Arthois had beene sent who with the aduise of a Cardinal the Popes Legat and Mary Princesse of Salerne wife vnto Charles who was prisoner gouerned the realme of Naples They were then vpon termes of a good accord when as these Gouernors hauing sent a great army into Sicile vnder the command of Renaud del Balso Earle of Auellin tooke the towne of Cattanea whereof king D. Alphonso being aduertised he sent backe Roger de Loria Admiral of Sicile to succor and defend his brothers country The Earle of Auellin hauing made this prize hee sent the galleys which had transported his army backe to Naples to bring the rest of his troupes which were yet on land and at the same instant Guy of Montfort Earle of Languillare with the Earles of Boullen and Flanders hauing leauied men in Tuscany were ready to imbarke vpon the bankes of Sienna when as Roger de Loria the Admiral arriued in the Italian seas who hauing descouered the fleet which went to transport the souldiars at Naples hee pursued them and tooke them easily hauing none to make any defence and soone after hee espied about sixty gallies sayling towards Sicile which was the army of those French Noblemen aboue named which had imbarqued in Tuscany whose Admiral was called Arrighin a Geneuois Roger charged them courragiously and put them to rout without any great difficulty for the souldiars in the French fleete could fight better at land then at sea the Commanders were taken all which paied their ransoms except the Earle of Montfort who was detained prisoner and there died These two victories were the recouery of Cattanea the which was yeelded to the Arragonois by the Earle of Auellin who with his compagnions returned with their bag and baggage to Naples By this meanes the treaty of peace which Edward made was broken but he desisted not vntil he had drawne them to those conditions That Charles should be set at liberty paying twenty thousand or as some say thirty thousand markes of siluer for his ransome That he should procure the Pope to inuest King Iames in the realme of Naples Conditions of peace betwixt the King of Arragon and Naples prisoner that he should take away the Interdict and absolue the two brethren of Arragon and that he should be a meanes to make Charles Earle of Valois quit the interest he pretended in Catalogne by vertue of a donation made vnto him by Pope Martin for the execution whereof hee should haue three yeeres time and in case he could not performe them hee should returne againe to prison for assurance whereof hee should giue his three sonnes Lewis Robert and Iohn in hostage with forty gentlemen of the county of Prouence The which Charles hauing promised and the hostages deliuered he was released foure yeeres after his taking He came into France and labored in vaine with Charles of Valois Charles of Valois wil not yeeld vp his right to Cattelogne who would neuer relinguish the title hee had to Cattelogne Pope Nicholas also would not yeeld vnto that which Charles had promised touching the realme of Sicile the which hee sayd was a fee belonging to the church wherefore he past speedily into Italy with good troupes of men led by Emery of Narbone Being in Tuscany he spent some time to fauour the Guelphes party against the Gibilins the which were two frantike factions afflicting Italy since the dissention betwixt the Popes and Emperor Frederic continued among the Italians without subiect or sence with horrible examples of Impiety and inhumanity The French which delt in these quarrels held the Guelphes faction Charles beeing come to Rome Pope Nicholas the fourth crowned him in the yeere of our Lord 1289. King of both Siciles from the which he could not be disswaded An. 1289. wherewith they Arragonois held themselues much wronged and fell to armes more violently then before Suritez affirmes that this yeere King Charles the Limping came and presented himselfe armed betwixt the valley of Ionquera and the hill of Panizaçe making a shew as if he came to yeeld himselfe to the King of Arragon according to the treaty and that hee returned sodainely to Perpignan The Calabrois neighbours to Sicile were daily sollicited to reuolt the which the Inhabitants of the Cathenzan did who gaue themselues to King Iames wherevpon king Charles beeing accompanied by the Earle of Artois led an army thether to succor which place king Iames beeing come with his Admiral and hauing landed his men hee was incountred and defeated by the French and forced to saue himselfe in his galleies yet without any great losse wherefore the Arragonois desiring to diuert this siege they sailed towards Gayete where hauing seized vpon a hill neere vnto it they gaue many assaults but without any effect King Charles and the Earle of Arthois leauing sufficient troupes to entertaine the siege of Cathenzan marched towards Gayete being resolued to giue battaile to the Arragonois but they kept themselues from fighting beeing lodged in a place of aduantage and neere vnto their galleys There was a mediation for a true betwixt the two kings and the realmes of Sicile Truce for fiue yeeres betwixt the French and Arragonoiz and Naples the which king Charles yeelded vnto for fiue yeeres against the aduice of the Earle of Arthois who held the victory in his hand assuring himselfe to force the enemy to fight wherevpon hee grew much discontented and leauing Italy returned into France with his troupes vpon this truce Cathenzan was yeelded This first conquest which the kings of Arragon made out of Spaine was the cause of great broyles warre and ruines in Christendome for which they chiefely smarted whereof the Popes were the subiect as they stood well or ill affected to those Princes of whose miseries and of their ruines they were secure spectators beeing defended from all daunger through the opinion of their holinesse and authority At the death of Pope Martin his successour Honorius the fourth had setled and confirmed D. Iames of Arragon and absolued the King D. Pedro but Pope Nicholas the fourth malitiously and without any feare of the shedding of Christians bloud did kindle a new warre betwixt the French and Arragonois whereas hee would not crowne Charles King of Naples alone but of Naples and Sicile together D. Iames of Arragon holding Sicile at that time at his coronation he tooke the armes which the realme hath since carried which are in Eagle sable in a field argent the which Manfroy was wont to beare and the bends geules in a field Or of Barcelona 8 The King of Castille being sollicited Castille and much troubled to resolue vpon the deliuery of his Nephewes of Cerde detained in Arragon and to recompence them in such sort as his soueraignty might remaine entire and peceable to him and his successours hee sent to that end Ambassadors to Philip the faire King of France beeing at Lions but what they could not then effect by treaties and negotiations
Master of Malta had contributed The Venetians would not infringe the peace they had with the great Turke and yet they prouided for all things necessarie for their defence both by sea and land if any did quarrell with them The enterprise was iust and worthy of the first stratagems of a Prince who desires to begin his raigne by some worthy act Enterprise iust but not blest of heauen the opportunity of doing well being so fauourable as if Christendome could haue made her profit by the diuision which was then in Mahomets estate by the mutinies of the Ianisaries and the reuolts in Asia they might in shew haue aduanced the accomplishment of that prophecy whereof the Turkes doe not speake but with sighes That by the common armes of the Christians they shall be rooted from the face of the earth This armie being imbarked they came in the beginning of Iuly to Naples to make prouision of great store of armes and a good number of Petards which made the world thinke that hee would both arme some of the Turkes subiects which were ready to reuolt and that he had intelligence in some place to surprise it suddenly And for that footmen are alwaies weake if they bee not seconded by some horse they made prouision also of fifteene hundred or two thousand armors for horsemen The Venetians seeing them bend their course towards Messina entred into new apprehensions that if they attempted any thing in Albania they should bee troubled in their gulphe but being come to Trepany which is the promontarie of Sicile next to Afrike they were freed from this feare Hauing past the Ilands of Baleares they then thought it was for Alger But Cigala of Sicile was come from Constantinople with fifty gallies to crosse his designes and to watch him vpon his retreat being loth to fight at one instant against the Christians and against the Moores their slaues and rebels for it was giuen out that the Christian army should be assisted with eight or ten thousand Moores and some Christians Wherefore Cigala had drawne all them that dwelt along the Sea-coast and might fauour this army into the Towne and did shut vp aboue tenne thousand slaues in caues tyed with double chaines and straitly garded There was great hope of good successe of this enterprise and the Spaniards said that the King would giue good testimony of his affection to Christendome Prince Doria the better to fauour this designe had intreated the great Master of Malta in the king of Spaines name to send some gallies to spoile in the Leuant seas and to make a diuersion of the Turkes forces and to aduertise him of their course They were verie fortunate in the designe for passing into Morea with fiue gallies Beauregard a French knight had commandement to set a Petard to the gate of Chasteauneuf Chasteauneuf in Morea taken by the knights of Malta which the Turkes call Passana and in the meane time some other knights should attempt it by Scalado on the other side As nothing is easie to cowards so the valiant find nothing difficult where they entred with such furie as they forced the second Port and yet it was valiantly defended by seuen or eight hundred Turkes where they tooke many slaues cloyed their ordnance spoyled and burnt the Town and countrie about it and returned with speed The Sea armie of Spaine recouered the coast of Afrike but both men at land and windes at Sea were banded against it God would not blesse this enterprise although it were iust and holie the reasons remaine in the Register of his justice and infinit wisdome against the which wee may not murmure as the Romanes did against the conduct and gouernment of their gods when as they saw that Pompey doing nothing according vnto justice was fauoured with their assistence and when as he fought for their laws and countrie yea for the gods themselues he was most vnfortunate Prince Doria seeing that both heauen earth and sea did crosse his designes resolued to retire and not attempt any thing The Prince of Parma did serue as a voluntarie in this army who grieuing to see this great armie returne without any imployment desiring rather to erre in iudgement than in the greatnesse of his courage told Prince Doria That hee should not suffer so goodlie an armie to returne without some attempt Prince of Parmas speech to Prince Doria the which had done nothing but incense a mightie enemy who to bee reuenged of a dead enterprise ready for execution Prince Dorias answere 〈…〉 would seeke to annoy the king of Spaine in all his estates To whome the old man made this presen◠answere I know my charge my head is growne white in learning this experience Your excellencie is accomptable vnto the king my lord but for your pike onely and I for a whole army wherein although I haue beene vnfortunate yet will I not that other parts belonging to my charge as courage authoritie and experience shall faile mee or that any shall obiect vnto me that I haue erred therein A gallant and worthy answere to tech a yong Prince how great soeuer hee bee in an armie that hee must onely studie to obey and not to lead and commaund which was the Generalls charge So Prince Doria hauing discharged his armie went towards Genoua chosing rather to giue them cause to speake disgracefully of his retreat than to haue attempted an impossible enterprise in vaine The Popes Gallies attended the Prince of Parma at Barcelona who was gone into Spaine to kisse the king of Spaines hands Those of the great duke of Tuscany went to Genoua and from thence to Liuorne Most of the Souldiers came and lodged in the duchie of Milan to the vtter ruine of the Countrie Policie of the earle of Fuentes But the Earle of Fuentes who neuer forceth the people when hee can persuade them found an inuention to make this burthen sweet and supportable Hee sought to drawe their commerce by water from Milan to Pauia and caused them to digge Trenches to bring the Riuers together which are betwixt those Townes The people seeing commodities that might well recompence their losses with aduantage seasoned the remembrance of their present harme with the hope of so great a good Many haue attempted the like but in vaine who in the end haue beene forced to giue ouer the worke and to leaue the world as it was made The Emperour Charlemaigne sought to ioyne the Riuer of Rhin to the Danowe and the Morelle to the Rhin to the end the French might traffike by water throughout all Europe and to this end hee caused great and deepe Trenches to bee made but finding lets not fore-seene nor thought off they remained vnprofitable and filled of themselues And the Earle of Fuentes incounters great difficulties in this designe which did frustrate their worke and renewed the peoples complaints when as they sawe themselues surcharged with the ruines of this last Ship-wracke and that the
had finished Hee left it to bee Abbot of Montarragon King D. Alphonso had three daughters also by the Queene D. Sancha that is D. Constance who was married first to the King of Hongarie and afterwards to the Emperour Frederic the second D. Elcnor and D. Sancha both Countesses of Tolousa the one married to Cont Raymond the father and the other to Cont Raymond the sonne This Queene D. Sancha was verie deuout after the manner of that age wherefore as soone as she was married she built the Monastery of Sixena of the Nuns of Saint Iean 9 This age was as the rest full of deuotions Castilleâ— and inuentions of new seruices for Cardinall Hyacinthe beeing Legate a Latere for the Pope in Spaine the order of knights or men at armes Order of Saint Iames. of Saint Iames had his beginning in the realme of Galicia by an emulation betwixt some knights Monkes of Saint Eloy a Monastery in the same Kingdome These good religious fathers seeing the great concourse of people which came from all parts of Christendome to the sepulcher of Saint Iames they beganne to build Hospitals out of their reuenues which were very great vpon the passage which in Spaine they doe commonly call the French way to lodge and feed Pilgrimes and to supplie all their necessities in sicknesse or in health wherein they imployed themselues honestly and the first Hospitall of their foundation was that of Saint Marke the Euangilists without the walles of the city of Leon afterwards they built another vpon the passage of Castille called de las Tiendas In imitation of these Monkes vsing such courtesie to strangers which went to Saint Iames there were thirteene Knights very deuout to this Apostle taking him for their particular Patron and aduocate according to their instruction vowed themselues to gard and assure the way for pilgrimes against the incursions of the Moores and other theeues which troubled Spaine and hauing imparted their deseigne to the Monkes of Saint Eloy they agreed to make one body amongst them and to make the patrimonie of the Monastery of Saint Eloy common with that of these Knights and others which should ioyne with them at that time they did enioy about twenty castles which made the Monkes more willing to allow of this communion al these holy souldiars were married from their first institution wherefore they did onelie vow coniugal chastetie and as for pouerty it was not very great they onelie renounced the propertie of their goods for the seruice of the order enioying the fruites whereof they payed tithe vnto the Monkes for the diuine seruice wherein they were imployed they did vowe obedience to their Prior and Maister by such an order as the Monkes should bee subiect to their Priors both for spirituall and temporall and the Knights to the same Prior touching the spiritualty but in regard of the temporall they should obay the maister of the order Whereof the first was named D. First conuent of Knights of Saint Iames. Pedro Fernandes de Puente Encalada The first conuent which was built for these Knights was neere vnto Saint Markes Hospitall without the walles of Leon on a peece of ground belonging to the Monkes of Saint Eloy which they gaue into the which they all retired taking vpon them a modest kinde of habit fit for the warre carrying upon a white cloake a red-crosse in forme of a sword for a marke of their order and for an argument of humilitie they had haire powled which was no smal abasement in those times Their Order was vnder Saint Augustin according to that of the Monkes of Saint Eloy and all these things were ordred in the presence of Cardinal Hyacinthe the Legat and allowed by him hauing especiall authority for it A while after D. Pedro the Master of the Order accompanied with certaine Knights this order beeing wonderfully increased went to Rome to present himselfe to Pope Alexander who confirmed the order in the yeare of our Lord 1175. according to the disposition of Cardinal Hyacinthe his Legat who was afterwards Pope Many have beleeued and some haue written that this order of Knights of Saint Iames is more ancient grounding it vpon a certaine priuiledge which is found at Salamanca in the Monasterie of the Holie Ghost where at this present the relligious women of that order are for besides the moderne Castillan Language in the which this priuiledge is written with the date and yeere thereof counted from the natiuity of our Lord Iesus Christ discouers the falshood for that in those daies all Instruments titles and letters were in written in Latin and that they did account the yeeres from the Aera of Caesar there is not any mention found in Authors of the Institution of this Order nor of any exploit of the Knights thereof before this time besides other makes of falshood which may bee discouered in this priuiledge as to intitle the King D. Fernand the Great Lord of Biscay and King of Leon which hee was not and by consequence had no cause to grant priuiledges to that Monastery of the citie of Salamanca which hath been alwaies of the iurisdiction of Leon Whereas in the yeere 1034. which is the date thereof there raigned D. Bernard the third of that name so as it is not without cause if they doubt of the truth of the priuiledges granted to churches and conuents These Knights newly instituted being fallne into some dislike with D. Fernand King of Leon raigning at that time they left their Conuent of Saint Marke at Leon and retired into Castille where they were courteously receiued by the King D. Alphonso who gaue them the towne and Castle of Vcles called in old time Vrcesia where they built that renowned conuent which is the chiefe seate of their religion and order yet they sent some of their brethren to dwell in their first conuent of Saint Marke at Leon after the decease of the King D. Fernand vpon condition that the superioritie should belong to that of Vcles but it is not obserued for the conuent of S. Marke doth not acknowledge that of Vcles in any thing but doth keep their first reuenues the which were since augmented in Estremadura after the conquest thereof by them of Leon. In time this order did extend farre into Portugal where it got great reuenues vnder the obedience of the conuent of Vcles vnto the King D. Denis who put the Knights out of his country This order of the Knights of Saint Iames did so grow in wealth and number by the bountie of Kings A thousand launces of the Order of Saint Iames. and indulgences of Popes as they were able to arme a thousand launces compleat in both conuents of Vcles and Saint Marke and before that by the authority of Pope Adrian the sixth the masters place was incorporate to the crowne of Castille the Maisters of the Order were chosen and displaced if there were cause by the suffrages of thirteene brethren who had that
for The Court remaining at Zamora the Archb. weary of too much rest retired himselfe into his Bishoprick being not greatly affected to the kings seruice but to take part and adhere wholy to the Duke of Benauent he now gaue them greater cause to suspect him for that he grew in choller with them of the Councell vppon his departure pressing them to giue the Duke of Benauent contentment and to pay him the Arrerages of his pensions and that they should also giue satisfaction to D. Diego Hurtado of Mendoça touching the Admiralty which he demanded and to Iohn of Velasco for the Office of Lord Chamberlaine to the King and to Don Iohn Alphonso de la Cerde touching the place of Lord Steward to the Infant D. Fernand which they had taken from him to giue it to Pero Suarez of Quignones Whereunto they answered mildly that it was fitte such men should be satisfied and that they would resolue according to iustice and equity and as their dignitie required Besides these importunities and other presumptions it was reported that he had receiued the twentith penny of all merchandize and goods which had beene sold within the Realme Archb. of Toledo and D. Iohn of Velasco detayned prisoners in Court with other vnlawfull impositions whereuppon the Gouernors gaue order to stay him and Don Iohn of Velasco Whereupon they were commanded to deliuer vnto the King or his Captaines the castles which they held so as the Arch-bishop was constrayned notwithstanding any excuses and allegations of his good seruice to dispossesse himselfe of the castles of Talauera Vzeda and Alcala the old and Iohn of Velasco of that of Arnedo For the Arch-bishops imprisonment there was a generall interdiction in the Diocesses of Zamora Palence Salamanca and in the court Such things past in Castile during the minoritie of the King D. Henry which did much greiue the confederate Princes their allyes to see a young Prince so ill intreated by his ambitious subiects among which the most remarkable were the great Prelates of the realme Among others Charles the sixth the French king did the office of a Christian Prince and friend sending this yeare 1393. a sollemne ambassage to the king of Castile the which came to Toro where as the Court then remayned to condole for the disobedience of his subiects especially of the Noblemen offering the king in their Masters name all ayde and support of the forces of France if he had need The French did also write to euery one of the Gouernors to the chiefe Noblemen of Castile and to the principall townes exhorting them by the duty which they did owe vnto God to the crown of Castile to obey their King and to seeke the peace and quiet of the realme This ambassage was receiued heard and sent backe with great honor as it was fit To draw the Duke of Benauent to the kings seruice the Arch-bishop of S. Iames went to him being at Tordehumes a place belonging to the duke hauing a safe-conduct from D. Alphonso Henriques of Castile son to the deceased D. Frederic Master of S. Iames. This Aarchb wrought in such sort as he reclaymed the duke promising him in the kings name a confirmation of his annuall pension and to giue him 70000. thousand frankes of gold to aduance him to some good marriage so as he would leaue the allyance of Portugal and moreouer the King would pardon him all that was past After which the Duke came to Burgos to the king without any distrust yea he refused a son of D. Iohn Hurtado of Mendoça and one of D. Diego Lopes of Estuniga with the Arch-bishoppes nephew which were offered vnto him for hostages at which his free disposition the king and the whole court did much reioyce Beeing at Burgos the truce concluded with Portugal was proclaymed as it had beene in like manner in Lisbone thither came Ambassadours from the Duke of Lancaster to demand two yeares arrerages of the pension which the deceased king D. Iohn had granted to the sayd Duke and to the Dutchesse D. Constance his wife beeing foure-score thousand Frankes of gold the which was willingly payed and therefore the Duke did quit the interest which hee pretended for want of due payment The King Don Henry growing to the age of fourteene yeares when as hee should take vppon him the gouernement of the Realme Maiority of D. Henry king of Castile being riper of iudgement then of yeares he did anticipate three moneths to free himselfe of his tutors and therefore hauing called the Noblemen and Prelats which did freely frequent the Court with the Deputies of the townes in the presence of D. Domingo Bishop of S. Ponce Legat to Pope Clement hee declared that from thence forth he tooke the gouernement of his realmes into his owne hands wherfore none of them should any more stile themselues Tutors nor meddle with the gouernment vnlesse they were called In this assembly the Legate was a meanes to haue the Arch-bishop of Toledo restored to those places and Castles which had beene before violently taken from him and the interdiction of the three aboue-named Bishopprickes was taken away the king making great submissions There they also treated to reforme many disorders within the Realm by reason that Bishopprickes and other spirituall liuings were giuen to strangers whereas they should be employed to entertaine youth at schoole Orders for the giuing of spiritual â—iuings or to reward men of merit and such as were borne in the Country which was the cause that Spaniards did not studie for want of meanes whereby the Realme was much damnified not onely in spiritual matters but also in temporall The redresse must come chiefly from the Pope who being importuned by such as had bin preferred to benefices and by letters of fauor from forraine Princes decreed that they should enioy them but after their deaths none should be preferred to any benefice in Castile and Leon if he were not borne in the countrie In this businesse the king carried himselfe afterwards as he pleased Beeing free from his Gouernors hee had many waightie affaires especially for the confirmation of the peace made with the Duke of Lancaster and for the truce newly concluded with the king of Portugal there beeing a reseruation in both treaties of a confirmation when he should come to the full age of fourteene yeares And moreouer it did behooue him to send an ambassage into France to renew the League with king Charles the sixth Besides the ordinarie expences in the Gouernours time amounted to fiue and thirtie millions of marauidis then currant mony so as it was needfull to cut off this excessiue charge for these considerations and others he called a generall assembly of the Estates at Madrid Whilest that they assembled he passed into Biscay where hee had not beene since his comming to the Crowne The Companies and commonalties of the countrie at his comming assembled in the field of Arechaalaga according to their vsuall manner
