all the omissions and transgressions of them so Magistrates are restrained to Humane Laws and ought to give an account of their actions to him that hath the Supreme power And as no man can offer violence or contempt to Humane Majesty but it is a contempt and violence to the Majesty of Heaven so no man can offer violence to or contemn Magistrates but it is done to Humane Majesty from whence their authority is derived Wherefore Subjects must submit to Governors who are sent by Kings 1 Pet. 2. 14. By this Proposition it is evident that although Supreme power cannot Annot. be divided yet the exercise of it may For where a King is an Enfant he cannot exercise his power who can neither act any thing nor expres what he would have done nay it is impossible for the best and wisest King that ever was to exercise his power every where for one body can be but in one place at once though the power thereof may be diffused every where as the light and influence of the Sun is diffused every where although the body of it can be but in one place And the exercise of power by Magistrates is like Gods governing the world by natural causes who being the first Mover of all things produceth natural effects by the order of second causes Jethro his counsel to Moses therefore is to be taken Thou wilt surely weare away both thou and this people that is with thee for this thing is too heavy for thee thou art not able to perform it thy self alone Exod. 18. 18. 9. Quando lex aliquid alicui concedit concedere videtur id sine quo res The Right of calling Assemblies belongs to Christian Kings ipsa esse non potest where any Law Divine or Humane does give any thing it gives all the means by which this otherwise could not be had And that God by the Law of Nature has given Kings a power to protect their Subjects we have sufficiently demonstrated but it is impossible Princes should protect and govern their Subjects if they might not rule their actions Now all actions and motions are either regular or irregular All regular motions and actions may be reduced to one certain beginning where the beginning is not one and certain there they may be called commotions or confusions rather then motions or regular actions But all Assemblies are motions and therefore they
absurd But if Solomon his offering a peace-offering for the people and his blessing the people be objected I answer it does signifie no more then a fathers blessing his children and praying to God that they may live peaceably But none of the Kings did ever offer a sin-offering or burn incense to the Lord without reprehension by God Out of this it is evident that God never forsook men before they Annot. 2 first did forsake him Adam did first eat the forbidden fruit before God drove him out of Paradise and cursed Mankind and the ground for his sake Then mankind sinned malitiously before God brought the general Cataclysme upon them and they made a wicked conspiracy before God confounded them at Babel but none were more malitiously stubborn than the Jewes who when they were enjoyned to observe the Ceremonial Law scarce ever observed it but went a whoring after the Gods of the Nations Moab Ammon Ashteroh c. yet since our Saviour hath fulfilled it never did men so superstituously observe any thing as they have done it And now Oh that I could more then powre forth all Jeremies lamentations in commiseration of thee O my Mother Church and Native Country much more deserving it then the Jewes in the Babilonish Captivity for Jeremiah foresaw their return and restitution whereas I cannot hope but that Christianity it self is in the very wayne here among us For not only Bishops and Priests are therefore hated because they are Christs Ministers and Puppets Mountebankes and Tryers set up in the place of them and not only all the carved works in the houses of God in despite of God are beaten down with Axes and Hammers and the houses themselves destroyed and made stables for horses but all the solemn days kept in commemoration and gratitude for our Saviours Nativity Passion Resurrection Ascention c. in despite of Christianity decryed as superstitious c. Sure as glorious Christian Churches as ever were in England have been in Africa c where were it not for some poore Christian slaves there is not so much as any footsteps of Christianity left The Contents of the Third Book THe First Chap. contains the causes of Subjection of Subjects to Supream Powers of Subjection of Children to Parents of Servants to Masters as also to them who have oversight over us in the Lord. The Second Chap. treats of succession of Princes in Hereditary Monarchies and discovers the fiction of the Salique Law in France and that it was a meer invention to exclude the just title of the Kings of England and has been ill observed by the French themselves when it did not conduce to their advantage The Third Chap. treats of the Municipal Laws of my dear and native Country before they became invaded and subverted by those men who in so many several shapes since 1640. have arrogated to themselves the name of Parliament THE THIRD BOOK CHAP. I. Of Subjection 1. IT is observed by a Writer that our Saviour Introduction in communicating the Cup to his Disciples as if he had foreseen that it would be detained from the Laity gave it in these words Drink ye all of it whereas in partaking of the Bread he said only take eat c. I am sure it is well worth the observation that the Holy Ghost as foreseeing the great abuses which should happen in the world by the specious pretences of Religion Conscience the Power of the People or Parliaments c. commands Subjection to Higher Powers not in certain cases but absolutely and not certain persons but every Soul is to be Subject to the Higher Rom. 13. 1. Powers 2. I say Supream or Regal Power being from God immediately by Subjection due by the Law of Nature to Soveraigns the Law of Nature it does necessarily follow that subjection of Subjects to their Soveraign is due by the Law of Nature nor can the relations be dissolved but by God himself I may I think without any affectation affirm that the Judges in Calvins case were as learned and upright as ever any before or since let us therefore see their resolutions 3. Those learned and upright Judges resolve tit Ligeance Ligeance What is Ligeance is a true and faithfull Obedience of the Subject due to his Soveraign This Ligeance and Obedience is an incident inseparable to every Subject for as soon as he is born he owes by birthright Ligeance and Obedience to his Soveraign Ligeantia est vinculum fidei quasi essentia Legis and a little after page 5. Ligeance does not begin by the Oath of the Leete For many men owe true Ligeance who were never sworn in the Leete Where note it is false if not Treasonable in Mr. Hobbs who affirms that the Knowledg Note of the Legislator does depend upon the Citizen For every man is as much a subject before he hath taken the Oath of Aligeance as after And see whatsoever is due by the constitution of man may be Pag. 25. tit 5. altered but natural Ligeance of the Subject to his Soveraign cannot be altered ergo natural Ligeance or Obedience to the Soveraign is not due by the Law or constitution of man And again whatsoever is due by the Law of Nature cannot be altered but Ligeance and Obedience of the Subject to the Soveraign is due by the Law of Nature ergo it cannot be altered Et qui abjurat regnum amittit regnum sed non regem amittit patriam sed non patrem Pag. 9. patriae 4. Ligeantia ac quisita or Denization is threefold First absolute to them Ligeantia acquisita Pag. 5. 6. and their heirs Secondly limited as when the King does grant Letters of Denization to an Alien and the Heirs Males of his body or for life The third is when the King by Conquest conquers another Kingdom or part of it the Antenati Postnati are Denizens of the Kingdom or Dominion so conquered Yet sure under correction the Postnati are not only Denizens but Natural Subjects For Power and Subjection being by the Law of Nature all men born in the Dominion of any Soveraign are his Natural Subjects and with this does Sir Ed. Coke agree If a man come into England and have issue two Sons these two Sons are Indigend Subjects born because they Com. Lit. pag. 88. are borne within the Realm that is in the Dominion of the King but if any be borne out of the Realm that is out of the Dominion of the King although of Natural Subjects to the King they are alienigena They therefore who are Postnati in the exercise of the Kings power by Conquest are his natural Subjects 5. Local Ligeance is when any Subject of France is in England or any English in France c. so long as he is in the power of the King he is de Local Ligeance tit 3. pag. 6. facto his Leigeman Therefore a Frenchman being in England joyned with divers Subjects of this
