displeasure of many at court when Ministers were freely rebuking sin in about the court they were accounted railers traitours And being accused of treason before the King his Councill They declined them as incompetent Judges Upon this account in this houre of darknesse by the meanes of the Earle of Arran This Parliament is suddenly called wherby there were two Parliaments in one year 1584. the one meeting May 22. the other which is called the ninth Parliament as the former was called the eight Agust 22. which granteth this supremacy to the King over persones ecclesiastick for formalities sake civil therefore in the end of that act it is declared to be treason to decline his Maj. or his Council in any case So then the question was not betwixt the King the Parliament But betwixt the King or his Councel the Church in spirituall matters It is true also that in the 1. Act of Parliament 18. Anno 1606. His Maj. soveraigne authority Princely power Royall prerogative and privilege of his Crowne over all Estates persones and causes whatsoever is acknowledged But this act is of the same nature with the former no prerogative over above the Estates of Parliament is acknowledged here to belong properly to the Crown And moreover these words are but faire flourishes parliamentary complements Finally the prerogative here spoken of is founded upon personal qualifications where with they say he was endued far beyond his predecessours such as extraordinary graces most rare and excellent vertues singular judgment for sight Princely wisdome the like these may be wanting in one possessing the crowne therefore it could not be the minde of the Parliament to give a supremacy founded upon such qualifications to these who had not those qualifications so they could not annex it unto the Crowne 9. Together with these particulars let this be considered That in 3 Article of the league Covenant they did all swear Sincerly really and constantly in their severall vocations to endeavour the preservation of the rights and privileges of the Parliaments And then it shall appear that there was good ground of scrupleing at that oath which as explained by their acts tendeth to the overturning of those rights privileges For none who desired to make conscience of the oath of the Covenant might swear an oath so apparently opposite thereunto It is true those questions concerning the power of Princes Parliaments are dark ticklish Ministers not being lawyers by profession can not be supposed to be well acquanted with the lawes constitutions of the realme or with the nature extent of the same in all points Yet it concerneth them to see to this that they run not themselves upon the rocks of contradictory oaths And having sworne to endeavour in their places callings the preservation of the rights privileges of Parl. it concerneth them all not alitle to search so far into the rights privileges of Parl. as that they may know when an oath is tendered unto them which crosseth the same being once engadged in an oath in a matter not sinfull not to change or to swear that which destroyeth contradicteth the former oath But leaving those things not laying more weight on them then they will bear other particulars more weighty pressing must be spoken to therefore let it be considered 10. What dreadfull consequences will follow upon the taking of this oath thus explained as to its civil part by the forementioned act concerning the prerogative other acts now to be mentioned as 1. A condemning of the convention of Estates Anno 1643. conform to the Act 6. of this Parliament 2. A condemning of the Parliaments Anno 1640 1641 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648. conforme to their Act 15. as also the committees Parliaments thereafter Anno 1649 1650 1651. conforme to their Act 9. 3. A condemning of all the Acts made by these Parliaments conforme to their Act 3. 4. A condemning of all the meetings Councells Conventions of the subjects at the beginning of the late work of Reformation conforme to their 4 Act. 5. A condemning of the League Covenant conforme to their Act 7. 6. A condemning of Scotlands joyning with helping of England in the day of their straite conforme to their Act 7. 7. A condemning of the renueing of the Nationall Covenant Anno 1638 1639. conforme to the last words of the 11 Act. 8. A condemning of the Generall Assembly 1638 severall others thereafter conforme to their 4 Act. 9. A condemning of Scotlands riseing in armes in their own defence against the Popish Prelaticall malignant Party conforme to their 5 Act. 10. A condemning of their seizing upon forts castles in their own defence conforme to the said 5 Act. Was there not then cause to scruple at the taking of this oath which would have imported a condemning of all those things sure there was as shall be showne in speaking to each of the particulars mentioned Now it is clear that the taking of this oath would have imported a condemning of all these particulars from this That the Parliament doth condemne all these mentioned particulars as the acts specified do clear because done without his Maj consent which ought say they to have been had by vertue of his prerogative royall and supremacy the perogative doth explaine his supremacy in things civill as shall be showne more fully hereafter But to come to the particulars first There was no ground for condemning that convention of Estates 1643. notwithstanding that the Kings consent was not had therto 1. Because in poynt of conscience the Estates of the land being essentially judges are bound when the publict affaires of the Kingdom do require to conveen consult thereanent when Religion lawes liberties are in hazard when the necessitie is such as will admit of no delay pure legall formalities of state must be dispensed with when they cannot be gotten followed as in this case it was clear The true protestant religion his Maj. honour the peace of the Kingdomes were in hazard by papists their adherents in armes in England Irland The King refuised to call a Parliament at that time though he was oftin requeested there unto In this case what could the states of the Land do who were bound by the lawes of God of nature of nations to see to the preservation of the Kingdom to their own interests to religion that should be dearâ—… to them then any thingâ—… else were bound by the law of God to judge governe the land but obey God disâ—…ense with state formalities according to the many examples of the Estates of Scotland before who did conveen in Parliament whether the King would or not as that Parliament which did imprison donald the 70. King the Parliament at Scone which summoned King Culenus before them that Parliament which
them concerning the day which was the second not the fifth that so such as would meet the second day being so few might easily be moved to dissolve before the rest came who would intend onely to keep the fifth day But the honest party perceiving how their liberties were now in danger did resolve to meet at Aberdeen accordingly there cometh from parts neerby some against the second of July unto whom Lawreston his Maj. Commissioner presented a letter from the Councell desired an answer They replyed that they behooved first to constitute themselves after he had withdrawn they choosed a moderator Clerk then read the letter wherein there were two things desired first that they would dissolve the meeting next that they would appoint no other day untill his Maj. were advertised As to the first they answered that they were ready to dissolve the meeting there being so few present To the next they answered that if Lawreston as his Maj. Commissioner would name a day they would aggree thereto if not they behooved to preserve their liberty so seeing Lawreston refused they appointed the next Assembly to be at Aberdeen the last Tuysday of Sept. advertised Presbiteries therof When Lawreston seeth this he protesteth against them as no lawfull Generall Assembly giveth his reasons which were answered they protest to the contrary thereupon by a messenger of armes he chargeth them to depairt under the paine of treason because as he alledged he had discharged them the night before by open proclamation at the mercat Crosse to conveen under the paine of treason he causeth denounce them rebells Whereupon in Septr Mr Welsh Mr Forbes were imprisoned by the Councill in Blackenesse in Octr. others were incarcerat In the mean time there is a Declaration dated at Hampton Court Septr 26. indicting an Assembly at Dundy the last Tuysday of July next Now the imprisoned ministers petitioned that the triall of that Generall Assembly might be referred to the indicted assembly at Dundee but are not heard And therefore when they are sisted before the Councill Octr 24. seeing that certainly the Assembly would be condemned they give in this Declinature following please your Lo The approbation or disallowance of a Generall assembly hath been should be a matter spirituall alwayes cognosced judged by the Church as Judges Competent within this Realme seing we are called before your Lo to hear see it found declared that we have contemptuously seditiously conveened assembled our selves in a Generall assembly at Aberdeen the first Tuysday of July last the said assembly to be declared unlawfull as an more length is contained in the summonds executed against us We in consideration of the premisses other reasons to be given in by us have just cause to decline your Lo. judgement as no wayes competent in the Cause above specified by these presents we simpliciter decline the same seing we are most willing to submit our selves unto the triall of a Ge nerall Assembly which is onely the Judge competent When the King heareth of this Declinature he lent down directions to the Councell to proceed against them according to the lawes sent down the Earle of Dumbar for that effect Whereupon six of them viz Mrs Iohn Forbes Iohn Welch Andrew Duncan Iohn Sharp Robert Dury Alexander Strachan are endited of high treason upon the act of Parliament 1584. sisted before an Assise at Lithgow and what by illegall procedures threatenings with fair promises used by the Earle of Dumber unto the Assisers some of whom were his own near kinssolk particularly by assurances that the king would not take their life they are declared guiltie of treason by nine of the fifteen Assisers so sent back to their prisons Then doth the king send for Mrs Andro Melvin Iames Melvin Iames Balfour William Watson William Scot Iohn Carmichel Adam Colt detaineth them long at London seeking to intangle them with questions at length Mr Andro Melvin is imprisoned in the Tower till the Duke of Bulloigne three years thereafter procureth liberty to him to go with him Mr Iames Melvin dieth at Berwick the rest are confined to severall places of the countrey While these ministers are at London the king signifieth his minde that the six condemned ministers should be banished out of his Dominions the other eight should be consined as followeth Viz Mr Farme in Bute Mr Monro in Kâ—…ntire Mr Youngson in Arran Mr Irvine in Orkney Mr VVilliam Forbes in Yetland Mr Gray in Caitnesse Mr English in Southerland Mr Rosse in Lewes In this same year Anno 1606. there is a parliament conveened in July which acknowledgeth his Maj. soveraigne authority princely power royall prerogative priviledge of the Crowne over all Estates persons causes promiseth to maintaine the same with their lives lands goods restoreth the bishops to their ancient accustomed honour dignities Prerogatives Previleges livings lands teinds rents thirds estates rescindeth the act of annexation Unto this Parliament the Commissioners from Synods presbiteries gave in a protestation desiring them to keep within their due bounds reserve unto the Lord that glory which he will communicate neither to man nor angel viz to prescribe from his holy mountaine a lively patterne according to which his own tabernacle should be framed that they would not bring into the kirke of God the Ordinance of man which hath been found the ground of much evill of that Antichristian Hierarchie That they would not build Iericho againe contrare to their oath subscription nor suffer that Estate of Bishops to arise which they offered to prove to be against the word of God the ancient Fathers Canons of the Church the moderne most learned godly Divines the Doctrine Constitution of the Church of Scotland the lawes of the Realme the well honour of the kings Maj. the peace quyetness of the realme the well of all every one of the subjects and then In the name of the Church in generall of their presbyteries in their own name of all other pastors for discharging of their duety consciences they did protest against bishopry bishops against the Erection Confirmation or Ratification thereof requireing the famine to be Registrated This protestation was subscribed by many ministers among others by Mr Adam Banatine Mr Iohn Abernethy Mr VVilliam Couper who afterward became bishops themselves When prelats are thus advanced to their civill dignities there are wayes essayed for advancing them in their spirituall power and this same year there is an assembly indicted at Lithgow the 10 of December but onely some presbyteries in whom the king confided most were advertised hereof the businesse was carried so closely that the moderator of the last assembly knew nothing of it Here after some debate the overture propounded by his