him were holy and just but they complained of the Flemings that were about his person who could make their diligences vaine and get vnto themselues both before the kings comming and after the riches of Spaine without measure so as it was thought the Chancellor Sauuage had gotten for his part in lesse than foure moneths aboue fiue hundred thousand crownes Ropacity of the Flemings and if we will conjecture how monsieur de Cheures and the rest profited we cannot imagine what great summes these thefts amounted vnto Spaniards demaund the Estates The Spaniards seeing the kings comming to be daily delayed the cardinall and the Councell were againe importuned for a generall assemblie of the Estates where they promised not to treat of any thing but to solicite the king to come into Spaine to maintaine the lawes and rights of the countrey to suppresse the couetousnesse of courteors and the ambition of suters for estates and offices else the people did protest that they would send embassadours vnto the king and prouide that the common-weale should take no harme by such meanes as God should put into their hands The cardinall not able with reason to denie their just demaund he appointed an assemblie in the next moneth of September 1517 protracting it of purpose to Autumne beleeuing that about that time the king might arriue in Spaine and in the meane time he prepared a fleet of ships for his voyage the which he sent him posts running continually from Spaine to Flanders and back againe to aduance this comming without the which they saw no meanes to maintaine the realme in peace the cardinall holding and rightly it to be a pernitious thing when as the people hauing cause of grieuance presumesâ—to complaine publikely for when as they haue once lost the reuerence which they owe vnto the superiour there is no more any restraint and popular complaints and quarels are easily receiued and beleeued by such as haue a desire to trouble the State whereof the number is alwayes great in great realmes The place assigned for the assemblie was at Madrid the Viceroyes and the Councels place of residence Many slanderous libels were at that time cast abroad Libels cast abroad euerie man censuring the cardinals actions according to his owne conceits and seeing it was now a time of back-biting and that some one had begun doctor Adrian monsieuer de Cheures Francis Ruis monsieur de Chaux and others were not spared But cardinall Ximenes contemned these things with a manly courage saying That they must leaue this solace to the multitude to moderate their afflictions which they could not otherwise reuenge whereas the Flemings who were not accustomed to this stinging seemed to be much discontented so as it is no wonder if Adrian comming to bee Pope caused the statues of Marforio and Pasquil to be cast into the riuer of Tiber whom they made to carrie the libels that were set vp in Rome whereupon they say that the Spanish embassadour which was then in Rome said vnto him That it was to be feared by this drowning the frogs would presently learne to sing bad songs 3 The cardinall being come to Toledo to visit attending the kings comming his diocesse and the monasteries of Nunnes which he caused to be built as well in that citie as at Illesca being accompanied by doctor Adrian he heard the complaints of the Clergie for that Pope Leo by vertue of the last decree of the Councell of Latran demaunded the tenth of the reuenues of all their benefices vpon colour to defend the Christian religion against Infidels for that Selim Emperour of the Turkes hauing vanquished the Sultan of Aegypt Exactions of Pope Leo hindered by cardinall Ximenes did threaten Christendome and namely Italie Wherefore he not onely sent this yeare into Spaine but into all others regions of Europe whereas the Popes name and authoritie was reuerenced to exact this money for three yeares with many Indulgences and pardons to them that should contribute money willingly and extraordinarily whereof there followed great troubles in Christendome yet with a lightning of the Gospell Cardinall Ximenes whose authoritie was great with the Pope was solicited not onely by the Clergie of Castille but also by that of Arragon where they doe all by an auncient right enjoy great priuiledges and liberties to take this cause in hand and to bee a mediator vnto the Pope that the Clergie of Spaine might not bee made tributarie The cardinall did willingly offer to take vpon him the protection of this order but hee did admonish them not to make any assemblies to that end but when hee should commaund them Clergie of Spain free from the exaction of the tenth penie of their benefices In the meane time hee did manage this businesse so politikely at Rome by the ministerie of Artega his Agent as hee kept Spaine free from this exaction but in case of great necessitie and hauing after the manner of auncient kings called the deputies of the Clergie to the Court at Madrid he gaue them this good newes and attended willingly their resolution which was not to contribute any thing They say that this tenth penie for three yeres was duly leuied in Italie in the territories of the Church and no where else but his Bulls of Indulgences and the preaching of the Croisado was generall 4 There were many great suits in Spaine which through the fraud and tergiuersation of parties and their counsels were delayed and drawne into length the which the cardinall desired to haue determined before the kings comming but he was suspected Wherfore three of the greatest noblemen of Spaine in a manner at one instant as it were conspiring together did greatly crosse him that is the duke of the Infantazgo chiefe of the house of Mendosa D. Frederic of Toledo duke of Alua and the earle of Vregna Giron The duke of the Infantazgo remembred how that the cardinall had hindered the mariage betwixt D. Pedro Gonsales of Mendosa his nephew and D. Ioane of Cisneros the cardinals neece wherefore being incensed against him he thought there was some indirect dealing with his aduerse partie the earle of Castro against whom hee had his suit for the place of Belenna neere vnto Guadalajara by reason whereof he desired to prolong the cause vntill the kings comming of whom hauing obtained letters for his part and the cardinall also for his part others of a contrarie tenour to haue the cause judged by the kings councell in the end the cardinall obtained that which he pretended and a sentence was giuen in fauour of the earle about which time there comming a promoter from Alcala of Henares for the cardinall touching some proceedings at Guadalajara the duke of the Infantazgo caused him to be chased away with cudgels Excesse committed by the duke of Infantazgo threatening to hang this poore petie-fogger if he returned any more saying That he did incroach vpon the jurisdiction of his brother D. Bernardin archdeacon of
ought to be preferred before the course of keeping them in awe may easily appeare by a due consideration of the causes from whence these affections haue their beginning The causes of the peoples loue are justice gracious vsage and fauours all which deserue praise The causes of their feare are grieuances ill vsage and oppression which merit blame Looke what the cause is such is commonly the effect whereby it followes necessarily that as out of loue is drawne a regiment more firme and stable though more moderate so out of feare proceeds a kind of power more absolute in shew but yet lesse durable the like proportion holdes in the peoples hearts for where they loue there is all satisfaction mirth sweet conuersation and dutifull respect but where they feare there is suspition strangenes discontent quarrels melancholie Out of the impressions which feare breeds wee can expect no better fruits than hatred but from that deuotion which loue kindleth assured confidence whereupon we ground the common prouerbe Loue is among kinsfolkes and feare among enemies The parts which beside respect of Religion are required in a Prince for the better gouernment of his estates setling in his subiects hearts a loue and reuerent respect both of his person state are chiefly three Faith Iustice Continencie Faith makes him intire in all his proceedings and a man of his word for without it no man would giue credit either to his practises or promises Continencie makes him to be reuerenced with respect and imitated with commendation it giueth him an excellent aduantage in a large field correcting seuerely the faults of subiects that offend in that degree the which he could not doe without blushing if himselfe were culpable Iustice teacheth a prince how to reward the good and to punish the bad to giue euerie man his due to restraine men by correction that are apt to erre to incourage others by rewards that are desirous to deserue wel besides it makes the princes bloud his honor and his estate secure without which vertue no force is able to keep the subiects faithfully affected to their Soueraigne for it is the propertie of all people when as they neither find reward of good deserts nor punishment of offences to grow first into distrust then into despaire which passions corrupt their mindes hauing once gotten the masterie Wherefore let the due consideration of what is iust and honest bee alwaies preferred in all your princely purposes that being once setled in the subiects hearts that iustice is duely administred they will euer remaine satisfied with your direction especially if besides this fauour they liue in aboundance hauing free traffike to all parts and quietnesse of minde for men toile and trauell during the course of their liues not only for their Princes superiors but for themselues and families Doubtlesse to maintain the people in aboundance of al things necessarie for the preseruation of their liues is not only commendable in a prince but doth worke great effectes in winning the hearts of men the which may bee easily prouided for by a carefull fore-sight of the times of dearth making diligent prouision for necessaries in due time so as the benefitte may wholie redound to the peoples ease and not to the princes gaine by inhaunsing of prices and preferring of priuate benefit before publike content A prince may alwaies hold himselfe rich when as his subjects that liue vnder him are rich for vpon any extremitie he shall bee frankely releeued by their beneolence good vsage setleth their loues and bindeth their deuotions Experience teacheth that fauours of this kind are neuer forgotten that a small consideration in time of need winnes more vnfained loue than greater benefits when there is plentie And that those fauours haue alwaies had deepest impressions in mens gratefull thought which concerne maintenance and the preseruation of life in time of necessitie It is sufficient for a prince in this cause of prouision to take order that hee lose not by the bargaine or if hee desire to gaine something for the releefe of other charges let it bee no more than an honest merchant with a good conscience may gaine for to these bounds may the politike prouision of princes ayme but no farther either in respect of honour or authoritie If a Prince will bee beloued of his people hee must giue them cause to thinke that hee loueth them assuring himselfe that their thākfulnes must grow from his desert their loue from his prouidence their content frō the peace and securitie which they enioy vnder him and that according to the fruits of fauour which the people reape by the Princes policie they frame themselues to liue contentedly vnder the gracious shadow and protection of his princely wings relying vpon his wisdome and carefull gouern ment Otherwise there is no doubt but subiection being in it selfe both burthensome and odious they would soone take some new course to settle their quiet and securitie by some other means freeing themselues from all cause of feare which as I haue said before is lesse durable and lesse secure and therefore lesse pleasing to the state of a Christian Gouernour Let no Prince imagin that with solemne shewes and publike sights alone subiects are delighted and pleased in their own conceits for those things are not acceptable but whē as their minds are satisfied in matters which do import them more Vpon this ground and to the same end I must also aduise you in any case to vse that moderation which is fit in charging the people with tributes or any other kind of impositions for albeit that States cannot bee ruled without some kind of releefe in respect of the manie occasions and excessiue charges wherewith Princes are burthened in times of peace but much more in time of war yet vnto euerie thing there belongs a meane which in all occurrents is the perfect rule of humane actions especially those which any way grieue the subiects hearts considering that euerie princes power is grounded vpon their conformitie to his directions and vniforme assent to serue and honor him wherfore this meane must be sought out with all care being found it must be put in practise with great temperance and worthily preferred before all other courses seeme they neuer so commodious and profitable If the continuall toile of warre hath inforced mee at anie time to holde a heauie hand ouer my subiects in this kinde I protest this course was alwaies against mine owne liking Touching this point of obseruing a conuenient meane in all impositions and taxes you must consider that the reuenues of a prince whether they be publike or priuate are raised two waies the first by augmentation of the old the other by addition of new for vnto these two heads all the inuentions to get money which are put in practise by the princes of our age may bee reduced In like maner the waies by which mony may be drawn from the subiect others are voluntarie
end that if they did not receyue him willingly his title beeing so well grounded he would vse force and therefore they should aduise not to draw themselues their families and the whole Realme into a warre and the miseries which follow it These letters were deliuered to many with good words and presents Lisbon refuseth the King of Spains letters but the cittie of Lisbone would not receiue them and as Christopher de Mora had left them with the Officers of the Cittie they sent them sealed vp vnto their King who was much trobled with this weightie busines and could not resolue any thing that was pleasing to king Philip who threatened him and began to let the Portugals know that he prepared to armes for not meaning to be taken vnprouided at Henries death which could not be long and that this delay should not any way preiudice him in that he pretended to be King of Portugal in despight of all those that would contradict he had drawne into Spaine of Germans Italians and Spaniards of his old regiments of Italy to the number of 18000. foot whom he entertayned many moneths with great charge and hinderance to his subiects in Andalusia and other places nere to Portugall which they could not coniecture to be to any other end but to inuade that realme where they sayd openly that armes and force were his best title for he had no right vnto it He among all the pretendants which did most trouble him and the King Don Henry also was Don Antonio Prior of Crato who was very well beloued of the people and of many of the Nobilitie The King was so incensed against him as he gaue commandement he should not be heard and taking vppon him to re-examine his cause of Legitimation he sought to dissolue the sentence which was giuen by Emanuell d' Almada Bishop of Angra appoynted Iudge by the Pope whereof Pope Gregorie the 13. beeing aduertised he retayned the knowledge of the cause to himselfe yet Don Henry either mooued by his owne passion or prest by the Castillans declared this sentence to be voyd by his owne authoritie without forme of law or solemnitie of iustice but Conestagio in the Historie of Portugall writes that King Henry had obtayned a Breefe secretly from the Pope Sentence of D. Antonio's legitimation disanulled by the which he gaue him authoritie to iudge the cause of legitimation absolutely without any forme of Processe and that of foure witnesses two confessed that they had beene suborned by Don Antonio and that the other two were suspected as his neere allies and disagreeing betwixt themselues and that Lewis his father tearmed him Bastard in his last will whereuppon hee declared Don Antonio illegitimate imposing him perpetual silence touching the pretended marriage and legitimation sending a Sergeant to Crato to seaze vpon the Prior but hee found him not This he writes But were it true or false the King leauing the qualitie of a Iudge commanded Don Antonio of his royall authoritie not to come within thirtie leagues of the Court. Then his indignation increasing he banished him the Realme depriued him of all pensions priuiledges and fauours which he had receyued of precedent kings seeking by all meanes to haue him apprehended and to put him into some streight prison yet Don Antonio went not out of the Realme but retired to some of his friends or to some Monasteries vppon the fronter neither did he forbeare to come and sollicite the Iudges with the which the king was dayly incensed Being prest by the importunities of king Philips Ambassadors terrified by his preparation to armes and perswaded by his Confessor father Lyon Henrique he did adhere wholy vnto him and there was then no difficultie but to find meanes to name him and to get the consent of the Estates and therefore he propounded a kind of accord betwixt the Realme and king Philip the which shold be treated by his means in an assembly of the Estates the which he called to that end But the king of Castile would not put his right to Compromise and detested this Assembly of the Estates K Henry falles sicke aduertising king Henry that he should not treate of this businesse with them vnited in one bodie but particularly with the chiefe of the Clergie the Nobilitie and the townes In the meane time the king D. Henry found himselfe ill so as being taken with great faintings which held him long the Councel which was about him and the Deputies assembled in the towne of Almerin whither they were retired by reason of the plague which was very violent in Lisbon and in a manner in all the other townes of the Realme thinking that he would neuer recouer it they presumed to open the boxe wherein was the lyst of such as he had chosen to be Gouernors of the Realme and to proceede to the nomination of a Successor in case he had not done it where they found Gouernors of Portugal that of the fifteene that were contayned in the rowle he had chosen George d' Almada Arch-bishop of Lisbon Francis de Sada Lord Chamberlain Iohn Tello Iohn Mascaregnas and Diego Lope de Sosa President in the Councell of Iustice at Lisbon The king was somewhat recouered but knowing that he drew neere his end employing the remainder of his daies in the care of his soule and leauing this businesse with others imperfect An. 1580. he dyed the last of Ianuary 1580. hauing held the royall seate as the Castillans sayd seuenteene moneths and some dayes Death of King Henry beeing 68. years old for he dyed in the same moneth and on the same day that he was borne This was the last king of Portugall in whom ended the direct masculine line And as the first Lord of Portugall though with the title of an Earle was called Henry euen so was the last Life of King Henry He was of a thinne bodie low of stature and leane of his visage hee had an indifferent good wit and was endowed besides the Latine toung with some knowledge He was alwaies held to be chast and did neuer blemish that angelicall vertue but with the desire of marriage in his latter dayes He was accompted sparing giuing rather then denying for he refused seldome but he gaue sparingly he was ambitious of all Iurisdiction as well ecclesiasticall as ciuill zealous in religion but more seuere then was fit in the reformation of Clergi-men He was Bishop Gouernor of the Realme Inquisitour Maior Cardinall Apostolicke Legate and King But the greater he grew in dignitie the more he discouered his incapacitie and weaknesse suffering himselfe in greatest affaires to be ouer-ruled by his ministers not able to determine the cause of the succession Hee was very obstinate in his opinions neuer forgetting any wrongs so as iustice was in him but an vniust execution of his passions and therefore a religious man whome hee had prest to take vppon him a most strict course of life sayd vnto him that hee
for the warre for hee taught how to make breast-plates and other furniture for the defence of the bodie and some beleeue that he had the art to make that infernall pouder which they vse for artillerie For these inuentions wherein he was very expert Gunpouder an auncient inuention he was celebrated by the Poets as the sonne of Vulcan the god of Forges Palatuus after that he had long sued in vaine to princes and townes whereas hee expected some succours to recouer his estate hee resolued in the end to returne into Spaine and to obserue if the inconstancie of humane things had not prepared him some meanes to recouer his dignitie and to chase away his enemie whereas he arriued so happily as the Spaniards whether mooued with pitie of his calamitie or wearie of the others commaund they receiued Palatuus and gaue him men and meanes to recouer his kingdome So Cacus being dispossessed of that which he had held fled into Italie where they say that Hercules the Grecian slew him whereof we will make mention although that the author thereof doe not agree well vpon this point There Cacus bred discord betwixt all the people and townes of Italie by his lend practises Palatuus being dead the Tyrians of Phoenicia who had now learned the way to Spaine came with their king Erythree Erythree and good store of ships who giuing them to vnderstand That he had beene commaunded by the Oracle to come and build a Temple to Hercules Libique in the Island of Tartesse that is Calis they were not onely receiued but Erythree was also chosen king of that part of Spaine who built a stately Temple in the Island to Hercules changing the name thereof Gadir called Erythree and causing it to be called Erythree or else renewed that name which it might haue had from the sister of Oris aboue mentioned or of the Erythreans of the East who followed Hercules Orus which had dwelt there To this Temple which some hold was built vpon the maine land where at this present Medina Sydonia stands was due the tenths of all the thefts and spoyles of the West by a perpetuall decree the which was long obserued Of this king Erythree there is nothing more spoken to whom they giue for successour Gargoris Gargoris a Spaniard he taught the people the vse of honey and was therefore called Mielle The chiefe force of this kings estate and others his predecessors were the Curetes a brutish and sauage people dwelling in the forrests of Tartesse which contained a great part of the Ocean shore from the holy Promontorie or Cape S. Vincent vnto the Island of Erythree In his time Hercules the Grecian Hercules the Grecian sonne to Alcmena passed into Spaine to whom the Greek Poets and others that haue followed them did attribute such prowesse but falsely for this Hercules was but an insolent man yet well beloued of the Grecian princes by reason of his boldnesse and his strength of bodie fit to rob and steale Theeues countenanced by princes in old time whereunto the nobilitie of that age was commonly addicted The wealth of Spaine which was so much spoken of in Greece and Asia made him affect this voyage after the first Trojan warre against Laomedon Hauing then gathered together all the pyrats and theeues he could as well in Europe as in Asia hee set sayle and coasting along Italie he landed in the place of Tuscane which since hath beene called Port Hercules From thence he arriued in Sardinia where he found some few inhabitants where he left one Sardus with some of the idle multitude that was in his armie Of this Sardus Sardinia tooke the name Before he passed on he made a great sacrifice vnto the gods in a little Island betwixt Corsica and Sardinia the which for that cause doth still retaine the name of Isle Hercules Baleares called Gymnasies Then he directed his course towards the Islands of Baleares then called Gymnasies whereas the inhabitants made some weake resistance with their slings in the least of which Islands he dedicated a Temple to Ianus whereas since the towne of Ciuitella was built Then continuing his voyage he toucht the Islands of Pituyses and gaue the name of Ebusa to the greater In the end he arriued vpon the maine of Spaine whereas Dianaes Temple was built the which he enriched with gifts and did reuerence with sacrifices for his prosperous voyage and for that Diana was held to be the goddesse which had care of trauellers Then sayling along the coast hee came through the strait into the Ocean and to the Island of Erythree where he landed his armie vpon the firme land and stayed there some few dayes to refresh his men he in the meane time honouring his Temple whose name he carried and did challenge his acts busied himselfe in making of playes and sacrifices Hearing then that the Curetes and other Spaniards had put themselues in armes to fight with him he went to meet them gaue them battaile and did easily defeat them repulsing them into their forrests Hercules defeats the Curetes out of the which they durst not fally like enemies This combat is supposed by the Poets for that of the Titanes against their gods faining that the Herculeans were gods and the Curetes and Spaniards the Titanes After this victorie the whole countrey was at Hercules deuotion who imitating the auncient Hercules of Lybia planted pillars in the straits the one in Europe the other in Affricke enlarged the towne which was in the Island of Erythree and left many Tyrians and Sydonians which had followed him there and it may be it then tooke the name of Gadir or Gades which in the Phenician tongue signifieth a Terme or Limit and tearming himselfe a god would haue all diuine honours done vnto him And some hold That it was he which made a law to pay the tenth of the enemies spoyle and to offer them to Hercules Temple at the least he did exact it being in Spaine that he might haue part of other mens spoyles and know the greatest theeues This done he marched towards the Pyrenee mountaines spoyling the coast vpon the Mediterranean sea and drawing after him a great traine of all nations which came at the bruit and fame of this great theefe and the treasures of Spaine He passed into Gaule and from thence into Italie polluting all good families where he passed as hee had beene accustomed to doe all his life time The cause of his suddaine departure was the news he heard of the great preparation which the Grecian princes made to warre against the Trojans for the rape of Hellen whither he was inuited by his friend Telamon of Salamine Thus was Spaine in a short time beaten and deliuered from a great scourge Of this Hercules the Poets haue fained all that is written of the conquests prowesse and trauels of many other Hercules more auncient and better men than he he was a Grecian but
and it was time to preach to them when as suddenly there was seene a strange alteration throughout all the Romane campe Their mourning was conuerted into furie euerie man fell to his armes and they cried out that they should bring them to the enemie They sally forth of their gates The Carthaginians proud of their great victorie are defeated by the Romans and with great courage receiue the Carthaginians who came disordred and in a manner contemning them whom they had alreadie vanquished This resolution of the Romanes amazed them wondering at the number and order of these men who had gathered them together or what captains they had remaining after the death of the two Scipioes But in the end they were forced to flie and were hotly pursued that day vntill that Martius thinking the souldious did abandon themselues too much L. Martius restraines the furie of the Romans caused a retreat to be sounded and himselfe standing before their ensignes stayed their rashnesse which might haue drawne them into some disorder and so desiring nothing but reuenge and bloud hee brought them backe to the campe The Carthaginians being thus roughly repulsed from the Romane trenches seeing they were no more pursued they presumed it had beene feare and therefore they retired softly and without care Being in their campe they vsed the like negligence in their gards and watches for notwithstanding they did see the enemie neere them yet they did esteeme them to be but the reliques of two armies which they had beaten and defeated some few dayes before Martius being aduertised by good spies what was done in the enemies campe hee vndertooke rather a rash than hardy attempt but the issue was fortunat Knowing that he had the armie of Asdrubal Gisgo now in front the which was followed by the two others hee thought it lesse daunger to aduenture to fight with that alone than to attend and bee beaten by all three together If he vanquished he should restore their affaires which were almost ruined and if he were beaten at the least he should haue the honour to bee the assailant Hauing therefore assembled the captaines centeniers and chiefe souldiors he deliuered vnto them the pitifull estate of their affaires and how that for the honour and reputation of their countrey for the loue they bare to the deceased Scipioes and for the interest of their owne liues they were to carrie themselues valiantly and couragiously against their cruell enemies which pursued them whose negligence and contempt did inuite them to goe and assaile them and did promise them a certaine and easie victorie especially if they made hast before all their forces were vnited the which afterwards they could not withstand concluding that there was no other meanes to make warre than to issue forth the next night and to goe and force the Carthaginians in their trenches He found the souldiours well disposed at this motion wherefore he commaunded them to prepare their armes and to be readie to depart when he should commaund The ouer great boldnesse of Martius which proued sucâ—esfull by the enemies negligence The Carthaginian armie made two lodgings about a league and a halfe one from the other betwixt both was a great valley couered with trees In this forest was an ambush of Romane souldiours layed with some horsemen to stop the passage for such as would runne from one campe to the other the rest of the Romane armie was led with great silence against the enemies where finding neither gards nor sentinels nor any thing else to stop their passage they entred farre as if they had beene within their owne campe then suddenly the trumpets sounded and making great cries they fell to the execution killing all they met without mercie and setting fire of the enemies lodgings and tents but aboue all they seised vpon the ports and issues that not any one might escape The amazement fire cries and slaughter did so trouble the Carthaginians as they could not heare one another nor giue any order for any thing They found themselues among troupes of armed men thinking to flie they were slaine at the gates if any leapt ouer the rampars they fell into the ambushes so as the enemies which were in the other lodging could haue no intelligence of this surprise but by death which was presented vnto them at the Romanes comming who with great celeritie boyling with furie and implacable desire of reuenge came thither and there found greater negligence than they had done in the first campe For these were farther retyred from the enemie and vpon the breake of day many were gone forth for forrage and wood There were armes at the ports but no souldiours some here some there some asleepe and some walking in their gownes in the trenches The Romans fell vpon these carelesse people hauing no resistance made at the ports they entred within the campe and in the middest thereof began a bloudie fight the enemies running from all parts at the first crie and tumult striuing vertuously to repulse the Romanes Which conflict was likely to continue long but when as the Carthaginians discouered their enemies targuets all polluted with bloud they fainted hauing thereby an assured argument of the defeat of their companions A great defeat of the Carthaginians This feare put them in rout and to a miserable flight euerie one sauing himselfe where he found any way open to escape and abandoning the campe So in one night and the day following there were two campes taken vnder the conduct of L. Martius The number of the dead according vnto some was seuen and thirtie thousand and aboue eight hundred prisoners The spoyle was verie rich and among other things there was found a great targuet of siluer weighing one hundred thirtie and eight pounds on the which was grauen the picture of Asdrubal Barca A targuet of siluer a monument of Martius victorie the which was afterwards set in the temple of the Capitoll and it was called Martius targuet remaining for a memorie of the victorie which hee had gotten against the Carthaginians where it continued vntill the Capitoll was burnt This action restored the Romans power and authoritie in Spaine and was the cause that some time was spent without any enterprises of either side either fearing to hazard any thing after so great losses 10 These diuers and contrarie accidents teach vs how little wee should relye vpon the euents of war and that it is not in the power of man to maintaine himselfe one day wherefore if modestie be necessarie in humane things yea in greatest prosperitie and to beare a respect to the diuine power presuming little vpon our owne judgements wisedomes happinesse and fame it is chiefely in the conduct of warre There wanted no qualities in the two Scipioes to make them great and famous captaines yet they tooke bad counsell both together and diuided and ruined themselues by their ouerweening and by too much attempting at one instant The Carthaginians by the victorie
