in the hands of the Consulâ swore allegiance fealty to the comâmonwealth and when he made thâ Pretor to gouerne in his name according to the ceremony deliuering the naked sword sayd to him Vse this sword for me if I gouerne iustly iâ otherwise vse it against me By whâch resignation both of state and life into the Common-wealthes hands he more secured them both then any enforced Oath that he held the Crowne from God only could haue done Philanax You haue shewed the first proposition of Theodidact to be neyther a solid ground of soueraignty nor a doctrin apt to nourish in subiects minds affection to their Kings I desire you wold passe to the examination of the second that Kings haue no Superior that may call him to account or punâsh him but God alone Aristobulus Heere Theodidact goeth forward in building the soueraignty of Kings âither vpon manifest falshood or totâering vncertaineties That the King âath no superior but God alone that âay punish him all learned men geâerally Papists Puritans Proâestants âeny Philanax I do much wonder that you say Protestants âeach thât the Kinge may âe sentenced and punished by any man âpon earth I thinke you meane Puriâans not our Protestants that proâesse to follow the Religion established ây Parlament Aristobulus I meane Protestants that are eneâies of Puritans and conformable to âhe state and to increase your wondring I add that howsoeuer the word Supreme Gouernour and Head of the Church go currant in England yet in âense our Deuines giue our Kinge no greater authority in causes Ecclesiasticall then Papists do I desire not to be âeleeued vnlesse I make what I haue âayd euident by the testimonies of them that haue lately written aboââ this argument First concerning the verâ title they say the King hath no any spirituall Ecclesiasticall power aâ aâl his power sayth doctor Morton noâ Bishop of Chester is but corporall and caâ go no âurther then the body He hath saytâ M. Burhill no iurisdiction in the Church eyâther âor the inward oâ outward Court his poweâ is meere temporall and laicall nor in it selâ spirituall though the matter and obiect thereââ be spirituall such power and no greater saytâ M. Richard Tomson then Iewes Infidelâ and Turkes haue ouer the Christian Churcâ within their dominions Secondly concerning Controuersies of fayth the Deane of Lichfielâ doctor Tooker disclaymeth as an imâpudent slaunder that the Church oâ England holdes the King to be their primaâ or head or iudge of Controuersies about faitâ and Religion To the Apostles Christ gaue poweâ to gather Councells and to define solemnly thâ Churches doubts The sentence of Councell sayth M. Richard Harris hath without thâ King the force of an ecclesiasticall law the King addes thereunto corporall penalty M. Morton ââyth that Imperiall and Kingly authority in ââirituall causes reacheth no further then as it ââlongeth to outward preseruation not to the âersonall administration of them neyther doth ââe King challenge nor subiects condescend vnto âore But most cleerly M. Barlow late âishop of Lincolnâ The King sayth he in âontrouersies about fayth hath not iuâicium definitium sentence dâfinitiue to ââscerne what is sound in âââinity but when the âhurch hath determined matters of fayth he âath iudicium executiuum sentence exeâutiue to commaund the professing therof âithin his Kingdomes And is not this the very doctrine âf Papists and that doctrine which âârmerly our Arch-bishop Bancroât reâected with great scorne as disgraceâull to Kings making them but Carââfices Ecclesiae the executioners of the Churches will and pleasure Thirdly concerning the offices of âhis power they teach the King hath no âower to vse any censure or to cast any out of âhe Church by sentence but his office is to punish âhem with corporall chastisement on whom Bishops haue laid their censures The King doth âot make or vnmake Bishops they are made by the Bishops of the Kingdone as by them they aââ desposed and vnmade The King hath right tâ name and present persons to benefices as other lay men of lower conditioÌ haue but benefices eiâther with cure or without cure great or little he neither doth nor euer did bestow much lesse the ecclesiasticall dignities as the Bishopricks Arch-Bishopricks of his Kingdome Fourthly concerning the Kings sudordination to Bishops Doctor Barlow highly commendeth the saying of Ambrose Bishops in matters concerning faith are to iudge of Emperors not Emperors of Bishops The Deane of Lichâeild saith that the King is and with Valentinian Emperor doth acknowledge himselfe the sonne and pâpill of the Church and the scholler of the Bishops What more do papists require Can he then iudg teach his Fathers Iudges and Maisters in those thinges wherein he is their sonne pupill and scholler Finally M. Burhill saith that the King supâeme gouernour of the Church may by his Bishops be cast out of the Church VVhat Ambrose did lawfully to Theodosius our Bishops may do lawfully to the King âor the like offence And what did Ambrose to Theodosius He cast him by sentence out of the Church he stood ready to keepe him out by force and called him Tyâant âo his face he forced him to eâact a temporall law concerning the âxecution of the sentence in matter of âife and death he commanded him out of the quire or the place of Priests sent him into the body of the Church to pray with laymen And may the Bishop of Canterbâây lay the same punishments on his Mâiesty yea saith the Bishop of Ely perchaunce the Pope may excoÌmunicate the Kinge depriue him of the common goods of the Church Doe you see to how many censures Protestants make the King subiect Truly I see not how any ReligioÌ doth or can make Kings more absolute and subiect to fewer Superiors then Papists doe The Puritan will haue them subiect to the Pastor of euery parishe that hath a Consistory as our Bishop Bancroât sayth They banish one Pope and admit a thousand The Protestant makes them obnoxius to the censure of Bishops without any restraynt wheras the Romanists out of respect to the Maiesty of Kings reserue the power of censuring them âo the supreame Pastor But to returne to Theodidact you seâ he keepeth his custome to ground alâlegiance due to Kings vpon doâctrines eyther questionable or ãâã denyed of all sides his second propoâsition that the Kinge is free from alâ punishment that maÌ may inflict beinâ rather more vncertaine then hiâ first that Kings hââe their power only froâ God Philanax It seemeth by your discourse thaâ Theodidact makes Kinges more absoluâââ then other Protestants doe teacheth against them that the King may noâ be excommunicated or cast out of thâ Church For he sayth that the Kinge iâ free from all punishment that man can inflict excommunication without doubt is a great punishment Ministers withâout question are men Aristobulus It is hard to say what Theodidaââ