calling for God giveth no command to do evill nor to tyrannize He is not God's vicegerent when he playeth the tyrant therefore he may be resisted opposed without any violence done to the office or ordinance of God As the King's messinger may be resisted withstood when he crosseth his commission warrand without any wrong done to the office or to the King Every disobedience in things sinfull is not a resisting of the ordinance of God The office may be owned the person in the office honoured esteemed as he ought when yet his unjust violence may be resisted his sinfull commands disobeyed for it is onely powers that are ordained of God that must not be resisted tyrants or Magistrats turning tyrants and exerceing tyranny cannot be called the ordinance of God though the office abstracted from the tyranny be the ordinance of God And there is no hazard of damnation for refuseing to obey unjust lawes but rather hazard of damnation in willingly following after the command And so there is no danger in resisting such Acts of tyranny for tyrants exerceing tyranny are no terrour to evil doers But on the contrary they are a terrour to good works therefore that place Rom. 13. cannot be understood of tyrants It is a true a worthy saying of famous Mr Knox in his history of Soâ—…land Lib. 2. pag. 141. There is a great difference betwixt the authority which is Gods ordinance the persons of those who are placed in authority The authority God's ordinance can never do wrong but the corrupt person placed in authority may offend So that the King as king is one thing the king Acting tyranny is another thing They plead not for rebelling against the office or resisting that which is God's ordinance They did never intend to destroy Magistracy or to lessen the Kings Maj. just power lawfull authority or to wrong the office in the least And therefore all the arguments of their adversaries taken from Rom 13. or the like places which speak against withstanding opposeing of the office divine appoyntment of God are of no force against them their cause Tyranny is one thing the office of the King is another thing And what arguments speak well against resisting the office or the person duely legally dischargeing the duties belonging to that office will not conclude against resisting of tyranny So that all the arguments taken from Numb 16. Exod. 22 28. Eccles. 10 20. 8 2 3 4 Prov. 17 26. And the like places do not speak home to their case 2. There is also a great difference betwixt riseing up in armes without any just lawfull ground or for trissles or matters of small moment as for the exacting of some more tribute then is due by the law or the like riseing up in armes in extreme necessity when religion lawes lives liberties all that was dear to them as men as christians were in hazard and this was their case for the king came with an army upon them blocked them up both by sea land thus with forraigners was seeking to subdue them so to overturne religion lawes liberties all was not this extream necessity What more imminent danger could be expected then an army of bloody papists bent to prosecute their bloody designes coming with fire sword encouraged by a commission from the king so approaching their very borders Was there not then a necessity an extreme inevitable necessity to rise up in armes for the saiftie of religion lawes lives liberties when all was thus in most imminent danger Should the Parliament the whole body of the land give up unto the lust of these bloody irish popish prelaticall malignant enemies their own lives the lives of their wives children their liberties as men as christians Should they sell religion the land their soulls their consciences unto those men because for sooth they had a commission from the King there is no reason in the world for this Therefore seing there is nothing more dear to people then their religion their lives their liberties a warre raised in the defence of these cannot be accounted a warre raised upon trissles or sedition faction or mutiny but a necessary defensive warre not raised upon privat injuries discontents But upon matters of the greatest importance necessity viz to prevent the extirpation of religion the subversion of lawes liberties the destruction of lives all Cicero de officis lib. 2. can tell us that omnium societatum nulla est gratior mella carior quam ea quae cum republica est nui cuique nosirum cari sunt parentes cariliberi propiâ—…qui familiares sed omnes omnium caritates patria una complex a est pro qua quis bonus dubitat mortem oppetere si ei sit profuturus 3. There is also a difference betuixt a war raised of purpose to force the supreme Magistrat to be of the same religion with the subject or else to dethrone him and a war raised to defend that religion which both Magistrat subject owneth Betuixt a war raised in defence of that religion which hath never been established by the lawes of the land and a war raised in defence of that religion which is publickly owned by the lawes of the land which King subject both are sworne to maintaine which by the lawes becometh a civill right a part of the civill liberty of the subject Whatever may by said against a war raised in the former case yet in this last case a war defensive is most warrantable and this was the very case of Scotland for they were seeking to defend the religion which was established by the lawes of the land which popish prelaticall malignants were seeking to overturn So that any argument which adversaries can bring from the practice of the primitive christians will conclude nothing against them because the true religion was not then established by law the emperours had never consented therunto but it was otherwise in Scotland as hath been abundantly shown Sect. 1. 2. 4. There is also a difference betuixt a violent laying of hands upon the person of the King of purpose to destroy cut him off or to denude him of his just power privilege that in cold blood too by privat persons for some personall injuries This they abhore ever have abhored and betuixt a sinlesse self defence when unjustly assaulted by armies sent by the King to destroy cut them off In pleading for a sinlesse self defence they do not plead for an illegall taking away of the life of a King Their raising of forces in their own sinlesse self defence cannot be condemned there being an actuall invasion made upon their lives liberties which made their war to be tutela vitae proxima the last refuge for the life the only remedie
which the tenderers thereof do put upon it must be searched sought for out of their acts for though it could have been wished both reason religion would have required it that after the example of Abraham they had made the oath as plaine easie as might be so that the sense meaning of it had been obvious to all or had annexed such a glosse meaneing as the words in ordinary construction would bear tender Christians might saifly assent unto yet there was no such thing done yea not being desired to do it would they do it yea nor would they suffer any to enquire at them in what sense they would have the oath taken yea which is more they made an act dischargeing all to offer any sense of the oath under the paine of treason So that there is no way now left to finde out the meaning of the oath as to this part but by their acts actings which when considered together with some other things usefull in this bussinesse will help to cleare the true sense thereof Three things then must be spoken to 1. The rise progresse of this bussinesse which is imported by this part of the oath viz the Kings supremacy over persons ecclesiastick in ecclesiastick causes in England 2. The rise progresse of it in Scotland 3. Some acts deeds of the King Parliament who now tender it As to the first of these It is notour enough what King Henry the Eight did when upon some privat discontents he shook off the Pop's supremacy Anno 1530. for having caught the Clergy in a Premunire for countenanceing some way or other the Pop's legat he would not be satisfied with their payment of 100000. lib unlesse also they would acknowledge him for the supreme head of the Church on earth which after some debate in their Synod both in the upper lower house of convocation was condescended to in forme as followeth cujus c. of which Church viz the Church of England we recognosce his Maj. to be the singular protectour the only supreme Lord so far as Christ's lawes will permitt the supreme head This was subscribed unto by all put into their publicke acts or instruments presented to the King afterward Parl. 24. c. 12. upon this ground it was statuted ordained that all ecclesiasticall suites controversies should be determined within the Kingdom all appeals to Rome were prohibited and Parl. 25. c. 20. The manner of electing of Archbishops Bishops was altered that power given granted to the King and upon this same foundation Parl. 26. c. 1. it was declared that the King is supreme head of the Church of England that he should have all honours preheminences which were annexed unto that title after this there followed another act c. 3. for Tenths first fruits as appertaineing to that head-shipe supreme authority Hence also Anno 1532. The convocation submitting unto the King's Maj. promiseth in verbo sacerdotis That they would never from thence forth presume to attempt allaidge clame or put in ure enact promulge or execute any new canons constitutions ordinances provinciall or others or by whatsoever name they shall be called in the convocation unlesse the Kings most royall assent may to them be had to make promulge execute the same that his Maj. do give his most royall assent authority in that behalfe Which deed of theirs the Parliament did shortly thereafter ratifie in these termes That none of the said clergy from thence forth should presume to allaidge clame or put in ure any constitutions or ordinances provinciall or synodall or any other canons nor should enact promulge or execute any such canons constitutions or ordinances by whatsoever name or names they may be called in their convocations in time coming which alwayes shall be assembled by the Kings write unlesse the same clergy may have the kings most royall assent license to make promulge execute such canons constitutions ordinances provinicall synodall upon paine of evry one of the said clergy doing the contrary to this act thereof convicted to suffer imprisonment and make fine at the king's will 25. Parl. c. 19. So Parl. 35. c. 1. There was another oath devised ratified which was to be imposed upon the subject for the more clear asserting of the King's supremacy By these Particulars any may see that Peter Martyr had good ground to say as he doth on 1. Sam. 8. That King Henry took all that power to himself which the Pope challenged atque hoâ—… fortasse est quod Rex Angliae voluit se secundum Christum appellari caput ecclesiae putavit enim campâ—…testatem quam sibi Papa usur paverat suamesse in reguo suo ad se pertinere i. e he would there fore be called head of the Church next under Christ because he thought that all that power which the Pope did usurpe did belong to him within his own dominions and he had good ground to say that it was a proud title which gave much offence unto the godly Nor was it without reason that judicious Calvin did inveigh so much against that title in his commentary on Amos 7. saying qui juitio tantopere etc. i e. They who at the first did so much extoll Henry king of England were no doubt inconsider as men they gave unto him the supreme power over all and this did alwayes wound me They were blasphemous when they called him supreme head of the Church under Christ. So that Peter Heylyn must not be beleeved when he telleth the world in his discourse of the reformation of the Church of England pag. 13. That thâ—…se statuts which concerne the kings supremacy are not introductory of any new right that was not in the crown before but only declaratory of an old againe pag. 48. 49. That when the supremacy was recognized by the Clergy in their convocation to king Henry 8. It was only the restoreing of him to his propper and originall power invaded by the popes of these later ages for that title of supreme head not only seemed to have some what in it of an innovation as himself is forced to acknowledge in the following words but really had an innovation in it of no small consequence as shall appeare But this title of supreme head gave offence both at home abroad therefore Queen Elizabeth did change it into this of supreme governour over all persons as well in all causes ecclesiastick as civill in these tearms it was keeped is to this day But all this change did not much help the matter for many were offended even there at and what wonder seing it seemed to attribute to her Maj. no lesse spirituall jurisdiction power then what the former oath did importe Whereupon the Queen in the first year of her reigne after the Parliament had condescended on the forementioned oath published an
Kingdomes in Scotland that Christ was a King the Church his Kingdome that he himself was a subject unto Christ a member of his Church neither head nor King thereof that the spirituall office bearers to whom he had committed the government of his Church had power warrant to conveen But the King went on told the Ministers thereafter That there should be no agreement betwixt him them untill the marches of their jurisdiction were rid that they might not speak in pulpit of the affaires of the Estate or Councell that no Generall Assembly should meet without his special command that Church judicatures should meddle with fornication luch like scandalls but not with causes whereupon his lawes do strick shortly thereafter Mr Blake was summoned did decline his declinature was owned by severall hundereds of Ministers when King Iames saw this he laboured to ensnare the Ministery therefore invented the bond which was mentioned Sect. 1. Pag. 27. whereby any may see what was intended designed But when he is in possession of the crown of England then the poor Church findeth his hand heavier then formerly for Anno 1606. Six Ministers were convicted of treason condemned for declineing the councell as an incompetent judge in matters ecclesiastick all by vertue of the Act of Parl. 1584. And the Parliament which did meet that yeer 1606. to make all sure did acknowledge his Maj. soveraigne authority princely power royall perogative privilege of his crown over all Estates persons and causes whatsoever and ratifieth approveth and perpetually confirmeth the same at absolutely amply and freely in all respects and considerations as ever his 〈◊〉 or any of his royall progenitoure Kings of Scotland in any time by gone possessed used and exercised Thus was the copestone of this supremacy put on againe And at that pretended assembly at Glasgow Aâ—…no 1610. it was acknowledged that The indiction of the Generall Assembly did appertaine unto his Maj. by the prerogative of his royall crown And it was ordained that the oath which is set down before pag. 37. be sworne by all ministers at their ordination the Parliament which conveened Anno 1612. ratified all this And finally Anno 1633. in the 1 Parl. of King Charles Act 3. that Act which was made Anno 1606. was againe ratified this conclusion was drawne from it that he hath power to prescribe what apparell he thinketh fit for Kirk men which was done of purpose for this end that his Maj. might with greater facility get the use of the surplice by Ministers established by law and practised And now by all this any may see what is the nature of that supremacy which the higher powers have been all alongs grasping after which the faithfull servants of Christ have been withstanding according to their power But in the last place the sense meaning of this late Parliament which did tender the oath must be sought out of their acts actings out of some commissions granted by his Maj. thereby it shall be seen what ground there was of scrupling at the oath how the feares of such as did then scruple at the oath were not groundlesse seing the after actings of king Parliaâ—… have abundantly confirmed the apprehentions which such had of their giving to the King of his taking more power in Church matters then themselves would then acknowledge or confesse did belong to him Now for clearing what power was then is now assumed by given to the King in Church matters these particulars may be noticed 1. When these Six or Seven Ministers who were cited before the Parliament had offored a sense in which they would willingly have taken the oath they could not be heard though they granted unto him in their sâ—…nse offered as much power in Church matters as the word of God the confessions of faith both of the Church of Scotland of other reformed Churches did allow for they did grant that his soveraignity did retch ecclesiastik causes objectively though in its own nature it was alwayes civill extrinsick But this did not satisfie therefore it was evident enough that they did intend some other thing by that oath then every one could well see 2. In the 4. Act of their first session it is made a part of the Kings prerogative That none of his heighnesse subjects of whatsoever quality state or function presume to convocat conveen or assemble themselves for holding of councells to treat consult determine in any matter of state civil or ecclesiastick except in ordinary judgments without his Maj. speciall command of expresse license had obtained thereto under the paines c. By which it is apparent that they will have no Church judicatories without his command or license otherwise his prerogative is violated so it is a piece of his perogative supremacy to have all these assemblies depending â—…o upon him as civill meetings do that is that they shall be null without his expresse consent and command for this part of the act is in every word conforme relative to that black act Anno 1584. viz act 3. parl 8. King Iam. 6 by which all Church judicatories which had been set up conforme to the second book of discipline viz sessions presbyteries synods were discharged 3. In the 16 Act of the first session concerning religion and Church government they say That as to the government of the Church his Maj. will make it his care to setle secure the same in such a frame as shall be most agreeable to the word of God most suiteable to monarchicall governement most complying with the publicke peace quyet of the Kingdome in the meane time his Maj. with advice consent foresaid doth allow the present administration by sessions presbyteries Synods So that by this act it is clear that they think that there is no particular forme of Church government sâ—…t down in the word 2. That every nation is left at liberty in this to choose what forme they will as most suitâ—…ing to civil government complying with the people temper 3. That he is judge of what forme of government is most agreeable to the word of God 4. That this governement must be some other government then that which is by Sessions Presbyteries and Synods which is but allowed in the interim 4. There is a commission or act from his Maj. for a Nationall Synod ratified by Parliament in their second Session which is worth the noticeing the Act is thus worded For as much as the ordering disposall of the externall government of the Churh the nomination of the persones by whose advice matters relating to the famine are to be setled doth belong to his Maj. as an inherent right of the Crown by vertue of his prerogative Royall supreme authority in causes Ecclesiastick And in prosecution of this trust his Maj. considering how
dayes of their life And among other things referred to the determination of the Generall assembly this concerning the civil places power of Kirk men was one And accordingly the Generall Assembly did determine act sess 25 Decemb. 19. 1638. That it was both inexpedient unlawfull for pastors separated unto the Gospell to brook civil places offices the next day there was an act made for subscribing of the covenant accord ing to this determination for say they it is found by the confession of faith that the five articles of Perth and the civil places and power of Kirkmen are declared to be unlawfull The assembly alloweth and approveth of the same in all heads and articles thereof and ordaineth that all ministers masters of universities colleges schoolâ—… and all others who have not already subscribed the said confession and covenant shall subscribe the same with these words prefixed to the subscription viz. The article of this covenant which was at the first subscription referred to the determination of the Gen. assembly being now determined at Glasgow in Dec. 1638. And thereby-the civill places power of Kirkmen being declared to be unlawfull We subscribe according to the determination of the same free lawfull generall assembly So that it is most clear that none can owne this judicature without the breach of this covenant so explained because they cannot acknowledge this judicature but withall they must acknowledge the civil power places of Kirkmen It will be objected That the Commissioners of that court and particularly the prelats may be owned as his Maj. Commissioners so it will be lawfull enough to compear be fore them Ans. If they be looked on as his Maj. Commissioners Then either as his commissioners in spirituall matters or in civill matters If as his commissioners in Church matters then no Minister or Christian could owne them as cloathed with such a power because his Maj. hath no such power from God therefore they can have no power from him by vertue of this Commission moreover compearing before them under that notion as having power of Church censuras by vertue of a commission from the King is an acknowledging of such a power in the King which is contrary to truth as is showne above If as his commissioners in matters civil then Church men should be owned as having civil power which were contrary to the clear word of Christ to the expresse determination of the Assembly also contrary unto the nationall covenant But it will be objected in the next place That upon the same ground no man might lawfully compear before the High court of Parliament because prelats are now made constituent members thereof so compearing before them would be an acknowledging of the lawfulnesse of the Church men their having civil places power Ans. It is true they may do nothing that may be an approving of their having civil places civil power therefore thâ—…ough they might not decline the court of Parliament in a civil businesse yet at their first compearance they would be necessitated to declare that they do not acknowledge nor approve of Church men their having civill places and power to protest that by their compearance before the High court of Parliament they might not be looked upon as approving thereof which protestation might in this case salve the conscience but no wayes in the other case of appearing before the High commission that because the Parliament is a full compleat court without the prelats so that though they were laid aside the Parliament would be a Parliament still but without the prelats the high Commission is no court for one of them at least is sine quo non so that lay these all aside you have no high commission courtâ—… therefore they being essentiall members of the court it is impossible to compear protest that in compearing you do not acknowledge their civil power without a self contradiction for in your protestation you have them virtually laid by as no constituent members if they be no constituent members there is no court yet your compearance sayeth that they are a court so it would be a palpable contradiction to protest against these as no constituent members yet stand before them answere as before a court But as to the Parliament the case is far different for when the prelats are there laid aside there is a full compleet court remaineing before which you may stand answere for your selfe the Parliament hath been may be a full compleat Parliament without prelats but the high commission never was a court without prelats may be a court with full power authority when there are no other constituent members beside prelats Some may object in the third place say This High commission court doth not meddle with Church censures therefore cannot be looked on as a Church judicature meddleing with Church causes Church censures but is only a civil court medleing with civil causes viz. the putting of the Acts of parliament to execution Ans. 1. Though this were granted Yet there is ground enough of scrupleing at the owneing of the same as may be seen in the 4 7 9 10 11. reasons formerly adduced But. 2. It is not very materiall to consider either how little or how much of their power they do put unto execution but the maine thing is to see what power they may exerce Now the best way to finde out this is to look to their commission which will abundantly cleare us in this Their commission sheweth how far their power doth reach or what actions or causes fall within the compasse of their power And by this we can best take up the nature of the judicature So that if their commission give them power to suspende depose excommunicate every one must look upon them as a judicature having that power whether they should alwayes or never exerce it And that their commission granteth to them this power will not be denyed by any who hath ever seen the same And that part of it which was cited doth cleare it suffeciently And therefore it is a mixed judicature being as well Ecclesiastick as civil If it be replyed That properly they have no power of suspending deposeing excommunicating immediatly But the meaneing is they are to cause the respective Church judicatures to suspende depose excommunicate for the Act or commission containeing their power sayeth they have power to appoynt ministers to be censured by suspension or depâ—…ion It is Answered 1. They have power to appoynt Ministers to be censured by suspension or deposition the same way that they have power to appoynt them others to be punished by fineing confineing committing incarcerating but this power they execute not by putting other civil judicatures to do it but they themselves immediatly do it therefore so have they power granted to them to do the other immediatly