disobedient perjured and enemies both in word and deed hauing followed men that were not well borne nor esteemed for any vertue but rascals to whom they had giuen full power and commaund ouer them such as Atrius Vmber and Calenus Albius I do not thinke that you haue all runne willingly into this furie Scipio makes a notable inuectiue against the seditious souldiors but that some were the motiues and beginners and the rest were infected by their acquaintance as with the plague when I consider that the brute of my death hath beene receiued beleeued and hoped for among my souldiours who haue so carried my selfe as I need not feare that any one in Spaine the Carthaginians being chased away should hate my life no not our enemies themselues I beleeue then that our whole armie is not so ill affected but if it were so I would willingly dye here in your presence I beleeue rather that this mischiefe hath proceeded from the malice of some few But I will forbeare to speake of my selfe and suppose you haue my name in detestation and disdaine my commaund thinke of your offences and consider how great they are against your countrey your parents and children against the gods witnesses of your oathes and promises against your commaunders and captaines against all order and martiall discipline and against the manners of your auncestors What offence had your countrey done you that you should take armes against it and betray it in conferring your counsels with Mandonius and Indibilis What had the commonweale of Rome committed whose maiestie you haue troden vnder foot wresting the authoritie out of the Tribunes hands who were created by the peoples voyces to giue it vnto priuat men and not content to haue them for Tribunes you haue giuen them the markes of a Generall to them I say who neuer yet commaunded ouer a poore slaue Albius and Atrius haue beene lodged in the Generals tent by you Romanes the trumpet hath sounded before them they haue giuen you the word they haue set in the Proconsull Scipioes chayre they haue had an officer to make place when as they had the rods and axes carried before them What more monstrous and detestable crimes can you imagine the which in trueth cannot bee purged but by the bloud of such as haue committed them But what frenzie made you presume being but eight thousand men better without doubt than Albius and Atrius to whom you haue subiected your selues to be able to take the prouince of Spaine from the Romanes by force I being dead or aliue the rest of the Romane forces being safe with the which I haue in one day taken new Carthage by assault defeated foure great captaines and chased foure Carthaginian armies out of Spaine Thinke you that the greatnesse and strength of the Romane commonweale consists in the life or death of any captaine whatsoeuer What am I more than Flaminius Paulus Gracchus Posthumus Albinus M. Marcellus T. Crispinus C. Fuluius the two of our house and so many other braue and valiant captaines which haue died in this warre and yet the people of Rome stand firme and would still although there should dye a thousand more either by sword or sicknesse much lesse can the Romane state shrinke or decay by my death After that my father and vncle who were your captaines had beene slaine in these countries you your selues did chuse L. Septimius Martius to bee your head against the pride and insolencie of the Carthaginians I speake of him as if Spaine wanted other captaines M. Syllanus is not he here also with equall authoritie to myselfe L. Scipio my brother and C. Lelius lieutenants are not they here also Would not these men haue maintained and defended the maiestie of the Romane Empire What comparison can you make betwixt the armies the commaunders and the causes And admit you had all aduantages should you therefore take armes against your countrey and fellow citizens renounce the countrey which hath bred you with your wiues and children to adhere vnto the enemie and to chuse your abode at Succron And what was the reason for that your pay was a little protracted by reason of your Generals sickenesse O worthie cause to make you violate all diuine and humane lawes O Romanes you haue wonderfully erred beleeue me you haue lost all reason and iudgement and the infirmitie of your minds hath beene worse than that which afflicted my bodie My words seeme sharpe vnto you but your actions haue beene farre more sharpe which if you repent I desire there should bee no more mention made of them but remaine buried in forgetfulnesse holding the repentance of such detestable acts to bee a sufficient chastisement for as much as concernes you all in generall But as for Albius Calenus Atrius Vmber and others which haue beene the authors of this wicked sedition they shall expiate their follies with their bloud the which should not be displeasing vnto you but rather desired and applauded seeing they sought to ruine you and haue offended none more than you In this manner Scipio spake vnto the seditious souldiours and presently execution was done of these fiue and thirtie men with horrour and great feare to all the rest of the offendors For the armed souldiours which stood about the assembly began to beat their targuets the names of them that were condemned were openly pronounced by the crier The punishmâ—â— of the chiefe offendors they were drawne naked tied to posts vnto the place beaten and torne with rods and then beheaded all the assistants being so amazed with feare as there was not a sigh heard among them The bodies being carried away and the place cleansed after the accustomed manner Scipio made the souldiours to take a new oathe and they were paied what was due vnto them calling them by name one after another This was the end of the mutinie and sedition made at Succron vertuously and yet mildly chastised by Scipio Sedition is a mischiefe which doth much import estates considering the qualitie of the crime which was of such consequence for great estates as many haue not spared innocents themselues to terrifie others At the same time Hanno had bin sent by Mago to the mouth of Betis which is now Guadalquiber with a small number of Africanes who gathered together some 4000 men vpon those marches but he was charged by L. Martius and forced in his campe and most of his souldiors slain some at the assault of his rampars and the rest in the field being pursued by the horsemen as they fled and he with a small number saued himselfe Whilest this was doing about that riuer Lelius arriued with his sea armie at Carteia hauing past the strait at the entrie whereof this towne is situated in the Ocean The practise of the Gaditans discouered and supprest The Romanes thought they should haue meanes to surprise the towne of Gadiz by intelligence as they had contriued it with some of the inhabitants but this
at Constantinople and a little before there had risen many seditions in Syria and Aegypt during the which Mahumet had plotted his designs and had made himselfe famous among the seditious And moreouer certain mercinarie bands of Arabian Scenits being cast and sent away with injuries by the Commissaries of Heraclius the Emperor he drew them vnto him and with these forces in a short time seized vpon a great part of Arabia namely of the townes of Mecque and Itrarip the place of his birth The Arabians begin the account of their yeares at 617. the which was afterwards called Medinath-Al-Nabi that is to say the city of the great Prophet and from the day that place was taken in the yeare 617 the Arabians and sectaries of Mahumet account their yeares as we do ours from the Natiuitie of our Lord Iesus Christ. Others say That Medina or Almedina was another rich towne inhabited by rich Iewes whereof Mahumet gaue the spoyle to his souldiors abhorring it aboue all other sects for it seemed more opposit to his doctrine than any other yet it is most certain that he vsed Iewes to compound his doctrine And vpon a defeat which the Persians had by the Romanes in those times he tooke occasion to inuade Syria and seized vpon the countrey about Damas and then tried to extend his limits all he could employing in the end of his dayes his Lieutenants to make his conquests whilst that he rested at Mecque which was in the beginning the seat of his Empire In his later daies he made foure captaines the which he called the cutting swords of God the common sort tearmed them Amiraux Amiraux the which were Ebubezer whom some call Vbequar others Bubacus or Eubocara then Homar Ozmen and Aly. This last was son to Salutaleby Mahumets vncle Ebubezer was his father in law for Mahumet had many wiues and Ebubezers daughter was called Aixa or Aissa This monster hauing reigned about ten yeares hee died at Medinath Al-Nabi Death of Mahumet in the house of this Ebubezer of poyson as some say for hauing published among other articles That he should rise againe within three dayes after his decease one of his disciples impatient to attend and curious to see the experience of his doctrine poysoned him secretly and some say That he kept him 12 daies and in the end seeing that he was dead and his bodie so corrupted and stinking as no man could endure it this disciple being forced to retire by reason of the abominable smel of carrion and returning soone after he found the dogs had torne it in pieces wherefore hee gathered the bones together the which were put in a coffin of yron and in time caused a chappell to be built vaulted with adamant stone so as the cofer being put into it the vertue of the stone drew it vp into the ayre where it did hang which seemed miraculous vnto the ignorant yet such as haue trauelled into those countries in our time say there is no such thing now to be seene He had one son called Cacin Cacin Mahumets sonne Fatima and Zeineb his daughters who died before him and many daughters wherof Fatima is famous among the Arabians as the stemme of the royall race of Aben-Alabecy was wife to Aly according to the most certaine Zeineb also another of Mahumets daughters wife to Ozmen or as some say to Muhauias it may be to both successiuely is honoured by this nation and Muhauias her husband as the beginning of another royall familie called Aben-Humeya There is mention made of Imicultin and of Nephissa daughters or neere kinswomen to this false Prophet The sepulchre of the last was found in Caire by Sultan Selym Emperour of the Turkes in our fathers time and in it aboue the value of 500000 duckats in gold coyned with much other treasure which was giuen and carried thither for almes Mahumet had decreed That Aly his cousin german and sonne in law one of the abouenamed Amiraux should succeed him in the realme established by him but Ebubezer his father in law who was rich and mightie and had Ozmen and Homar on his side brake this ordinance for he pretended that Mahumet had gotten a great part of that which he enjoyed at his death by his means credit wealth seeing that he died in his house it was reason he should be his heire Ozmen and Homar were nothing discontented for hauing also a desire to reigne they were more willing the crowne should come to Ebubezer who they did confidently beleeue would soone die by reason of his age than vnto Aly who was yong and in the prime of his age Ebubezer therfore reigned Ebubezer Caliph or High Priest of the Arabians in the 11 yeare was created High Priest of the Arabians otherwise called Sarasins as in the time of the Christian Emperors of the East who did willingly entertaine this nation they were commonly called The name comes of the country Saracena in Arabia foelix or the happie in which region according to the same author was the towne of Saraca but farre off from these other people Sarasins why so called Howsoeuer it be it seemeth this name comes from Sara Abrahams wife notwithstanding they auow themselues to be descended from Ismael the son of Agar but they take no pleasure she should be termed a chambermaid Hauing reigned 3 yeares he died not without suspition of poyson after which time these princes entitled themselues Caliphs that is to say Gouernors Rectors and soueraigne Princes properly heires and successors After Ebubezer Homar held the scepter ouer the Arabians Homar Caliph the 14 yeare of the Arabians being sometimes called Haumar sometimes Humar Hemer Homer by writers to whom is attributed the taking of the towne of Bozra the chiefe of Arabia of Damas and of Ierusalem and in the end of all Phenicia Syria Mesopotamia and Aegypt And hauing vanquished Orismada or Horsmida King of Persia in battaile he seized vpon that great and mightie kingdome to whose succour then came the Turks from the Caspian ports and straits but in vaine so as the name of the Persians was then extinguished and they were all called Sarasins He was suspected to be a Christian for his father Catah was a friend and benefactor to the Christians whom he drew to Ierusalem and for that cause built the temple which remaines vnto this day with other shewes of superstition Homer being in this esteeme with his people he was slaine by a seruant of his a Persian called Amigira making his prayers vnto God This prince was hardie and warlike and did effect great matters he raigned ten yeares He died in the yeare of Christ 641 and the 24 of the Arabians raigne Ozmen or Hotman Asman and Autumar Ozmen the 4 Caliph the 24 yeare of the Arabians for this diuersitie of names are found in authors sonne in law to Mahumet for they hold that he was maried to two of his daughters wherof it may
other places passing vnto Tarrassone and then hee returned by Medina Celi ruining the forts and watch-towers which the Moores had built in those countries the which he did with lesse difficulty for that the Moores estate was in great confusion by reason of the seditions and tiranies which were practised amongst them An. 1047. They write that this Prince did also that yeere which was 1047 chase the Moores out of the mountaines of Ora and Ouan Sometime after continuing the warre against the Mahumetists hee past the mountaines with his army into the realme of Toledo he spoiled the country about Talamanca and Vzeda whereas the riuer of Henares passeth to Alcala and Guadalajara he entred the territory of Madrid and made such a general spoile of townes and people as the King of Toledo a Moore called Aly Maymon was aduised to pacifie him by presents yea to promise him tribute the which hee did sending home D. Fernand rich with gold and siluer and of all other spoiles into his countries of Leon and Castille This King Aly Maymon was the ninth of those which had rained at Toledo of the royall race of Aben Humeya Moores sonne to King Hizen and grand-child to Hayran Hee had one sonne amongst others carrying his grand-fathers name Hizen and one daughter called Casilda who was a Christian as you shall heare At that time there dwelt many Musarabes in Toledo whoÌ„ God left not vnfurnished of Pastors among the which Archiques the Arch-deacon is famous Arts florished among the Arabians in Spaine who incouraged the Christians of that city and instructed them in the grounds of their faith arts and liberal sciences were in like manner maintained and honored among the Arabians and in those daies their liued many learned men of that nation whereof the most renouned were Haly Albuacem and Aly Aben Ragel very learned in Astrology The occasion which drew the Princesse Calside to the Christian religion is thus related by the authors of the Spanish History She fel say they very sicke of a bloudy flix for whose recouery her father had in vaine imployed the skill of all the Arabian Phisitians and others that were expert in that faculty but in the end shee had a reuelation that if shee did wash her selfe in the waters of Saint Vincents Lake which is in the territory of Bureua nere vnto Biruiesca she should be cured Casâ—de a Princesse of the Moores baptized the which shee presently declared to the King her father who was very well pleased and hauing written to the King D. Fernand hee sent this Virgin well attended vnto him and presently set many Christian slaues at liberty vpon this occasion D. Fernand entertained her with great honor caused her to bee furnished with al things nenessary Being bathed in those waters she recouered her health wherevpon the Spaniards say she would returne no more to Toledo but caused her selfe to be baptized and built an Oratory with a little chamber vpon the Lake where shee made her aboad and there spent the remainder of her daies in praiers and other religious exercises and was there buried after her decease But the same author said that being at Toleda before she came into Castille she was full of charity and compassion to Christian captiues to whom she gaue great almes which was a signe that there were in her some good seeds of better instruction the which by the recouery of her health was confirmed There was also an other Prince of the Moores called Alay Maymon not he which was King of Toledo against whom D. Garcia King of Nauarre had a sharpe incounter at Ricorbasesca where the Moore was vanquished and slaine These Christian Kings Nauarre ambitious and treacherous one against an other not sparing their owne bloud thought to expiate all their offences in building of Churches and indowing them with great reuenues in enuy one of an other with this opinion D. Garcia gaue many guifts and granted many preuiledges to the Church of Saint Mary the Royal of Nageâ—a Donations to Churches which hee had caused to be built for his funerall declaring that these guifts were for the health of his soule of his fathers of the Queene his wiues and of his children with the approbation of the chiefe noblemen of his Realme which donations and preuiledges hee ment should continue vnto the end of the world vpon a penaltie to him that should breake them of a thousand tallents to bee applied to the Monasterie In these termes they are exprest in the letters which are found in the sayd Monasterie dated in the yeere of our Lord 1052. and seene by Garibay By the like perswasion Castiâ—le D. Fernand King of Castille built the Church of Saint Isidore in the city of Leon. And to make that place of more authority hee resolued to get his body which hee thought was yet in the city of Seuile where he had beene Bishop for this cause hee proclaimed warre Exploits of D. Fernand and the Moores against Almuncamus called by others Benabet Aben Amet who at that time was King there wasting and spoyling his country on this side the riuer of Guadiana towards Portugal where hee tooke the towne of Montmaior and pursuing his enemy he forst him to the like conditions as hee had done Aly Maymon King of Toledo and besides hee made him to deliuer Saint Ifidores bodie or some-thing in steed thereof the which was receiued by D. Auito Bishop of Leon and D. Ordogno Bishop of Astorga which relicke hee caused to bee carried to Leon. This King D. Fernand at the sute of his subiects of the Kingdome of Leon caused the towne of Zamora to bee new built which had remayned a heape of stones since the raigne of D. Ramir the third 1054. D. Garcia King of Nauarre did in like manner build the towne of Peralta Detention of D. Garcia King of Nauarre in Castille and other workes And to returne to the hatred which continued betwixt these two brethren it burst forth in the yeere 1054. so as the King D. Fernand beeing falne sicke at Burgos he requited D. Garcia in the like manner for D. Garcia being come vnto him to visit him and to take from him all suspition that hee had attempted against him he was seazed on and caried prisoner vnto Cea D. Garcia Nauarre wrought in such sort with good words and money as his gard suffred him to escape and so being full of wrath and indignation he returned into Nauarre where hee leuied a mighty army of his subiects of Gascons and of Moores allies or mercenaries the which he led by the mountaines of Oca vnto Atapuerca within foure leagues of Burgos VVarres betwixt Nauarre and Castille whereof the King D. Fernand being aduertised he had raysed great troupes in Castille Leon and Asturia to resist him Yet before they came to ioyne in battaile hee did sollicit the King D. Garcia by many messengers to retire intreating
of Nauarre at this daie but the chiefe acts of religion done by him and other Princes in his time were to indow churches for the Monasteries Colledges and Bishoprickes of Spaine haue thousands of preuiledges donations and exemptions granted vnto them There is mention made of a councell assembled in the towne of Parcelone at the pursute of D. Raymond Berenger Cattelogne the elder and at the request of D. Almodia his wife whereas Cardinal Hugnes Legatto Pope Alexander the second or Gregory the seuenth did praecede for the certaine time is not set down but it is only said that it was celebrated about the yeere 1071. Acouncel at Barcelone there it was decreed that Clergy men should liue chastly for that as the History saies many of them were married according to the introduction of King Vitiza the Goth and after the example of the Arragonois the seruice of the Musarabes was left and the Romaine of Saint Gregory receiued in Cattalogne In the same councel they treated of secular affaires as of the gouernment of the country of Cattelogne of the Earles house of the Estate of the Nobles of their names and titles distinguished by this Earle into Viconts Barons and Vauasseurs and such like During the assembly of this councel D. Pedro Raymond The Countesse Almodie of Barcelone poysoned by her sonne in law eldest sonne vnto the Earle D. Raymond Berenger poisoned D. Almodia his mother in law fearing that shee should labour to depriue him of his fathers succession to aduance her owne children wherevpon hee was iustly disinherited thus the wicked reaped what hee feared In the same country died D. Armingol Earle of Vrgel in the yeere of our Lord 1075. to whom his sonne succeeded carrying the same name and the yeere following 1076. died the Earle D. Raymond Berenger the elder hauing gouerned in the county of Barcellone longer then any of his Predecessors that is one and fortie yeeres Hee diuided his Earledome betwixt his two sonnes D. Raymond Berenger and D. Berenger Raymond to the great hindrance of the commonweale giuing moreouer vnto D. Raymond Berenger the Earldome of Carcassone By this Earle D. Raymond the customary lawes were ordained taken out of the volume of the old Gothique lawes amended and reformed 8. Arabians The diuisions of the Moores in Spaine aboue mentioned doe admonish vs to speake some thing of the turbulent Estate of the Arabians in the East and in like manner of them of Maroc which was the cause of a great alteration in Spaine Returning then to the Caliphe Maruan Seditioâ—s reuoltes and vsurpations among the Arabian Princes who was in armes against Salin the sonne of Asmulin who had seized vpon the Regions of Persia and Syria wee say that by the defeat of Maruan and his death Egipt was also conquered by Salin so as all that which the Arabians held in the East did obey Asmulin and Cataban his companion and councellor They beeing dead Abubalan surnamed Muamat was Caliphe of Persia and Syria and Salin the sonne of Asmulin kept Egypt to himselfe and gaue the beginning to a soueraigne seat in that country the which hee established at Caire causing himselfe to bee called Caliphe Against Abubalan did rise many enemies in Syria and Arabia of the faction of Maruan whom they did beleeue was yet liuing so as there died great numbers of that nation in diuers incounters After the death of Abubalan his brother Abdala succeeded in the Easterne Empire of Sarrazins or Arabians but an other of the same name aspiring to that dignity slue him and held the throne about the yeere 756. at which time there were great troups of Turkes beganne to disperse themselues ouer all Armenia the which did ouerrunne and spoile the Sarrazins country who incountred them in diuers sharpe and bloudie battailes After this Abdala who raigned about some twentie yeeres his sonne Madi Amadi was Caliphe who held the Royall seate nine yeeres and Moyse his sonne succeeded him who liued but two yeeres and left the place and dignitie to Aaron Caliphe who they write was very iust and charitable to Christians and had sought the friendship of Charles the Great King of France of Alphonso the Chast raigning in Spaine and of other Christian Princes of his time to whom hee sent Ambassadors and presents and they to him Hauing raigned three and twenty yeers he left after his death the dignity of Caliphe in question betwixt his two children Muamat and Abdala who after great effusion of bloud agreed to raigne with equall title and authority Muamat transported the seat of his Empire to Bagadat a towne built by him neere vnto old Babylon and would reside no more at Damas. At that time the Empire of the Arrabians and Sarrazins was diuided into foure great Potentats Foure great Potentats of Mahumets sect in Asia and Affrike wherof that of the East and of Bagadat retained the title of Caliphe which signifies King or ruler That of Egipt called himselfe Sultan which is as much to say as Emperour At Cairon a great and mighty towne built within the country of Affricke in the time of Oxmen some fiue and twenty leagues distant from Tunis raigned an other Caliphe and at Maroc which Estate was come to them of the family of Aben Alabeci raigned a Miralmumin from which great Potentats did afterwards grow the Kingdomes of Fez Alger Tunes and others After Mahumad raigned Imprael who left the Empire of the East to his sonne Mamum who held it with great reputation but after him the Sarrazins power began to decline in the East by their continuall seditions and ciuill dissentions whereby the Turkes had meanes to settle a Monarchie the which beganne about the yeere of Christ one thousand being called by Mahumet Prince or Gouernor of Persia who made warre against the Caliphe of Bagadat in which they serued him but falling afterwards to quarrel with him they defeated him and seized vpon Persia where they did choose for their first King their General Tangrolipix and sence partly by force and and partly by an accord they dele so with the Sarrazins as their power declyning the name and Empire of the Turkes hath continued to firme and mighty vnto our daies The Miralmumins of Maroc being farre from these tempests of the East maintained their dignity in their race and nation but not without the like furies and inraged appetites of rule so as hauing beene held many yeeres by them of the linage of Aben Alabeci they were set vpon and subdued by an other race of Princes Moores called Almorauides whereof Ioseph Aben-Tefin was the chiefe who made himselfe Monarke in Affrike ouer all the Kings and Potentats which did raigne there about the yeere 1068. and extended his power into Spaine as we will shew D. Alphonso the sixth of that name the third King of Castille and fiue and twentith of Leon. 9. D. Sancho Fernandes Castille and Leon. King of Castille being slaine as we