himselfe Many who now haue Kings and their maiestiâs most frequent in their mouth still âarbor we may feare the same affectiân in their hartes to be freed from theÌ Yea some Puritanes of the last Parlament in their discontented meetings were bold to propose the changing of the gouernment of the Realme ârom Monarchy into Democracy Nor may such menâ that haue been once taynâed with this Conâstoriall affection be therfore trusted because they are content to take vpon them the dignity of Bishops wherein they may dissemble by their owne doctrine retayning it not as a sacred but as a temporall office from the Prince and vsâ it to set vp the discipline These couert enemies of Kings want not their Confederates in France whose mindes and desires Turquet a famous French Protestant expresseth in his booke written in commendatioÌ of Democracy aboue Monarchy nor in Holland to which âhis French Democratist Turquet dediâated his aforesayd booke as to men âllready made blessed by this kind of gouernment and fittest instruments âo bring the same into the rest of reformed Countries Of these enemies oâ Monarchy so combined togeather so neighbouring vpoÌ vs so subtile as they lye hiddeÌ vnder rocheâs corner caps in the shape of Bishops and their adherents we haue more need to take heed then of the Pope who is further off his cause not popular his party not like to preuaile by force his followers rather ready to dye then they wil disseÌble their Religion as these others do Philanax I perceaue by your discourse that more treachery against Kings may be couched in these plausible discourses then I could euer haue imagined The Troians were not wise that trusted the guifts of the Grecians nor can I thinke it policy to rest secure of the bookes or writings which those that once were Puritans publish to flatter the state or the Prince pretending affection to soueraignty which their Religion doth so mightily and so intrinsecally oppugne I feare that as within the Troian horse armed enemies lurked so vnder this new deuised allegiance ââaytors lye hidden who when they ââe their time wil shew themselues like âo many firebrands to incense the âeople against Kings that challenge âuch infinite and hatefull authority Aristobulus You feare not without cause yf you âonsider that by this deuise the authors âherof who would âule themselues aâone do nothing but practise the Maâhiauilian meanes to attayn therunto They seek to seperate the King from âhose whose loue may stand him in most steed The foure propositions beâore set downe make him enter into oâious competency with foure Aduerâaries The first breeds him a quarrell with the Common wealth from whom he will not haue his power deâiued The second puts him into conâention with the Church to whose âirection and censures he wil not haue âis Crowne subordinate The third ârings him into hatred of mankind by âhallenging an irresistable power to âyranize vpon man at his pleasure The âourth conteynes an open âtrife with God for precedence requiring of thâ Common wealâh in case they cannoâ enioy both that they be content tâ want rather God then their King Anâ these quarrells are moued vpon weakâ titles and claymes grounded on doctrines either vncertayne or apparantly false and so odious as were theâ true yet were it not fit to discussâ them in vulgar Treatises Philanax I see these doctrines are odious anâ I nothing doubt but they are likewisâ vngrounded yet I desire that you wiâ seuerally shew both these things in euery one of the foure propositions thaâ I may be better instructed to discoueâ the treacherous entendments of thesâ counterfeit friendes of Maiesty Aristobulus I will do my endeauour to satisfy your request First I will examine the foure aforesaid Propositions which done I meane to speake a word concerning the Oath which Theodidact buildeth vpon them as vpon foure ââllers And to beginne with the first ââat the king hath power from God only indeâendently of the Common wealth âecause this is the ground of all his diâcourse and of the other three I will âore fully shew the vnsoundnes thereâf that the world may see that Theodiââct as either a most vnkillfull Archiâect that layes so weake a principle of âhe building he pâeâeds to raise to the âkye or a subtill Arch-traytor purâosely placing the Soueraignty of Kings which he desires may fall vpon â most ruinous foundation Three be the wayes by the which âen come to be Kings popular electiân lawfull conquest Gods personall âppointment spâcially reuealed I say âpecially reuealed for I nothing doubt âut Kings by the two other titles be made by Gods speciall prouidence The title of election depends on mens âartes The title of Conquest vpon âattailes which are two things most âncertaine and their successe only in Gods hand who bestoweth popular âauour and victory in warre on whom âe will For this reâson it is sayd that Kings raign by him that he placeth theÌ in their throne ruleth in the Kingdome of men giueth it to whome soeuer he please not that hâ maketh Monarches without secoÌdary causes but because these secondary causes worke not but by the speciall direction of his handâ Wherefore the titles of Election and Conquest be speâcially from God though not only immediatly from him as is the third clayme when God by speciall reuelation declares his will to haue some certayne person King as he did Saul and Dauid Philanax You omit Succession which is a clayme to the Crowne Aristobulus Succession in bloud is not a primâ and originall title but a meanes to deriue to posterity these three fornamed claymes from Auncestors that first enioyed them none of which titles do sufficiently institute a person Kingâ without the consent of common-wealth When a King is made by eleââion the case is cleere but the Conâueror seemes to come to the crowne âgainst the Commonwealths will In âeed the right of Conqueror he may âaue will they nil they yet Royall âuthority ouer them he cannot haue âithout their graunt The right of âawfull Conquest binds the state conâuered to make the conquerour their King vpon iust conditions which he âay prescribe heauy or hard according âo the quantity of their offence Yf âhey refuse to yield he hath the right âf the sword to force them not the âight of Prince to gouerne them till âhey consent This consent being âielded then there begins a new Soâiety and Commonwealth compacted âf âonquerors and the people conâuered and the Prince of the conqueâing side becomes Kinge to gouerne âhem both according to the lawes and âonditions agreed vpon which condiââons if he neglect he is no lesse subââct and corrigible by the Common-âealth then Kings made by eleâtion When God personally appoints any one to be Kinge as he did Saul Dauid neither then haue Kings powâer immediatly and only from God God is sayd to haue made Saul anâ Dauid Kings because he eternallâ decreed they should be Kings in duâ tyme reuealed
holdes this his ground of Soueraigntyâ The Kinge hath no superiour but God alone iâ âlippery and vncertayne that he dares not stand vpon it himself For elswhere contradicting this principle he âaith in playne termes that Kings that âaue giueÌ their names vnto Christ are sheepe of âis fold so are to obey their spirituall pastors âauing ouersight ouer them that they are to be âbedient vnto their spirituall Pastors as Emâassadors from Christ thâtâ Kings and Bishops âe mutually Pastors and Superiors one to the âther Yf Bishops be ouerseers Pastors Superiors to the King how is it true âhat the King hath no superiour but God alone Yf nothing be more excellent noâhing more sublime then a Bishop as our Theodidact approuing S. Ambrose his âaying teacheth âo wit in spirituall ând Ecclesiasticall causes which to adâminister they are sent how can a King âe more excellent then a Bishop in âhose causes Is it possible that the same man should be superior and subiect to âhe same persons in respect of the same Court I confesse I cannot vnderstand this diuinity that subiects may iudg âheir Superiors euen in those causes wherin they are subordinate to them That the Kinge supreme Gouernour of the Church may be sententially summoned arraiâgned and cast out of the Church by a Bishop â Yf soueraigne Princes may be iudgeâ by their subiects in those causes wherin they are supreme and independant what doth their supremacy auaile theÌâ Yf supreme gouernors of the Churcâ may be cast out of the Church by theiâ Bishops that arâ their spirituall subiects what solid reason can Theodidacâ assigne why Soueraignes may not likeâwise be cast out of their Kingdome by their Barons and Peeres thougâ they be their vassalls Philanax I could wish our Authors concerning the Kings supremacy spake morâ coherently yet seeing this proposition the King hath no superior but Goâ alone doth so much extoll the Soueâraignty of Kings I can not be broughâ to forsake Theodidact herein except bâ the confutation of his reasons I perceaue this pillar of Maiestye to be vncertayne and vnsound Aristobulus Small reading and skill in Scriâture is sufficiânt to shew that Theodidacts arguments against Papists be not so conuincing as we may securely ground the authority of Kinges therâpon For either thââ make nothing to the purpose or els proue what Papists do not deny that the King is supreme in temporalls His maynââround and principle is that in the old Testament Priests were not superior to Kings but rather that Kings were their Iudges Could he haue assumed a doctrine more vncertaine or rather more false then is this A doctrine against the learnedst of the Iewes Iosephus saith that to their Priests not to Kings was committed the custody of the Law and the charge of greatest affaires so that they were ouerseers of all Iudges of controuersies and punisher of offenders Philo writeth that Priestly dignity is preferred before royall by the Iewes who iudge Priesthood by so much the more excellent then Royalty by how much God surpasseth man With whomâ agree the Chriâtian Fathers namely S. Chrysostome auerring that God woulâ haue Kings submit their heads to the hands of Priests that men might vnderstand that Priestâ are more worthy Princes and more venerable then are Kings Yea the word of God seâmeth âo distinguish the office of high Priest from the office of King assigning to the high Priest the care of things that pertayne to God to the Kinge the chârge of temporall affayres And who conuersant in the old Testament knoweth not that to the high Priâââ was giuen the supreme and last power to decide all controuersies about the law VVhosoeuer shal be proude and refuse to obey the sentence of the Priest let that man dye the death Philanax These testimony of the Fathers and Scriptures seeme very vrgent But hath not Theodidact made some answere to them Aristobulus No nor brought any proof of his opinion besides the bare example of âalomon that deposed Abiathar the high Priest ând placed Sadocke in his roome â But first be âroues not that Salomon deposed Abiaâhar lawfully that therein he exceeded âot the boundes of his authority The deeds of Kings be not euer iustifiable âor was Salomon such a Saint that we may thinke all his