the ground of the answere is clear from the very words of the commission which putteth no difference betuixt the way of their appoynting Ministers to be suspended or deposed the way of their appoynting others to be fined confined or incarcerated we must not distinguish where we have no ground And therefore it is said more clearly in the former part of the commission that they have power for the causes specified to suspend deprive excemmunicate these words make the matter as clear as can be 2. This coâ—…t is raised of purpose to put the Acts of Parliament in execution immediatly for so sayeth the commission it self That they are to â—…se their outmost endeavour that the Acts of Parliament and councell â—…or the peace and order of the Church c. 〈◊〉 put in vigour and in impartiall execution Now as for this end they immediatly execute the lawes for fineing confineing c. So have they power also immediatly to execute these lawes that are for suspending deposeing of Ministers 3. The end why this court was erected sheweth further that it is in part a Church judicature For it was erected to keep the peace order of the Church the governement thereof by Archbishops Bishops to punish such as presume to violat contemne disobey the Ecclesiastick authority 4. That which doth put the matter yet more out of doubt is the Basis or ground on which this High commission is reared up viz. his Maj. prerogative royall in all causes and over all persones as well Ecclesiastick as civil Now if they looked upon this court only as a civil court haveing power to meddle only with civil punishments his prerogative royall in causes civil had been a sufficient Basis for this Therefore the expresse mentioning of his prerogative royall in causes Ecclesiastick putteth it beyond all debate that they have proper Church power granted unto them so may immediatly depose suspend c. In the last place Some may object against the arguments brought from the unlawfulnesse of Church men their taking upon them civil places And say That though they will prove it unlawfull now for Ministers to take upon them such places Yet they will not prove it unlawfull for any to compeaâ—… before them when instaled in those places More then it can be unlawfull to come before a judge who possiblie hath come'â—… to the place by unlawfull indirect meanes that is his fault others are not concerned therein so here it is the prelates their fault to take upon them these places private persones are not so much concerned therein Ans. There is a vaste difference betwixt the prelates in this court other judges in other courts though comeing to these places by indirect meanes For. 1. These other courts places of judicature are unquestionably lawfull But the High commission is not a court so unquestionably lawfull 2. Other courts are not affected in the poynt of lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse by the quality of the persones But it is otherwise here in the High commission the very lawfulnesse of the court is questioned upon the account of the prelats being members thereof sine quibâ—…s non 3. These vices or indirect meanes used by others for attaineing of such or such a place in a judicature are for â—…he most partsecrete not clear undeyable or obvious unto all But that which is objected against the prelats is notour to all who read the gospell where they are expresly discharged by Christ to meddle in such a manner with any civil place or power so 4. That which is objected against the prelates is such a thing as affecteth the very person incapacitateth him for the place but in the other cases instanced these vices affect only the manner of entry but do not incapacitate the person a man may be one fit enough for such or such a place in a judicature as to be a judge or a justice of peace or thelike though he use indirect meanes to come by the place but the prelats as prelats if so be they will be accounted Church officers because they are Church men are uncapable of such a place therefore though it will not be unlawfull to acknowledge a judicature unquestionablie lawfull notwithstanding of some secret corruption in the entry ofhim who is in possession of the place Yet it will be unlawfull to acknowledge a judicature in it selfquestionable at best whether lawfull or not when such persones are made constituent members thereof yea members sine quibus non that by the expresse law of Christ are uncapable ofsuch a place and the acknowledging of this judicature cannot but be an approveing of that corruption Because the very acknowledging of the judicature sayeth that the persons who are constituent members thereof are really legally capable of the place as the compearing before acknowledging of a court made up of mere civil persons having power to try ordaine rebuke depose or excommunicate Ministers should be 〈◊〉 acknowledgeing of civil persons their having Church power contrare to the lawes of the gospell Therefore the arguments brought from the unlawfulnesse of Church men taking upon them civil places are still in force By those particulars It is abundantly clear that that high commission court is a most sinfull court even as to it's constitution how dangerous it is to compear before it upon any account without a declinature how it is saifest to with draw escape the snare that is laid there for catching of unwarry souls ere they be aware See the learned Voetius pol. eccles pag. 214. quaest 2. 216. quast 3 SECTION XX. The dreadfulness of the sin of covenant breaking particularly of abjureing the nationall Covenant the solemne league Covenant manifested MAny sad particulars have been mentioned which may occasion grief sorrow unto all the people of God yet there is one other which putteth on the copestone may deservedly make that land a gazeing-stock a hissing unto all nations round about who may stand astonished wonder what is become of Covenanted Scotland For it was not enough for the Parliament to condemne the Covenants which were solemnely sworne subscribed by Parliament at their command by all ranckes of people in the land by the King himself as was showne in the 2. Section But they formed a declaration Septembr 5. 1662. which they ordained to be subscribed by all officers of state members of Parliament privy councellers Lords of Session Commissioners in the exchequer members of the college of justice Sheriffs Stewards or commissaries their deputies and clerkes Magistrats and councells of Brughs justices of peace and their clerks or any other who have publick charge office and trust within the Kingdom And by the subscribeing of this declaration they promise as followeth I do sincerly affirme and declare that I judge it unlawfull to subjects upon pretence of reformation or any other pretence
Printed records They declare that in their undertakings they should preferre no earthly consideration to their dutâ—…es for preserving of religion in Scotland in doctrine worshipe discipline government as it is already established to endeavvour to setle it in England Ireland according to the Covenant also in their answere to some committees of Shires they declare that they had nothing before their eyes in that undertaking but the preservation good of religion the endeavouring the setling of it in England Ireland according to the Covenant in the first place before all worldly respects his Maj. rescue from â—…his base imprisonment his re-establishment upon his throne in all his just powers the saiftie of this Kingdome from danger on all hands the preservation of the union brotherly correspondence betwixt the Kingdomes under the governement of his Maj. of his royall posterity according to the Covenant So that the gentleman the author of this pamphlet publisheth his mistakes to the world when he would inferre thus was this right that where our alleagiance binds us to duty to a greater latitude this should be held out to people as the only standard of their loyally duty to the King Was it found Doctrine to insinuat to the sense of intelligent men that we were not otherwise bound to defend him Was it well by such a clause to give occasion to wicked men to think they were no furder obliged to him then he should desend that which they accounted religion And that the folly of his consequencesmay furder appear it would be considered that there is a clear difference betwixt these two Owneing of the King defending his authority never but when he is actually owneing active for the cause interest of Christ And owneing of the King defending his authority alwayes but when he is in actuall opposition in a stated contradiction to the work interest of Christ So is there a difference betwixt these two Non-concurrence in defending promoveing of the King's authority when he is opposeing the work of God And actuall anulling diminishing or utter overthrowing of his power authority when he is so stated And so when the Covenanters say That they are not bound to contribute their power in their places capacities to promove or defend his Maj. power authority when he is in a stated opposition to the work of God when the advanceing of him to his full power authority would cetanely tend to the ruine desruction of the cause people of God yet they do not say that they are never bound to defend him but when he is actually promoveing advanceing the work of God according to his full power place Nor do they say that when he opposeth the work of God they are at liberty to destroy his person or to spoile rob him of all his just power authority And therefore both that clause in the Covenant their proceedings may be abundantly justified without laying down any ground for the taking away of the late King's life without clashing with or contradicting the confessions of protestant Churches or of their owne soâ—… still they acknowledge that difference in Religion doth not make void the Magistrat's just legall Authority not free the people from subjection But that this may be a little more clear let this example be considered A Father turneth phrenticke mad seeketh to destroy the whole family calling for a sword liberty to execute his cruelty His sones rise up binde his hands withhold the sword from him withall sweare to stand together in their own defence to defend their Father's just right power in the defence of the family Now in this case can any say that they were undutifull children or that their covenanting so adding that clause in the Covenant sayeth they were free to cast off the relation that is betwixt him them except he guide the family in all poynts as they would have him doing No in no wayes Here then it is clear that their refuseing to put the sword in their Father's hand while under this distemper is no act of undutifulnesse It is no lessening of the Father's just power over the family nor doth it say that they thinke themselves not bound to owne him as a Father except when he is actively promoveing the good of the family far lesse doth it say that they think because of this distemper they may destroy him or that the relation betwixt them him is broken up for ever So then though this Advocat thought he had a faire sield to walk upon a faire occasion to vent his anger against that Church to make her odious to all Churches about yet wise men who easily see that there is no such strong relation betwixt King subjects as betwixt Parents Children will acknowledge that his ranting is without reall ground And that Scotland in their treaties with the King at the Hage at Breda in their actions at home did nothing but what they may hold up their faces for both before God Man doing nothing herein which either contradicteth their own confession of faith or the confession of faith of other Churches Not their own confession of faith For if the large confession of faith be viewed which was approved by the Parliament insert in their registres In that head of the civill Magistrate these words shall be found We confesse and avow that such at resist the supreme power doing that thing which appertaineth to his charge do resist God's ordinance and therefore cannot be guiltlesse furder we affirme that whosoever deny unto them their aide counsell and comfort whiles the Princes and rulers vigilantly travell in execution of their office that the same men deny their help support and counsell to God who by the presence of his lifetenant doth crave it of them So that all the resisting which is there condemned is resisting of him while doing his duty executing his office not while he is seaking to destroy Religion the interests of Christ. Nor the confession of other Churches for in the former confession of Helvetia upon that head of the civill Magistrate they say as it is in the English edition We know that though we be free we ought wholly in a true faith holily to submit ourselves to the Magistrate both with our body and with all our goods and endeavour of minde also to performe faithfulnesse and the oath which we made to him so far forth N. B. as his government is not evidently repugnant to him for whose sake we do reverence the Magistrate So the French in their confession Art 40. say 〈◊〉 must willingly suffer the yocke of subjection although the Magistrats be infidels so that N. B. the soveraigne Authority of God do remaine whole and entire and nothing diminished And which is worth the noticeing the practice of