her father Don Raymond called Flacade Earle of Tholousa was also made Knight in the company of these two Princes In this ceremonie the King of Leon kissed the king of Castilles hand which was a fore-telling of the pretensions and quarrels which should fall out betwixt these two Realmes The court beeing then at Carrion Castile there was an assembly of Noblemen vassals which did acknowledge the Soueraigntie to take the oath of fealtie vnto the King as it was in auncient time obserued almost euery yeare where they were accustomed to treate of matters of consequence concerning the State and the houses of Princes The Councellors of greatest note to D. Alphonso King of Castille in this assembly Assembly of the Estates euery yeare in Spaine were Don Gonçalo Arch-bishop of Toledo Primate of Spaine the Bishops Don Rodrigo of Calaorra Don Maurice of Burgos Don Arderic of Palence and Don Gonçalo of Segobia Don Iohn of Cuença the Earles Don Pedro de Lara Don Nugno de Lara Don Diego Lope de Haro Lord of Biscay chiefe Standard-bearer of the kingdome Don Rodrigo Guttieres Lord Stuard and Guttiere Rodrigues Chancelor The discontents and secret hatred betwixt the Christian Princes Hatred betwixt fiue christian kings raigning then in Spaine which raigned then in Spaine was great beeing fiue carrying the titles of Kings that is three Alphonsos of Castile Arragon and Leon and two Sanchos one of Nauarre and the other of Portugal The King of Castile presumed to haue superiority ouer the other foure as his vassals notwithstanding any accords which had beene made wherefore hee thought hee might lawfully controule them at his pleasure Some yeares before he had taken from the king of Nauarre the lands lying vpon the riuer of Oja and Bureua beeing the auncient patrimonie of Nauarre which came not to them of Castile by any iust title but by meere vsurpation and violence As for him of Arragon he complained that the King of Castile had neuer kept any thing promised in the League swhich had beene made betwixt them but had made his profit in all warres of the Arragonois bloud and meanes The King of Leon began to find the error which he had committed to haue come to the court of Castille beeing at Carrion and to haue kissed the Kings hand As for Portugal there was neuer any good correspondencie betwixt these Princes and them of Castile since the first Earle Don Henriques so as these vlcers hauing infected the hearts of these Potentates by iealousie enuie and bad councell they mooued the kings of Arragon and Nauarre first of all to make an offensiue and defensiue League for the conclusion whereof the two Princes met at Boria where of mortall enemies they became great friends There it was accorded that the frends enemies of any one of these Princes shold be reputed for such by the other and that they should be bound to assist one another for the defence of their Estates For the obseruation of which accord either of them did pawne for his part the townes and castels following for the King of Nauarre the townes of Valtierra Ablitas Montagu Saint Mary of Vxue and Chastillon of Sanguesse with their forts and for Arragon the townes of Boria Sos Malon Ruesta and Petillas For the guard of these ten places there was chosen by a common consent of the two Kings D. Fernand Ruis d' Açâ—gra a knight borne in Nauarre but remained in Arragon and was Gouernor of Daroca and Calatajub He tooke an oath to both these Kings well and faithfully to keepe those places to de liuer all tenne to him in whose preiudice the treatie had beene broken by the other the which was not only sworne by both kings but also by their eldest sonnes Don Sancho of Nauarre and Don Pedro of Arragon And moreouer it was agreed that whensoeuer Don Fernand 〈◊〉 would discharge himselfe of the gard of those places and forts that foure knights of either partie should be named out of the which number the two kings should either of them choose one into whose hands the forts should be deliuered with the hike oath that is the fiue townes of Nauarre to the knight of Arragon and the fiue of Arragon to the Nauarrois These things thus concluded sworne and signed the Kings departed D. Sancho into Nauarre and Don Alphonso Daroca whereas the articles were againe confirmed and sworne in the presence of the chiefe knights of both kingdomes whereof those of Nauarre were D. Pedro Ladron de Gneuara Inigo Ortis Garcia Almorauid Pedro de Cascante Michel de Leet Lope de Valtierra and Barthelemy de Rada all of the most famous families in Nauarre This League beeing made in the yeare 1190. 1190. was followed by another made betwixt the kings of Arragon and Leon A League against castiâ—â— made by Arragon Leon and Portugal into the which Don Sancho king of Portugall was drawn An assembly being made to that end at Huesca thither came the ambassadors of Leon Portugal with ample authority and instructions whereas a League was made among those Princes like vnto that of Boria capitulating that not any one of them should make warre truce or peace without the consent of the others These allyances made and confirmed with all the oaths and solemnities required did not cause so great a storm as they did threaten for the kings of Leon and Portugall were long quiet without going any annoyance to Castile the kings of Arragon and Nauarre made some attempts but to small effect D. Sancho the 2. King of Portugall the first of that name 24 WHen as Don Sancho came to the Crowne of Portugall Portugal Genealogie of Portugal he was 31. years old foure yeares before he had married Donna Aldoncia or Douce daughter to Don Raymond Berenger Earle of Barcelone and Regent of Arragon and of Queene Petronilla D. Sancho had by this Ladie Douce nine children whereof there were foure sonnes the eldest was called Don Alphonso and was king after his father hee was borne in his Grandfathers life time the second was D. Fernand who was Earle of Flanders by marrying with the heire of that countrie whose name was Iane daughter to Count Baudwin Emperour of Constantinople the kings third sonne was D. Pedro who was great in Arragon where he married the Earle of Vrgels daughter the fourth sonne dyed young and was called D. Henriques Besides these sonnes he had fiue daughters the eldest whereof was married to Don Alphonso king of Leon the ninth of that name and was called Donna Theresa from whom he was diuorced by reason of consanguinity notwithstanding two daughters and one sonne which they had bad after which diuorce shee liued religiously in Portugal in the Monasterie of Lorban which her father built and indowed with great reuenues for her sake King D. Alphonso who had put her away did afterwards marry Donna Berenguela daughter to the king of Castile who was as neere allyed to him as
and arriuing at Cordoua hee found that D. Aluaro Perez de Castro and other Captaines and souldiers in great numbers were already come to succour his men King Aben Hut beeing aduertised of all these things and of D. Fernands arriuall with small forces although there came great troupes afterwards thought it fit to preuent him if he could or at the least to strike some terror into the Christians and force them to retire from this seege He had in his armie which lay about Eccia a Christian Knight D. Laurence Suarez betrays king Aben Hut who had entertained him in his exile a banished man called D. Laurens Suares Hauing imparted his desseigne vnto him he resolued to send him one night vnto the campe vnder colour of seeking to recouer the kings fauour but it was to espie and to discouer vnto him the true estate of the Christians armie This Knight hauing obtained a pasport came vnto the campe and spake vnto the king doing the contrarie to that which he had in charge for he discouered vnto the King D. Fernand all the Moores desseignes and what forces hee had wherefore beeing assured from the king of his grace and fauour he retired to Aben Hut to whom he concealed what he had seene and vnderstood telling him that the Christians army was much stronger then it was indeed Wherefore king Aben Hut durst not attempt that which he had resolued and thinking that they of Cordoua wold hold good for a time he resolued to employ his forces to succour king Zaen who was prest by the king of Arragon towards Valencia thinking after that he had repulsed the Arragonois to returne fortified with Zaens forces and cause the Christians to retire from before Cordoua Beeing arriued at Almery to imbarke his army a vassall of his whom hee did much esteeme called Aben Arramin inuited him to supper where he so feasted him as beeing drunke he cast him into a great vessell full of water and there drowned him wherupon the army disbanded and D. Laurence Suarez whom king Aben Hut had ledde with him retired to the king of Castile who receiued him graciously notwithstanding that he had betrayed him who had entertayned him during his exile This death of this Moorish king Cordoua yelded 1236. beeing generally knowne especially at Cordoua the beseeged despayred of succors so as they yeelded the cittie vnto the king of Castile the sixt moneth of the seege in the yeare 1236 which was 522. yeares after that it had beene first taken by the Moores The king Don Fernand caused a crosse to be set vppon the tower of the great Mesquide in token of our redemption and neere vnto it the standard of Castile which Mesquide was purified beeing one of the goodliest buildings in Spaine and made the Cathedrall Church D Lope de Hitero first Bishop of Cordoua of the which Don Lope de Hitero of Piçuerga was made bishop The king did indow it with rents and reuenues like the rest and so did the Arch-bishop Don Roderigo in his returne from Rome where he had beene during the seege and was not at the taking thereof of his great griefe but affaires of greater Importance had kept him absent in the meane time Don Iohn Bishop of Osma was his Vice-gerent and Chancelor to the King There the bells of Saint Iames were found which the Alhagib Almançor had taken away in the yeare 975. and placed them in this great Mosqueé making them to serue for lampes which the king Don Fernand caused to be transported to their auncient mansion The affaires of this great cittie which had beene the chiefe of the Moores estate were ordered by the king both for religion 〈◊〉 Iustice and for the guard and safety therof with great care Don Tello Alphonso de Mâ—neses was made Gouernor of the citty and Don Aluar Perez de Castro of the whole fronter The kingdome of Granado BY the losse of Cordoua and the death of king Aben Hut the Moores were wonderfully dismayed and voyd of Councell wherefore they returned to their old course euery one respecting his priuate interest so as the Infidels estate was dismembred into many parts Aben Hudiel among others seazed vpon the Realme of Murcia Zeit and Zaen being yet in warre and contending for the realme of Valencia In the country of Algarbe whereof Niebla was the chiefe citty Aben Iafon raigned who had for his successor Aben Amarin and then another called Aben Mofad Those of Seuile would haue no king but onely a Gouernor Beginning of Granado where one Axataf was in great authoritie and it was he which lost it But aboue all the power of Mahomad Alienalagmar or Aben Alamar was great so called for that he had a red face who from a shepheard hauing followed armes had attained to the chiefe places of honour and was in such credit by reason of his valour force and stature as in these tumults the Inhabitants of Arjona where he was borne chose him for their king and then other people submitted themselues vnder him especially the townes of Iaen Bacça which was ill garded and Guadix and in the end the citty of Granado which he afterwards made his royall seate and the chiefe of all his country and Seigneuries This was the first king of Granado whereas vntill that time there was no kingdome it was erected at such time as Cordoua the chiefe cittie of all the Moores Estate in Spain was made subiect vnto the Christians 25 Whilest that the king Don Fernand is busie at this honorable enterprize of Cordoua and D. Iaime or Iames king of Arragon at that of Valencia which was nothing inferior â—auarre Thibaud the new king of Nauarre had meanes of settle his affaires without any difficultie for he found all the Estates of the Kingdome willing to obey him At his reception he did sweare and confirme the liberties and priuiledges of the country the which he did also augment This was the beginning of the second masculine line of the Kings of Nauarre 〈…〉 the first ending in D. Sancho the which since D. Garcia Ximenes had continued 518. yeares Successions of States and Soueraignties falling to women against all lawe and presidents of well ordered kingdomes in the first ages is the cause that strange and vnknowne Princes of diuers humors come to raigne ouer Nations which sometimes haue succeeded well but very often great troubles and inconueniences haue followed At this time the Nauarrois were not vnfortunate to haue a king of the French nation who was a meanes to augment the power and dignitie of that Crowne by many accessories from France his mother D. Blanche daughter to the king D. Sancho the Wise and sister to the last Sancho was the first which brought the succession of women into Nauarre although she did not raigne beeing dead before the king Don Sancho the Strong her brother D. Pedro Ramires of Pedrola Bishop of Pampelone among others did faithfully maintaine the rights of this
hauing assembled some forces went against them and defeated them neere vnto Antequera King D. Alphonso was come neere vnto Toledo Castile alwaies negotiating a peace for the which they assembled the Estates againe at Auila whither came D. Fernand Ruis de Castro and Roderigo Roderigues de Saldaigne who abandoned their companions Nothing being concluded the King resolued to make war with all violence he came to Requegna wheras D. Iaime king of Arragon shold meet him During his aboad there he had intelligence from his Agents in Germany that the Electors tyred with his delayes and desiring to settle a good peace in Germany had proceeded to a new election in the person of Rodolphus Erle of Habsburg and Holsacia against the which his said Agents had obiected many things and protested in his name of nullity These newes did much trouble king D. Alphonso who was ingaged in these ciuill dissentions the which he then resolued to compound at what price soeuer to the end he might go into Germany to recouer his imperiall authority by armes the which he had let slip by negligence Wherefore hee sent the Queene D. Violant his wife to Cordoua with some of his Councell to treat a peace with the king of Granado and with his owne rebellious subiects and likewise with the Miralmumin Iacob Aben Ioseph who threatened to passe into Spaine He intreated and coniured the king of Arragon to ayde him to subdue them if they wold not yeeld to reason the which he promised and he sent Ambassadors presently into Italy to Pope Gregory the 10 to make new protestations against the Election of Rodolphus and to lay open vnto the Pope his pretensions and reasons The Ambassadors were Friar Aymar a Iacobin Fernand of Zamora Chancelor to the king and Chanoine of Auila who deliuered their charge in open Consistorie yet the negligence and little regard which the king their master seemed to haue of the Empire did make good the election of Rodolphus so as they returned into Castile without any effect Pope Gregorie hauing afterwards called a Councell at Lyons Councel at Lyons vnder Pope Gregory the tenth whether he came in person for the reformation of Christendome especially for the reconciling of the Greeke Church with the Romaine or Latin and in like manner to releeue them in the East who went to ruine He aduised king D. Alphonso and admonished him by the Bishop of Astorga to desist from his pretension of the Empire where hee should do nothing but spend and thrust himselfe and his kingdomes into open danger without any hope of benefite which aduice could not please the King who being aduertised that the Queene who was at Cordoua had brought the king of Granado and the Noblemen Confederats to some reasonable conditions he came to Seuile whither all the Noblemen came with the Queene and the Infant D. Fernand where as an accord was made The Noblemen and Knights were restored to the kings fauour and to their goods and honours The King of Granado promised to pay a yearely tribute of 300000. Marauidis of gold to him of Castile Accord betwixt D. Alphonso and his rebellious subiects and did pay him a great summe of ready money the which D. Alphonso demanded to make his voyage into Germany whereof he still dreamed There was great dispute touching the Captaines of Malaga and Guadix for king Mahomad would haue D. Alphonso wholly to abandon them but in the end the Queene D. Violant procured a truce for them for a yeare Thus the conspiracie made against D. Alphonso was dissolued in the yeare An. 1274. 1274. the which had continued almost fiue yeares Hee that wrought best effects in this negotiation of peace and that tooke most paines was Gonçal Ruis of Atiença a gallant Knight and a faithfull seruant to the king D. Alphonso There is no doubt but this Prince by his inconsiderate bountie his negligence in great affaires and contempt of his subiects and Councellors was the cause of great troubles and diuisions which were both preiudicial and dishonorable vnto him although that conspiracies can not be excused Many Princes came to the Councell of Lyons and many sent their Ambassadours namely Michel Paleologue Emperour of Constantinople sent Germain Patriarke of Constantinople George Acropolite and Theophanes Metropolitane of Nicea in Bithynia with charge to make a shew to desire an Accord betwixt the Greeke and the Latine Churches but in effect it was to diuert by this goodly pretext the Armes of Bauldwin his aduersarie and of Charles King of Naples and Sicily who pressed him and to assure his Estate which hee had gotten by vniust and violent meanes Thither went Don Iames king of Arragon in person Arragon who came to do his filiall submission vnto the Pope yet the king beeing desirous to be crowned in this Councell by the hands of Pope Gregorie a Ceremonie whereof he made great account he refused him vnlesse he would acknowledge himselfe Vassall to the Church of Rome and pay the arrerages of the Rent which the deceased King Don Pedro his father had promised the which the King Don Iames would not do holding it an vnworthy thing so to debase the greatnesse of his Crowne and restraine the libertie of his Realme in any sort Wherefore seeming to haue some feeling thereof by his words and making his merits knowne vnto the Church by so many victories gotten against the Moores in regard whereof they should do him honour hee returned very much discontented to Montpellier Both this yeare 1274. and some others before the Realme of Arragon and Cattelogne had beene in continuall tumults and rebellions the Nobilitie opposing themselues against the king vppon colour of breach of their priuiledges and liberties besides the continuall practises of the Infant Don Pedro against his brother Don Fernand who drew the Nobilitie and Townes of Arragon into pernicious factions Don Pedro proceeding so maliciously as the king Don Iames their father was forced to take the gouernement of the Realme and the managing of affaires from him the which hee did in an open assembly of the Estates called to that end at Exea in the which were condemned for contumacie Don Artal of Luna Lopes Ortis Sentia Symon of Ahones Diego Gurrea and Pedro Ortis by the sentence of Roderigo Castelliol holding then the Magistracie of Iustice Maior of Arragon Troubles in Arragon by reason whereof and of these seditions and quarrels hee was afterwards slaine by Bertrand Canelia and Don Willyam Raymond Odena smoothered in the water by the commandement of the Infant Don Pedro who accused his brother Don Fernand of treason and practises against the life of their father whereof diligent information was made and Don Raymond Foulques Vicount of Cardonne Don Pedro Verga Galserand de Pinos and other Noblemen were poursued both by reason thereof and for that they refused to do their due seruices and obedience vnto the king in his warres voyages and expeditions as
the same day that our Sauiour Iesus Christ had suffered This answer deliuered to the Queene shee sayd If it be so that the Prince takes his death so patiently by reason of that day for my part I am resolued to shew him mercie for his sake who the same day suffered death and passion for vs all Whereuppon shee commanded he should be preserued without any harme letting the people vnderstand who did presse her to put him to death that shee ought not in a matter of so great importance and which might be the cause of great inconueniences resolue nor excecute any thing without the priuity of the king her husband and therefore she commaunded that Prince Charles should be carried into Cattelogne to the king Don Pedro to dispose of him as he should thinke fit by good aduice This generous and Christian like act is worthie of eternall prayse as the excesse which king Charles through bad councell and an il-gouerned passion had committed against Conradin and other Noblemen his prisoners is to be blamed and detested This Charles Prince of Salerne was afterwards king of Naples the second of that name 28 After the king D. Pedros returne out of France expecting daily by reason of the Poues censures and his enterprises against Nauarre to be set vpon by Philip k. of France and Charles of Valois his son and the Noblemen and Knights of Arragon Cattelogne being tyred by him in the former wars ill intreated as they thought in their freedoms whereof the townes and commonalties of his Countries did also complaine they did also stirrre vp troubles and seditions and made an vnion together The heads of the Nobility were Symon of Vrrea the elder D. Pedro Fernandes Lord of Ixar and D. Pedro of Ayerbio Vnion in Arragon against the king for their liberties both base brothers vnto the King Pedro Cornel Artal Alagon Lope Ferneçe de Luna Athon des Posses Sancho of Antillas Gombald of Beneuent and Symon of Vrrea the younger all of Noble families and moreouer Lope William of Oteicia Pedro Iourdain Pegna Gombald Tramasset Giles of Bidaure Pero Garces Nuez who were Knights whose predecessors had beene aduanced by Kings These hauing made a league with the people did promise and sweare to let the king and his sonne D. Alphonso who was his Lieutenant generall vnderstand that if they did not containe themselues within the limittes of the lawes of the country they would withdraw themselues from their obedience and declare themselues enemies and poursue them by armes that should seeke to breake them The king had called the Estates to Tarassone and afterwards to Saragossa There he intreated promised and did all he could to breake this vnion but he was forced to yeeld and therefore he granted vnto the Arragonois the priuiledge which they call general wherby the liberty which had beene somewhat restrayned was againe restored the ancient maners of the Country and customs of their Ancestors fit for the country put again in practise And moreouer there were lawes made for their Kings which they should be bound to obey And for that they were in a mutine in some places by reason of certaine Impositions layed vpon salt the trafficke thereof was made free by the Estates Notwithstanding all these things the king refused the iudgement of the Iustice Maior of Arragon the which was then exercised by Pedro Martines Artassone whom he deposed from his office but soone after this dignity was fortified with stronger lawes The like assembly was made at Barcelona and to the same end where they obtained confirmation of their old statutes and customes which they call Vsatiques They of Valencia beeing called to the Estates of Arragon would not appeare pretending liberty to assemble apart In this Realme of Valencia there was a Magistrate established who was President of the Iustice who shold be an Arragonois and should do right vnto the townes and Noblemen of that Realme who enioy the priuiledges of Arragon the first in this dignitie was Alphonso Martines In Ribagorça there was also a peculiar Iudge created at Grados from whence the first appeales should go to Barbastro or to the Iustice of Arragon and the second to the king or to Iudges deputed by him but these last ordonances were made and executed in the yeare 1285. at the Estates held at Huesca where as the king did preside They being transferred to Zufaria the king being absent Iohn Giles Tarin Iustice Maior of Arragon was President where it was sayd that he was a lawfull Iudge yea in causes commenced against the King who beeing cited and not appearing there were decrees made against him in many instances In the end the king confirmed the decrees of the Iustice Maior and whatsoeuer should be concluded by the Estates the Deputies and Councellors hauing giuen their suffrages At that time the king Don Pedro spoyled his brother D. Iames king of Majorca King of Majorca dispoyled by his brother of the County of Rossillon for that he had retired himselfe into France and had made a League against him with king Philip who had promised him the Realme of Valencia after the conquest which he did hope to make thereof and of the rest of D. Pedros country In these combustions was the estate of Arragon about the returne of the king D. Pedro from the warre of Nauarre attempted with the Castillans 29 As for D. Sancho Infant of Castile Castile he with all his followers had bene also excommunicately by Pope Martin the 4. The Arch-bishop of Seuile the Deane of Tudele in Nauarre and the Arch-deacon of S. Iames in Gallicia were the denouncers thereof wherfore it was concluded in D. Sanchos Councel to kill all those that shold intimate or bring these censures yet the Commissioners deputed by the Pope went on in their Commission and did interdict all parts of Spaine holding the Infants party On the other side the fury of armes ruining the country Queene Beatrix the widow of Portugal D. Mary wife to the Infant laboured to procure a peace and to remedie those great miseries at which time there was some hope that the king and his sonne should haue an interview for the king was come to Constatine the Infant to Guadascanall but the Infants minions and bad Councellers did hinder it The Ladies pursuing this holy enterprise Don Sancho fell sicke at Salamanca and in such extremity as the Phisitions had abandoned him the king in like manner fell sicke vnto death whereby it seemes that God was highly offended against these miserable Princes whose reconciliation was thus preuented The king seing his end drawing nigh Alphonso king of Castile giues portions to his sonnes he gaue by his will Seuile and Badajos with the title of a Realm to his sonne Iohn with charge that he should hold them of the Crown of Castile and Leon. To D. Iames his other sonne he gaue the Realme of Murcia with the same condition Hee pardoned all such as