subsequent minute that it was before and therefore the state of Humane affairs being every day variable and putting on a new face to morrow which they had not neither to day nor yesterday which cannot be certainly foreseen by any man or men no more then any Master of a Ship can foresee what winds will blow to morrow or next day or whether it will be serene or stormy weather whether deep or Rockey Seas Yet if no prudent Mariner will venture himself and those under his command to Sea without sufficient provision against all the contingencies which may happen and be prevented Then sure no man or men not vainly blinded with ambition will undertake to manage the Government of a Nation without sufficient means to protect themselves and Subjects from all future storms and confusions which may either arise from within the Nation or be caused from without Yet will it not follow that every day there should be new Laws made for Nihil semel perfectum inventum there is nothing which is perfect so soon as begun and many mischiefs and inconveniencies may be begun and yet be prevented before they can be brought to perfection But then it must be presupposed that there may be remedies used which must of necessity be that there be a present and coercive power in being which may suppress and dissolve those mischiefes and inconveniences by making new Laws if the old ones will not remedy them and this is no new thing but is and alwaies was in all governments that ever were whether Monarchy Aristocracy or Democracy A Parliament is a Politick body compounded of Heterogenial or Of what parts a Parliament is compounded Inst 4. pag. 1. dissimilar parts viz. the King the Lords spiritual and temporal in one distinct house and of a house of Commons another distinct house Since there has been so much contest about the power and jurisdiction What creates the Lords house and cause of Parliament and since it being compounded of unlike parts and some of these unlike parts nay pieces of those parts have assumed the name of Parliament We will examine all the parts of it and see whether it be not all made and created by the King and into him only can be ultimately resolved he being principium caput finis of it First For the Lords spiritual they are all parts of the Lords house and sit there by succession in respect of their Counties or Baronies parcell of their Bishopricks but all Bishopricks were originally of the Kings foundation and donative per traditionem baculi viz. the crosier annuli viz. Inst 4 par 1. the ring whereby he was married to the Church King Henry the first being requested by the Bishop of Rome to make them Eligible refused it but King John by his Charter bearing date 5 Iunii an 17. granted that the Com. Lit. Sect. 648. pag. 344. Bishopricks should be Eligible so that the foundation donation and election to Bishopricks was only and immediately caused by the King and in this capacity by virtue of the Kings Writ out of the Court of Chancery does every Bishop sit as a member of the upper house of Parliament So that Inst 4 par 1. 4. the Lords spiritual did immediately hold their Bishopricks of the King and were members of the upper house only by vertue of the Kings Writ Secondly That the Lords Temporal are created immediately by the King is so manifest that I think no man will question it and that every Temporal Lord is impowred to sit as a Member of the Lords house by vertue of the Kings Writ issuable ex debito justitiae out of the Chancery See Inst 4. part pag. 1. 4. All the Judges of the Realm Barons of the Exchequers of the Coif Temporal Assistants of the Lords house the Kings learned Council and the Civilians Masters of the Chancery all called to give their assistance and attendance in the Upper house of Parliament but have no voices in Parliament How their Writs differ from the Barons see Inst 4. part page 4. In every Writ of Summons to the Bishops there is a clause requiring Spiritual Assistants or Procuratores Cleri them to summon these persons to appear personally at the Parliament which is in these words Premonientes Decanum Capitulum Ecclesiae vestrae Norwicensis ac Archidiaconos totumque Clerum vestrae Dioces quod iidem Decani Archidiaconi in propriis personis suis ad dictum Capitulum per unum idemque Clerus per duos Procuratores idoneos plenam sufficientem potestatem ab ipsis Capitulo Clero divisim habentes praedict die loco personaliter intersint ad consciendum hiis quae tunc ibidem de communi Concilio dicti Regni nostri Divina favente clementia contigerit ordinari So that not only the Lords Spiritual and Temporal but their Assistants are only created by the Kings Writ or immediately by the Kings authority But since there is so much contest about the House of Commons and The House of Commons are not the Representatives of the Free people of the Nation men say they represent the Freeborn people of this Nation and are the Supreme Authority of the Nation We will therefore enquire into the cause and see what may be the Freeborn people and whether a House of Commons as it now stands can be their Representative and whether being their Representative they may be the Supreme Authority of this Nation First What are the People If any man had said the people of Rome or the people of Athens or the people of Carthage c. a man had understood them and only them of Rome Athens or Carthage c. who were civitate donati But in England the case is much otherwise for with us there is no civitate donatus in one more then another but all men are alike born free and so by consequence every man as a freeborn man of England has as much right to his freedom one man as another I say therefore if every man of England has not a like vote and power in electing Members for the House of Commons then cannot the House of Commons be the Representative of the Nation for Plus valet contemptus unius quâm consensus omnium But it is most manifestly evident that the House of Commons are not elected by the equal consent of the freeborn people of England for not only two parts of three have not Forty shillings a year yet are as freeborn as they who have and as liable to penalty for transgressing Laws made in Parliament as they who do elect but many men have double votes in the election in Corporations where they send Burgesses and yet have like power with the Forty-shillings-men in electing a Knight of the Shire and such a place as Rising-Chase and Old Sarum c. have a like power in this House with the County of York and the Bishoprick of Durham sends none
12. twenty nine Abbots and Priors for so many then were Lords of Parliament It is declared That where by divers sundry old authentique Histories and Chronicles it was manifestly declared and expressed that this Realm of England is an Empire and has been so accounted in the world governed by one Supreme Head and King having the dignity and Royal estate of the Imperial crown of the same unto whom a Body Politique compact of all sorts and degrees of people divided in terms and by names of Spirituality and Temporality been bound and ought to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience He being also institute and furnished by the goodness of God with plenary whole and entire power preheminence authority prerogative and jurisdiction to render and yield justice and final determination to all manner of folk resiants or subjects within this his Realm in all causes matters debates and contentions happening to occur insurge or begin within the limits thereof without restraint or provocation to any Forein Princes or Potentates in the world The body Spiritual whereof having power when any cause of Law Divine happened to come in question or of Spiritual Learning that it was declared interpreted and shewed by that part of the said body Politique called the Spiritual body then being usually called the English Church which always hath been reputed and also found of that sort that both for knowledge integrity and sufficiency of number it has been always thought and was also at that houre sufficient and meet of it self without the intermedling of any exterior person or persons to declare and determine all such doubts and to administer all such offices and duties as to the the rooms Spiritual did appertain For the due administration whereof and to keep them from corruption and sinister affection the Kings noble Progenitors and Antecessors of the Nobles of this Realm have sufficiently endowed the said Church both with