who sometime could not only have beene a member but a president of any judicatory in Europe have spoken for the cause interest of Christ before Kings to the stopping of the mouths of gainsayers He was triumphed over particularly by the Archprelat Sharp who then with the black crue of his false brotherhood did sit in Parliament as constituting the third Estate And was condemned to die in the manner abovementioned So that that Parliament which was consecrated with the blood of two Noble witnesses in the entry was shut up and closed with the blood death of this worthy witnesse But which is to be remembered with admiration behold this half dead man when the day of his death came had a wonderfull reviving was beyond the expectation of all graciously visited mightyly assisted of God hearing the many prayers of his people put up in his behalf So as hee gave a noble testimony to that honourable cause worke In carrying on of which he had been honoured of God to be a worthy instrument from the beginning And Christ triumphed in him over all his enemies that watched for his halting as the reader may see by his speech carriage on the scaffold set down in Print But he may have hereafter more full satisfaction both concerning him the Noble Marquis of Argile famous Mr Guthry when the world shall see their Processes their defences in Print or when these following sheets shall be reprinted if that shall be thought expedient necessary not only for these now mentioned particulars but also for further explaineing confirming vindicating of any or all of the rest of the purposes here spoken to after fuller information had in those particulars Till then let the reader rest satisfied with the hints that are given here in the following sheets of the case carriage of those worthies pardone what is spoken short unsuitable to their worth As to those who have appeared before the High commission court induced thereto by the evil counsell of some others or the not thorow narrow examination of the complex-case as circumstantiated or being otherwayes circumvented And are now suffering upon some other account wherein they found more clearness satisfaction And as to others also who have not fully seen the evill of some things which in the following debate are clearly demonstrated to be sinfull yet as to other particulars are endeavouring to keep their former integrity to guaird against complyance Let none of those think that any thing here is said intentionally to put them to shame or to proclame before the world their weakness defection or to make glad the heart of the wicked for if there had been any other way for vindicating such as doe suffer upon the account of these particulars and for preventing the fall of others into the same snare this way had never been made choise of therefore seeing nothing is said upon any sinfull or sinister designe these brethren Christians will take this smiting as a Kindness these reproofs as an excellent oyle that will not break the head They will not take in evil part the discovery here made They are of another spiâ—…it then to be embittered at such free full â—…iping up of the evils of the course which many in this houâ—…e of darkness do follow Yea it cannot but be hoped certainly expected that such as truely feare the Lord will blesse his name with all their heart for such things made known to them that in time they may repent of the same see cause of wondering at his goodness mercy in not leaving them to themselves in other particulars of tryall notwithstanding of their sailing of duty in that their begun tryall And who knoweth but serious mourning and repenting before the Lord for fainting so far would open a doore for a great in-come of joy and consolation to the sweetning of the bitterness of suffering to the strengthning and bearing up of their soules under their mighty pressures So then the designe both Operantis Operis being good let no tender Christian be displeased with the way of the prosâ—…cution of these particulars or think that there is too much sharpness used that the consequences are drawn too strait For if in the Particulars themselves truth be maintained as may be supposed will be granted the arguments made use of can give no just offence especially such as are drawn from the Covenants which now are trampled upon by this sinfull backslyding Generation upon which many otherwise not ill minded think not much especially now when it is reckoned a crime once to name them as standing in force obligeing the lands And when the Spirit of these who carry on with violence this woefull course of defection are so enraged at the same that they cannot endure to heare a Covenant so much as named though it were even the Covenant of grace This however incredibleiâ—… may seeme to be will hardly be received by a Christian eare is a well known truth Now at such a time to put people in minde of their ingagements unto God to discover how such such practises are contrary to their Covenant obligations vowes cannot justly be condemned but approved of all who desire to stand fast in this houre of temptation It is beyond all question the Particulars here asserted shall meet with much contradiction from men of corrupt mindes whose principles will lead them to oppose what here is spoken in vindication of truth of the honest sufferers of Christ And upon that account it may be expected that the same honour shall be done to this which hath been done to other more worthy pieces viz. that it shall be committed to the fire there to receive a quick dispatch answer which will be so far from lessening the credit of the booke that it will render it much more desireable confirme the weake concerning the truth of the Particulars here spoken to of the unanswerableness of the arguments here made use of so the authors expectations shall be fully answered But if they shall doe it the justice to commit it to examiners one or moâ—… who with sobriety moderation shall publish their exceptions to the contrary shall examine these papers by the word of God right reason the fundamentall municipall lawes of Scotland the particulars here spoken to shall be revindicated The Lord granting life strength liberty from all their exceptions Only let not such as undertake this taske improve the advantage of authority now on their side so far as to doe nothing but raile at randome stuff their reply with unbeseeming to say no worse And Unchristian expressions outcries of treason treason for in that case it will be thought expedient not to answer such in their folly A good cause is a mighty second to a weak man And so being perswaded that the cause is
flee About this time in other pairts of the Kingdome the ministers honest people who were urged could not give obedience resolved to follow a more regular way and to supplicat the Councell to give in a note of the errours contained in these books which accordingly they did so from severall pairts of the Kingdome there came Ministers professours with supplications sheweing how erroâ—…ons both the liturgy the other books were how dangerous a thing it was to bring in Innovations in a Church how the Reformed Churches of Austria were undone by the violent obtiusion of a liturgy how in the time of Charles the Great the Church was miserably rent some adhering to the Ambrosian Liâ—…gy others choosing the Romane of Oregorian Liturgy how dangerous it was to change the Worship bring in a worse how the King foure years before at his Coronation did solemly swear that he would alter nothing in the Kingdome of Scotland without the free consent advice of those having Interest Unto these Supplications the Councill at first gave a favourable answere told that it was not their minde to presse the publick use of these books that they had forbidden the Bishops to presse the use of these books any more that they had signified their minde to his Maj were expecting a returne The petitioners likewise sent their supplications to his Maj. with the Duke of Lennox who was then returning to London withall did wreastle with God by prayer faâ—…ing that he would incline the Kings heart to hearken unto their just desires would frustrate the endeavours of their adversaries But when the expresse cometh from his Maj. all the answere they get is an Edict published Octobr 18. commanding them to go out of the towne of Edenburgh within few hours under the paine of Rebellion When the Petitioners see this the next day they resolve to act all together joyntly that his Maj. might know it was not a few Puritanes as the impure Prelats were pleased to nickname them but a great mulitude of his Maj. most loyall subjects of all ranks who were dissatisfied And they draw up a complaint against the prelats desire liberty of the Councell to pursue them legally as being the onely authors of the Book of Canons liturgy which containe the seeds of Superstition Idolatry as being guilty of many other crimes that under the highest perrill And withall they shew the Councell that they could not leave the towne untill they saw some course taken for delivering the land from the present imminent dangers When the Councell saw that the number of the Petitioners was great dayly increasing fearing the worst they desired the petitoners would choose some of their number as their Commissioners to prosecute their business that the multitude might depairt this was yeelded unto But ere long the Councell is discharged by an Expresse from his Maj. to meddle any more in that matter Whereupon the Supplicants are necessitated to draw up a Protestation declaring that if any tumult arose through their prosecution of the Cause the Councell onely might be blamed as refusing justice When the Counsell heareth of this they resolve to hear the desire of the Commissioners advise the Bishops to withdraw themselves When the Commissioners compeer they show their Intention was to prosecute their business against the Prelats whom they would prove guilty of grievous crimes under the highest perrill therefore desired the prelats might be excluded it not being fit that parties should be judges The Councell because of the forementioned Expresse might do nothing Onely they write to his Maj. who thereafter sendeth for the Earle of Traquair but he for fear of the Prelats did misrepresent the Cause of the Supplicants returned with a Proclamation from his Maj. which he caused publish at Sterlin where the Councell was sitting in Febr. 1638 In which Proclamation the King owned the books which the petitioners did supplicat against and condemned the meetings of the Supplicants as conspiracies contrary to the lawes of the Land Against this the petitioners prepared a Protestation a copy wherof was affixed at the Crosse of Sterlin herein protested against these Books as full of errours as Innovations against their refusing to receive libells against the Prelats against the High Commission Court obtruded on Scotland contrary to the fundamentall lawes of the land without any Municipall law That prelate should not be judges in their own cause And that all their own meetings were lawfull And that they could not forbear with a good conscience unlesse they should wrong the Glory of God the honour of his Maj. the liberties of kirk Kingdome And because they were commanded to depart forth of the town of Sterlin they go together towards Edenburg there after serious thoughts they finde the maine procureing cause of all these calamities to be the violation of the Nationall Covenant therefore unanimously they resolve to renew that Covenant accordingly they draw it up with some explicatory additions confirmations out of the acts of Parliament binde themselves to adhere unto defend the true Religion forbearâ—…g the practise of all novations already introduced in the matters of the worship of God or approbation of the corruptions of the publick government of the Kirke or civill places power of Kirkmen till they be tried allowed in free Assemblies in Parliaments to labour by all meanes lawfull to to recover the purity liberty of the Gospell as it was established professed before the foresaid Innovations promise swear to continoâ—… in the profession and obedience of the foresaid Religon â—…resist all contrarie errours and corruptions ând that they had no intention to attempt any thing that might turne to the dishonour of God or to the diminution of the Kings greatness and authority and to defend themselves mutually in the same cause c. When the Covenant is thus drawn up it was subscribed by all present copies thereof were sent to such as were absent being read in the Churches was heartily embraced sworne subscribed with tears great joy Great was this day of the Lords power for much willingness chearfulness was among the people so as in a short time few in all the land did refuse except some Papists some aspiring Courteours who had no will to displease the King some who were addicted unto the English rites Ceremonies some few Ministers who had sworne the oath at their entry which was mentioned Anno 1612. Yea such willingness was among the nobles others that they had their own copies of the Covenant subscribed by others of the Nobles Barons ministry laid up in their Charter chists where possibly many of them are at this day When matters are at this passe the Prelats do animate his Maj. to a war and the Covenanters desireing his Maj. might be rightly