actioÌs praise worthy without further proof Secondly he proueth not that Salomon deposed Abiaâhar by the ordinary power of King Papists say Salomon did in that action proceed not as King but as Prophet Which answere Theodidact doth not confute but misvnderstand as though they meânt that Salomon was therfore a Prophet because he fulfilled what God had foretould against the house of Heli which he reiecteth with a iest that so Herod might be tearmed a Prophet in murthering the Innocents because therin he âulfilled what God by Ieremie had foretolde But the Papists be not so absurde as to say that whosoeuer fulfilleth a prophecy is a Prophet nor that Iudas in betraying his Maister and hanging himself was a Prophet though therin he fulfilled prophecies They say that God to the end that what he had threatned aâgainst the house of Heli might come tâ passe he gaue to Salomon propheticall extraordinary Commission to deposâ Abiâthar high Priest of the stock of Helâ Salomons royall authority not beinâ sufficieââ for the lawfull performancâ thereof Which doctrine is so solidâ that Theodidact not being able to ouerâthrow it by argument thought gooâ to make it ridiculous by mistaking itâ Finally though we graunt that Saloâmon deposed Abiathar and by Kingly authority the most that may be thencâ inâerred is that Salomon was supremâ in temporall affaires and might puânish Priests in case of Treason Whicâ notwithstanding in things pertayning tâ God Princes might be subiect to thâ high-Priest for spiritual crimes tenâding to the ouerthrow of Religionâ might be deposed And in my opinion it is want oâ iudgment in them that would bâ thought friends to Kings to stir thâ stories of the old TestameÌt which for one high Priest desposed by a King withoât cleere approbation of the âact yeeldeth two soueraigne Princes deposed by the high Priest and their deposition warranted by the holy Ghost Did not Iehoida high-Priest depose Athalia Queene pronounce sentence of death vpon her and in âer roome make Ioas King Did not Azarias high-Priest cast King Ozias out of the Temple depriue him of gouernment for his presuâptuous vsurping the Priestly office to offer incânâe to the Lord What needed Theodidact to prouoke Papists to bring forth these examples for the Popes authority two for one and such as he to aunswere theÌ is driuen to very hard shiftâ What he saith concerning Athalia that she was not lawfull Queene but an vsurper he neither proueth nor is it very probaâble She came blodily vniustly to the Crown but this doth not coÌuince that she was not afterward righful Queen They who
whome they were bound vnder payne of gâuions sinne to expel as you heard this forsaid Father affirme Philanax I see the old Testament specially according to S. Chrysostomes exposition doth not very plausibly proue regall independency of Priest-hood hath not Theodidact better arguments out of the new Aristobulus He alleageth diuers testimonies that euery soule is to be subiect to the higher powers and of Fathers auerring that there is no state nor man in the world equall to the Emperour Which particulerly to relate were to wast paper seeing these testimonies proue no more then what Pâpists commonly graunt That Kângs are Soueraigne and supreme in temporall affaires within their Dominions That all men whatsoeuer Prophetsâ Euangelists Apostles Priests Monks that liue within their states are subiect to their Gouernment and to the lawes which they make for the good oâ the Common wealth They proue that primitiue ChââstiaÌs both laymen Priests were bound to pay tribute to the Emperour were in criminall causes answerable before the teÌporall Magistrate For the dignity of Priestly state and the speciall ordinance of Christ exempting them was not then sufficiently promulgated nor accepted of by Princes as afterward it was in gratitude for the benefit of their conuersion to Christianity by the preaching and labours of Priesthood The places then of Scriptures and Fathers shew that Priests euen Apostles were subiect to the Emperour in causes temporall but can any man with reason thinke that their testimonies import that vnbeleeâing Empârours were in all spirituall occurreÌces the soueraignâ Gouernours of the Christian Church That the supreme Pastorship to decide doubtes of faith gather Councels or excommunicate disobedient ChristiaÌs was committed to them I thinke Protestants will hardely graunt this Whence Papists inferre that had Kings byn ordeyned by Christ supreme Gouernours next himself in the Ecââesiastical hierarchy he would haue prouided Christian Kings to furnish that place in the first erecting of his Church Which seeing he did not they fuâther deduce that Kings cannot challenge by Christs institution any place of gouernment in Church-affayres that the keyes of his Church signifying supreme authority were by him deliuered not to Kings but to Peter by which gift he made him high steward of his house Whosoeuer will be of Christs family must yield themselues their swordes their Crownesâ subiect to Peters keyes Their soules you will say but not their bodies not their swords not their Crownes But agaynst this they vrge that accessorium sequitur principale What is accessory and consequent still followes and waits vpon the principall The King submitting his person to the Church must needs likewise submit togeather with his person his Crowne and sword that not only as men sed in quantum Reges seruiant Christo eueÌ as Kings they be seruants to Christ. In acknowledgmâât of which superiority Constantine as S. Augustin writeth eminentissimum culmen Romani Imperij diadema suum piscatori Petro subiecit being the most emineÌt Soueraigne of the Romain Empire submitted not only his soule but his scepter and diademe to the fisherman Peter to the end that Peters keyes might direct temporall power towardes the consecution of eternall life and to restraâne the same if at any time the owner therof should vse it to the ouerthrow of Christianity They bring