honor and possessions And the Laws Temporal for trial of Property of Lands and Goods and for the conservation of the people of this Realm in unity and peace without rapine and spoil was and yet is administred adjudged and executed by sundry Judges and Ministers of the other part of the said Body Politique called the Temporalty And both their Authorities and Jurisdictions do conjoin together in the due administration of Justice the one to help the other This Statute does moreover affirm that Ed. 1. Ed. 3. Rich. 2. H. 4. and other Kings did make divers Laws Ordinances Statutes c. for the entire and sure conservation of the prerogatives liberties and preheminences of the said Imperial Crown and of the Jurisdictions Spiritual and Temporal of the same to keep it from the annoyance as well from the See of Rome as from other Forein Potentates and does make all Causes determinable by any Spiritual jurisdiction to be adjudged within the Kings authority All First-fruits and all contributions to the See of Rome by any Bishop St. 25. H. 8 cap. 20. were forbidden upon pain of forfeiture of all the goods and cattals for ever and all the Temporal lands and possessions of every Archbishoprick or Bishoprick during the time that he or they who offend contrary to the said Act shall possess and enjoy the said Archbishoprick or Bishoprick And that if any presented to the See of Rome by the King to a Bishoprick and he be there delayed he may be consecrated by an Archbishop in England and that an Archbishop presented to the See of Rome to be there consecrated and there letted may be consecrated by two Bishops of England And because the Pope hereof informed did not redress and reform the said exactions nor give answer to the Kings mind therefore the said Statute did prohibit any man to be presented to the See of Rome for the dignity of an Archbishop or Bishop or that any Annates or First-fruits be paid to the Bishop of Rome and that upon the avoidance of any Archbishoprick or Bishoprick the King his heirs and successors may grant to the Prior and Covent or Dean and Chapiter of the Cathedral Churches or Monasteries where the See of such Archbishoprick or Bishoprick shall happen to be void a Licence under the Great seal as of old time hath been accustomed to proceed to Election of an Archbishop or Bishop of the See so being void with a Letter missive containing the name of the person which they shall elect and choose and for default of such Election the King by his Letters Patents may nominate an Archbishop or Bishop and that every Archbishop Bishop to whose hands any such presentment or nomination shall be directed shall with speed invest and consecrate the person nominated and presented by the King his heirs and successors And if any Archbishop or Bishop Prior and Covent Dean and Chapiter shall for the space of twenty days next after such Licence or Nomination come to their hands neglect or shall execute any Censures Excommunications Interdictions c. contrary to the execution of any thing contained in this Act that then they incur the penalty of a Praemunire An act concerning the exoneration of the Kings subjects from exactions St. 25. H. 8. cap. 21. and impositions before that time paid to the See of Rome and for having Licences and Dispensations within this Realm without suing further for the same The King shall be reputed Supreme Head of the Church of England St. 26. H. 8. cap. 1. and have authority to reform and redress all Errors Heresies and abuses in the same Every Archbishop and Bishop disposed to have a Suffragan may elect 26 H. 8. c. 14. discreet Spiritual persons being learned and of good conversation and present them under their seals to the King making humble request to his Majesty to give to one of the two such title name stile and dignity of Bishop of such of the Sees as the King shall think fit and that every such person to whom the King shall give any such stile and title of the Sees abovenamed viz. the Towns of Thetford Ipswich Colchester Dover Gilford Southampton Taunton Shaftsbury Molton Marlborough Bedford Leicester Glocester Shrewsbury Bristow Penrith Bridgwater Nottingham Grantham Hull Huntington Cambridge and the Towns of Perth and Barwick S. Germans in Cornwal and the Isle of Wight shall be called Bishop Suffragan of the same See whereunto he shall be named and that every Archbishop and Bishop for their own peculiar Diocese may and shall give to every such Bishop Suffragan such Commissions as have been accustomed for Suffragans heretofore to have or else such Commissions as by them shall be thought requisite reasonable and convenient And that no Suffragan shall use any ordinary jurisdiction or Episcopal power otherwise nor longer time then shall be limited by such Commission upon pain of the penalties mentioned in the Statute of Provisions made the 16. of Rich. 2. The King shall have authority to name Thirty two persons sixteen
uniting to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm the ancient Jurisdiction Authorities Superiorities and Preheminencies to the same of right belonging and appertaining By reason whereof her most humble Subjects from the time of the 25 H. 8. were continually kept in good order and were disburdened of divers great and intollerable charges and vexations before that time unlawfully taken and exacted by such foreign Power and Authority as before that was usurped * And to the The Statute of 1 2 Ph. Ma. cap. 8. which restored to the Pope all which this Stat. takes away declares that nothing was done prejudiciall to the Crown in so doing intent that all usurped power Spirituall and Temporall might for ever be extinguished and never be used or obeyed in this Realm or any other her Majesties Dominions It was therefore by the Authority of that Parliament enacted That no forrein Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate Spirituall or Temporall should at any time after the last day of that Session of Parliament use enjoy or exercise any manner of Power Jurisdiction Authority Preheminence or Priviledge Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall within this Realm or within any other the Queens Dominions or Countries that then were or hereafter should be but from henceforth the same should be clearly abolished out of this Realm and all other her Dominions for ever And it was then also established and enacted That such Jurisdiction Priviledges Superiorities and Preheminences Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall as by any Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall Power or Authority had heretofore been or might lawfully be exercised or used for the visitation of Ecclesiasticall state and persons and for reformation order and correction of the same and of all manner of errors heresies schismes abuses offences contempts and enormities should for ever by authority of that Parliament be united and annexed to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm And that the Queen her Heirs and Successors Kings or Queens of this Realm should have full power and authority by virtue of that Act by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England to assigne name and authorize when and as often as the Queen her Heirs and Successors shall think meet and convenient and for such and so long time as should please the Queen her heirs and successors such person or persons being naturall born Subjects to the Queen her heirs or successors as the said Queen her heirs or successors should think meet to exercise use occupy and execute under the said Queen her heirs and successors all manner of Jurisdictions Priviledges and Preheminences in any wise touching or concerning any Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction within these Realms of England or Ireland or any other her Dominions and Countries and to visite reform redress order correct and amend all such errors heresies schismes abuses contempts and enormities whatsoever which by any manner spirituall or ecclesiasticall Power Authority or Jurisdiction could or might lawfully be reformed ordered redressed corrected restrained or amended to the pleasure of Almighty God the encrease of virtue and conservation of the peace and unity of this Realm And that such person or persons so to be named assigned authorized and appointed by the said Queen her heirs and successors after the said Letters Patents to him or them made and delivered as is aforesaid should have full power and authority by virtue of that Act and of the Letters Patents under the said Queen her heirs and successors to exercise use and execute all the premisses according to the