is one that are so intrusted by law to call for such promises engadgments do search into mens apprehensions concerning the grounds of their power or not yet the very promiseing of obedience in things lawfull for in things unlawfull obedience must not be promised to any lawfull power under heaven is an acknowledgment of the lawfulnesse of their power of subjection as due unto them an owneing of them as lawfull officers lawfully installed authorized because this could not be done therefore neither could the other be done He replyeth 1. It is not obedience under a reduplication and as formally obedience they call for If it be obedience materiall they are satisfied Ans. And what more doth the most lawfull power under heaven ask do they search into the principles of mens doing such such acts do they examine the reduplications under which they act But. 2. Whether they call for it under that reduplication or not It is reall obedience they call for and. 3. The promiseing of obedience under whatsoever reduplication hath in its bosome an acknowledging of the lawfulnesse of the authority calling for such obedience He replyeth 2. Suppose it were so that obedience as formally obedience were required yet it were hard to say it could not be promised or that it could not be acknowledged that they have any laâ—…full authority for looking upon them as the Kings Maj. commissioners in causes ecclesiasticke for regulating the externall order of the Church in their severall bounds and impowered by the law of the land so to do the strickest presbyterians will not finde ground to disowne their office in that consideration Ans. Then 1. Prelats are nothing else but the Magistrats commissioners have no power or authority jure divino by any warrant of Gods law more then any other of the Magistrat's commissioners 2. whence had the prelats in the first three hundered yeers if so be there was any such as this author is bold enough to affirme but faileth in his undertaking to prove it their commission had they it from Nero the rest of the persecuting heathenish Emperours and if they had no commission from them whence had they their power or by what commission did they act or how could they be Bishops without such a commission How will this advocat extricate himself out of these difficulties evite a contradiction But. 3. If they be the Magistrat's commissioners in causes ecclesiasticke their power must reach no further then the Magistrats power doth in Church causes viz the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or his externall order If he streach it no surder How then cometh it to passe that they meddle with more then what concerneth the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or will hâ—… say that all the causes which prelats as prelats meddle with are but such ecclesiasticke causes As are for the regulating the externall order of the Church Then he must say that their chief power in ordination their chief if not only power in jurisdiction floweth from the Magistrat by vertue of his commission they act in that sphaere capacity and if he say so he speaketh plainely but without any ground in the word for then Magistrats might ordaine alone at least have a chief hand in ordaineing with others for what they may commissionate others to do in their name they may do themselves But how or what way shall we see this proved Where will he shew any example of any Magistrat as such ordaineing or deposeing Ministers censureing or excommunicating Offenders since the World began What a wilde notion must this be then And if this be the Basis which is so rotten let any judge what the superstructure must be It were tedious here to lanch forth into this debate concerning the Magistrats power in Church matters But sure it was never the doctrine of the Church of Scotland noâ—… of any reformed Church that what power the Prelats challenge to themselves as such did primarily belong unto reside in the hand of the civill Magistrat might be derived by commission from him unto them And this must be granted as a truth if it be once said that prelats Act in Church matters by vertue of a commission from the supreme Magistrat for a commission is distinct from a command the supreme Magistrat may command ministers to preach baptize do what himself cannot do for the doing whereof ministers borrow no power from him but he cannot propperly give them any commission for that effect The giving of a commission importeth the conveyance of a power for effectuating that which is to be done by the commissioner and that the person granting the commission might himself do that which he commissionateth others to do See this consequence fully cleared by famous Voctius Polit Eccles. pag. 146. arg 12. But now if there were no more to hinder any from acknowledging such a power in the prelats this is sufficient that it is granted they have all that power over presbyters by being his Maj. commissioners that they have all that power derived from him consequently that they have no such power at all because he from whom they derive that power by a commission hath no such power himself The confession of faith of the Church of Scotland acknowledgeth no such power in the civill Magistrat The scriptureâ—… by which all are to regulat their actions in the Church of God giveth warrand for no such power No reformed divine except Arminians Erastians doth acknowledge any such power nor any confession of faith of any of the reformed Churches Behold then Reader see what monsters the Prelats are swollen up to that bignesse with mere winde phancies observe by what art they ascend They make the supreme Magistrat beleeve that all the power belongeth unto him to the end he may devolve it back againe over on them by a commission so authorize them according to that Tu facis hunc dominum te facit ille deum Thus you see they derive their power a non-habente potestatem from such as have it not to give therefore their commission is simpliciter null cannot be acknowledged by any faithfull minister or Christian Nor can their power be submitted unto And hence also it is clear what reason these honest Ministers had to refuise this acknowlegment not to take the canonicall oath which was so contradictory unto the oath of the Covenant But he replyeth That there is no contradiction betwixt the covenant and that canonicall oath or promise of obedience to the prelate because Timorcus who is tender in the matter of oaths maintaineth that the ministers who of old took the canonical oath did not swear the contradictory there to when they took the covenant whâ—…nce it will follow necessaryly that they who have taken the Covenant do not contradict that oath if they should take the oath of canonical obedience Ans. Though this canonicall oath should not contradict the second
never yet heard of that a King was crowned in Scotland but by a lawfull Parliament whose deed was valide if this deed of that Parliament was not valid let wise men conjecture what the consequences will be It is true they except in their Act 9. All such Acts as were passed in any meeting of Parliament or committee of Estates authorized by his Maj. presence But his Maj. presence will not make every company of men a Parliament yea his being present with them at any of their Sessions sayeth he owned them as a lawfull Parliament 2. How ever all these Acts which concerne himself seing he was not present at their making are null 3. How cometâ—… it to passe that the Kings presence Anno 1641. did not availe to keep that session of Parliament from a stroke with the rest And furder it appeareth that they annull the Parliament 1650 1651. altogether because if that had been a Parliament it had been the first Parliament of King Charles 2 so the Parliament 1661. had been his second Parliament But the Parliament 1661. is called his first Parliament therefore there was never a lawfull Parliament before in his reigne thus by their principles he hath never been crowned in Scotland as yet What a Premunire they fall into here let lawyers judge Fourthly There was as little reason to condemne these meetings counsels conventions of the subjects at the begining of the late work Because those meetings were necessary for the defence of Religion against the bloody Prelates who were seeking the overthrow destruction of all 2. Nor is there any Act condemning such which can with any colour be allaiged except the Act of that Parliament 1584. wherein things were carryed on by a strong faction in great haste for they had five Sessions in three dayes with great secrecy for the Lords of the articles were sworne to secrecy the dooresâ—… were keeped closse all the time of Parliament See laborious Mr Petree his History pag. 442 and the Act of this Parliament did mainely strick against the assemblies of the Church for that was the thing designed 3. What ever can be made out of this Act against civill meetings it will not stricke against those meetings because the Parliament 1640 in their Act 29. hath showne the true meaning thereof to be otherwise saying It cannot be extended against any councells conventions assemblies committees or meetings made holden keeped by the subjects for mantenance and preservation of the kings Maj. Religion lawes and liberties of the kingdome or for the publick good either of Church or state this Act was approved by the large treaty againe by the next Session of Parl. An. 1641. where the King himself was present 4. The secret councell which then was did approve of these conventions or tables as they were called so did his Maj. commissioner thereafter So then these meetings might be warrantably keeped for God's glory the removeing of the just grievances of the subject being no wayes prohibited by the municipall lawes which onely disallow such conventions as are for disturbance of the peace or usurpation against authority neither of which can be allaiged here for no invasion violence offer of wrong by word or deed to any person no not even to these against whom they had justly complained followed thereupon And those meetings were onely to consult upon the most fit humble way of supplicating his Maj. for the most convenient propositions to be presented to his Maj. to the Parliament to the assembly all which are most compatible with the loyalty duty of good subjects do no wayes encroach upon authority seing they assumed not any judiciall determination in any matter of state civill or ecclesiasticall but by voluntary instructions and opinions every one to another in a common cause of religion did resolve what might be most conduceable to their lawfull and just ends To use the words of the protestation Decemb. 18. 1638. Fiftly Nor is there just warrand ground upon this account to annull the League Covenant Because 1. It was against no municipall law for as to that 12 Act of the Parl. 10 of King Iam. 6. Anno 1585. it is so explained by the 29 Act of Parl. 1640. as that it cannot be extended to any bands leagues made for the preservation of the Kings Maj. Religion lawes liberties of the Kingdome or for the publick good either of Church or state and this may be furder cleared by vieuing the 43 Act of Queen Mary which the forecited Act of King Iames 6. relateth unto ratifieth for that Act is to be understood of particular leagues or bonds of man-rent as they called it or maintenance respectivè that by privat persones in brugh land therefore cannot be understood of leagues or bonds made by the body of the land in their representatives in Parliament which hath so much power in making of leagues that without their consent the King cannot make a league as is clear by a league which King Robert 2. consented unto betwixt Scotland France England which was annulled because it wanted the Parliaments consent for sayeth Buch in the end of his 9 book neque enim ipse pacem vel inductas facere poterat nisi ex sententiâ publici conventus nec firmas polliceâ—… sine publico decreto He could neither make nor promise truce or peace without the Parliaments consent in the Parliament 10. King Iam. 6. Anno 1585. among the unprinted Acts there is one containing the assent of the Parliament for concludeing of a league with the Queen of England 2. The Parliaments of Scotland have made leagues with forraigne Princes without the Kings consent as that Parliament which deposed the Queen Mother from her regency did enter in a league with the Queen of England 3. All leagues bondes made by the Parliament were ratified by this King by his solemne oath both before at his coronation and therefore none in conscience could condemne these bonds or take an oath importing the same What is more allaidged against the league covenant shall be fully examined hereafter Sect. 2â—… Sextly Nor was there just cause upon this account to condemne Scotland for aideing assisting of England in their straite extreame danger Because 1. It is a most ordinary thing for one nation to send help relief unto another thus the french the Englishes helped the Hollanders The king of Britaine offered to helpe the Rotchell the Palatinat 2. It was against a common enemy a popish prelaticall malignant faction seeking the ruine of religion lawes liberties in Scotland as well as in Engl. By the light of nature a common fear uniteth even these who are furthest divided so while Scotland fought for England they fought for themselves their own saiftie what ever law will warrand nations now to joyn together against the Turk will