an history to this purpose out of Suidas â concerning Constantius the Arian who seemeth the first that challenged this Supremacy in Church affayres As he was saâth Suidas ânce sitting in Councell in the midst oâ many Prelates Iudge of their Controuersies Leontius the most holy Bishop of Tripolis reproued him openly that being a secular lay man he wold meddle with Church-affaires which saying made that prophane Emperour to conceaue the vndecency of the practise that out of band for very shame be desisted If to the fauorits of Kinges ancient Fathers seeme ouer playne and bitter who call them that will gouerne in the Church Antichrists so in my opinion wee ought to take heed that our Church disgrace not herselfe by being base and seruile in this poynt laying her Keyes vnder the feete of Kings which iâ another extreme What may we think of Theodidact who writes that the Kinge saileth to heauen in his owne ship guided by his owne subiects ouer whome he is Iudge and may punishe them with death if he find them in his opinion to deliuer their owne errors in steed of diuine truth S. Paul were he aliue would preach that the Church the ship to conuay passengers to heauen is not the Kings but Christs which he bought with his pretious bloud and the gouernment therof he committed not to Kingsâ but to Bishops The two Orthodoxe Saints and Bishops Hosius and Ambrose did they now liue would say Pallaces belonge to Emperors Churches to Priests The great Gregorie of Nazianzum were he now liuing his doctrine would be that Kings are subiect to the tribunall of Bishops that Priests are the more eminent Gouernours nât Kings subiects in Church affayres but as another Gregorye sayth their Fathers Maisters and Iudges yea that it is miserable madnes âor Kings to goe about with their wicked lawes to make them be at their command to whom they know that Christ together with the Keyes gaue power to bind in heauen and in earth These and the like authorities of Fathers Papists heap together which I haue brought not that I desire that any thing be detracted from royall authority but to the end that you may see that it is not wisdome to ground Royall Soueraignty vpon this Kingly Church-primacy which Proâestants allow Puritans detest Papists with the saying of Fathers shake and batter Philanax Herein I agree with you yet that the Roman Bishop hath not this supremacy to depose Kings I am moued to beleeue by that which Theodidact writeth that none of them exercised it before the time of Gregory the VII otherwise tearmed Hildebrand who excommunicated and deposed Henry the Foââth Emperour about the yeare 1073â more then a thousand yeares from Christs ascension as Otho Frisingensis liuiâg neere those times saith I read and read againe the gestes of the Romane Kings and Emperors and no where I find any of them till this man Henry the Fourth excommunicated or deposed by the Bishop of Rome Aristobulus I do not desire to proue that authority of the Pope my drift is to shew that Kings Church-primacy is not aduisely brought and placed as the pillar of their ragall Soueraignty For to that which moueth you so much behold the Papists how easily and how many things they answere First deposition being an extraordinary remedy against the persecution of hereticall Princes not to be vsed but in cases of extâemity what wonder that practises therof vpon Romane Emperours haue not been many Moreouer for the first 300. yeares after Christ there was no Christian Emperour on whom that power might be vsed In the other two hundred the
the new oath For their standing with such daunger against an oath which they thinke vniust shewes they will not for humane respects sweare but what really they beleeue to be trueâ nor promise but what they truly meane to performe It may be iustly supposed that these men as they will rather dye then sweare Allegiance which they think not due so they wil loose their liues sooner then neglect the allegiance they haue once sworn And though they cannot frame their consciences to sweare the speculatiue denyall of thâ Popâs authority to depose Princes in some circumstances imaginââle yet they are ready to sweare that in practise they will stand with the King against âll treasons and in al quarrells not openly and vnexcusably vniust Such as persuade his Maiesty to neglect such loyall offer of loue I pray God their trecherous flattery bring him not into occasions that he may need the helpe of such trusty subiects This we see that already the flaterers haue brought him to engage his Honor for the ouerthrow of the Popes authority in this poynt which is the fourth coÌsideration that I made promise to present vnto you For I cannot thinke the successe wil be such as might become the enterprise of so great a Monarch Philanax The power to depose Kings at his pleasure which the Pope challengeâh so sauoureth of presumption is so odious that his Maiesty needs not feare the successe of so plausible a quarrell Aristobulus This authority hath âyn now many yeares together impugned and the abiuration thereof vrged vnder griâuous penalties What haue we gayned or rather could this doctrine haue more preuailed then by this opposition it hath done Before this stirre I know some learned Papists denyed that authority in the Pope many that held it thought it not a poynt of Faith but the more probable opinion and in France that opinion might scarce be spoken of Now find me a popish Priest that houlds it or thinks that doctrine tollerable in their Church When the matter was vrged in France to haue a like oath enacted did not both Clergy Nobility stand against it When Cardinall Perâns speach for the Popes authority to depose Kânges was printed what Papist durst pât his name to an answere We know that that doctrin forsaken of the Papists of France was forced to fly for succour to his Maiestieâ pen. Some Papists complayne that we change the state of the question of purpose to make their doctrine odious Which is not that the Pope may depose