tenor and effect of the said Letters Patents any matter or cause to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding This Statute doth create the oath of Supremacy to be taken by all men who hold any Office or take from the Queen her heirs and successors any Fees or Wages within this Realm or other her Highnes Realms or Domiminions the form and tenor of it is I A. B. doe utterly testifie and declare in my conscience that the Queens Highness is the only supreme Governor of this Realm and all other her Highness Dominions and Countries as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or causes as Temporall and that no forrein Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall within this Realm and therefore I doe utterly renounce and forsake all forrein Jurisdiction Powers Superiorities and Authorities and do promise that from henceforth I shall bear faith and true allegiance to the Queens Majesty her Heirs and lawfull Successors and to my power shall assist and defend all Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the Queens Highness her Heirs and Successors or united and annexed to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm So help me God and the contents of this Book If any person dwelling or inhabiting within this Realm or any other of the Queens should within 30. dayes after the determination of the Session of that Parliament by Writing Printing Teaching c. maintain any forrein Power or Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall or shall advisedly put in use any such forrein Power or Jurisdiction within any of her Highness Dominions he and his Aiders Abettors Counsellors c. shall forfeit to the Queen her Heirs and Successors all his goods and chattels as well reall as personall If any person so convict be not worth in Goods and Chattels the summe of 20 s. every such person upon conviction over and besides the forfeiture of his Goods and Chattels shall suffer imprisonment by the space of a whole year without Bail or Mainprise And that all and every the Benefices Prebends and other Ecclesiasticall promotions and dignities of every person spirituall so offending and being attaint shall be utterly void and the Patron and Donor may present as if the Incumbent were actually dead For the second offence the party offending shall incur the danger of a Premunire For the third offence after conviction and Attainder the party offending shall suffer death and forfeiture of all his Goods as in case of High Treason The offender must bee impeached for preaching teaching or speaking any thing against the Premisses within a yeere after such preaching teaching or speaking and if any person shall be imprisoned for preaching teaching or speaking against this Statute and if be not indicted within the space of one half yeer next after his offence that he be discharged and set at liberty No matter of Religion or cause Ecclesiasticall made by this Parliament shall be judged Error Heresie Schism or schismaticall opinion Such Persons as shall bee authorized by Letters Patents under the Broad-seale of England shall have jurisdiction power or authority spirituall to visite reform order or correct any errors heresies schisms abuses or enormities But by virtue of this Act they have not authority to determine or adjudge any thing to bee heresy but only such as heretofore have beene determined by Canonicall-Scripture or the 4 first generall Councells or any
this Act shall be certified into the Chancery by such Parties before whom the same shall be made within three moneths after such submission upon pain of forfeiture of 100 l. for every such offence to the Queen If any person so submitting himself shall within 10. years after come within 10. miles of the place where her Majesty shall be without speciall licence had from her Majesty under her hand that then such person to have no benefit of such submission Enacts That every Feofment Gift Grant Conveyance Alienation Estate Stat. 29 Eliz. cap. 6. Lease Encumbrance Limitation of use of or out of any Lands Tenements Hereditaments whatsoever had or made since the beginning of the Queens Reign or after by any person who had not repaired or shall not repair to some Church Chappel or usuall place of Common-prayer or which is or shall be revokable at the pleasure of such offendor or in any wise directly or indirectly intended or meant to or for the behoofe or disposition of such offendor or in consideration whereby his Family may be maintained shall be deemed and taken for utterly void c. Every conviction heretofore recorded for any offence before mentioned not already estreated or certified into the Queens Court of Exchequer shall from the Justices before whom the record of such conviction shall be remaining be estreated and certified into the Exchequer before the end of the next Easter Term in such convenient certainty for the time and other circumstances as the Court may thereupon award out processe for seisure of the Lands and Goods of every such offendor as hath not paid their forfeitures according to Statutes in such case provided And every conviction hereafter for any offence before mentioned shall be in the Court called the Kings Bench or at the Assises or generall Goal-delivery and not elsewhere and shall from the Justices before whom the Record of such conviction shall remain be estreated and certified into the Exchequer before the end of the Term next ensuing after every such conviction in such convenient certainty as is aforesaid Every offendor in not repairing to Divine Service and hath been heretofore convict and not made his submission and been conformable according to the true intent of this Statute shall without other indictment or conviction pay into the receipt of the Exchequer all such summes of money as according to the rate of twenty pounds for every moneth since the same conviction in manner following viz. one Moity before the end of Trinity Term the other Moity before the end of Hilary Term or at such other times as the Lord Treasurer Chancellor and Chief Baron or any two of them shall by composition upon good security be limitted before the end of the said Trinity Term if any such composition shall happen to be And shall also in every Easter and Michaelmas Term untill such time as the same person do make such submission pay into the Exchequer 20 l. for every moneth which shall incur in all that mean time For default of Payment of the said 20 l. a moneth in every Easter and Michaelmas Term after such conviction the Queen by processe out of the said Exchequer may take seize and enjoy all the Goods and two parts as well of all the Lands and Tenements c. of such offendor as of all other Lands and Tenements liable to such seisure by the true intent of this Act leaving only a third part for the reliefe of the offender his Wife Children and Family For the more speedy conviction of such offendor the Indictment shall be sufficient although it be not mentioned that the offendor was or is inhabiting within the Realm of England or any other of the Queens Dominions But if it shall happen that any such offendor were not within any of the Queens Dominions that in such case the party shall be relieved by plea to be put in in that behalf and not otherwise And upon Indictment a Proclamation shall be made the same Assises or Goal-delivery that the party indicted shall yeeld his body to the Sheriff and if at next Assises or Goal-delivery the said party shall not make appearance of Record that then such default shall be deemed a sufficient conviction in Law If any such offendor shall make submission and become conformable according to the form of the Statute made in the 23 of Eliz. or shall fortune to die that then no forfeiture of 20 l. a moneth nor seisure of Lands from and after such submission and conformity or death and full satisfaction of all arrearages of 20 l. monethly before such seisure due or payable shall ensue or be continued against such offendor so long as he shall continue in coming to divine Service according to the intent of the Statute The Lord Treasurer of England Chancellor and chief Baron or any two of them may assigne and dispose of the full third part of the twenty pounds for every moneth paid into the receipt of the Exchequer towards the relief of the Poor of Houses of correction and of impotent and maimed Souldiers This Act or any thing contained in it doth not in any wise extend to make void or impeach any Grant or Lease made bonâ fide without fraud or covin and not revocable at the will and pleasure of the offendor This Act or any thing contained therein shall not in any wise be