Prins Soveraigne power of Parliaments c. Where the matter is fully cleared both in poynt of law conscience which was published by order of Parliament and a book intituled de jure Magistratus insubditos Trochreg's commentary on the Ephesians where he will finde this question prudently judiciously and satisfactorily handled from pag. 911. to 925. Thus in some measure is this Ninth particular cleared the Iawfulnesse of Scotland's defensive warre clearly showne hereby the unlawfulnesse of swearing any oath which might have imported a condemning of that warre is also demonstrated By what hath been said to this Ninth particular the Tenth last is likewise cleared viz. The lawfulnesse of Scotland their seizing upon the Castles within themselves For if it be lawfull for a land to defend themselves to use resistence by armes in their own necessary defence It is also lawfull for them to seize upon such castles strengths as may prove a fit necessary meane of defence It is lawfull to possesse these keep them out against the enemies of the countrey who if they had them would make use of them for the destruction of the land for the subversion of Religion Lives liberties What ever law will allow of self defence will also allow the use of all fit meanes for that end For the end includeth the meanes leading to the end Moreover these Castles Fortifications were originally appointed for the saifty security of the Kingdome of none else therefore at the learge treaty it is concluded in answer to the second demand That the Castle of Edinburgh and other strengths of the Kingdome should with the advice of the Estates of the Parliament according to their first fundation be fournished and used for defence and security of the Kingdom So that hereby the King approved of all which was done in this businesse before acknowledged that according to their first fundation they were for the Kingdom 's advantage It is true these Castles were annexed to the Crown Parl. 11. Act 41. King Iames 11. but that was done to guaird against the poverty of the real me for all that the King might not give them away in fee or heritage nor in franck tenement without the advice deliverance decreet of the whole Parliament And for great soon reasonable causes of the realme otherwise any alienation or disposition was to be of no avail And it was enacted that the Kings of Scotland should be sworne at their coronation to keep his statute in all points Act 9. Parl. 9. king Iam. 6. sayeth that These Castles are for the welfare of the realme as well as for his Maj. behoofe so Act. 125. Parl. 7. K. Iam. 6. The Castles are called the keyes of the realme So though the King hath the custody command of them yet it is alwayes in order to the right end that is for the saifty good of the countrey if he should make use of them for the ruine destruction of the countrey they should be abused might lawfully be taken out of his hand converted to the right use as when a father turning mad will kill his children with a sword the children may lawfully take the sword from him with which he was bound to defend them against the common enemy make use of it in their own defence Castles fortifications are not the King's patrimony but belong to him as King Governour of the land so that he is to make no use of them but for the countreyes good he cannot dispone sell them as he may do other things that belong to his patrimony Therefore Scotl. cannot be blamed for seizing on these for their own saifty seing this is their native end the only thing they were ordained for Nor can any be blamed for refuseing that oath which would have imported a condemning of this lawfull necessary deed Thus reader thou hast shortly laid before thee a hint of what clear grounds there were of stumbling at the taking of this oath as to the very civil part thereof seing this civil supremacy is must be the same with his perogative his prerogative is such as hath been showne A difference betuixt the supremacy the prerogative is not imaginable unlesse it be this that the supremacy is more comprehensive taketh in all the prerogative something more yea by some posteriour acts they are made of one the same latitude as in the act for the national Synod the setling of the external government of the church is said to belong to his Maj. as an inherent right of the crown how by vertue of his prerogative royall and supreme authority so that his prerogative royall supreme authority are made one if they be one as to ecclesiastical matters much more must they be one the same as to civill matters more clearly in the King's commission for the heigh commission where it is said His Maj. by vertue of his royall prerogative in all causes and over all persons etc so that any may see that his supremacy over all causes is one the same thing with his prerogative Moreover this is certane that who soever do acknowledge recognosce the King 's power supremacy in all causes and over all persons do acknowledge recognosce all that which they say agreeth to him as King and who soever do acknowledge recognosce this do acknowledge recognosce his royall prerogatives for his royall prerogatives are such things as agree to him as King because they are annexed to the crown as they say It is true in their 11 act of parl the acknowledgment of his Maj. prerogative is mentioned beside the oath of alleagiance But that will nor make them to differ so far yea the acknowledgment of his Maj. prerogative is but explicatory of a part of that supremacy mentioned in the oath of alleagiance So that his prerogative over parliaments over their actions over all other subjects is but a part of that supremacy which they say he hath over all persons in all causes So in the oath for asserting his majesties prerogative defensive armes the Kingdomes entering in a league with England all their proceedings in the work of reformation are condemned this cannot be denyed though there be an expresse oath afterward conceived of purpose for that end viz the declaration set forth â—…ept 2. 1662. SECTION XII The meaning of the oath of Alleagiance as to its ecclesiastick part opened some reasons why upon that account it could not be taken THe civil part of this oath of alleagiance being thus spoken to in the next place the ecclesiastick part must be handled when this is but explained reasons without much difficulty will appear why as to that part of it it could not then nor as yet can in conscience be subscribed unto In this part as in the other the sense
fit necessary it is for the honour service of almighty God the good quyet of the Church the better government thereof in unity order That there be a National Synod Assembly duely constitut within this kingdome Hath therefore appoynted declared by these presents appoynts declares That there shall be a National Synod of the Church of Scotland And that this Synod for the lawfull members thereof shall consist be constituted of the Archbishops of St Andrews Glasgow the remanent Bishops of these two Provinces of all Deanes of cathedrall Churches Archdeacons of all the moderators of meetings for exercise allowed by the Bishops of the respective dioeceses of one Presbyter or Minister of each meeting to be chosen elected by the moderator plurality of the Presbyters of the same And of one or two from the University of St Andrews one from Glasgow one from the King's colledge one from Marshells colledge of Aberdeen one from Edinburgh And this Synod thus constitut is to meet at such times in such places as his Maj. by his proclamation shall appoynt And is to debate treat consider consult conclude determine upon such pious matters causes things concerning the doctrine worship discipline governement of this Church as his Maj. under his Royal hand shall deliver or cause be delivered to the Archbishop of St Andrews president of the said Nationall Assembly to be by him offered to their consideration The Estates of Parliament do humbly recognosce acknowledge his Maj. Royall power prerogative afore said with the piety justice prudence of his Maj. resolution therein Like as his Maj. with their advice consent doth hereby establish ratify confirme this constitution of a Nationall Assembly as the lawfull constitution of the Nationall Synods Assemblies of this Church His Maj. or his Commissioner without whose presence no Nationall Synod can be keeped being alwayes present declareth that no Act canon order or ordinance shall be owned as an ordinance of the Nationall Synod of the Church of Scotland so as to be of any effect force or validitie in law to be observed keeped by the Archbishops Bishops the inferiour Clergy all other persons within the realme as far as lawfully being members of this Nationall Church it doth concerne them but that which shall be considered consulted agreed upon by the president major part of the members above specified It is alwayes hereby provided that nothing be enacted or put in execution by authority of a Nationall Synod within this Kingdome which shall be contrary to his Maj. Royall prerogative or to the lawes of the Kingdom that no act matter or cause be debated consulted concluded upon but what shall be allowed approved confirmed by his Maj. or his Commissioner present at the said Nationall Synod In which Act these things are remarkable 1. That Church Assemblies may not meet without his warrand 2. The King or his Commissioner are essentiall constituent members thereof 3. That the King hath power to appoynt the very constituent members of the Synod 4. Ruleing elders are excluded out of Church judicatories 5 That the constant moderator hath a more then ordinary voice in the exercise for the member to be chosen there must be elected by him the major part of the rest 6. Nothing can be agreed upon without the consent of the Archbishop of St Andrews thus he hath a negative voice 7. Nothing must be debated either concerning doctrine worshipe discipline or government but what his Maj. pleaseth 8. Nothing must be concluded but what his Maj. or his commissioner doth approve confirme 9 All this is founded on his supremacy 10. And his supreme authority over all persones in all causes his prerogative royall are declared to be all one 5. There is another commission granted for the heigh commission a part whereof followeth Our Soveraigne Lord ordaines a commission to be passed exped under his Maj. great seall of the Kingdome of Scotland making mention That in consideration of the multiplicity weight of Church affaires of the Estate incumbent upon the Lords of privy councell so as they cannot attaine the due execution of the lawes to the effect that the disorders contempt of authority may be timeously suppressed His Maj. by vertue of his prerogative in all causes over all persons as well ecclesiastike as civill has given granted like as his Maj. by the tenor hereof giveth granteth full power commission to the Archbishop of St Andrews The Lord chancellour L. treasurer archbishop of Glasgow Duk Hamilton Marques of Monâ—…se c. or any five of them an Archbishop or Bishop being one of the number To summon and call before them all contemners of the discipline of the Church for that cause suspend deprive and excommunicat all keepers of conventicles c. to appoynt ministers to be censured by suspension and deposition and punished by fineing confineing and incarcerating them and all other persons who shell be found transgressours as aforesaid c. Out of this Act these things are remarkable 1. Here is a mixed court made up of Church men civill men 2. A court medling both with civil ecclesiastick punishments for they have power of deposeing excommunicating fineing and imprisoneing 3. A court founded upon his Maj. prerogative in all causes over all persons as wel ecclesiasticke as civil 4. An Archbishop or Bishop is sâ—…e quo non one of those with four others may do all themselves By what is said something of the meaning of this oath according to their sense who tender it may be discovered the bussinesse being so clear much time needeth not be spent in handling that long tedious controversie concerning the Magistrats power in Church matters Onely a hint at some few things as reasons why this oath thus tendered explained could not be taken will be sufficient 1. By this meanes they should upon the matter have affirmed that the King was head of the Church for it is clear that he assumeth to himself power of appoynting new officers in Christ's house new courts judicatures which Christ did never appoynt of committing Church power to whom he will of appoynting what forme of Government in the Church he thinketh fit modelling the constitution of Church idicatories appoynting who shall be members who not who members siue quibus non of limiting the bounds of their procedour by appoynting what they shall treat of what not of puting life in their canons constitutions c. Thus all Church power shall flow from him he shall become the head of the Church under Christ the same way that he is head of the commonwealth under God And indeed the prelate their creatures are not ashamed in their publick prayers to stile the King head of the Church Now could any faithfull