away and forced the towne being taken to flie into Affricke yet he left not to call himselfe King and would haue surprized Ceuta During these things Nauarre Arnaud of Puyane Bishop of Pampelona a Basque by nation held their Synods for reformation of his Clergie Priests allowed to keepe Concubines which was very needfull Two yeares before their had beene a Synode held of many Bishops at Pegnafiel where it was decreed that Priests might keepe Concubines secretly but not openly In Arragon a marriage was treated betwixt the Infant D. Maria Arragon daughter to the king Don Iames and Lewis Hutin the eldest Sonne and then with the Earle of Poictiers second sonne to King Philip the Faire and of the Queene Don Ieanne his wife but it tooke no effect We haue sayd before that the King Don Iames the better to entertaine the peace which he had made with the French raigning in Naples had promised to marrie Blanche the daughter of Charles the Limping Genealogie of Arragon the which he did By this Ladie he had the issue which followes Don Iames his eldest who was married to D. Leonora Infant of Castile but hauing not touched her he sent her home and made himselfe a knight of the order of Saint Iohn of Hierusalem and was afterwards Master of the order of Monteça D. Alphonso his second sonne was king after him Don Pedro the third Earle of Ampurias D. Raymond Berenger Earle of Prages and Ribagorça Don Iohn who was Archbishoppe of Toledo and afterwards Patriarch of Alexandria and Arch-bishop of Tarragone Moreouer D. Constance married to Don Iohn Manuel of Castile sonne to the Infant D. Manuel D. Maria who was wife to Don Pedro Infant of Castile sonne to Don Sancho the 4. D. Blanche a religious woman and a Prioresse of Sixena D. Violant married to the prince of Tarentum and D. Isabella wife to Don Frederick Arch-duke of Austria these were his lawfull children and by his stolne loues he had a daughter which dyed young and Don Iames of Arragon who hauing married the daughter and heire of Don Lope de Luna was Earle of Luna The marriage treated betwixt D. Maria of Arragon Nauarre and the second sonne of France by the meanes of Pope Boniface tooke no effect for that the conditions propounded semed very preiudiciall to Lewis Hutin to whom the succession of Nauarre by right belonged as the eldest the which the Pope and the king of Arragon would haue transferred to the Earle of Poictiers with the Earledomes of Champaigne and Brie and other lands belonging to Queene Ieanne their mother This Donna Ieanne Queene of Nauar a little before her death caused that famous Colledge of Nauarre to be built in Paris endowing it with good rents in Champaigne as well for the entertayning of Regents and Professors in Diuinity and Humanity as of the chappell and Ministers thereof The same Princesse built the towne called Pont de la Roine in Nauarre otherwise called Cares and hauing liued in France one and thirty yeares and neuer returned into Nauarre she died in the yeare 1305. leauing Lewis An. 1305. Philip and Charles who raigned in France and Nauarre successiuely one after another and Isabel who was Queene of England married to Edward the second her children She was buried at the Franciscans in Paris A yeare alter the decease of this Lady King Philip desired to make an allyance with Castille demaunding by his Ambassadors D. Isabel sister to the King D. Fernand but this marriage tooke no effect for some reasons not written some say it was three yeeres after the death of Queene Iane. Lewis Hutin the first of that name six and twentith King of Nauarre 19 LEwis sonne to King Philip and Donna Iane surnamed Hutin first of that name amongst the Kings of Nauarre succeeded his mother in the sayd realme he did not intitle himselfe King vntill hee had beene crowned at Pampelone but onely the eldest sonne and heire of the Realme his surname of Hutin signifies mutin or riotous which he purchased after his comming to the crowne of France or as some say before whether it were that he had beene the cause of contentions or that hee had pacefied them The Queenes death being knowne in Nauarre the Estates assembled at Pampelone where they resolued to send Ambassadors into France to beseech King Philip to send them Lewis his sonne their naturall Prince and hauing written letters to that effect in the name of the Estates they dispatched D. Arnaud of Puyana Bishop of Pampelone and Don Fortun Almorauid Nauarrois send Ambassadors to the King of France and to Lewis Hutin their King who were well and honorably accompanied who being come to the court of France they gaue the Kings to vnderstand the great griefe the people of Nauarre had for the death of their Queene and Soueraigne Lady for whose consolation they besought them that their new King Lewis might goe thither as soone as might bee accompanying this extreame desire of the Nauarrois with necessary reasons for that they had great complaints to make of the gouernment of their Viceroys who had gouerned the affaires of the realme to the great preiudice thereof Whereof the continuall absence of their soueraigne Magistrate was the cause who could not visibly see the Estate of his country and people but was serued by the eyes and eares of others whose reports are commonly false and the truth either concealed or dissembled This request seemed iust vnto the Kings both father and sonne yet King Lewis came not into Nauarre but two yeeres after and in the meane time hee married Marguerite daughter to Robert Duke of Bourgongne with whom hee had in marriage fifty thousand Liuers in siluer and the lands of Gyen vpon Seine of which marriage issued Ieanne who was Queene of Nauarre maried to Philip Earle of Eureux son to Lewis of France by whom the Kings of Nauarre haue pretended right to the Dutchy of Bourgongne against the Kings of France Genealogy of Nauarre for Robert Duke of Bourgongne father to this Marguerite hauing had many children most of them left not any heires and their posterity which had children failed soone there remayning no issue of the house of Bourgongne but that of this Lady married to Lewis Hutin 20 Whilst that the King of Nauarre delaied the time to come into his Realme there were Gouernors or Viceroies after the accustomed manner The great quarrels which had happened in France some yeeres before betwixt King Philp the faire and Pope Bontface the eight had caused many disorders by reason whereof there was a great famine throughout all the realme Pope Boniface had excommunicated King Philip and giuen his realme in prey to him that could take it but hee was a prey to the French who being led by Nogaret of Saint Felix and by the inteligence of Sarra Colonne surprized the Pope at Anania and intreated him so il as soone after for rage and spight hee
accorded at his comming to the Estates 4 Bry and Champaigne hereditarie to the House of Nauarre 5 The family of Beaumont in Naurarre 6 D. Alphonso the fourth of that name King of Portugall 7 Murther of D. Iohn the Blind Prince of Castile by the commandement of King Don Alphonso the 12. King of Castile 8 D. Alphonso the 4. of that name King of Portugal 9 Disordered affections of Don Alphonso King of Castile the Kings trenheries enuie of Courtiers murthers and massacres 10 Loue of the king D. Alphonso with D. Leonora of Guzman 11 Ancient custome in choosing the Lords of Alaua to gouerne the country vnder the Soueraigntie of Castile abolished and the vnion of that Prouince 12 Order of the Knights of the band instituted by the king D. Alphonso their lawes and orders 13 Continuance of the kings of Maroc in Affricke exploits of warre betwixt the Christians and the Moores 14 The children of D. Alphonso King of Castile of diuerse conditions Troubles and poursuits of Rebels 15 Estate of Nauarre warre betwixt the Castillans and Nauarrois 16 Estate of Arragon warre against the Sardes and the Geneuots their allies 17 D. Pedro the fourth of that name and 13. King of Arragon 18 Troubles in Castile cruelties of King D. Alphonso the twelfth 19 Warre of the Moores against Castile whereof followed the famous battell of Salado 20 Disposition of D. Pedro king of Arragon his hatred against Don Iames king of Maiorca his kinsman 21 Continuance of the warre betwixt Castile and Arragon 22 Estate of Nauarre the voyage of King Philip of Eureux into Andalusia and his death 23 Seege of Algezire and the taking thereof 24 Vniust persecution of D. Iames king of Maiorca by D. Pedro king of Arragon 25 Donation of the Ilands of the Canaries to Don Lewis de la Cerde by Pope Clement the sixth 26 Marriages of D. Pedro the fourth king of Arragon Seditions and rebellions of his subiects for the succession and how he subâ—â—â—â— sarragossa and Valencia 27 Politicke acts of Don Alphonso king of Castile Estates held in Castile Continuance of the royall Families of Spayne whereof mention is made in this 14. Booke NAVARRE 28 Charles the Faire 29 Philip of Eureux by reason of Ieanne his wife daughter to Lewis Hutin ARRAGON 12 D. Alphonso 4. 13 D. Pedro 4. PORTVGAL 7. D. Alphonso 4. Charles the Faire the first of that name and eight and twentith King of Nauarre TO King Philip being dead at Fontainbleau without heires male succeeded in the yeere of our Lord 1321. his brother Charles the Faire in the two Realmes of France and Nauarre to the preiudice of his Neece Ieanne the lawfull heire of Nauarre Charles when hee was farre from these successions had put away Blanche his wife being conuicted of adultery as hath beene sayd whose life was saued for that the marriage might bee dissolued without death by the Popes authority for that there was betwixt the husband and the wife a spiritual alliance which had made the marriage vnlawfull so as by consequent there was no adultery but simple fornication for that Charles the Faire was Godfather to Blanche Wherefore hee tooke to his second wife the daughter of Henry of Luxembourg Emperor and sister to Iohn King of Bohemia Marriage of King Charles the first hauing first demaunded in marriage Donna Violant of Arragon daughter to the King D. Iames the second but could not obtaine her for some reasons In the beginning of King Charles his raigne Ponce Morantin being Gouernor and Viceroy of the country the castle of Gorriti was surprized by them of Guipuscoa from the Nauarrois for this and other considerations the Gouernor hauing raised an army of Nauarrois and French entred into Guipuscoa being resolued to put the country to fire and sword and beginning by Tolousa in Guipuscoa he burned Berastegui and did incredible harm sparing neither holy nor prophane Marching towards Beotiba the Nauarrois army was stayed at the foot of the mountaines by the Guipuscoans who were gathered together to the number of eight hundred some say eight thousand in armes vnder the conduct of Gil Lopes of Ognes Lord of Larrea and were seized vpon the Straights and places of aduantage where the army should passe hauing planted some peasants vpon the tops of the rockes and precipices who when the body of the army beeing aduanced in these difficult passages should march they should roule downe pipes full of stones which they had prepared the which ouerthrew many Defeat of Nauarrois in Guipuscoa and besides put such a disorder in the army as that eight hundred armed men which were vpon the passages presented themselues and put all their enemies to rout with a wonderfull slaughter and tooke all their baggage the which was esteemed worth a hundred thousand liuers a matter almost incredible considering the inequality of their forces but it is witnessed not onely by the records of Guipuscoa but also of Nauarre so dangerous is the hazard of warre and so great an aduantage doth the scituation of a country giue when it is well chosen by a wise and expert captaine Amongst the men of marke that were slaine in the Nauarrois army were found the Viceroys brother Men of account slaine and D. Michel Sanches Alaues D. Martin of Roncal Martin Vrtiz the Lord of Rosobel Iohn Corboran of Leer Iohn Martines of Medrano Iohn Henriques D. Martin de la Pegna Pero Sotes Iohn Lopes of Vrros Merin Major of the Mountaine Peter of Ayuar Martin of Vrsa sonne to Martin of Ayuar who carried the Standard royal and others to the number of fiue and fifty knights Amongst the prisoners was Martin of Ayuar and an other sonneof his The number of souldiars that were slaine was very great and of this incounter they doe at this day sing songs both in Castille and Guipuscoa in their country language Here of grew other warres betwixt Castille and Nauarre In the yeere of our Lord 1324. Queene Mary beeing dead King Charles married the third time with Ieanne daughter to Lewis of France Third marriage of King Charles Earle of Eureux and sister to Philip of Eureux who was King of Nauarre soone after by reason of his wife Ieanne daughter to King Lewis Hutin heire of Nauarre The same yeere Nauarette of Pampelone by the permission of Charles was begunne to be re-edefied hauing beene ruined eight and forty yeeres before by Robert Earle of Arthois This King Charles the Faire nor his brother Philip the Long neuer came into Nauarre Princes absence cause of liberty and disorder by reason whereof many grew insolent especially vpon the frontiers against the will of their Prince the Gouernors and Viceroys winking at them who regarded more their owne priuat proffit and passions then the honour and seruice of their Maister wherefore betwixt the Nauarrois and Arragonois of the frontiers of Sanguessa Real and other bordering places notwithstanding any accord the Kings had made there was
Iohn Infants of Arragon with many other knights followed him He tooke D. Maria of Padilla from Montalban brought her to Toledo These that were about him preuayled so by their intreaties as he returned to Vailledolit to his wife but he stayed but two dayes and went away againe leauing the Lady much perplexed at these strange courses The Queene D. Blanche retired with the Queene-mother to Tordesillas and the king returned to D. Mary of Padilla who entertained the hatred and dislike which the king had of his wife that shee alone might enioy him It is written by Diego of Valera that among all the precious iewels which the Queene had brought out of France there was a rich girdle which she presented to the king her husband the which D. Mary of Padilla hauing in her power she found out a Iew Girdle inchanted a Magitian which did inchant it so as when the king would put it on beeing amazed and demanding what Prodigie it might be his minions who were allyed to his concubine answered that they were the goodly presents which this French Gentlewoman had brought him Whereupon he was much incensed against this poore Lady In the meane time D. Tello the kings base brother married D. Ieanne the eldest daughter of D. Iohn Nugnes de Lara deceased whereuppon by this marriage he became Lord of Biscay and of the other places and lands aboue-mentioned the which did much offend the king causing him to grow into a greater furie and rage against him and the rest then before whereof the sharpest effects were against them that reprooued his leud life and the indignities he did vnto the Queene his wife whom for spite hee caused to be led to Areualo with a guard and vnder the custodie of Don Pedro Gudiâ—l Bishop of Segobia and a Bourgesse of Toledo in whome he trusted his name was Tello Palomochio as a prisoner and began to displace all the Officers of her house and al others which had beene aduanced by the fauor of D. Iohn Alphonso of Albuquerque hee tooke away the Office of Chamberlaine from Guttiere Fernandes of Toledo and gaue it to Diego Garcia of Padilla brother to his Mistris that of Cup-bearer which Iohn Rodrigues of Viedma held was giuen to Aluar Garcia of Albornoz the allowance of diet was taken from Guttiere Gomes of Toledo and giuen to Pero Gonçales of Mendoça a great Lord in Alaua from whence are descended the Dukes of Infantazgo In Seuile the king did also change many of the chiefe Officers of the Realme which had beene aduanced by the fauour and councell of Don Iohn Alphonso of Albuquerque giuing them to others that were recommended by Diego Garcia of Padilla and Iohn Fernandes of Hinestroça namely he looke the gouernment of the frontier from Don Garcia Fernandes Manriquez and aduanced Fernand Perez Puerto Carrero Thus the king altered things within his Realme forced the greatest to humble themselues and to sue vnto the kinsfolkes and fauorites of Donna Maria of Padilla hating all them deadly that did but tell him that he ought to loue Donna Blanche the Queene his wife and liue Christian-like and honestly with her as Don Gil Carillo of Albornoz Arch-bishop of Toledo had sought to do who being of his councell and a Prelate of great dignitie in Spaine had presumed to reprehend his disordered life in that behalfe Arch-bishop of Toledo forced to leaue Spaine but hee tooke it in so ill part as this reuerent man was forced to abandon all the liuing hee had in Spaine and retire to Auignon to Pope Clement by whose successor Innocent the sixth who came to the Popedome that yeare 1353. he was made Cardinall and in his life-time they proceeded to a new election in the Arch-bishoppricke of Toledo and Primacie of Spaine putting in his place one Don Blaise This King made himselfe to be feared and so much hated of all the Noblemen of his Realme as euery man made choice of a party and sought how to assure himselfe from his fury and violence Don Iohn Nugnes of Prado Master of Calatraua a friend to Don Iohn Alphonso of Abuquerque retired into Arragon to the Commanderie of Alcaniz but the king who had a desire to haue him in his power sought all meanes lawfull and vnlawfull to assure him so as he made him come vppon his faith and promise that he should haue to harme This good Knight who found himselfe guiltlesse of any crime but that he had beene a friend to the Lord of Albuquerque came into Castile to the towne of Almagro but he was presently beseeged by the kings commandement by Don Iohn de la Cerde and by Peter Nugnes of Godoy who notwithstanding did secretly aduice him to returne into Arragon before that the king who was gone out of Seuile to come thither were arriued the which he would not do saying That he found his conscience free from all rebellion and that he had no cause to feare to put himselfe into the kings mercy but it succeeded ill for him The king beeing come the master came vnto him and cast himselfe at his feet intreating him to receiue him in his iustifications but this cruell Prince refusing to heare him him Imprisonment and murther of D. Iohn Nugnes of Prado master of Calatraua depriued him instantly of the Master-ship of Calatraua the which he gaue to Diego Garcia of Padilla and commaunded that he should bee carried prisoner to the castell of Masqueda whereas Stephen Domingo of Auila commanded an there within few dayes after he was murthered by Diego Lopes of Portas seruant to Diego Garcia of Padilla whereof the king would haue excused himselfe saying That it was done without his commandement but it appeared sufficiently that he was not discontented there-with Going from Almagro the king came before the towne of Medellin belonging to the Lord of Albuquerque whereas Diego Gomes of Silua a Knight of Galicia a commanded the towne yeelded fearing the kings furie and soone after the castle the which the king in disdaine of the Lord of Albuquerque caused to be instantly razed after which hee led his army before Albuquerque the which was held in the name of their Lord by Martin Alphonso Botello a Genlteman of Portugall and vnder him commanded Peter Esteuanez Carpintero Commander maior of Calatraua The King hauing summoned them to yeeld the place vppon refusall he proclaymed them Rebels whereof the Portugall who was not his subiect made no accompt The Commander excused himselfe saying That the place was not in his power Wherefore he past on towards Cobdesera another place belonging to Don Iohn Alphonso the which he would not take so as after some skirmishes he left Don Henry Earle of Transtamare and Don Frederic Master of S. Iames his breethren who followed him against their wils and he came to Caceres Afterwards he resolued to send ambassadors into Portugall whither the Lord of Albuquerque was retired to demand him of the king of Portugall as his
his father and withall he aduertised the King D. Pedro of all these practises who for these considerations was the more easily perswaded to make a peace with Arragon to the end hee might punish him of Granado against whom he beganne to raise an army in the yeere 1361. to which end he came to Seuile King Mahumet Aben Alhamar seeing these preparations did also prouide for his part but he was preuented by the King of Castile who hauing sent for the dispossessed King and drawne him to Seuile made an accord with him that whatsoeuer either of them should take in the Realme of Granado should remaine to the taker These two Princes D. Pedro of Castile and Mahumet the Old of Granado came and beseeged Antequera but they could not take it wherefore they began to ouerrunne the champian country of Granado thinking that many of the horsemen Moores would come and ioyne with them and take part with King Mahumet the Old but it succeded otherwise for the army of Granado stood firme at the bridge of Vilollos and came couragiously to incounter the Castillans yet with disaduantage and losse The Christians pursuing the victory came to the bridge of Pinos with the same hope that the Granadins would reuolt but they made no shew of it wherefore the King D. Pedro returned with his army to Alcala of Bencaide At this retreat the Moores of King Mahumet the Vermeil tooke courage so as there parted from their campe about six hundred horse and two thousand foot who did ouerrun the gouernment of Caçorla sackt Peal of Hesero tooke many prisoners and brought away a great number of cattel but as they returned with this prey they were incountred about Linueça by Diego Garcia of Padilla Maister of Calatraua The Moores defeated Don Henry Henriques Gouernor of the frontier and Men Roderiques of Biedma captaine of the Bishoprike or territory of Iaen who put them to rout killing and taking many of them the rest saued themselues in the rockes The yeere following 1362. An. 1362. the Christians incouraged which this victory entred the Moores country and presented themselues before Guadix where there were six hundred horse Moores and about foure thousand foot which King Vermeil had lodged there being aduertised of the Christians deseigne These Moores kept themselues close making no shew nor offring to sally forth so as the Christians thinking the garrison to be weake diuided their forces Christians defeated by the Moores leading a part of them towards the valley of Alhama which the Moores discouering they sallied forth vpon the remainder and defeated them easily where among others D. Diego Garcia of Padilla maister of Calatraua was taken prisoner who being led to Granado was not onely wel enertained by King Mahumet Aben Alhamar but also set at liberty without ransom and presented with many rich guifts the King desiring to make him his friend and by his meanes to purchase some fauor with the King of Castile and the Noblemen of his court among the which D. Diego Garcia as brother to Donna Maria of Padilla and vncle to the children which the King D. Pedro had had was in great credit and authority Being returned into Castile the King was glad of his liberty but he did not much esteeme the bounty of the Moorish King for D. Pedro was cruell and implacable by nature and reproched the maister that by his indiscretion he had beene the cause of the route of his men and of his owne imprisonment The King entred afterwards in person into the country of Granado and tooke Isnaiar Cisnaiar Ambra Benamexir and Zagra and then returned vnto Seuile but King Mahumet the Vermeil brought his army presently to Zagra and assaulted it in such sort as Fernand of Gadillo captaine of the garrison was forced to leaue it whereat the King D. Pedro was so moued as notwithstanding that he had defended it as much as he could and ought according to the reasons of warre he caused his head to bee cut off Rigour of the King D. Pedro. and to restraine the Moores he returned instantly into their country where he tooke Hardeles Turon Cueuas and other castles king Mahumet the old being also in field As this warre was long and hard for the Granadins to maintaine against so great a power as that of Castile so it began to be troublesome to most of the knights Moores so as in Granado and in the court there was nothing to be heard but murmuring words of discontent wherevpon King Vermeil grew very doubtful of his subiects who obiected continually that for the quarrel of two men the townes and forts of the realme were made a prey vnto the Christians King Vermeil being in this perplexity and fearing least they should recal his competitor Mahumet the old and that he should be ignominiously chased away or slaine was aduised by his chiefe and most confident friends especially by Ezdriz Alen Balua who had greatly fauored him in getting the crowne to quit Granado and to retire himselfe to his enemy the king of Castile thinking that hauing shewed himself liberal courteous vnto Diego Garcia of Padilla he should also finde some fauor in the court and at all euents that the King of Castile would be glad to be Iudge and arbitrator betwixt him and Mahumet the old and that this assurance and confidence which he shewed comming to yeeld himselfe vnto him would auaile him something This was a foolish and rash resolution of his knowing what a monster in nature the King D. Pedro was how greedy he was of reuenge and how glad to shed bloud This il-aduised king came to present himselfe with foure hundred horse and about twenty hundred foot before Baena where as D. Guttiere Gomes of Toledo Prior of Saint Iohn commanded who wondring much at this vnexpected chance did accompany him vnto the court at Seuile where as the king D. Pedro receiued him very gratiously at his arriual and heard the oration that was made vnto him in this kings behalfe quietly tending that hee would be pleased to take knowledge of affection which had moued him to come and yeeld himselfe vnto him grounded vpon the remembrance that his ancestors had beene vassals to the king of Castile the which he would neuer haue contradicted had not the fauour which he had seene done vnto his aduersary Mahumet Lagus or the old driuen him into distrust notwithstanding hauing in the end considered that hee should finde equity and iustice in the king D. Pedro not willing to persist for his part in any rebellion he had resolued to come and yeeld himselfe vnto him and to referre vnto his good iudgement the controuersies which were betwixt him and his aduersary to the end that hee might determine them according vnto reason That as for himselfe beeing of the bloud of the first Kings of Granado whose royall seat the race of Farrachen had vsurped he thought he had done nothing against the duty of a man of
need of any enemies for that he feared the King of Castile caused the trouble of Borja to cease and commanded the Brittons to deliuer the Infant D. Pedro who beeing carried to Tudelo Oliuer of Maulny was also deliuered As for the marriage although the King of Arragon did much desire it yet the King of Nauarre hauing retired his sonne did not much care for it meaning first to see what should become of the broiles of Castile 21 The King D. Pedro the cruell Castile victorious but insolent and treacherous as of custome could not conteine himselfe within the bounds of modesty and reason neither to his subiects nor to strangers English French and others who had seated him in his Kingdome There were great controuersies amongst them for prisoners and ransomes D Pedro King of Castile discontents the English and other strangers and the souldiars pay yet after much disputing there was some kinde of agreement D. Pedro King of Castile sent D. Pedro Fernandes Peres of Ayala with the Deputies of the Prince of Wales to put them in possession of the Lordship of Biscay and Castro of Ordiales according vnto their accords but the Biscains beeing aduertised that what the King did was onely to content the Prince of Wales and to shew that hee had a will to performe his promise but not that he had any meaning to maintaine it besides that of their owne dispositions they did abhor the command of strangers they would neuer receiue these Deputies nor consent that they should be put in possession of their country which was the cause of great troubles The King seeming to bee much discontented at these difficulties made a sollemne oth in the chiefe Church of Burgos that hee would put the Prince of Wales in possession of the Siegneuries of Biscay D. Pedro seeing himselfe restored to his Realme he desired to know what the destynies did promise him and therefore he demanded aduice of a councellor to the King of Granado called Aben-Hatin a great and learned Astrologian and Phylosopher who sent him a letter full of learning saying that hee must looke vnto his owne carriage and how hee gouerned his subiects for thereon depended the continuance of his raigne Holy aduertisments of a Phylosopher Moore to D. Pedro. either long or short and the continuance of the scepter in his family adding many precepts the which if hee had duly obserued without doubt he had raigned securely in peace but hee fel into his frenezies and cruelties the which did so estrange the hearts of those which abhorred his forepassed tyranies as his fall must needes bee miserable Hee parted from Burgos and went to seeke meanes to content the English commanding that as soone as he should bee out of the city they should put to death Ruy Ponce Palomeque and some others whom hee had caused to be put into the castle of Burgos Being come nere vnto Toledo he would haue hostages of the Inhabitants for his assurance and there hee put to death seuenteene of the chiefe of the city then hee went to Cordoua from which place he sent to Seuile that they should put to death Gil Bocanegra D. Iohn Ponce of Leon Lord of Marchene and Alphonso Aluares of Quadros with an other called Alphonso Fernandes Hee caused many to be disparched at Cordoua before hee came to Seuile where beeing arriued hee caused Donna Vrraca Osorio mother to D. Iohn Alphonso of Guzman to bee slaine and Martin Iames his high treasorer taking great delight in his murthers and reuenges vpon these miserable creatures for that he had not found them ready to follow his fortune or for some other discontentment forgeting that for such inhumanities and tyranies he had beene once cast out of Spaine He caused D. Martin Lopes of Cordoua maister of Calatraua A Moore more kinde then D. Pedro a Christian King to be apprehended and would haue put him to death but the King of Granado demanded him in guift and did so much as he saued his life He had done more if time and meanes had permitted but God preuented him for D. Henry stayed not long to depriue him both of realme and life After the losse of the battaile D. Henry came into the country of Foix where beeing well entertained by the Earle and furnished with all things befitting such a knight hee went to Auignon whereas Pope Vrbain the fifth did raigne who did loue and esteeme him much and therefore he receiued him courteously and delt with Lewis Duke of Aniou brother to the French King and Gouernor of Languedoc to giue him meanes to raise a new army to returne into Spaine whether many friends recalled him assuring him that the cruelties which the King D. Pedro continued prepared him the way to recouer his good fortune and that now there was not any difficulty to settle him firmely neither need they feare that D. Pedro should finde fauour or succors with the English whom he had defrauded of their pay and recompences promise and sent home discontented D. Iranne wife to D. Henry and his children finding themselues not very safe in Arragon by reason of the friendship that was betwixt the King of Arragon and the Prince of Wales they had past into France whereas they remained in the castle of Perapertuse vnto the end of the warre such was the diligence of D. Henry and of his friends as hee obtained from the King fiue thousand pounds starling in ready money and liberty to leauy souldiars within his Realme D. Henry bastard of Castile aided againe by the French Hee had also succors both of money and men from the Duke of Aniou from Guy Cardinal of Bologne and other Noblemen of France beeing incensed against the King D. Pedro the murtherer of Queene Blanthe of Bourbon his wife notwithstanding D. Henry found many great difficulties an ordinary thing for those that are in aduersity for the French King feared least the English should take it ill that he gaue succors vnto their enemy and to make such a preparation for warre as was necessary he had neede of a great masse of money which was the greatest hindrance of his affaires Some therevpon write that in one day hee caused all the money to be seized on that was in Auignon in marchants and Banquers hands the Pope giuing his consent and hee promising vpon the faith of a Prince to restore it In the end he had meanes to raise a good army but before he began to march he had certaine newes that the Prince of Wales was returned into Guienne much discontented with the King D. Pedro and moreouer that all the Prouince of Guipuscoa except Saint Sebastien and Guetaria the townes of Biscay Segobia Vailledolit Palence Auila Guadalajara Salamanca Medina del Campo Toro Almedo Areualo Coca Madrigal Carrion Sepulueda Aillon Atiença Illescas with many other forts held his party Whilest that D. Arragon Henry ptopares to passe into Spaine some of the English and French souldiars returning