construed to continue any seisure of any Lands or Tenements of such offendor in her Majesties hands after the said offendors death which Lands or Tenements he shall have or be seised of only for term of life or in right of his wife For the preventing of such great inconveniences and perils as may happen Stat. Anno 35 Eliz. cap. D. and grow by the wicked practices of seditious Sectaries and disloyall persons it was enacted That every person above sixteen years of age that shall obstinately refuse to come to Divine Service established by Law and shall forbear the same by the space of a moneth without lawfull excuse or shall at any time after fourty dayes after the Session of that Parliament by word or writing advisedly goe about to move or perswade any of the Queens Subjects or any other within her Realms or Dominions to deny or withstand her Majesties power or authority in causes Ecclesiasticall united and annexed to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm or shall advisedly perswade any person to forbear coming to Church to hear Divine Service established or to come to or be present at any unlawfull Assemblies Conventicles c. upon pretence of Religion contrary to the established Lawes Or if any person shall obstinately refuse to repair to some usuall place of Common-prayer and shall forbear to hear Divine Service by the space of a moneth or shall after fourty daies willingly joyn in any such Assemblies Conventicles c. under colour of exercising Religion contrary to the Laws of this Realm That every person so offending and being thereof lawfully
and impossible things to come from Men otherwise so learned For though Mr. Hobbs does lay down his Principles and persue his method much more clearly then Grotius does yet his Principles are so monstrous That to me it is impossible any ingenuous Man should assent to them Indeed if Mr. Hobbs would have supposed that the state of Man had been either in Society or out of Society and that out of Society Men had been in such a state as he makes them in his state of pure Nature I should never have stumbled at it But he forsooth requires it for a Yet thus much I will tell Mr. Hobbs he may as wel suppose a Brute an intellectual or rational Creature or a man no intellectual or rational Creature as no sociable or out of Society Principle That all Men jure naturali are in a parity and equal condition and may kill one another without any offence or sin and that Men continue in this estate until by their civil Pact they oblige themselves to one another that the will of the civitas shall be the will of them all Notwithstanding this I must needs say of Mr. Hobbs That if Men have so little understanding as to make Jus naturale to be contrary to Lex naturalis and so little grace as to believe that the civitas hath all its power from the Pacts and wills of Men and yet impossible to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature which he says is the Law of God and tyranny to be onely ab exercitio when as it is impossible for Kings to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature and all Faith and Ghostly Power which our Saviour left in his Church to be instrumental and subservient to it and never look how little he understands a Pact or from whence Men become obliged to it the cives of this Vtopia may do well enough If I edified but little by Mr. Hobbs yet I received much less satisfaction from Grotius for Mr. Hobbs defines his terms so clearly as to me he was easily understood whereas all Grotius his Principles are so perplexed and equivocal that it is not possible for any Man to understand any thing clearly from him As the first thing in his Preface he confounds is Societas Communitas whereas Societas is as different from Communitas as black is from white Societas according to the definition of Aristotle being Pol. lib. 1. cap 5. Vnum quid it a constans ex diversis personis ut sit unum quod imperet alterum quod pareat Society is one thing so made up of divers persons that one may command another obey Whereas community is where any company of Creatures are without the offices of commanding and obeying Well but having got out of his Preface after some Propositions of his Method c. he in the Tenth Paragraph of the First Chapter of the First Book De jure Belli Pacis defines Jus Naturale in a tedious general thing to be dictatum rectae rationis c. and this to be the Law of God and about the middle to be immutable by God himself and towards the latter end to continue but for a certain space and towards the beginning he makes the Dominion which is now in use to be brought in by the will of Man and this to be Jus Naturale too Now let any ingenuous Man judge what can be clearly deduced from Jus Naturale which is the Law of God and immutable by God and yet to continue but for a certain time until a Dominion brought in by the will of Man should abrogate what was immutable by God and this Dominion thus brought in against this Jus Naturale to be Jus Naturale too If I have slandered Grotius let any Man see the Paragraph aforesaid It was to me an admirable thing to consider that men so learned should one of them define the Law of Nature to be Dictamen rectae rationis the other Dictatum rectae rationis Well I will therefore see what Ratiocinatio is and what Dictamen or Dictatum rectae rationis which is the same thing and whether this can to any ingenuous man be any probable definition of the Law of Nature Aristotle Eth. Lib. 6. Cap. 3. makes Ratiocination and by consequence every dictate of Reason to be from Universals and that there are some Principles which do constitute the Ratiocination of which there can be no Ratiocination These Principles for which no Reason can be given and yet the reason of all those things which can be deduced from them are called Axiomata Dignitates or Communes Notiones and from these men by Ratiocination or Right Reason do infer Arts and Sciences a Scientia est actio ars effectio Eth. l. 6. c. 4. Both begotten by right Reason Ars est habitus ad faciendum idoneus cum verâ ratione conjunctus Nay all Ratiocination or Right reasoning whatsoever may be resolved into somewhat which is superior to this Ratiocination for which no reason can be given * These things thus premised I say it is impossible the Law of Nature should be the dictate of Right Reason and thus I prove it Every Principle which does constitute Ratiocination and for which no Reason can be given is no dictate of Right Reason But the Law of Nature is a Principle which does constitute Ratiocination and for which no reason can be given Therefore the Law of Nature is no dictate of Right Reason If Mr. Hobbs denies the Minor Proposition set him shew into what it can be further resolved or what can prove it For though God be the prime and efficient cause of all things but what proceeds from the will of man and into which all things may be ultimately resolved yet by Principles Aristotle and all Philosophers understand those things which immediately proceed from God and the Law of Nature could not be the Law of God if it did not immediately proceed from him but the Law of that thing from which it did immediately proceed the Law of Nature therefore is a Principle Well but let us suppose the Law of Nature to be the dictate of Right Reason and see the consequence Every dictate of Right Reason is of less Dignity Authority and Excellency then the Right Reason viz. The Effect then the Cause But ex hypothesi the Law of Nature viz. the Law of God the Creator is the dictate of Right Reason Therefore is the Law of the Creator of less Dignity authority and excellency then the faculty and attribute of the creature viz. Right reason then which what can be more monstrous and blasphemous Nor is this definition less ridiculous then impossible and blasphemous For the dictates of Right reason are understood by one man and not by another and may be learned and taught Suppose now one of these Masters of Reason should come to the most plain and ignorant man in the world who is