Princes at his pleasure but in case of necessity But this change of the question to me seemes not so disgraceful to the Pope as to our âhospell that after so great promises to burne Rome and ouerthrow Popery the heat of al our controuersies worketh vpon this poynt Whether Kings for their Crownes be the Popes tenants at will Would the Pope renounce his right in this point for the rest we would not greatly care to giue ouer When I coâsider the late quarrell begun by our King Henry the 8. against the Pope me thinks the successe thereof hath been much like that of the Carthaginians vnder Haniball against the auncient Common wealth of Rome At the first the Carthaginians so farre preuailed as they got most part of Italy from the Romans and fought with them about the walls of Rome Within a while fortune so changed that the Carthaginians were driuen backe into Africke warre wâs there maintained that much adoe they had to saue their ownâ Carthage Our Kings in the beginning stroue with the Pope for supremacy in spiriâuaâl things many Papists euen Bishops stood with the King that the Pope was in danger to loose his Miter The more that matters were searched into the more did the Popes cause daily preuaile so that not only Papists be now cleerly resolued in that point as in a most notorious truth but also Puritans mislike Princes supremacy and euen Protestants as far as they daâe go paring away peeces from it And now the Pope secure of supremacy in spirituall things pretends right to dispose of Crownes when the necessity of Religion shall require it And who seeth not that euen in this controuersy they dayly winne ground Had not we sât our sâlues to impugne this authority had not so many books frâught with weak arguments which Papists confâte with great shew of truth on their side beene written against it had not Priests lost their liues lay Papists their liuings for it I am perswaded it might haue beene buried in obliuioâ or at least within their schooles haue beene kept from common peoples âares Now persecutioÌ hath made the question so famous as it will hardly be forgotten the bloud shed for the affirmatiue part thereof hath printed the same deepe in many mâns conceipts yea the death of men so graue learned and pious hath made some Protestants that hated it before cast vpon it a more fauourable looke Per arma per caedes abipso Sumit opes animumque serro And this is a very remarkable proceeding of Popery different from the course of our Ghospell The light of our Ghospell shined exceeding bright at the first there was no diuision amongest our Ghospellers it stirred vp in mens harts wonderfull zealeâ that as one noteth out of pure light they did not consider what they did and iâ their zeale their goods lands children wiues and liues were not greatly deere vnto them With time this light waxed dymmer and dymmer the doctrine lesse certaine they grew into factions and sects and therupon their zeale bâcame could that now the greatest feare is as oftentimes from one extreme men are prone to fall into the cleane opposite least the supposed cleere shining of truth make men vncerten and not greatly zealous of any Religion at all The Papists contrarywise when controuersies are first raised are very wary and circumspect their censures be not absolute there are commonly diuers opinions amongest them the more that Scriptures Fathers Councells testimonies of antiquity and reasons are examined the more they grow into consent the more resolute and immoueable they become in their doctrine mâre zâalous one day then another to giue their liues for it This course they hold in the doctrine of the Popes power which in the beginning was taught neither so certainly nor vniuersally nor zealously as now it is and wil be euery day more and more except these controuersies be remoued from vulgar examination which cannot be so long as the oath is vrged seeing such as are to sweare must least they be forsworne search into the certainty of this Truth and read bookes that treat of that argument And when no other inconuenience should ensue of this course this alone might moue the prudent frends of Kings to labour the silencing of this controuersy that the wordes of deposing and murthering Gods annointed which should be buried in the depth of amazement horror come by vulgar disputation to sound familiarly in euery eare
And without doubt by this their familiar acquaintance with the word part of the horror against the action is lost Which may be the cause that where speach against the Pops authority for deposing of Kings hath been rifest most vulgar those Countries for practise against the life of their Kinges haue been most vnfortunate Whereas Spayne hath seene no such tragicall practise nor any attempt thereoâ but hath enioyed a longe happy peace where the questions how to proceede with Tyrants are freely permitted to the schooles without any popular declamations agaynst Scholasticalâ opinioÌs in this poynt Philanax I must confesse that I haue been my selfe much deceaued in my expectation about the sucâesse of Papists in this controuersy When I considered the circumstances of the contention the doctrine impugned not gratefull to Princes not so cleerly decided in their Church by some of their writers denied the person impugning by sword and penne a Monarch mighty learned beloued euen of Popish Potentates and this at a tyme of great aduantage vpon the gunpowder treason which was vrged as a sequell of this doctrine that euen the greatest fauorers therof seemed fearfull These circumstances made me think that Pâpery would receaue a great blow and that his Maiesty would draw the whole Church to be of his opinion What the successe hath been we see you haue shewed I could wish the Controuersy might not haue further progresse be now buried in silence that posterity may not say that Rome grew by his Maiesties opposition against it that this point of her authority was made renowned by victory ouer him what the Papists before did