disliked and the causes thereof her excuses and the Kings instance to haue her returne 14 Institution of the Order of the holy Ghost in Castile 15 Farfanes a race of Christian Affricans and the death of the king D. Iohn 16 Coronation of D. Charles king of Nauarre and the ceremonies thereunto accustomed 17 D. Henry the third of that name 17. king of Castile and 38. of Leon Carriage of D. Pedro Tenorio Arch-bishop of Toledo 18 Marriage concluded betwixt D. Fernand brother to the king of Castile and the heire of Albuquerque 19 A testamentarie Decree made by the deceased king D. Iohn and the resolutions taken by the Noblemen of Castile for the quiet of the Realme 20 Troubles among the Lords of the Councell procured by the Arch-bishop of Toledo 21 Seditious Preachers incensing the people against the Iewes 22 Continuance of troubles in Castile and meanes made by the Pope to pacifie them 23 Persecutions thefts and murthers committed vpon the Iewes by the instigation of Preachers 24. Confusions in Castile entertayned by great men for priuate respects 25 Troubles in Guipuscoa against Collectors Assembly in that prouince and Articles of their vnion and preseruation of their priuiledges 26 Meanes to reconcile the disordered passions of the Noblemen of Castile but of small effect 27 Treaties betwixt Portugal and Castile and the practises of Don Frederic Duke of Beneuent 28 Mutinie at Zamora 29 Treatie of peace betwixt Portugal and Castile practises to pacifie D. Frederic Factions partialities c. 30 Truce for 15. yeares betwixt Castile and Portugal 31 Troubles continued in Castile by the Archbishop of Toledo and a peace mediated by the P rinces allies 32 D. Henry the third is declared of full age at 14. yeares 33 Discouerie of the Ilands of the Canaries 34 Estates of Castile at Madrid Marriage of the Infant D. Fernand. Discontent of D. Frederic Duke of Beneuent 35 Meanes to make D. Leonora Queene of Nauarre returne to her husband Her practises with the Noblemen rebelled Contemners of the Kings young yeares 36 A foolish triall of the truth of Religion by armes and what succeeded 37 Meanes held by the king D. Henry to draw the Princes and Noblemen rebelled to their duties The Queene of Nauarre subdued Warre against the Earle of Gijon and accord betwixt the king and him 38 D. Pedro de Luna chosen Pope at Auignon who by his obstinacie continued the Schisme 39 The Queene of Nauarre sent to the king her husband 40 Ieanne Countesse of Foix wife to Mathew of Castelbon reiected by the Arragonois from the succession of the Realme of Arragon Kings ruling in Spaine mentioned in this seuenteenth Booke Portugal 10 D. Iohn Master of Auiz 1. 31 Nauarre D. Charles 3. 14 Arragon D. Iohn 1. 17 Castile and Leon. D. Henry 3. 83. SVCH as are to rule ouer Nations and especially where there is great store of Nobility must be carefull how to gouerne their affections left by their too great libertie they force their subiects either in regard of their honours or for their iust defence to haue recourse to armes For it is often seene when a warre is kindled and that they which are tearmed Rebels haue gotten any aduantage they do no longer containe themselues within the bounds which at the first they had propounded but they proceed and seeke a totall change of the Estate thinking they cannot be otherwise assured or that the superior whom they would make their equall which is the true effect of armes can euer be a true and perfect friend Such are chiefly possessed with this iealousie and distrust as are to contend with men that are giuen to reuenge and of base dispositions as women and effeminate persons who seeke to maintaine their excesse by the name and credit of a Soueraigne degree wherin they are placed thinking that this greatnesse doth purchase them a priuiledge in any thing they do and giue authoritie to their cruelties and impieties wherin they please themseules although they be many times deceiued It is most certaine and verified by infinit examples that neither force nor greatnesse can auayle a Prince whose bad life makes him hatefull to his subiects And on the other side there is no such guard as the loue of subiects the which is conceiued by the opinion of vertue Opinion followes the effects and therefore a Prince should be alwaies carefull what opinion men should haue of him and remember still the precept of the wise That a man must be alwaies such as he would be esteemed If he be giuen to iniustice and voluptuousnesse with the oppression and ruine of his subiects let him assure himselfe that good men wil hate and detest him and his actions and estrange themselues from him so as he shall remaine ingaged among flatterers where many times he is smothered but at the least he is for euer infamous The name of Rebell is iustly detested but the common people iudge by the euents and the wife and well-aduised according to the causes And there is nothing more certaine whatsoeuer the flatteres of Court say that neuer any Conspiracie against a soueraigne Magistrate was durable or could take roote if the hearts of the subiects were not formerly distracted by the Princes owne guilt and excesse But if it pleaseth God to strirre vp some noble courage who imbraceth the publike cause then shall a tyrant hardly auoid his due punishment whereof Spaine affoords vs assured proofes in Don Pedro King of Castile and D. Leonora Telles of Meneses widow to king Fernand and Regent of Portugall who by her vnchastnesse and tyrannie as we haue formerly related ruined her selfe and did frustrate Donna Beatrix her daughter of that Crowne setting it vppon the head of Don Iohn the Bastard Master of the Order of the Knights of Auiz her enemie who had no lawfull right and it may bee neither thought nor hoped to attayne vnto it but when hee saw himselfe armed and followed This King notwithstanding his victorie was alwayes called the Master of Auiz by the Castillans Portugal who would not aduow him for king to the preiudice of their Queene Donna Beatrix and the king D. Iohn his aduersarie intitled himselfe king of Castile Leon Portugal Toledo Gallicia Seuile Cordoua Murcia Iaen Algarue Algezire and Lord of Lara Biscay and Molina some few daies after this great victorie wonne by the Portugals S. Iren yeelded with all that countrie there remaining not any place on this side the mountaines that held for the king of Castile At Saint Iren D. Nugno Aluarez of Pereira Constable of Portugall was made Earle of Oren in recompence of his valour and faithfull seruice and the new King D. Iohn vsed great bounty vnto all the Castillans that were prisoners Liberalitie of the new king of Portugal sending them home free without any ransome After that time leauing the conduct of the warre to his Constable he employed his time in workes of pietie and giuing thankes to God for the
his last acts Kings in Spaine mentioned in this eighteenth Booke ARRAGON 15. D. Martin 1. 16. D. Fernand 1. 17. D. Alphon 5. CASTILE and LEON 18. D. Iohn 2. and the 39. NAVARRE 32. D. Iohn 1. IN the reigne of King Henry the third it often appeered how vaine the enterprises of bad subiects are against a vertuous and innocent Prince for God did preserue this poore pupill from the ambitious rage of his Tutors Princes Prelats and great Lords of Castile ruining them by their owne discord And he did so much honour the royall Maiesty as when as this young Prince had taken vpon him the gouernment of the realme at the age of foureteene yeeres he deliuered them into his hands to punish them as their obstinate rebellion and ingratitude had deserued Being freed as we haue said of the Duke of Benauent the Queene of Nauarre and the Archbishop of Saint Iames and hauing by their example reduced the Earle of Transtamara and the Archbishop of Toledo to their duties there onely remained D. Alphonso Earle of Gijon his vncle who was reduced to that extremity as he was forced to vndergoe the censure of a strange Prince in a cause which concerned his honor his goods and his liberty the which he might haue enioyed with reputation yea much augmented his dignity if he had contained himselfe with modesty in the fauor of D. Henry King of Castile his naturall Prince According to the accord made at the seege of Gijon the King sent his Ambassadors to the French King to debate the causes he had to dispossesse D. Alphonso who hauing staied many daies in the court of France Proceeding against the Earl of Gijon the Earle of Gijon nor his Attorney appeering and the time of the assignation being expired they prepared for their returne when they had newes that their aduerse party was come to the coast of Brittaine and was comming towards Paris wherefore to giue more countenance to their cause they attended Being arriued hee spake with King Charles for his iustification accusing the King his Nephew that he sought to take his portion from him lying in Asturia Leon and Castile the which was asigned him by the deceased King D. Iohn his brother adding many other charges and excesse wherevnto the Ambassadors answered pertinently laying open the Earles ingratitude rebellion and conspiracy against the King his Lord and benefactor who had drawne him out of prison and restored him to all his goods the which King Iohn had iustly taken from him adding therevnto pensions Estates and honours and accusing him in particular of the violent vsurpation of the towne of Paredes of Naua and other tyranicall actions done by him hauing also refused to signe the truce of Portugal with many others acts of contempt and fellony concluding that hee ought to loose the Earldome of Gijon and to be wholy left to the discretion and will of the King his Lord so as in the proofes of these crimes exhibited by the Ambassadors in defence of their Princes actions hauing not any thing to reply publikely he gaue the Lords of the French Kings councell secretly to vnderstand that the ill will which the King his Nephew bare him incensed by his bad councellors who werre corrupt and mercenary proceeded from nothing else but that hee had alwaies opposed himselfe to the practises and secret intelligences which they had with the English in league with whom they would draw the King of Castile to the preiudice of the friendship and ancient alliance which was betwixt the houses of Castile and France wherefore he intreated them to deale so with King Charles as he would iudge fauorably of his cause causing his Estates and Lands to be restored to him againe promising all his life time to doe him good and loyal seruice The King desirous to reconcile Princes that wee neere in bloud caused the Ambassadors to be treated with about a prorogation of the assignation for they had protested that the time prefixt being expired through the Earles negligence and contempt to whom the King their master had caused three hundred thousand marauidis to be deliuered for the charges of his voiage and to take from him all excuse that they could no more appeere before him as before their Iudge yet they said that seeing the King of Castile their Lord had submitted himselfe vnto his Iudgment for the brotherly loue that was betwixt them notwithstanding that many of his councell had diswaded him holding it a disparragement for the soueraigne Prince to contend with his vassall and subiects before a strange Iudge and out of his country and iurisdiction They were of opinion that if the Earle Don Alphonso did willingly deliuer the towne of Gijon vnto the King of Castile and submit himselfe to his will and mercy that by his intercession the Earle should obtaine a safe conduit and assurance to come into Castile and so he should treat of his affaires more profitably then by any other course They withall made a request vnto King Charles in the name of the King their Lord that for the league which was betwixt the two Kings and realmes he would be pleased to command D. Alphonso to depart his country which the French King could not refuse and therefore he caused notice to be giuen vnto the Earle that he should retire himselfe commanding all Gouernors of Prouinces especially of port towns not to giue him any fauor or aide wherefore he went away in poore estate kept himself some daies about Rochelle The six monthes of truce concluded betwixt the King and him being many daies before expired and yet the Ambassadors had not written any thing concerning the conclusion of this sute there were some troupes of horse and foote sent about Gijon after which the King came with greater forces both by land and sea the which did so presse the place as the Contesse Donna Isabella of Portugal yeelded it compounding for her life and liberty and of some Knights that were within it and the deliuery of her sonne D. Henry whom the King held in hostage In the meane time letters came out of France from the Ambassadors contayning what had past in this cause wherewith the King was wel satisfied The miserable Countesse Isabella daughter to D. Fernand King of Portugal being destitute of all meanes went into France to her husband D. Alphonso who was poore Gijon yeelded vnto the King and the Earle dispossest and banished into France and without any helpe or fauour but from the Vicontesse of Touars in whose country he liued in the towne of Marant After the taking of Gijon the King went to Seuile to treat a truce with the Moores being sollicited by King Mahumet then reigning in Granado the third after the death of Mahumet the old who was bruted to haue poisoned the King D. Henry the second and this was his succession Mahumet Guadix the tenth King of Granado MAhumet surnamed Guadix after the death of Mahumet the Old his
marauidis for the exactions and concussions done vppon his people and the kings money keeping them two moneths in the castle of Burgos vntill the full payment and execution of these things If he were moderate in this act of iustice Executions 〈◊〉 Seuile hee vsed greater rigour at Seuile where all was full of partialities proceeding from the diuisions and quarrels which his tutor had bred which the Magistrates and kings officers could not suppresse Being declared of full age he went thither and caused the Earle of Niebla Peter Ponce of Leon and other heads and chief authors of these seditions to be put in prison and hauing examined euery mans actions he banished some others he condemned in great fynes and losse of their offices and caused many to be hanged or lose their heads so as there were aboue a thousand persons intangled in these punishments and executions of iustice one of the chiefe ministers whereof was Doctor Iohn Alphonso of Toro to whom the gouernement of Seuile was giuen for matters of iustice and the more to countenance him the king stayed there many daies This king gaue many other testimonies of his loue to iustice he gaue audience to all sutors indifferently three dayes in the weeke he heard all the complaints of his subiects and prouided for them he could discerne of men of iudgement which were fit for councell and the gouernment of the commonwealth The most esteemed and of greatest authoritie about him were Don Pedro Tenorio Arch-bishop of Toledo Friar Iohn Henriques and Friar Fernando of Illesca with the Cardinall D. Pedro of Frias Bishop of Osma and these for the Clergie Elâ—etion of 〈◊〉 men to 〈◊〉 great aff â—â—res of Knights he made great esteeme of Don Laurence Suarez of Figueroa Master of Saint Iames Gonçales Nugnes of Guzman Master of Calatraua Diego Hurtado of Mendoça high Admirall of Castile Ruy Lopes of Aualos his Lord Chamberlaine and afterwards Constable Diego Lopes of Estuniga chiefe Iutice Peter Lopes of Ayala a knight of great learning who came to be Lord Chancelour Iohn Velasco a Chamberlaine and other knights of his Councell which consisted of sixteene graue personages Among others that were very deare vnto him there was a Doctor a Iew by sect borne at Burgos who afterwards imbraced the Christian Religion called Don Pablo who for his learning and good life Doctor Pablo a Iew learned and of a good life was in time chosen Bishop of Carthagena and in the end obtained the Bishopricke of Burgos He had many times oppugned the Christian Religion as a Iew Rabin and Master in the Iewish Law but hauing receiued in gift of a Christian Doctor the booke of Saint Thomas Aquinas intituled de Legibus he read it diligently and was so mooued with the reasons thereof as he left his Iewish religion the which is not strange say the Diuines of Spaine for he that knowes not Saint Thomas knoweth not any thing and he that knoweth him knowes all things This Prelate who was a great Preacher a great Philosopher wise and iudicious in matters of State and of the kings Councell wrate many bookes whereof some are yet extant Beeing a Iew he was married Doctor Pablos children all learned and had three soones all learned men whereof the one was Deane of Segobia and succeeded his father in the Bishoppricke of Burgos he was called Don Alphonso of Carthagena from whome we haue the genealogie of the kings of Castile written in Latine Don Gonçalo another sonne of D. Pablos was Bishop of Palença a Prelat of great learning and the third was Aluar Garcia of S. Maria a learned man also D. Pablo their father beeing of the King Don Henries Councell notwithstanding that he had bin a Iew did aduise him and his successors Counsel of a Iew against Iewes not to receiue into their seruice either of his housholds Councell or to any Offices of the Realm any Iew although he were conuerted and that for some speciall causes The King Don Henry being endowed with these good qualities beyond the Ordinary of young Princes had also some blemishes like other mortall men for hee was noted to be sparing and desirous to heape vp treasure and yet they say that it was without the oppression of his subiects the which is hard in a Prince yet hee gaue many prouisions and pensions to them that were neere to him in bloud or allyed to him by affinitie as to the Queene D. Beatrix his mother-in-law whome he maintained in the estate of a Queene and to Don Fernand his brother who shewed himselfe alwaies obedient to his will His countries beeing in peace he gaue himselfe to repaire and fortifie the fronter places and did build a new the castle of Carthagena As for religious buildings the church and conuent of the Carthusians at Burgos called Mirefleurs are his worke he was a great fauorer of the Franciscans to whome Queene Katherine his wife had a particular deuotion who was a Ladie of great pietie according to the instruction of that time bountifull maiesticall wife and discreet in her words yet superfluous in her manner of liuing and louing wine whereby in her latter dayes she fell into a palsey The Kings infirmities which began at the age of seuenteene yeares did in time so vndermine him being incurable as he became drie and leane so as the proportion of his body was changed and he seemed another man then formerly he had beene moreouer he was so sad and melancholicke as most commonly he was alone and would not admit of any company Yet he was alwaies carefull of the gouernement of the Realme He alwaies entertayned Ambassadours in Princes Courts as well Christians as Mahumetists by whom he was aduertised what was done in forraine countries their manners and manner of gouernements a thing most profitable for him that sends them Ambassadors discourer the councels and actions of Princes but not for them that receiue them for by Ambassadors which are resident the Councels and actions of Princes are discouered to the great preiudice of their estates Two of his Ambassadors sent into the East the which wee Pelayo of Soto maior and Fernando Pelasuel fell into the hands of Tamberlaine Emperor of the Tartarians after the defeate of Baiazet who intreated then graciously and sent them backe into Spaine with an Ambassador of his to demand friendship of king Henry During his raigne in the yeare 1397 the order to the Knights of the Calatraua in steed of a blacke hood which they had worne vntill that time Red crosse the marke of the Order of Calatraua tooke for their marke a red square crosse which they carry at this day the which was done by the Bull of Pope Benedict of Auignon at the instance of Don Gonçal Nugnes of Guzman maister of the Calatraua The realme of Castille being at peace with all men it was ingaged in new troubles by Don Iohn King of Portugall for that the Articles of the truce concluded
had the gouernement of the Church who gaue credit to the image of Saint Marie of Nieua and beganne to build the Church thereof the which was afterwards augmented by the Queene Donna Catherina This image was sound by one Peter who for that cause was furnamed Of good aduenture who hauing found it aduertised the bishop It is much reuerenced by the Spaniards who hold that shee doth wonderfull and great miracles The yeare 1400. at what time the Iubile was the Spaniards going about to set vp a An. 1400. great Bell in the Church at Seuile all the people being assembled and the King D. Henry being in the tower a sudden tempest with lightning slue many scattered the rest and amazed the whole citty In the yeare 1401. 1401. there was some likelihood of an agreement betwixt the Kings of France and Castile and Pope Benedict attending the determination of a general Councel The Christian Princes which did acknowledge him besides these were the kings of Arragon Nauarre Scotland Cypres and the Duke of Sauoy The rest of the Potentats did adhere vnto Pope Boniface residing at Rome but Benedict was not long in quiet for the Cardinals and Clergie which were about him whereof the chiefe was Iohn of Nouacastello Cardinall of Ostia borne in Burgondy rebelled against him being fauoured and sollicited by the French yea there were sent to Auignon by the duke of Orleance brother to king Charles Robin of Bracamont and William of Mollon who set guards about the Popes pallace â—â—ards set aâ—out the Popes pallace and kept him as it were prisoner for that hee would not voluntarily relinquish his Popedome But the king of Arragon mediating for him he sent Don Iames Prades his Constable who procured him his libertie and that hee should be obeyed in the Countie of Venice In this tumult there were onely three Cardinals which shut themselues vp with the Pope which were Pampelona Girone and Saint Adrian many men of accompt endured much especially Nauarrois and aboue all Don Martin of Salua Cardinall of Pampelona Don Bertrand of Gramont Pronotarie and Master of the sacred pallace and others This Pope aduanced to the Archbishoprick of Toledo a nephew of his sonne to his brother D. Iohn Martin of Luna beeing Doctor of the Canon law and administrator of the church of Tarragone he was also called D. Pedro de Luna but he was not so soone consecrated The affaires of Castile being reasonable quite the Infant Don Fernand the Kings brother and Duke of Pegnafiel was perswaded by some Noblemen to take vppon him the gouernement of the Realme pretending that the king D. Henries infirmitie and continuall paine was the cause he could not intend it so as many things succeeded not well but this was but a cloake to couer the enuie which they bare to D. Ruy Lopes of Aualos Constable of Castile on whom the king relyed giuing him great authority in all things thoroughout the Realme Famiâ—y of Auaâ— lâ—s issued â—ot of Nauarre This Constable was borne at Vbeda of meane parentage but honest whose auncestors came out of Nauarre he was a man of great courage and singular iudgement in matters of warre or in any other charge that was committed vnto him It therefore grieued these Noblemen of great houses to be commanded by him seeking to thrust forward the Infant D. Fernand to disturbe the State But D. Fernand was no fit instrument for their desseins for if there were euer an obedient brother and patient in all things it was he besides being of a slow spirit affaires of great consequence did ouercharge him neither did he willingly vndertake them Finally he was a louer of peace and enemie to warre and tumults For these causes he reiected them that would haue him gouerne shewing them the inconueniences and scandals which would grow by such enterprises exhorting them that if his brother did not seeme vnto them very profitable by reason of his infirmities they should attend the remedie from the prouidence of God with patience This Prince Don Fernand was as we haue sayd married to D. Leonora Countesse of Albuquerque who was heire to many Estates in Spaine For besides the Earledome of Albuquerque and the fiue townes of Infantazgo the townes of Haro Bironâ— Cerezo Vilhorado Ledesma Codesera Azagala Alconchel Medellin and Alconeta were of her patrimony besides the which king Iohn had giuer her Villalon and Vruegna in exchange of other places She was first called Vrraca but she changed it she was a vertuous Ladie and noble in all her actions hauing many children by her husband as we will shew treating of the affaires of Arragon In the yeare 1403. the riuer of Guadalquibir did so swell as it came ouer the wals of Seuile and couered the houses in the lower parts with great losse of men and goods To preuent which accident the diligence of Alphonso of Toro Gouernour for the iustice of that city is much commended The yeare 1405. 1405. Genealogie of Castile was happie and ioyful to the Castillans by reason of the birth of the Infant Don Iohn heire of those Realmes in the towne of Toro Queene Katherine hauing had before D. Maria at Segobia in the yeare 1401. who was Queene of Arragon A while after she brought the king another daughter called Katherine by the mothers name and was future wife to D. Henry Master of Saint Iames third sonne to the Infant D. Fernand. Pope Boniface the ninth being dead a little before seuen Cardinals did chuse the Archb. of Rauenna called Cosmat borne at Sulmona in the realme of Naples being Cardinal of S. Cruz Innocent the 7. chosen Pope in the place of Boniface the 9 whom they named Innocent the 7. So as the schisme continued stil in the Romish Church His competitor Benedict passed the alpes and came to Genoua to conferre with some Potentates of Italy of the meanes how to cease the schisme Beeing there he did consecrate his nephew D. Pedro de Luna Archb. of Toledo and Primate of Spaine and moreouer made another Archb 9. Bishops and 8. Abbots Hee had in his traine that famous Preacher Vincent of the house of Ferreres of Valencia who then preached in the citty of Genoua and since in many other places and especially in Spaine with a great opinion of holines By the death of D. Diego Hurtado of Mendoça high Admirall of Castile which happened the same yeare there was aduanced to the place D. Alphonso Henriques younger brother to the Earle of Transtamara and to his lands and goods which were as great as any Noblemans in Castile succeeded his sonne D. Inigo Lopes of Mendoça a famous personage D. Iohn of Castile one of the base sons of the king D. Pedro had secretly married himselfe in prison to the daugther of Bertrand Erillo his keeper of whom he begat Peter and Constance Constance was a Nunne in the Monasterie of S. Dominicke the royall of Madrid Peter being condemned to perpetuall prison escaped