solide peace agreement for the time to come offered to K. Iames. 5. Then unmarried his doughter to make him King of great Britane after his dâ—…ath in the mean time to give him the stile of the Duk of yorke King Iames pleasing these proffers assenteth câ—…descendeth on a day on which he should meet with the King of England accord upon all matters But at the instigation of the popish-Church men other courtiers who were driveing on their own dâ—…signe he breakeh his promise with the King of England And when Anno 1540. Ambassadours were sent againe from England to desire that the King would goe to York there treat with the King of England conforme to the last agreement The priests stood in the way here also with which the King of England was offended resolved to raise warrs against Scotland The result of which war was that at length the scottish forces were all scattered broken at the report of which defeate the King was so grieved vexed that within few dayes he died Againe when King Iames 5. Dieth the King of England communeth with the Scottish prisoners whom he had taken at the last battell concerning the marrying of his sone with the young Queen King Iames his doughter when they promised to do what they could without wronging either the publick good or their own credite he sent them home appoynting them to leave some pledges in their room at New castle This was in the end of the year 1542. when the Parl. conveened in March next the businesse was concluded thereafter the contract was signed by both Kingdoms solemnely subscribed in the abbay of Halirood house the sacrament was broken as the forme was betwixt the Governour of Scotland Mr Sadler Ambassadour from England But the old Queen the Cardinall being against the match stirre up all to a breach perswade those who had been prisoners in England not to return thither to relieve their pledges only the Earle of Cassiles from whose constancy faithfulnesse the Earle who now is is not degenerated but as his predecessour was sole in keeping Covenant so is he singular went according to his promise relieved his owne pledges being approven by Henry for his constancie faithfulnesse was freely set at liberty sent home But what followed upon this breach of Covenant Many sad intestine broiles and commotions tending to the weakening breaking of the Kingdom at length King Henry took occasion to avenge this breach of Covenant sent his Navy towards Scotland landing ten thousand men at Leth who did burne Edinb many places thereabout againe his army did enter the borders waste burne all about Kelso jedburgh thereafter they spoile waste all the Mers Teviotdale Lauderdale some yeers thereafter viz. Anno 1547. He sendeth a great army againe into Scotland when it lay about Pinckie there was a letter sent unto the scottish forces shewing the ground of the war not to be avarice hatred or envy but a desire of a firme â—…asting peace which could not otherwise be had then by the marriage which was proposed assented unto by the Estates an agreement thereupon sworne subscribed But the scottish army would not hear of this but resolve on battell at length were overcome suffered great lose For almost all the young nobleman of Scotland with their friends followers were killed This 10. of Septemb. 1547. may yet preach unto Scotland how God will avenge perfidy all the nobles and others of Scotland who have now broken Covenant may remember pinckie field The french History sheweth us what way the Lord avenged the bloody perfidiousnesse of Charles 9. who had broken five or six severall pacifications conclusions of peace solemnely made ratified betwixt him the protestants For he was smitten with a vehement desease causeing him to wallow in his own blood which he vomited out in great abundance by all the conduits of his body for divers houres till he died And how Henry the 3. Who had been perfidious in breaking the articles of peace concluded with the protestants first about the year 1576. where among other things he avowed by solemne declaration that the Massacre committed Anno 1572. was against all right law of armes then againe An. 1580. Was stabbed in the belly with a knife by Iames Clement a Iacobin Friar in the very chamber where the former King contrived that Barbarous massacre on S. Bartholomew's day Anno 1572. Any who is well versed in History may fill up many pages with such sad lamentable Histories concerning Gods avengeing Covenant breaking these which have been mentioned may suffice for a taste SECTION XXII The solemne league Covenant vindicated And the author of the seasonable case caet Answered THe last thing which remaineth is to shew the vanity of their pretensions who plead the nullity or non obligation of those Covenants It is matter both of admiration of grief sorrow that there should be any found within the Church of Scotland who had so far forgotten themselves as now to turn not only enemies to piety Christianity but enemies also to very humanity not only break Covenant-tyes themselves but also teach others to do the fame that without any fear of punishment either from God or man But God who is Jealous will not be mocked let men dream of exemption as they please by sophisticall chifts think to blinde their owne eyes the eyes of others God who will not hold them guilt lesse that take his name in vaine will no doubt by sad answers from heaven discover the impiety folly of these patrons of prophanity inhumanity Severall in the Kingdom of Engl. have vented their skill in that blake art of looseing the bonds of sacred Covenants But their principles tending to all prophanity have been sufficiently discovered answered by Ms Crofton Timorcus there is one in Scotland who in a late pamphlet intituled The seasonable case of submission to the Church Government c. tryeth how far his skill will reach in this art O how fitly may that of Plautus be applyed to this generation Nostra â—…t as non mulâ—…um fidei gâ—…rst Tabulaeotaniâ—…r adsunt 〈◊〉 dâ—…odecim Tempus â—…cumque sâ—…bit actuarius Tamen invenâ—…r Rhâ—…r qui factum negat But who the author is who can tell For though the pamphlet be published by orderâ—… so countenanced by authority Yet he putteth not to his name being as would appear ashamed to patronize such a bad cause least of all can he be known by the description he giveth of himself in the frontispiece 〈◊〉 lover of the peace of this Church Kingdom unlesse he meane such a peace as is the plague of God upon the heart filling it with senslesnesse stupidity lulling it asleep in his iust judgment
jurisdiction being exercised by Bishops or superintendenss or commissioners And these Though the assembly quarrelled them were reall Bishops And would the King by his oath abjure that Church Government which was not rejected by the Church till Iuly 12. 1580. And in the yeer 1581. Though the King Councell had presented the confession to the Assembly to be subscribed by them by the people in their parisâ—…es yet that very same yeer within six moneths thereafter there is an act of councell confirming expressly the agreement at Leth 1571. And this act of Councell the King did openly avow in the businesse of Montgomery Now it is not probable that the King Councell if they intended to abjure episcopacy by the confession would within six moneshs confirme that agreement at Leth. Ans. 1. It hath been shown but just now that severall yeers before the yeer 1580 The Generall assemblies of that Church were declareing themselves against prelats their power were acting so far as lay in their power and that was much considering what opposition they did meet with for presbyterian government 2. It is certaine that Church Government by prelats was never approved by any of the generall assemblies in those dayes 3. Though before the yeer 1580. The Assembly did not formally passe an act against Episcopacy Yet was it not equivalent when Anno 1577. 1578. The second book of discipline which overturneth the Government of the Church by Bishops was approved 4. This same act of the Generall Assembly at Dundee was before the subscribeing of the Covenant For it was in Iuly the Command for subscribeing of the Covenant came not forth till the 2 March thereafter that 2d of march was said to be Anno 1580. as well as Iuly before because at that time the denomination of the new yeer did not begin in Scotland untill the 25 of March so it is his mistake to think that the Covenant was enjoyned to be subscribed six moneths before the Act at Dundee 5. Whereas he sayes that An. 1580. there was no such thing in Scotland as government by presbyteries if he meane that that government was not setled thorow the whole Kingdom he speaks truth but nothing to the purpose but if he meane that in no part of the countrey there was any such government he is mistaken for at the assembly Anno 1578. there was mention made of presbyteries for amongst the articles which this assembly drew up to be subscribed by those prelats whom they had caused cite before them this was one viz the 6. that they should not Empire over elderships but be subject to them the 7. was that they should not usurpe the power of presbyteries So that there were presbyteries in the land at that time Yea the narrative of the 131. Act parl 8. King Jam. 6. Anno 1584. maketh mention of sindry formes of judgments jurisdictions as well in spirituall aâ—… temporall causes entered in practice and custome and that dureing 24. yeers by past those formes of judgments jurisdictions in spirituall causes were assemblies Synodall presbyteriall parochiall all which were discharged by that Act And hence it is clear that there were such judicatories in the land before the yeer 1580. Moreover at the Assembly 1579. there was a motion made about a generall order to be taken for erecting of presbyteries in places where publick exercise was used untill the policy of the Church were established by law it was answered that the exercise may be judged to be a presbytery So that the Kingdom at that time was not without presbyteries Yea their frequent nationall assemblies shew that the Church was governed presbyterially 6. This is certane That there was some government of the Church sworne to in that Covenant for there are these word in it That we joyne ourselves to this reformed kirk in doctrine faith religion and discipline promiseing and swearing by the great name of God that we shall continue in the doctrine and discipline of thiâ—… Kirk and defend the same according to our vocation and power all the dayes of ourlife Now all the difficulty is to know what this government was And it is certane That either it was the government by presbyteries or the government by prelats It could not be the government by prelats 1. because that was not the government discipline of the Kirk but the government discipline against which the Church had been striveing with all heâ—… might 2. It is not imaginable that the Ministery of the land would swear to defend the government of the Church by prelats all the dayes of their lives when they were usâ—…ing all meanes to have the Church free of that yoke 3. When the confession of faith was presented unto the gen assembly to be subscribed by them An. 1581. would they have assâ—…nted unto the same if thereby they had been bound to maintaine prelacy seing at their very last meeting they had made such an expresse Act against prelats 4. When the Laird of Caprinton his Maj. commissioner did presente unto the generall Assembly the confession of faith or nationall Covenant he presented withall from his Maj. a plot of the severall presbyteries to be erected in the Kingdome mentioning the presbyteriall meeting places designeing the severall parishes which should belong to such such presbyteries As also a letter from his Maj. to the noblemen gentlemen of the countrey for the erection of presbyteries consisting of Ministers elders for dissolution of prelacies may not any hence argue after the author's manner say is it any way probable that the King Councell if they intended to establish prelacy by the confession of faith would in that self same day which is a shorter timâ—… then halfe a yeer wherein â—…he confâ—…ssion was presented as subscribed by the King his houshold to be subscribed by the assemby presente such a plot for presbyteries thorow the whole Kingdom c Let this advocat answere this if he can It must then be an undoubted truth That the government sworne to in that nationall Covâ—…nant was presbyterian government 7. And whereas he sayeth the King within Six moneths thereafter did stand to the agreement at Leth avowed it in the businesse concerning Montgomery it will not say much if it be considered how at that time Aubignee grew great at couâ—…t as was shown above Sect 1. Obtained the superiority of Glasgow made a paction with Montgomery And when the Church judicatures were examineing the carriage of this Montgomery first last he stirred up the King against them what will all this say But that Kings had need of faithfull constant counsellours about them lest they be made to undoe their owne works in a short time There was many a change at court as contrary parties gote up so was the King sweyed He addeth That neither did tâ—…e assembly or any Minister speak of that deed of the