Lex naturae is that which is so willed or commanded by God I deny therefore that any Creature can have Jus divinum but that all right which any Creature hath is either from some Divine or Humane law Jus naturae is superior and must precede Lex naturae By Art 3. cap. 1. Every man hath Jus naturae Therefore every man hath a right above the Law of Nature and so Mr. Hobbs may save himself the trouble of his Philosophical Elements De Civie For since he makes every man above the Law of Nature sure he can never make him subject to any Humane Law 25. It is impossible for the Civil Law to command any thing contrary to Cap. 14. ar 10. the Law of Nature Observ Is it not a wonderful thing that this man should make the Civitas to be a humane Artifice and invention and the Law of Nature to be the immutable Law of God and yet that it should be impossible that this Artifice or created Deity to command any thing contrary to this immutable Law of God Sure the greatest Papalian never ascribed so much to the Pope in Cathedra I will then tell him wherein the Civitas may command Wherein the Civitas may command contrary to the Law of Nature contrary to the Law of Nature and wherein he is mistaken The Laws of Nature are either upon supposition of Humane Laws or not upon supposition of Humane Laws as Thou shalt not steal supposes a Humane Law which gives Property but Honor thy Parents Be grateful for benefits received c. supposes no Humane Law And therefore if the Civitas commands me to dishonor my Parents or to be ingrateful for benefits received which de facto it may this being but a Humane Law I am notwithstanding obliged to honor my Parents and be grateful for benefits received But Mr. Hobbs supposing no Laws of Nature but upon supposition of Humane Laws is the reason I conceive why he says It is impossible for the Civitas to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature Yet will he have one exception viz. That the Civitas commands nothing Ibidem Observ 2. to the contumely of God If a man should ask him whether there be no Law of Nature but the Honoring of God If there be no other Law of Nature then to what purpose are all his Laws of Nature of standing to Pacts of seeking Peace c. Well but if men by the Law of Nature are obliged to honor God and it be impossible as he says for the Civitas to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature then is it impossible for the Civitas to command any thing to the contumely of God and so he has made a needless exception But it may be he does not think that men by the Law of Nature are bound to honor God for he has not so much as mentioned it in his Laws of Nature For then they are no Laws Mr. Hobbs Yes the Statues of Omri were Statutes although they commanded to the contumely of God and so was Nebuchadnezors command for the worshiping Observ 3. the Golden Image a Law though made to the contumely and dishonor of God Whereas he saies Quid sit Adulterium does depend upon the Civitas I would know of him whether it were Adultery in David in lying with Bathsheba Observ 4. during Uriahs life if it were then is it not true which Mr. Hobbs here saies if it were not then did God unjustly so severely to punish him therefore Tyranny is not a State of a City different from rightful Monarchy Cap. 7. art 3. Observ True upon your false and feigned Principles where the wills and pacts of men are made the cause and origination of all Power in Government where Mens wills are made their Laws then which nothing can be more destructive to all Laws divine and humane and the most Wilful man should be the most Just man for to what purpose should there be any Laws Divine or Humane if a Man 's own will be a rule and Law to himself and by this Mans principles it is only mens wills from which all Power in Government is derived and to which Men ought to be subject Yet good Man some difference he makes viz. only in the exercise Mr. Hobbs of their Power he forsooth is a King that rules well and he is a Tyrant that rules otherwise Observ As if Absoloms kissing the Israelites when they came to demand Justice and his desire to judge the people righteously had made him a good Title to the Crown of Israel or that Jeroboam or Athaliah had not been Usurpers but very Rightful Princes if they had ruled well But though he makes no difference between Swordbearers and Swordtakers between Gods Ministers and Theeves and Robbers yet the Holy Ghost does for Gods Minister is a Swordbearer and if he be not Gods Minister and a Rom. 13. 4. Swordbearer but a Swordtaker as our Saviour calls them who have not a St. Matth. 26. 52. just Authority then whosoever sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shed for in the image of God made he man And if ever Man had a just Gen. 9. 6. cause to have taken the sword then had St. Peter in defence of his Lord God and Master but our Saviour reprehends him telling him that whosoever takes the Sword shall perish by the Sword And it is not wicked men whom Usurpers Tyrants and Swordtakers so much murder for it is no better as vertuous and honest The worst of private Malefactors may justly with the Whore in Terence answer to the best of Swordtakers if there be any degree of goodness in any of them quamvis ego digna sum hac contumelia maxime indignus tamen tu qui feceris And whereas he only makes Tyrannus ab exercitio it is false for the abuse of a thing does not alter the nature of a thing as a Man is a Man although a bad Man who abuses those good parts which God hath given him so is a Father and a Master a Father and Master yet bad ones where they abuse their Power and so is a King a King although he abuses his Power and the Holy Ghost many times calls them wicked and idolatrous Kings c. but never Tyrants as this Man does I would here gladly be satisfied of Mr. Hobbs how if God made Man Cap. 1. art 12. and Cap. 8. art 10. in the state of pure nature as he saies in such a cut-throatly condition and so much worse than any other creature that men might jure naturali everlastingly kill one another and commit no offence if the King or Civitas does not restrain it God could in justice have punished Cain for killing Abel Cap. 6. art 16. if Cain or Abel had not gone to Do or Dedi and not to Dabo or Faciam with Adam and made him their King or Civitas over them and Adam have given them
with the Opinion of Learned men That the marriage with his Brothers wife was contrary to the Law of God and void The King not expecting the Popes sentence anno 1533. marries his beloved Anne but such love is usually too hot to hold for about two years after he cut off her head yet the King did not wholly renounce the Papacy but still expecting the Popes sentence The Pope for the reasons aforesaid not desiring to end the business The slow proceedings of the Pope but to expect advantage from time reduces the matter into several points or heads which he would have particularly disputed and at the time of the Kings marriage with Anne was not got further then the article of Attentates in which the Pope gave sentence against the King that it was not lawful for him to put away his wife by his own authority without the Ecclesiastical Judge For which cause the King in the beginning of 1534. denied the Pope his obedience commanding his Subjects not to pay any money to Rome nor to pay the ordinary Peter-pence This infinitely troubled the Court of Rome and they daily consulted of a remedy Some thought to proceed against the King with censures and to interdict all Christian nations all commerce with England But the moderate counsel pleased best to temporise with him and to mediate a composition by the French King K. Francis accepted the charge and sent the Bishop of Paris to Rome to negotiate a Pacification with the Pope where they still proceeded in the cause gently and with resolution not to come to censures if the Emperor did not proceed first or at the same time with his forces They had divided the cause into twenty three articles and then they handled whether Prince Arthur had had carnal conjunction with Queen Katherine in this they spent time till Midlent was past when the 19. of March news came that a Libel was published in England against the Pope and the whole Court of Rome and besides a Comedy had been made in presence of the King and Court to the great disgrace and shame of the Pope and every Cardinal in particular For which cause all being inflamed with choler ran headlong to give sentence which was pronounced in the Consistory the 24. of the same month That the marriage between Henry and Katherine was good that he was bound to take her to wife and that in case he did not he should be excommunicated But the Pope was soon displeased with this precipitation For six days His rash censure repented of after the French Kings letters came That the King was content to accept the sentence concerning Attentates and to render obedience upon condition that the Cardinals whom he mistrusted should not meddle in the business and that persons not suspected should be sent to Cambray to take information ●and and the King had sent his Proctors before to assist in the Cause at Rome Wherefore the Pope went about to devise some pretence to suspend the precipitate sentence and again to set the