brother led some troupes towards Auila where by the meanes of Aluaro of Bracamont and Fernando of Aualos who had taken vpon them to defend it they became maisters from thence the King of Nauarre did write a letter vnto the King of Castile full of good councel accusing the constable of auarice Insolemies of the Constable of Castile made knowne vnto the King cruelty tyranie insolency and contempt of the Princes and Noblemen yea of the King himselfe hauing presumed to kil a squier in Areualo and a groome to flie his fury hauing cast himselfe at the Kings feet as in a most assured Sanctury he had beaten him almost in his bosome stretching his armes ouer the Kings shoulders without any respect to his dignity whom euery man to the great dishonor of his royal person said he had inchanted and to conclude if he did not chase him away and punish him he could not be honored nor serued by the Princes and Noblemen of Castile who could not endure such indignities from an vpstart whose beginning was scarce knowne The King knew well that many things contained in these letters were true yet being gouerned by such as fauored the constable he made no answere wherevpon the confederats sent the Earles of Haro and Benauent vnto him who after many Negotiations concluded with the Kings councel that they should make an assembly of the Estates at Vailledolit whereas the deputies of the townes and Prouinces of Castile and Leon should meet and determine of that which should be held expedient for the quiet of the realme so as the Archbishop of Seuile and his Nephew the Earle of Alba did remaine at their houses Before the execution of that which had beene concluded the Infant D. Henry entred Toledo with three hundred and fifty knights through the fauor of D. Pedro Lopes of Ayala the Gouernor and made himselfe maister thereof hauing good correspondency with the King of Nuarre his brother whose faction was very strong at that time in Castile his friends and confederats holding the chiefe townes of the realme for besides that he had vnder his command the towne of Auila and his brother that of Toledo the Earle of Ledesma held Burgos and the castle Pedro of Quignones was maister of Leon Ruy Diaz of Mendoça commanded Segobia with the sort D. Henry Henriques the Admirals brother had Zamora and the castle Salamanca was in the hands of Iohn Gomes of Anaya Guadalajara of D. Inigo Lopes of Mendoça Lord of Hita Plaisance of the Earle of Ledesma Vailledolit of the Earle Pedro Nugnes other places were held by other Knights of that party the which did much trouble the King and his constable To make the assembly of Vailledolit more easie the Earles of Haro and Benauent returned to Bonille where it was againe concluded that the Kings and the Noblemen should retire their troupes and there was a general pasport giuen to al them that should come to Vailledolit with assurance of their goods yea to the constable who remained in his house at Escalano where by an ill presage the greatest part of the castle had some few daies before beene burnt with lightning notwithstanding the King would haue the pasport serue also for the constables person In this assembly it was decreed that the cities and townes held by the confederats should bee left free at the King of Castiles dispose but there was not any thing effected and the more to trouble the realme D. Henry Prince of the Asturia's perswaded by his spouse and the confederat noblemen began to ioyne with the King of Nauarre his future father in law retyring himselfe vnto the Admiral D. Frederics lodging wherewith the court was much troubled and the King sent the Earle of Castro and Ruy Diaz of Mendoça to the King of Nauar to vnderstand the cause of this alteration who answered that he knew it not and withal went with them to the Admirals lodging to vnderstand the reason The Prince answered that he had retired himselfe thether by reason of Doctor Perjineâ— Alphonso Pâ—res of Biuero and Nicholas Fernandes of Villanicar of the Kings councel being vnworthy of that ranke and beseeching the King that he would chase them away else he would retire himselfe The King promised to dismisse them wherevpon the Prince was pacefied and came to the Kings palace D. Iohn de Pacheâ—o gouerns Prince Henry after midnight the King of Nauarre accompanying him The Prince D. Henry was gouerned by a yong gentleman called D. Iohn de Pacheco sonne to Alphonso Telies Giron Lord of Beaumont who was preferred to his seruice by the constable and was afterwards made Marquis of Villena and maister of the Order of Saint Iames. The King at the Estates of Vailledolit setled some order for Iustice which was but badly executed in Castile and some thing to pacefie the Princes and Noblemen that were mutined and to diuert their armes hee thought it now time to celebrate the marriage of D. Henry and the Infanta of Nauarre being three yeeres since they were made sure and either of them being fifteene yeeres old the bond of consanguinity which might hinder it was dissolued by Pope Eugenius the fourth The Infanta being sent for she entred into Castile An. 1440. in the yeere 1440. beeing accompanied by Queene Blanch her mother the Prince of Viana her brother and many noblemen prelats and knights of Nauarre Shee was receiued in the towne of Logrogno by D. Alphonso of Carthagena Bishop of Burgos D. Inigo Lopes of Mendoça Lord of Hita and by D. Pedro of Velasco Earle of Haro From thence the Prince D. Charles returned into Nauarre with his Gouernor D. Iohn of Beaumont who in the Princes name gouerned the realme the Queene mother being absent The Princesse with all her traine being come to Vilhorado a house belonging to the Earle of Haro she was entertained with sumptuous feasts great sports and rare inuentions and much more at Birbiesca by the Earle himselfe D. Pedro of Acugna did the like at Duegnas whether the Prince D. Henry came to meet his spouse whereas he presented her with many rich iewels and shee him who hauing beene some foure and twenty howers with the Ladies he returned to Vailledolit whether they went There went forth to meet them the Kings and al the principall Noblemen of the court who made a stately entry into the towne and the Queene and Princesse went to the King of Nauarres lodging whose brother D. Henry came from Toledo to assist at the marriage the which was celebrated with a royall pompe Cardinal of Saint Peter D. Pedro of Ceruantes Bishop of Auila performing the ceremony But the vnfortunate hap of this Princesse was such as the Prince D. Henry proued vnable to consummate the marriage Marriage of the Prince of Castile and the Infâ—nta of Nauarre the which she did vertuously conceale for many yeeres To honor the marriage the noblemen ran at tilt with sharpe pointed lances but
the confederate Lords of Castile who retired home to their houses to settle their affaires but the King of Castile pursued them with all rigour of Iustice causing them to be proclaymed Rebels and forfeiting their lands to the crown without respect of any Condemnations against the confederates yet the Prince D. Henry laboured so as the Admirall was put out of the roule of them that were condemned but not without difficultie In the castell of Medina of Rio. secco was Donna Theresa of Quignones with Donna Ioane wife to the King of Nauarre The king being come thither he receiued the place and vsed the Ladies gratiously by the Princes intercession who preserued the Admirals goods estates and family vppon condition that he should return to the kings seruice within foure moneths notwithstanding Queene Ioane remayned in the king of Castiles power and the League against the Constable was so dispersed as there was not any towne or castle but was yeelded vp into the kings power nor any man of name that durst oppose himselfe but some retired into Nauarre and others into remote places and little frequented by the Court The Admirall the Earle of Benauent Don Diego Manrique Gouernour of Leon Don Pedro of Quignones and Iohn Tobar went towards Nauarre by reason wherof the King fearing some enterprise of that side came to Burgos Don Aluâ—ro de Luna the Constable beeing freed from so great enemies Constable restored to fauor made Master of S. Iames. grew to be in greater credite then euer and whereas he had been but administrator of Saint Iames he was made Master of that Order which honors were but baytes of misfortune which did follow him to plunge him in extreme miserie He entertayned friendship with the Princes of Portugall as his last refuge and in the time of this warre had procured for the king of Castile a succour of 1600. horse and two thousand foote the which Don Pedro the third Constable of Portugal sonne to the Infant Don Pedro Regent of the Realme a young Prince but seuenteene yeares old brought to Majorga after the battell where they were receiued and feasted with great ioy but for that there was no vse for them they were sent backe payed and well satisfied In this voyage the Constable treated with the Portugals to haue the King his master whose Queene was dead fiue moneths before to marrie with Donna Izabella daughter to the Infant D. Iohn deceased Beginning of the kings hatred against the Constable who had beene Master of Saint Iames in Portugall wherwith he had not made the king in any sort acquainted so much hee presumed of the power he had ouer him This marriage with some other things were afterwards the cause that the King did hate him mortally This Prince D. Henry and many other knights considering how great a losse it wold be if so many great Lords and worthie men should be estranged from Castile they delt so with the king who of himselfe was patient and tractable as they obtained a generall pardon for all such as had carried armes with the King of Nauarre vnto the which these Articles following were annexed That a pardon was granted to the Admirall Pardon granted to the confederates fled into Nauarre and other places who should returne into Castile when he had leaue from the king and should retire vnto the tower of Lobaton in the which and the limits thereof he should remaine confined two yeares The Earle of Benauent had the like sentence to remaine in his house at Benauent two yeares and that he should take into his charge and guard Donna Ioane Queene of Nature and not suffer her after the two yeares expired to depart without the kings commandement and the consent of Prince Henry and after that the Earle himselfe and that the Admirall had taken an oath of fealty vnto the king to serue him against all men according to the lawes of Castile These things beeing thus concluded the King being at Burgos he gaue the title of Marquis of Santillana to Don Inigo Lopes of Mendoça for his good and acceptable seruice to Don Iohn de Pacheco in fauour of the Prince the title of Marquis of Villena the gouernement of the castle of Burgos held till that time by the Earle of Plaisance was giuen to Iohn of Luxan Not onely the king of Nauarre but his sonne the Prince Don Charles yea Don Alphonso of Arragon Master of Calatraua lost at this time all they had in Castile Don Pedro Giron brother to Don Iohn de Pacheco was made Master of Calatraua by the king being at Auila and Don Alphonso who was retired into Nauarre with his father depriued thereof yet D. Iohn Ramires of Guzaman great Commander of the Order tooke vpon him the title of Master against D. Pedro Giron which contention was afterwards reconciled by the Princes authority and others In the meane time they did write out of Murcia to the king Granado that they suspected the Moores would make some attempt wherefore it was necessarie to prouide for that fronter but it was a brute without effect for that King Mahumet Aben-Azar then raigning was forced to defend himselfe in his owne Realme against another called Mahumet Aben Ozmen called Coxo his nephew who had rebelled against him to depriue him of his Realme as he did hauing intelligence with many Morish Knights of Grando by whose meanes he seized of the citty and of Alhambra and tooke King Mahumet his vncle who at that time lost his Realme beeing the third time and neuer recouered it more in the yeare one thousand foure hundred forty and fiue hauing raigned thirteene yeares and three moneths The King of Castile went into Extremadura Castile and forced D. Fernand of Aualos sonne to the sometimes Constable D. Ruy Lopes of Aualos to yeeld him vp the fort of Albuquerque and others which had belonged to the Infant D. Henry in consideration of some recompence which the deceased Infant his Master did owe him The king beeing at Toledo he tooke the Gouernement of the cittie from Pero Lopes of Ayala who was a partisan to the King of Nauarre and gaue it to Pedro Sarmiento There were many complaints made by the Officers and lesser Magistrates of the cittie the which the king dissembled for that the Prince fauoured him and was much discontented for that hee was put from his gouernement of Toledo In the meane time the King of Nauarre who was also as Regent in Arragon in the absence of King Alphonso his brother prouided money and all other meanes to renue the watre in Castile whereas hee yet held two strong places Atiença and Torrijo and by the meanes of Gaston Earle of Foix his sonne-in-law who had married D. Leonora his second daughter to whom afterwards the succession of the realme of Nauarre fell he pretended to draw so me great succours out of France In Atiença Roderigo of Rebolledo was Gouernor with a garrison of two
D. Inigo Lopes of Mendoça Marquis of Santillana to D. Pedro of Estunig a Earle of Plaisance and to D. Rodrigo Manrique great Commander and who caused himselfe to be called Master of S. Iames to haue them ioyne in this new league against the Constable who was the cause of so much iniustice imprisonments exiles and the confiscations of the goods of so great personages wherunto they seemed willing and it was likely that the Constable would be now ruined but all goodly beginnings haue not the like successe The king of Granado beeing aduertised of all these practises sent to make offer to be of the partie promising to enter into Andalusia with all the forces of Granado to fauor the confederates Whilest these things were working there happened a great tumult in the citty of Toledo Sedition at Toledo growing by the importune repetition which the Constable made of a million of Marauidis lent vnder colour that the king wanted mony so as an artisan went and rung the bell and put the people into furie in the which a rich Merchant called Alphonso Cotta was slaine and other insolencies committed the which the Constable at that time could not redresse Don Pedro Sarmiento Captaine of the cittie beeing iealous embraced this occasion to make his profite and ioyned with the people pretending the Kings seruice in that he did resist the Constable who was Gouernour of the cittie aboue him where hee committed so many outragious extorsions and thefts as what Pero Lopes of Avala had done before him was nothing in respect of him The King aduertised of this disorder drew neere vnto Toledo to whom they refused the entrie into their gates and Don Pedro Sarmiento sent him certaine vnreasonable Articles to signe if hee would enter wherewith the king beeing wrathfully incensed he caused the city to be sommoned by a King of armes protesting to ruine the Inhabitants if they did not obay to whom they made answere with their shot and artillery vsing words of disgrace and contempt against the King who leauing some companies about the city to cut off their victuals and to anoy them he came to Torrijo whether the Inhabitants of Toledo and Pedro Sarmiento sent Ambassadors to beseech him to take the gouernment of that great city from the Constable whom they termed a tyrant else they should be forced to deliuer it into the hands of the Prince his sonne wherewith the King was more offended then at the refusall they had made for that the Prince D. Henry and he seemed to be diuided so as he made them no answere wherevpon D. Pedro Sarmiento sent to Segobia to the Prince and caused him to come to Toledo The King hearing of this he commanded them that he had left about the city to retire But the Prince desired to enter into Toledo with the good leaue and liking of the King his father Pedro Sarmiento deliuers Toledo to Prince Henry but hee could not obtaine it wherefore he entred as he might and gaue a generall pardon to all men namely to Pedro Sarmiento for all the villanies which he had committed and left him Gouernor graunting him all that he desired promising that he would not send him to the Court nor he should not present himselfe before the King but in his company The Prince staied some time at Toledo where going forth one day a hunting he was aduertised that some treated to deliuer the city vnto the King wherefore he returned speedily and after information some of the offenders were taken and executed and two Chanoins kept in prison In the meane time the King had taken the castle of Benauent and then lost it againe by a surprize which the Earle himselfe made against whom hee prepared an army but the Earle finding himselfe to weake returned to his exile in Portugal The Prince leauing Toledo returned to Segobia and hauing assigned a day to the Noblemen practised by the King of Nauarre and the Earle of Haro at Crugna a house belonging to Pero Lopes of Padilla they there resolued to make ready their men and ioyne all together at an appointed time to beginne the warre against the Constable The Prince was ready and there speedily ioyned with him the Earle of Haro and the Marquis of Santillana but the rest appeered not yea the King of Nauarre was not ready to march so soone wherefore the enterprise was broken off and euery one beeing returned to his quarter the Prince D. Henry reconciled himselfe to the King his father and so did the Earle of Haro and the Marquis of Santillana whereby the treaty of marriage betwixt Prince Charles and the Earle of Haros daughter was broken Notwithstanding all this the King of Castile did not stirre and the frontiers of Castile and Nauarre where reasonably quiet in the yeere 1450. An. 1450. Pedro Sarmienâ—o forced to flâ—e into Arragon for his thefts and yet such as fled into Nauarre and Arragon were there receiued amongst the which was D. Pedro Sarmiento whom the Prince D. Henry was in the end forced to thrust out of Toledo for his violences and treacheries He gratiously commanded him to be gone and gaue him leaue to carrie away all his baggage whereof hee had two hundred moiles or horses laden to the great griefe of the Toledains seeing this theefe thus inriched with their spoiles and to carry it away freely before their faces But Pedro Sarmiento was much more greeued to quit so rich a possession whose fleece was very proffitable God would not permit him to enioy that long which hee had gotten ill for being come with this booty to Segobia they did not onely spoile him but he was forced to saue himselfe by flight in Arragon whether he carried nothing of all his thefts but the sinne and shame thereof By the King of Nauarres permission he dwelt a while in the city of Pampelone with his wife and children poore and needy and scarce could they get a retreat in the towne of Bastide neere vnto Haro The Marquis of Villena following the Constables steps hauing giuen the Prince his maister occasion to be discontented with him he had like to haue beene seized on by the practises of D. Pedro Portocarrero of the Bishop of Cuenca and of D. Iohn de Sylua standard-bearer to the King but he auoided it Afterwards it was pacefied by the marriage of Donna Maria de Pacheco the Marquises daughter and D. Pedro Portocarrero who for that cause was made Earle of Medellin The King fearing new conspiracies to the preiudice of his estate being well acquainted with the Constables arrogancy and misdemeanors he resolued to make some accord with the King of Nauarre to the end hee might haue the Prince his some who was light and inconstant vnited vnto him cutting off all occasions of factions and leagues which might distract him attending a fit oportunity to make the Constable feele his iust indignation whilest this was working D. Henry Henriques the Admirals brother Accord betwixt the
honors and riches who were issued from base and obscure families Thus King Henry at the age of one and thirty yeeres was proclaimed King at Valiodolite in the presence of D. Iohn of Pacheco Marques of Villena his most priuate and familliar friend and his brother D. Pedro Giron Maister of â—alatraua D. Ruy Diaz of Mendoza great Maister of the household to the late King D. Iohn D. Pedrod ' Aguilar Lord of Priego and of Cagnette the Marshal D. Diego Fernandes of Cordoua Lord of Baena and other Noblemen which were then at the Court. The beginning of his reigne was very plausible by reason that he did enlarge of his owne accord without being therevnto solicited by any one D. Garcia Alâ—ares of Toledo Earle of Alua and D. Diego Manriques Earle of Treuigno restoring them to all their former riches honours and dignities and hauing made a certaine speech to the Lords that were then about him they gaue him great and humble thankes reputing that demonstration of his clemency as an high fauour and so with al reuerence kissed his hands He displaced none of all those which were in any office or place of dignity during the life of his father but receiued them into his seruice in the selfe same quality that they were in before In regard whereof all men thought the Kingdome happy being fallne into the hands of so good so curteous and liberall a Prince and they did yeeld infinite thankes vnto God the only giuer of so desired and necessary a fauour for the Realmes of Castile and Leon. Diuers great Lords so soone as they heard of the death of King Iohn came in all hast to mourne with him for the same to do him reuerence and to take the oth of alleageance due to the new King The Ecclesiasticall persons were D. Alphonso Carillo d' Acugna Archbishop of Toledo D. Roderigo de Luna Archbishop of Saint Iames D. Alphonso Fonseca Archbishop of Seuil D. Alphonso de Carthagena Bishop of Burgos Frier Lopes de Barriento Bishop of Cuenca D. Alphonso de Madrigalls called Tostado the most renowned Bishop of Auila D. Pedro Baca Bishop of Leon D. Pedro of Castile Bishop of Palença D. Gonçall of Illesca Bishop of Cordoua D. Lewis d' Acugna Bishop of Segobia D. Inigo Manrique Bishop of Ouiedo with diuers other prelats The secular Lords were D. Fernand de Velasco Earle of Haro D. Alphonso Pimentell Earle of Benauent D. Gaston de la Cerde Earle of Medina Celi D. Diego Manrique Earle of Treuigno D. Iohn Manrique Earle of Castagneda D. Roderigo Manrique Earle of Paredes D. Gabriell Manrique Earle of Osorno D. Aluaro of Estuniga Earle of Plaisance whose father was newly dead much about the time of the Constables decease D. Pedro Aluares Osorio Earle of Transtamara D. Pedro d' Acugna Earle of Valencia an other D. Pedro d' Acugna Lord of Duegnas and Tariego brother to the Archbishop D. Alphonso Carillo D. Iohn de Sylua Standard-bearer to the King and many others who with the deputies of townes and Prouinces there assembled sware to the Kings fealty and homage after the accustomed manner Now the King being desirous to suppresse al fore-passed quarrels and to settle a firme peace in his dominions The King of Nauarre and other Lords pacified recompenced repealed by the new king D. Henry did at his comming to the crowne send Ambassadors to the King of Nauarre who greatly complained because of the confiscation of all his goods in Castile wherevpon it was concluded that in recompence of all the wrongs that hee could pretend he should haue certaine yeerely pensions assigned him out of the ordinary reuenue of the Kingdome of Castile in regard of which assignation he should deliuer vp into the King of Castiles hands the townes of Atiença La Pegna de Alcaçar it was likewise agreed vpon that the Admirall D. Frederic D. Iohn of Touar Lord of Berlanga the children of the Earle of Castro lately dead and all the Knights and others which were fled out of the Kingdome by reason of the late warres should be repealed and restored to all their goods and lands These things were soone effected and the Admirall with the rest returned to Valiodolit to kisse the Kings hands who receiued them very graciously and yet for all that did put them in minde of the faith and obedience due to Kings to the end they might the better remember it afterward and so with his free pardon dismissed them And besides all this the better to confirme his peace on all sides with Christian Princes he sent Ambassadors into Italy to Alphonso King of Arragon to the end to renue the leagues and antient alliances betwixt the crownes of Castile and Arragon who were receiued and entertained with great honour a notable argument whereof was that as the Ambassadors of Castile and the Commissioners of Arragon stood vpon termes who should be first named in the instruments and writings the King D. Alphonso decreed that the precedency should be giuen to Castile Castile presâ—râ— before Arragon in regard that he himselfe reigning ouer the Arragonois was a Prince issued from the stocke of Castile an antient race of the Kings of Gothes so that in all the writings which did concerne the league and alliance the King of Castile was first named the which his Ambassadors at their returne certified to him and his councell to their exceeding ioy and contentment But notwithstanding these good beginnings if the reigne of the late King Iohn was turbulent and troublesome and if euer Spaine was Spaine was seene to be shaken with furious tempests The gentleness of a Prince not accompanied with iustice seuerity is both hurtful to him selfe and his Estaâ—e it was now most of all by the miserable gouernment of his sonne King Henry whose clemency and carelesse gentlenesse was the onely cause thereof making him to forget the other part of the duty of a Prince which is Iustice by meanes whereof he fell into the contempt of the great ones of his Court and namely of his most priuate minions so that both hee and his Kingdome fell into very dangerous streights At the beginning he and his affaires were gouerned by D. Iohn de Pacheco Marquis of Villena a wise rich and discreet person and one well seene in the mannaging of state-affaires likewise by the Archbishop of Seuil D. Alphonso de Fonseca a prelate of an excellent wit but lesse graue then beseemed the place and ranke he held by whom for certaine yeeres space the Kingdome was well gouerned to the contentment of all men The first martiall enterprise attempted in the reigne of King Henry was against the Moores of Granado ouer whom reigned Ismael Moores and Castile the same who had taken the crowne from Mahumet the Lame for the execution whereof King Henry assembled the Estates of his kingdome in the city of Cuellar vnto whom hauing propounded what he ment to doe D. Iatgo Lopes de