doubtfully defend the bloud of their Martyrs suffering vnder King Iames made certaine knowne illustrious And peace concluded about the silencing of this controuersy might be the beginning of an vniuersall agreement with that Sea seeing other doctrinall controuersies by discussion be brought to that yssue that as I haue heard some learned intelligent persons auerre a calme consultation void of priuate interest and animosity might soone end them Aristobulus This peace were much to be wished nor is it safe to mantaine strife with that Sea but vpon vnauoidable occasions And this is the fifth and last thinge which I wish you would seriously ponder and not wonder that this counsell should be suggested by mee that am no Paââst The knowne bad successe that Kings and Princes haue still had in their opposicions against the Romane Church may mooue sufficiently all faithfull Counsailors though not of the Popes Religion neuer if they may choose to engage their Soâcraignes in such quarrelles Arioch the Ammonite Prince could tell Holosernes out of experience that his power and force would not be able to subdue the Iewes that in the end he would be repelled with disgrace yet he was not a Iew in ReligioÌ The like aduise Amonâ Counsailors that were heathens gaueâ him to desist in his quarrell against Mardochaus the Iew Thou canst not say they resist him he being of the stock of the Iewes but shalt fall beâore him It was noted that when Octauâaâ and Antony were youthes still in their games Octauian had the best wherupon a prudeÌt frend gaue Antony warning in ciuill controuersies neuer to encounter him Thou art said he more noble then he more eloquenâ and better qualified yet I see cleerly his Genins is stronger theÌ thine if thou try the forâune of warre with him he will doubtles be Conquerour What the cause may be why it shold be so who knows but experieÌce now a thousand and six hundred years oldâ shewes that this is theâ fate and felicity of that Sea to conquer with their patience and bring vndââ subiection into nothing all the opponents against their doctrine or their authority The Roman Emperors for 300â yeares together bloudily oppugned Christian Râligâon but principally the Roman Sea in so much as thirty Bishops therof were martyred and the persecuting Emperors as S. Cyârian saith were more greeued that a new high Priest was placed in that Sea then that a new Prince was chosen set vp against them What was the successe For those three Centuries of yeares scarce any Emperour that persecuted them can be named that deriued the Empire to a third heire or dyed not an vnfortunate death and in the end Constantine their Successor submitted the Empire to the obedience of the Roman Bishop wherin the Empeâors that followed him contynued Afterward soâe Christian Emperors begaÌ to quarrell with the Church about the priuiledgeâ and immunities of the Clergy specially Valentinian the third and the succeeding Emperors of the West Did they preuaile In their daies the westerne Empire began to decay The Franks tooke to theÌ France the Saxons Britanny and VVandalls Asrick the Visigothes Spaine the Gothes Italy â which âoone after were made Chriâââans and submitted their Kingdomes to the Pope and their Kings professed to receaue their Crownes authority from him Who knoweth not how pittifully the Easterne Emperors and the Patriarches of Constantinople vexed thâ Pope for many ages which their quarrell they neuer would giue ouer till finally they fell into the miserable bondage slâuery of the Tuâke wherin at this present without hope of remedy they grone What successe to omit many other experiences had the German Caesars that stroue with the Pope for the inuestiture of Bishops by staffe ringe Henry the 4. excommunicated and deposed by Gregory the 7. vpon that cause prospered for a while which this treatiser sets downe to encourage Princes to follow his example but he concealeth how in the end in punishment of his rebellion against his spirituall Father as Papists thinke he was deposed by his owne Sonne put in prison whence escaping he gathered forces was defeated brought to such want as he sued to be Sexton in a Churcââ and serue Priests Masse who had most cruelly vexed the high Priest of Christians many yeares together Not admitted to that office he turned himself to begge of laymen in lamentable manner crying Haue mercy on me at least you my friendes for the hand of the Lord hath touched mee and so full of misery repentance and anguish of mind he pined away to death The newes whereof was receaued with generall ioy of all Christians And his Sonne though for a while he trode the steps of his Fathers disobedience yet finally he yielded vp his right in possession whereof the Roman Bishop is at thiâ day Wherein not only the successe which Popes had against so potent Aduersaries as was Henry the 4. who fought more battaileâ then euer did Iulius Caesar but their courage and confidence also was admirable Neither ought any discreete Protestant trust Theodidacts relatioÌ of HidelbraÌds fainting in the quarrell taken out of Sigebert a partiall Monke seeing Papists bring 50. Historians that contradict him These whose fidelity can with no rea ãâ¦ã called in question relate that he ended his life full of coÌstancy