cause on its feet But the King so soon as he had seen it said It was no matter for the Utterly loses the obedience of England Pope should be Bishop of Rome and himself sole Lord of his Kingdom And that he would do according to the antient manner of the Eastern church not leaving to be a good Christian nor suffering the Lutheran Heresie or any other to be brought into his Kingdom From that time forward Henry the Eighth of a zealous Assertor of the No anger lost between the King Pope Papacy both by pen and purse became the first and greatest Opposer of it of all the Western Christian Princes for the Eastern Christian Princes except sometimes the Emperors of Greece and the Kings of Holy Land did seldom or never submit to the Papacy in her Spirituals yet did he afterwards seed to be reconciled to the Pope even by means of his Nephew Charls the Fifth Nor were the Popes much behind hand with him For besides Clement's petty Excommunication Paul the Third Anno 1538. thundred out such a terrible Excommunication against him as the like was never heard of which deprived him of his kingdom and his adherents of whatsoever they possessed commanding his Subjects to deny him obedience and Strangers to have no commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against and persecute both him and his followers granting them their states and goods for their prey and their persons for slaves But the Popes anger ended in words whereas the Kings deeds took place against the Pope But what there was in all the Kings reign which might be called Reformation What was the Kings Reformation I do not understand For whatsoever the King took from the Pope except Peter-pence he ascribed to himself If the Pope would be Head of the Catholique Church the King would be Head of the Church of England If the Pope challenged Annates and First-fruits of the Bishops and Clergy the King would do no less If the Pope did give Abbots and Priors power being Ecclesiastical persons to make divers Impropriations to their benefit the King will take a power to take them all away and convert them into Lay-fees and incorporate them so into particular mens estates that they shall never return to the Church more Nor had he any love or desire of Reformation of the Church but only to the Church-lands for all the Rites Ceremonies and Religion of the Church of Rome was continued and that with such bloody cruelty that a Stranger going over Smithfield one day and seeing two men there executed one for denying the Kings Headship of the Church and another for subscribing to the Six Articles cryed out Bone Deus quomodo hic agunt vivi hic suspenduntur Papistae ibi comburuntur Antipapistae And so zealous did he continue herein that Pope Paul the Third after he had fulminated so dreadfully against him Hist Conc-Trid fol. 90 proposed him for an Example to be imitated by Charls the Fifth Although such was the temper of this Prince that he never spared man The exclusion of the Papai jurisdiction was an act of the King Kingdom and Church of England in his rage woman in his lust nor any thing which might be called sacred in his avarice yet so absolute was he that his Divorce was attested by both the Universities at home besides that at Paris abroad his freeing himself and the Nation from the jurisdiction of the Pope was not only assented to by a Synod and Convocation of all the Clergy of England but the English and Irish Nobility did make their submissions by an Indenture to Sir Anthony Sellinger then chief Governor of Ireland wherein they did acknowledge King Henry to be their lawful Soveraign and confessed the Kings Supremacy Bram. Vind. of the Church of England p. 43. in all causes and utterly renounced the Pope But Divorce banishing the Papal authority
of them or by any Generall Councell wherein the same was declared heresie by expresse and plaine words of Scripture or such as should be determined Heresie by the high Court of Parl. with the assent of the Clergy in their Convocation This Statute revives the 23 H. 8. 9. 24 H. 8. 12. 25 H. 8. 20. 25 H. 8. 21. 26 H. 8. 14. 28 H. 8. 16. So much of the Act of the 32 H. 8. 38. concerning precontracts of Marriages and touching degrees of Consanguinity as by the 2 Ed. 6. 23. was not repealed the 37 H. 8. 17. the 1 Ed. 6. 1. This Act repeales the Statute of the 1 2. Ph. M. 6. the 1 2 Ph. M. 8 except those things touching the Premunire in the said Statute It repeales the 5 R. 2. 5. the 2 H. 4. 15. the 2 H. 5. 7. made for the punishment of Heresies by fire and faggot This statute repeales the statute of the first of Mary and the 2 and revives Stat. 1 Eliz. cap. 2. the statute of the 5 6 of Ed. 6. for the uniformity of Prayer and administration of the Sacraments with the alteration or addition of certain Lessons to be used every Sunday of the yeere and the forme of the Letany altered and corrected and two sentences only added in the delivery of the Sacrament to the Communicants If any Parson Vicar or other whatsoever Minister that ought or should say or sing Common-Prayer mentioned in the said Booke in such Cathedrall or Parish-Church or other places where he should Minister the same in such manner and forme as is mentioned in the said Booke refuse to doe the same or use any other forme or shall preach declare or speake any thing in derogation of the said booke or any thing therein contained or any part thereof and shall thereof be lawfully convicted according to the Lawes of the Land by the Verdict of 12 men or confession or notorious evidence of the fact shall forfeit to the Queene c. for the first offence the profits of one whole yeere next after such conviction of all his spirituall Benefices and suffer imprisonment for the space of six moneths without Bayle or Mainprize If any such person once convicted concerning the Premisses shall after such conviction offend and be thereof lawfully convict shall suffer imprisonment for the space of one whole year and be deprived ipso facto of all his spirituall promotions and that it shall be lawfull for all Patrons and Donors of such Spirituall promotions to present or collate to the same as if the person or persons so offending were dead If any person be convicted the third time of the premisses he shall ipso facto be deprived of all his spirituall promotions and shall suffer imprisonment during life Any person that shall offend and be convicted inform aforesaid concerning any of the premisses not being beneficiall or having any spirituall promotion shall for the first offence after such conviction suffer imprisonment for the space of one whole year without Bail or Mainprise and for the second offence after lawfull conviction shall suffer imprisonment during life If any person shall doe or speak any thing in derogation of the book of Common-prayer or disturb or interrupt any Parson Vicar or other Minister in any Cathedrall or Parshi Church or Chappel in the celebration of the Common-prayer or ministration of the Sacraments or shall compell or cause any other Service to be celebrated being thereof lawfully convict shall for the first offence forfeit to the Queen c. the summe of one hundred Marks and for the second offence the summe of four hundred Marks and for the third offence he shall forfeit all his Goods and Chattels and suffer imprisonment during life If any person shall for the first offence be convict of the premisses in form aforesaid and shall not pay the sum to be paid by virtue of his conviction that instead thereof he shall suffer imprisonment for the space of 6. moneths without Bail or Mainprise and he that shall not pay for the second conviction shal suffer imprisonment for the space of 12. moneths without Bail or Mainprise Every person shall having no lawfull or reasonable excuse to be absent diligently and faithfully endeavour to resort to the usuall places where Common-prayer and such Service of God shall be used upon Sundayes and other dayes appointed to be kept holy and there abide orderly and soberly during the time of Common-prayer Preaching and other Service of God upon pain of punishment by censures of the Church and twelve pence to be levied by the Church-wardens to those of the poor of the Parish by way of distress The Ordinaries and all other Officers Ecclesiasticall as well in places exempt as not exempt within their Diocess have power and authority by this Act to correct and reform and punish by Church censures all who shall offend within their Jurisdictions The Justices of Oyer and Determiner or Justices of Assise in open and generall Sessions have power to hear determine and punish these offences yet so that every Arch-bishop and Bishop in their severall Diocesses by virtue of this Act may associate or joyn themselves with the said Justices No person shall be molested for any offences abovesaid unlesse he be indicted at the next generall Sessions next after such offences are committed All Lords of Parliament for their third offence shall be tried by their Peers Chiefe Officers of Cities and Boroughs have the like authority to hear and determine the offences aforesaid as the Justices of Assize and Oyer and Determiner have Arch-Bishops Bishops their Chancellors Commissaries Arch-Deacons and other Ordinaries having any peculiar Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction have by virtue of this Act power in their Visitations Synods and elsewhere within their Jurisdictions to enquire and take the accusations and informations of all the offences aforesaid and to punish the same by Admonition Excommunication Sequestration or Deprivation and other censures in like form as heretofore has been used by the Queens Ecclesiasticall Laws Any person offending in the premisses and punished therefore by the Ordinary having a testimoniall thereof under the Ordinaries Seal shall not for the same offence be convicted before the Justices and likewise punished for the first offence by the Justices he shall not again receive punishment of the Ordinary Such Ornaments of the Church and of the Ministers shall be reteined Anno 5 Eliz. cap. 1. and be in use as was in this Church of England by authority of Parliament in the 2 year of the Reign of Ed. 6. untill other Order shall be taken by authority of the Queen with the advice of the Commissioners appointed and authorised under the Great Seal of England for causes Ecclesiasticall or of the Metropolitan of the Realm It was enacted That whatsoever person inhabiting in the Queens Dominions who by word or deed should maintain that the Bishop of Rome had any authority or jurisdiction in any of the
School-master presuming to teach any thing contrary to this Act and being thereof lawfully convict shall be disabled to be a Teacher of Youth and shall suffer imprisonment without Bayl ot Mainprise for the space of a year No Ordinary or their Ministers shall take any thing for the allowance of any Schoole-master All offences aforesaid and all offences against the first Eliz. 1. 5 Eliz. 1. 13 Eliz. 2. c. are inquirable into by the Justices of peace and other Justices named in the said Act within a year and day after such offences committed Justices of Oyer and Terminer of Assiize of Goale-delivery in their limits Justices of Peace in their Quarter-sessions have power to hear and determine the offences aforesaid except Treason and Misprision of Treason Every person guilty of any offence against this Statute other then Treason Misprision of Treason which shall before he be indicted or at his Arraignment before Judgement submit and conform himself before the Bishop of the Diocess where he shall be resident and before the Justice of Peace where he shall be arraigned or tried having not before made like submission shall upon his recognition of such submission in open Assises or Sessions in the County where such person shall be resident be discharged of all the said offences The forfeitures of the moneys limited by this Act shall be divided into three equall parts whereof one third part to the Queen to her use another for the relief of the poor in the Parish where such offence is committed to be delivered by warrant of the principle Officers in the receipt of the Exchequer without further warrant from her Majesty the other third part to such person as will sue for the same in any court of Record in which no Essoin or Protection or Wager of Law shall be allowed He that shall forfeit such summes as are specified in this Act and be not able or shall not pay the same within 3. moneths after Judgement shall be committed to prison and there remain untill he have paid the said summes or conform himself to goe to Church He that usually on Sunday shall have in his house the Divine Service as it is established and be thereat usually present and not obstinately refuse to come to Church and shall at least four times in the year be present at the Divine Service in his Parish Church or in some open Church or Chappell of ease shall incur no damage nor danger by this Act. Every Grant Conveyance Bond Judgement and Execution of covetous purpose to defraud the Queen or any other person shall be holden utterly void Tryall of a Peer for any Treason or misprision of Treason by this Act shall be by his Peers This Act nor any thing contained therein is said not to extend to take away any or abridge the authority or jurisdiction of the Ecclesiasticall Censures for any cause or matter but that Arch-Bishops and Bishops and other Ecclesiasticall Judges may do and proceed as before the making of it All Jesuits made within or without the Realm since the Nativity of St. Stat. 27 Eliz. cap. 2. John the Baptist in the first year of the Queen shall within 40. dayes next after the Session of Parliament if they be not wind-bound depart out of England and other the Queens Dominions If any Jesuit Seminary Priest or other such Priest Deacon or Religious or Ecclesiasticall person whatsoever born within the Dominions of the Queen and made since the feast of the Nativity of St. John in the first year of the Queen or hereafter to be made by any Authority from the Church of Rome shall after the said forty dayes after the Session of Parliament other then in such speciall cases as in this Act is expressed be found in any of the Queens Dominions every such person shall be adjudged a Traitor All they which shall receive any such Jesuit or Priest after such time shall be adjudged a felon without benefit of Clergy If Any Subject of England then being or after shall be of or brought up in any Colledge of Jesuits or seminaries already erected or to be erected out of the Realm shall not within six moneths next after Proclamation in that behalf made in London under the broad Seal return into this Realm and within two dayes after before the Bishop of the Diocesse or two Justices of the peace of the County where he shall arrive submit himself to her Majesty and her Lawes and take the Oath set forth in the first year of her Reign That then every such person which shall otherwise return shall be taken and deemed as a Traitor Whosoever shall any wayes send relief to any Jesuit or seminary beyond the seas or give any maintenance to any Colledge of Jesuits or Seminaries shall incur the danger of a Premunire None during the Queens life shall send his or her Child or other person except Merchants or such only who serve in their Trade as Merchants or Mariners beyond the Seas without the Queens speciall licence or under four of the Councells hands upon the penalty of one hundred pounds Every offence committed against this Act may be heard and determined as well in the Kings Bench as also in any County within this Realm or any of the Queens Dominions where the offence shall be committed or where the offendor shall be apprehended This Act shall not extend to any Jesuit c. before mentioned as shall within the said 40. dayes or within 40. daies after he come into the Realm submit himself to some Arch-bishop or Bishop of this Realm or to some Justice of Peace within the County where he shall arrive and doe thereupon truly and sincerely before the Arch-bishop Bishop or Justice of Peace take the said Oath set forth the first of Eliz. and under his hand confesse afterward to continue in due obedience to the Queens Lawes made or to be made in causes of Religion Peers shall be tried by their Peers for any offence made Treason Felony or Premunire by this Act. Any person being a Subject of this Realm which shall after the said 40. daies know any such Jesuit or Priest c. and shall not discover the same to some Justice of Peace or Higher Officer within 12. dayes every such person shall be fined and imprisoned according to the Queens pleasure and every such Justice of Peace or higher Officer which shall not discover the same within 28. dayes to some of the Queens Councell or to the President or Vice-president of the Queens Councell established in the North or Marches of Wales then he or they so offending shall forfeit 200 Markes Such of the Privy Councell President or Vice-president abovesaid to whom such information shall be made shall thereupon deliver a note in writing subscribed by his own hand to the party by whom he shall receive such information testifying that such information was made to him All such Oaths Bonds and Submissions as shall be made by force of