vsing at his death these words Because I haue loued Iustice and hated wickednesse I now dy in banishment Vrbane that succeded Gregory both in office and in zeale against the Emperour being driueÌ out of Italy into France hauing so great need of the Kings assistance yet was he so voide of humane respects that at that very time he excommunicated Philip King of France for putting away his true wife and liuing in open incest The Kinge saith an vnpartiall Historian threatned that except Vrbane would restore him to the Church Crowne he wold depart with his whole Kingdome from his obedience the obedience of the Roman Sea yet this moued not that most holy Bishop to relent In fine Philip was faine to yeeld not being able to extort otherwise releasment from excommunication and so religion conscience preuailed ouer thâ Scepter and the Diademe the inuincible Maiesty and Name of King So admirable for constancy were those Popes that vsed their authority to depose wicked Emperors so free from loue of the world that we may iusâly thinke God fauoured their cause Hââsoeuer their perpetuall good successe for so many ages against all aduersaries though the reason therof be hidden may giue iust cause in my opinion for Kings to be wary how they aduenture their Crownes vpon preuailing against them and how they deuise new oathes of Allegiance that wage warre against the authority of their Sea And this is the last thing which I desire to leaue to be seriously pondered by you that loue the King so I coÌclude praying the Lord hartily that as hitherto he hath defended Kingly authority in our great Britany froÌ open enemies so now he will defend the same from secret plots and trayterous Treatises which by shew of friendship seek the ouerthrow thereof Philanax I am glad Aristobulus that wee fell into this discourse in which you haue cleerly discryed Theodidacts fraudulent vndermining of Royall Authority The publishers of that booke besides their secret plotting agaynst ãâã âoueraignty of Princes seeme likeââââ to haue had an eye to their owne âuere in the diâulging therof For there being a commaund that this Booke both in publicke and priuate schooles be read to Children of both sexes ech booke sold for six pence which is hardly worth two pence you must needs see a great summe of money that heÌce is yearely made a summe I say so great as doth farre surpasse the custome of the Peter-pence which in old time euery house payed to the Pope Notwithstanding at this their enriching themselues by this deuise I do not so much grieue but I am hartily sory that so many odious vngrounded positions coÌcerninâ Royall Authority that may raise vp horror rather theÌ loue of Kinges be instilled into the tender mindes of ChildreÌ which afterward when any occasion is giuen may soone turne into hatred But thereof yoâ haue spoken inough Wherfore I likewise will end with your harty good wishes towardes his Maiesty and our most gracious Prince Charles beseching the Almighty to defend them both and to giue them the spirit of wised ãâã wherby they may discouer these ââââsons hidden with a shew of friendshipp The Printer to the Reader THIS Treatise gentle Reader may seeme written by some English Protestant agaynst some Puritans enemies of Kingly Soueraignity which by them in former times openly impugned they now seeke to ouerthrow by grouÌding the same vpon odious and âaungerous PositioÌs touching the immunity of Tyrants The Authour disputeth the questioÌ of this weighty subiect in such moderate stile and manner bringing ãâ¦ã ns both solide and not reg ãâ¦ã ing with Catholike doctrine that he may be thought to be in opinion Catholike though for modesties sake to the end that this truth might be more pleasingly accepted of Protestants in this worke he discourseth as if he were Protestant And for this reason some Catholike arguments he doth pretermit others he doth not vrge to the vttermost partly for breuityes sake but cheefly because his inteÌt is no more then to shew that the new Protestants principles from which they deduce Râyall Authority be at the least doubtfull and vncertayne And this he doth cleerly demonstrate and thence concludes that it is against the rules euen of humane policy to forsake the most sure grounds of Soueraigne Power in Kinges whereon Christian Kingdomes relying haue hitherto stood firme and florished vnd ãâ¦ã Catholike discipline iust l ãâ¦ã and to build the sacred authority of Princes whereon their peoples safety dependes vpon the new vngrounded Doctrines Paralogismes of Scriptures which seemes to haue byn the drift of the former Dialogue For this cause I thought it would not be amisse nor lost labour to put the same in print renewed before hand corrected The title God and the King I would not alter because iâ two wordes it doth fully put downâ the Catholike opinion concerning Princes Authority their subiects Allegiance For as this treaâise doth iâsinuate three opinions in this poynt now are in EnglaÌd The first of PuritaÌs who wil haue God without King or else such a King that must depend on the peoples beck ãâã their ConsistoriaÌ Preachers ãâ¦ã ose perfidious audacity his âââesty hath had sufficient experience The second is of Politicians who haue no more Christianity then Parlamentary decrees breath into them These will haue King without God or at least King and God that is God so longe and no longer then the King shall please whome they will haue still obeyed though he go openly about to extinguish the light of Christian Religion The third opinion is of Catholikâs whose âote is God and the Kingâ in the first place they worship God in the second the King to whome they giue all Allegiance and subiection as farre as Religion and conscience will permit And this is to giue what is Caesars to Caesar and what is Gods to God Farewell FINIS Dial. God and the Kinge pag. 2. Dial. p. 33. 34. âpeach in the Star-chamber 16.6 Bancroft in the Dangerous poâitioÌs p. 33. Psal. 84. v. 16. 2. Thessal â 2 v. 10. Hooker Ecclesiast pol. prefac p. 28. Hooker ibid. p. 29. Suruey of the holy âiscipline p. 93. (a) Baâil Dor. p 40. 41. (b) Knox. histor of the Church of Scot. p. 265. Dang poâit p. 11. (c) Sleydan l. 28. l. 22. Oâian Epist. cent 16. p. 566. (d) Cuspin of the Church of France p. 625 Ferres histor p. 588. (e) Osiand ibid. p. 94. (f) Chitrâeus in chron p. 71 (g) Fulk answere to the declam of P. ârarines (h) Dang posit l â c. â 4â seq (i) Suruey of the disc p. 101. (k) Dang poâit Suruey and others by D. Bancroft (l) Principes sunt omnium quos terra âustinet sâultisâimi deterrimi nebulones ToÌ 2. Ger. âen de mag saecul fol. 200. (m) Cal. in Dan. cap. 6. v. 22. (n) Knox to Engl. Scotl. fol. 78. (o) BuchaÌ de iââe Reg.