Henry forsweares himselfe Donna Ioane and the Duke of Guyenne betrothed together by Ambassadors The duke dies 27 The Archbishop of Toledo raiseth new troubles 28 Quarrels betwixt the Earles of Haro and Treuigno 29 Affrican expeditions and other affaires of Portugall 30 Enterview of the Kings of Castile and Portugall 31 End of the warre of Barcelona 32 Rash and succeslesse enterprise of the Princesse Leonora Countesse of Foix against the city of Pampelona and those of Beaumont 33 Second marriage of the Marquis of Villena Maister of Saint Iames. 34 Roderigo Borgia Cardinal and legat in Spaine 35 New Christians massacred at Cordoua and Iaen where the Constable of Castile Don Michael Lucas of Irançu was murthered The same dignity giuen to the house of Velasco 36 Enterprise of the Maister of Saint Iames against D. Andrea de Cabrera D. Pedro Gonçal de Mendoça made Cardinall 37 Parliament at Madrid determinations thereof Outrage and insolency of the Maister of Saint Iames Enterview of King Henry of Castile and of the Princesse Donna Isabel his sister and likewise of Prince Fernando her houseband Priuiledge of the Earle of Ribadeo Suspitious banquet 38 Death of Earle Gaston de Foix husband to Princesse Leonora of Nauarre her titles hard suspitions of her chastity the Bishop of Pampelona murthered 39 King Iohn of Arragon and Lewis the eleuenth the French King quarrel about the Earledome of Rossillon 40 Quarrels betweene the houses of Mendoça and Pimentel 41 Death of D. Iohn de Pacheco Maister of Saint Iames Three maisters of the same Order contend together at one time Last acts of king Henry of Castile The one and twentith Booke of the History of Spaine NOtwithstanding the agreement made at Montejo the Kingdome of Castile was neuer the more at quiet for the Infant Don Alphonso called himselfe King neuerthelesse and in his writings and letters patâ—nts diuers of which are to be seene in Spaine at this day as namely at Valiodolit and Areualo he named himself King of Castile Leon Toledo Galicia Siuil Cordoua Murcia Iaen Algarua Algezire and Gibraltar and Lord of Biscay and Molina neither did the confederate Lords lay downe their armes according as they had sworne and promised perceiuing very well that all King Henries great forces and meanes would come to nothing through his negligence and carelesnesse by meanes whereof the Realme of Spaine grew infamous through the robberies and oppressions which the souldiars did dayly commit in euery place without any punishment at all It happened on a day as the confederates went out of Valiodolit to Alfaro they were no sooner out of the towne but the Inhabitants shut their gates against them Those of Valiodolit free themselues from the confederates subiection and submit to the King putting themselues againe vnder King Henries obedience and did driue all those out of their city which had any correspondence with the league The King being aduertized thereof came sodainely thither where hee was receiued with great ioy In recompence of the losse of Valiodolit the confederates made an enterprise vpon Simancas thinking to haue taken it by scalado but they themselues were taken and diuers of them sent backe to Valiodolit where they were cut in quarters The King did for all this harken to the agreement which had bin resolued among them and did bend his eare to whatsoeuer was propounded by the Marquis whose onely drift was to take him if hee could haue but drawne him into any place fit for the purpose but the King hearing thereof stood still vpon his guarde and when at any time there was any occasion of meeting to conferre he alwaies sent the Bishop of Calaorra and Iohn Fernandes Galindo vnto them They concluded vpon nothing so that many Lords which followed the Court tooke their leaues and returned to their owne houses There remained continually with the King the Bishop of Calaorra the Marquis of Santillana and his bretheren the Earles of Haro Valence and Cabra the new Marquis of Astorga the Constable D. Michael Lucas de Irançu and the Duke of Albuquerque The King hauing left a good garrison in Valiodolit returned to Segobia at the same time the affaires of the confederates The Prince D. Alphonso chosen King in miserable captiuity in the keeping of the confedâ—rates were in bad termes and if the King or they which were neere about him had truely vnderstood themselues he might very easily haue dissolued that league for the Marquis through want of meanes was very badly and vnwillingly followed by those which were about him The Prince Don Alphonso distrusting the end of their enterprises would willingly haue made an attonement with the King his brother but they held him very short and threatned him that if hee made but the least shew to bend that way to present him with a cuppe of poison therevpon by meanes of the Archbishop of Siuill a very vnseemely agreement was made to the which neuerthelesse the King gaue eare willingly which was to marry the Infanta Donna Isabella his sister to Don Pedro Giron Maister of Calatraua vpon condition that hee should promise to cause Prince Alphonso to giue ouer the title of King An other agreement not wel digested and to furnish a certaine summe of money with three thousand launces for the Kings seruice besides this it was concluded that the Bishop of Calaorra and the Duke of Albuquerque should leaue the Court who forthwith without any contradiction did so The Infanta Donna Isabella was wonderfully afflicted with griefe when she vnderstood these newes Magnanimity of the Infanta D. Isabel. considering the inequality of the marriage and the indignity offered her by the King her brother and like a noble and couragious Princesse she determined rather to kill her selfe then euer to yeeld vnto it but first of all shee thought it fit to trie all possible meanes how to ridde this new husband of his life shee had a very trusty Gentlewoman named Beatrice of Boadilla who offered with the help of her husband Andrew de Cabrera to kill the Maister vpon the wedding night as soone as hee should offer to lie downe by the Princesse this Lady was by the Infanta at her comming to the crowne of Castile created Marquesse of Moya These things being thus plotted Death of Don Padro â—yron Maister of Caâ—atrauâ— it happened that as the Maister D. Pedro Giron was on his way to the Court to sollemnize his marriage bringing with him great numbers of horsemen he was taken with a greeuous sicknesse whereof hee died at Villa-rubia hauing held the Mastership of Calatraua one and twenty yeeres whether this happened accidentally or otherwaies it remaines doubtfull but his death was very displeasing to the King who thought by meanes of this marriage to giue an end to all the miseries and troubles of his Kingdome and to re-enter into his former authority and quiet In his place his sonne Don Roderigo Tellez Gyron was chosen Maister of Calatraua
certaine Barbary horses and other Moorish presents vnto whom the King promised fauour and assistance against the King of Granado as to his vassall From thence he came to Carmona where he remained a space In the same towne there was three castles two of which were at the commandement of the Maister of Saint Iames but the third was held by Gomes Mendes de Sotomajor a Knight wholy leagued with those of Siuill whom the Maister had a great desire to dispossesse and did greatly importune the King to consent therevnto and hee did promise Gomes Mendes a large recompence the which hee refused saying that hee could not leaue that place without the consent of the Knights of Siuill vnto whom hauing declared the wrong that the King would haue done to him onely to satisfie the Maister of Saint Iames the Duke of Medina Sidonia and Roderigo Ponce of Leon Pedro de Estuniga Alphonso Henriques Gouernor of the frontiers sent to aduertize the King that they could not consent to so vnreasonable a matter hurtfull to the crowne as to alienate from the same the town of Carmona which the King at that time tooke in good part but afterward hee was ouer-ruled by the Maister of Saint Iames and would haue constrained Gomes Mendes to haue left the same place wherefore the Duke of Medina and the other Knights with the Inhabitants of Siuill armed themselues and assailed the castle of Triana from whence hauing driuen Hernandes Arias of Sahauedra they placed therein an other captaine then their power increasinge they came into the field giuing the King and the Maister of Saint Iames new matter to thinke on who with the whole Court left Carmona and came to Alcala of Guadiaira and from thence the King sent to command the Duke to disarme himselfe and to send away his people who answered that hee had taken armes for his seruice as also to defend himselfe from his enemy the Maister of Saint Iames The Maister fearing that this fire would kindle to his owne hurt sought meanes to conferre with the Duke which the other Lords and Knights with those of Siuill would not agree vnto saying that the Maister was a crafty wicked man and that their talke would come to no good effect and so sent backe to the King intreating him not to alienat Carmona from the crowne and to confirme Gomes Mendes in his captaineship The King to auoide farther mischiefes made means himself that the Duke and the Maister might talke together betweene Siuill and Cantillana At this meeting it was onely determined that the King should enter into Siuill and that the Maister should stay at Cantillana where they should agree vpon those things The King beeing receiued with great ioy into the city of Siuill whilest hee remaines there about the appeasing of those differences the Princesse Isabella his sister being continually sollicited by her Maister Pantâ—er Guttieres of Cardegna to harken to the marriage of Fernand Prince of Girona the heire of Arragon and to reiect that of Portugall and Duke Charles of France with the King of Englands brother who was an other sutor at the last she gaue her full consent therevnto wherefore the Archbishop of Toledo and the Admirall D. Frederike wholy addicted to the seruice of this Princesse and likewise to Prince Fernand King of Sicill thinking that this marriage was most conuenient and proffitable for the affaires of the Kingdome did consent and conclude therevpon causing the Bridegroome in a disguised habit to come into Castile whether hee was conducted by D. Pedro Manriques Earle of Treuigno Donna Isabella of Castilâ— marrieth Fernand of Arragon who afterwards was Duke of Nagera and others who brought him to Valiodolit Where beeing presented before the Princesse amongst others very few nor yet she her selfe did know him but her faithfull seruant Guttiere de Cardegna shewed her him saying in his Spanish tongue Esseâ—es This is he to whom the Princesse readily replied and Esse shall be thine armes for this cause the house and posterity of this Knight beareth yet to this day amidst there blazons and deuises an S S The royall aspect and graue countenance of Prince Fernand did soone certifie the Princesse that it was he therefore without any more delay the marriage was sollemnized and accomplished at Valiodolit the eighteenth of October 1469. in the house of Iohn de Biuero where at this day the Kings Chancery is kept King Henry not knowing thereof who would rather haue hindred it then otherwise for the small good which he wished to King Iohn of Arragon his father These newes were presently carried to the Maister of Saint Iames who wrote to the King that he should forthwith without delay come to Cantillana the which he did not knowing the cause why he was so hastily sent for there to his great griefe he vnderstood of his sisters marriage wherefore vpon the instant hee departed out of Andaluzia leauing those of Siuill some-what mooued vntill they knew the cause and taking the ready way to Trugillo hee was there staied by the refusall of Garcia de Sese captaine of the fort of that city who would not yeeld the same place vp vnto him the which hee ment to haue bestowed vpon the Earle of Playsance in recompence of the good seruice which hee had done vnto him This captaine had agreed with the townes-men who had foreseene the Kings intent to hold out and not to permit the same to bee alienated from the crowne and giuen to a priuate Lord. The King perceiuing that hee could not gratifie the Earle with Trugillo confirmed vnto him and left for Inheritance to him and his heires for euer the towne of Areualo which was pawn'd vnto him with title of Duke doing thereby manyfest wrong to the widow Queene Isabella vnto whom that towne did belong Being at Trugillo Gomes de Caceres Maister of Alcantara came vnto him and craued pardon for his offences the which hee freely obtained and besides that hee was confirmed in the gouernment of Badajos and Caceres which hee had vsurped during the reuolts and at his intreaty and of the Maister of Saint Iames hee gaue to his brother Guttiere de Caceres the city of Coria with the title of Earle To Alphonso Monroy who had beene faithfull vnto him and followed the warres at his owne charges hee gaue many great guifts so this King did good both to his friends and enemies At the same place of Trugillo hee receiued letters from the Princesse his sister by the which shee gaue him reason for her marriage with Prince Fernand and for her refusall of the others intreating him to beleeue that it was done for the good quiet and commodity of the Kingdome of Castile in time to come and to assure him both of her good will and her husbands who would for euer remaine his affectionate seruants without inclyning to any thing that should displease him beseeching him to consider with what hearty affection shee loued and honoured
Queene of Castile and Arragon Anne Queene of France and Anne Queene of Bohemia and Hungary Francis Phoebus the foure and thirtith King of Nauarre LEt vs now go forward with our Historie after Queene Leonora's decease her sonnes sonne Francis Phoebus of the age of twelue yeares succeeded by right to the Crowne of Nauarre Seditions awaked by those of Beaumont and Grammont in Nauarre the yeare one thousand foure hundred seuenty nine beeing brought vp in his Earledome of Foix and Lordship of Bearne vnder the gouernement of Donna Magdaleine of France his mother and the Cardinall his Vncle but three yeares were expired before hee durst passe into his Kingdome by reason of the seditions which suddenly after the Queene Leonora's decease were renewed betwixt the Beaumontois the Earle of Lerin beeing their head who held the Cittie of Pampelona and those of Grammont who followed Pedro of Peralta the Constable and Philip of Nauarre the Marshall who had for their forts the places of Estella Sanguessa Olita and a great part of the cittie of Tudela The young Kings mother made a iourney thither as appeareth by letters graunted by her this same yeare dated at Pampelona where shee laboured though in vaine to settle peace and quietnesse in the Countrey diuers Prelates and great Lords of Castile and Arragon did in like manner but to none effect go about to appease these obstinate seditious persons who were hardened in their wickednesse The Faction of Grammont was much discontented to see the Earle of Lerin married to a Ladie of the bloud royal sister to King Fernand of Castile and for that hee was possessed of the cittie of Pampelona the chiefe of the Kingdome they sayd that hee thought to make himselfe king of Nauarre These quarrels beeing sharpely poursued by either side it happened that Philip of Nauarre Viana surprised by the Marshall Philip. successour to his father in the office of Marshall and in hatred to the Earle of Lerin did surprize the cittie of Viana but he could not get the castle wherein a knight of the house of Gongora was captaine for the Earle and beeing out of hope of beeing able to keepe the towne so great was his hatred towards the Earle as hauing complotted with Don Iohn of Riuera Gouernor of Logrogno for the king of Castile Captaine Mudirre and other Spanish knights he deliuered the towne into their hands the which deed of his Exploites of the Earle of Lerin the Earle of Lerin greatly resenting endeauored to recouer that losse which did not so much touch him nor his faction as the whole Realme in generall and hee did so well bestirre himselfe as he did not onely recouer Viana but Larraga likewise which had beene before that time possessed by the king of Castile and if he had beene as strong as hee was couragious and skilfull in martiall affaires he would without all doubt haue recouered the places of Saint Vincent la Garde and Arcos the which hee attempted but hee was too weake with this good happe yet neuerthelesse hee tooke the towne of Miranda vppon Arga and caused those which held it to leape into the riuer In these trobles was the Realme of Nauarre when this young King Francis Phoebus came to the Crowne in danger vppon such like occasions to haue the kings of Castile attempt some thing to his preiudice as well thorough the euill offices of the chiefe of the Factions as by the superfluous duties of thâ— Captaines of the frontiers who to bee accounted good and profitable seruants do oftentimes draw their masters into vniust quarrels contrarie to their owne minds and dispositions The Court of Castile Castile remayned yet at Toledo in the which cittie in the beginning of the yeare one thousand foure hundred eightie the kings had called a Parlament Parliament at Toledo there the Deputies of the citties who were accustomed to haue voyces hauing well weighed and considered the disposition of the royall reuenue which was alienated to particular persons in recompences perpetuall rents superfluous gifts and other such like wastes which were not well digested did craue reformation thereof and demaunded to haue those things which had beene giuen from the Crowne to be restored to the same and they were the more instant therein Consultation touching the re-union of the royall reuenue because they did fore-see that if the kings did not looke to it necessitie would constraine them to seeke money in another nature and to charge the people with new tributes and taxes The matter beeing consulted on by the kings the Cardinall of Spaine and by other Prelates Lords and Knights it was determined that regard should bee had to the peoples admonishment but concerning the manner how the opinions were diuerse some thought it fit that whatsoeuer had beene alienated should be vnited againe others were of opinion to call that onely in question which had beene euill employed others sayd that no distinction ought to be made in that point but either to take all or leaue all Vppon this diuersitie of opinions the Kings knew not what to resolue but wrote their letters to the great Lords of Spaine to come to Toledo to giue their opinions concerning that businesse and if some of them could not come thither in person that they should set downe in writing what they thought was fit to be done and to send it The most part of them thought it requisite that the whole reuenew of the Crowne should be re-united Whereupon the Cardinall did secretly aduise the Kings to make this difference in the matter namely to take away from those vppon whom the late King Henry had bestowed any thing that is to say from the Lords and Knights which had beene the cause of the troubles and had followed the Prince Don Alphonso and not to mention those gifts which they themselues had giuen vnto such as had serued them In these difficulties the Kings made this conclusion That all those who had gifts reuenues and other such like pensions out of the ordinarie reuenue of the Crowne should by a certaine prefixed time come and shew cause how and wherefore they had obtayned such graunts and Friar Fernand of Talauera was appoynted to search out the truth and set downe an order vppon whose good conscience and integritie all men reposed great trust and to satisfie euery man according vnto right and reason who with other assistants did so order the matter as hee brought backe three millions of reuenues into the kings coffers and diuers men had their graunts confirmed others were cut off in part others had all taken from them and others enioyed their pensions during their liues The Estates were likewise very much busied about other matters and euery day was a Councell held in fiue seuerall chambers one was for the State another for the administration of iustice another for the affaires of Arragon and Sicill another for the businesses of the commons and for the iurisdictions of the Hermandades
seate whereof was transported to Logrogno for better ease and commodity The knowledge of these Iudges Inquisitors did at the same time chiefely extend to the Iewes and Moores which were conuerted and yet neuerthelesse did secretly adhere to their old sects then to heretikes and such as were reuolted from the Catholike saith to Magitians Blasphemers and those that were attainted with the sinne against nature The generall Inquisition remayning at Court neere to the Kings person did rule and were chiefe ouer all these other Tribunalls At the same time Pope Sixtus the fifth did allow and authorize all that the Cardinall and his Councell had decreed concerning that matter and he did confirme the election of frier Thomas of Torquemada of the order of the Preachers and Prior of the Monastery of Santa Cruz in Segobia vnto whom Diego de Merla the Assistant of Siuill and Pero Martines Camagno the Kings Secretary were ioyned as coadiutors The first effect of the Inquisition after that it was ordained was to set downe an edict that all Heretikes and Apostotaes should appeare and re-unite themselues to the Church of Rome acknowledging their offences More then seuenteene thousand persons did appeare at this commaundement who were enioyned what to say and doe then they proceeded against the obstinate and rebellious more then two thousand of them were burned and their goods confiscated and taken from their children and heires the same sentence was executed vpon those that were absent and dead Sharpe and rigorous executions of the Inquisitions digging vp their bones and burning them in such sort as the Inquisition continuing thus rigorous great numbers did leaue Castile and with-drew themselues into the Kingdomes of Nauarre and Portugall others went into France England and to other farre Countries Let vs now returne vnto the Court which was then at Valiodolit where the Queene of Castile was accompanied after the accustomed manner with a greate traine of Ladies and Gentlewomen the Nobility who in these latter times giue themselues wholie to the exercize of armes and doe for the most part contemne all other course of life which causeth them and not without cause to be esteemed of all men as people very vnproffitable in time of peace did in this Court thinke vpon nothing else then for to serue and court the Ladies and Gentlewomen and gaue themselues to such other like vaine and idle pleasures accustomed in Princes Courts and most of all in that of Spaine from whence did spring such fruites as vice doth produce namely quarrels and dishonour and losse which euills had almost spred themselues from the particular to the generall corrupting the publike peace by troubles seditions and mutinous wars Don Ramir Nugnes de Guzman Quarrel betwixt D. Frederike Henques and Don Ramir Nugnes de Guzman sonne to Don Gonçall de Guzman Lord of Torall being in an euening in talke with Donna Maria Manuel in the Queenes presence Chamber was interrupted in his speech by Don Frederike Henriques eldest sonne to the Admirall who either thorough the insolency of his youth or else to content Don Guttiere de Sottomajor his brother-in-law who made loue to that Lady and was loath to haue an other man walke in his purlewes caused Don Ramir to arise as hee sate by her making as though he would haue gonne by him to haue spoken with Don Marine Zapate and sodainely sate downe in his place by her whereat Don Ramir beeing offended beganne to murmure against Don Frederike so as they threatned to bastinado one an other and fell to bitter and reproachfull speeches in such manner as Don Ramir Nugnes his honour was greatly interessed for Don Frederike going forth of the Queenes lodging called him drunkard and base fellow with many such like bitter termes The Queene hauing notice of this quarrell commaunded both of them to depart forth of the pallace then shee confined Don Frederike to the Admirall his fathers lodgings and committed Don Ramir Nugnes to the keeping of Garci Laso de la Vega Maister of the Hall vntill it were knowne who was in the fault as also to keepe them from hurting one an other in action as they had done a little before in words Hauing vnderstood afterwards that Don Frederike had committed the greatest insolency her will was to haue them still to keepe their Chambers till such time as shee had made them friends Notwithstanding which commaundement of the Queenes Don Frederike went abroad to a turnament which was held the next day following by reason whereof the Queene was extreamely mooued against him and the Admirall his father and told them that if they went about to vse their power against Don Ramir Nugnes hee should finde those to take his part as would not suffer him to susteine any wrong or iniury at their hands The Admirall finding the Queene to bee much displeased did beginne to humble himselfe and did assure her that Don Ramir needed not to feare any wrong either from himselfe his sonne or any of their followers wherewith the Queene being contented did permit Don Ramir freely to goe out and come into the palace acquainting him with what the Admirall had promised her bidding him to relie vpon her word and to walke abroade vnder her royall safe-gard and protection Don Ramir was well assured by her Princely and comfortable words and. Don Frederike had saluted him and talked familiarly with him and met diuerse times for the space of three daies togither yet notwithstanding this outward shew of reconcilement Don Ramir was vpon a day bastonaded as hee walked in the streetes by certaine persons vnknowne vnto him who presently after hauing their horses ready galloped away The Queene beeing aduertized of this disgrace offered to Don Ramir contrary to the Admirals promise and her owne royall assurance did rigorously pursue the Admirall and did not leaue hauing seized vpon two of the chiefest places that he had namely the castle of Simancas and â—iosecco vntill shee had his sonnes person in her power saying that those blowes lighted vpon her selfe and that she had felt them and that shee would know whether it were the manner of Spaine that Kings should bee so contemned and despised by their subiects The Admirall notwithstanding that hee was the Kings vncle was constrained to deliuer his sonne Don Frederike to the Queene with promise that he should receiue no harme in his person who by the Queenes commaundement who would not see him was sent prisoner to the castle of Areualo Don Ramir hauing receiued this disgrace went to Torall with an intent to bee reuenged in a most rigorous manner Effects of immoderate choller and was very glad to heaâ—e of his Aduersaries imprisonment but not contenting himselfe with the right which the Queene ment to doe him he inuented meanes how to bee reuenged on him with his owne hands wherefore diuers nights togither he caused the castle of Areualo to bee watched whether that he might finde any meanes to enter the same and to
King who in matters of weight could very well dissemble and was continually at Court accompanying and seruing the King and Queene vntill vppon a time the Court beeing at Almerin where the Queene was brought a bed before her time and in great danger of her life the Duke of Bragança came to visit her with Don Dominicke Duke of Viseo one of his complices who was brother to the Queene the King entertained them with a pleasant countenance and vppon a certaine day hee tooke the Duke of Bragança aside into his chappell within the with-drawing Curtaines and did brotherly admonish him of his fault in these tearmes Cousin A gentle à dmonishment made by King Iohn to the Duke of Braganza I haue vnderstood a matter which I must acquaint you with in this holy place where I stand in the presence of God before whom I will not dissemble therefore beleeue it I speake nothing but truth I heare that you haue secret intelligence and practise with the Kings of Castile against my State and seruice greatly forgetting therein the honour faith and loyaltie which you owe vnto mee in regard whereof considering the reasons on both our sides I for my part hauing giuen none occasion to your selfe or any other and seeing no cause why you should hope for more honour and fauour of any other Prince then of me I can not but be very much troubled and I know not whether I may firmely beleeue it or no yet notwithstanding howsoeuer it is I thought good to admonish you that if vpon any false surmise you haue entred into this vnreasonable imagination to giue it ouer protesting to you that I meane to forget and graciously to pardon your offences requesting you seeing it hath pleased God to make me heire to his crowne to stand stedfastly to me and to acknowledge this fauors towards you and the place and rancke which you hold in this Kingdome wherein by your owne deserts and those of your ancestors you are the chiefe person next vnto my selfe the which should stirre you vp to maintaine and procure the safety and greatnesse thereof espetially considering that God hath as it were parted the faculties and riches of this royall patrimony betwixt vs two and that of two sisters borne of the noble race of the Infants Don Fernand and Don Beatrice Dukes of Viseo I haue married the one and you the other It may be that I am taxed with some fault common to Kings newly come to their crownes as to proceed ouer rigorously against some persons and to shew small liberality and meekenesse in certaine matters which could not be otherwise managed but if it were so that some bee offended with my new gouernment you before all men ought to tollerate it and to be a singular president of loyaltie and obedience vnto others If my Iudges and Commissioners sent into your iurisdiction haue exceeded the bounds of modesty in their charge you know very well that they haue had great cause so to doe and that they haue many reasons on their sides to iustifie their proceedings in respect of the present state but if they were in fault should not you greatly binde me vnto you for bearing with those things and for your owne part you may be assured that in regard of your place wisedome and deserts I can not refuse you any thing that you should craue of mee Now you are bound in regarde I am planted in the royall seate of Portugall to aide mee both with counsell and armes if need were and whensoeuer I shall craue it therefore I intreate and commaund you both in heart and will to dispose your selfe therevnto euer hereafter When the Duke heard these words he would haue excused himselfe and entreated the King not to beleeue those reports which he said were contrary to his meaning and that whilest hee had a heart a hand and meanes they should all bee imployed in his seruice And so the King left of hoping that the Duke would amend and that he should no more neede to speake vnto him concerning it But the Court being not longe after remooued from Almerin to Saint Iren Iasper and Peter de Iubartes brethren and seruants to the Duke of Bragança came to the King and certified him that the Duke their Maister did continue his practizes with Castile and that Iasper had beene twice sent as messenger to the Kings of Castile and that the Marquis of Montemajor and the Earle of Faro the Dukes bretheren were consenting to those practizes The King did largely recompence these two bretheren for their aduertisement and did resolue to punish the Duke of Bragançaes treachery and hauing a fit occasion by his comming to the court which lay then at Ebora whether hee accompanied the Prince Don Alphonso hee caused him to bee arrested of high treason and to bee committed to prison in May the yeere 1483. The Kings Aturney General pleaded against him he was found guilty of treason and was iudged and condemned by the Lords The Duke of Bragansa beheaded a◠Ebora to haue his head cut off and al his goods to be confiscate to the crowne the which sentence was executed and Fernand Duke of Bragança was brought to the publike place of execution in the city of Ebora where he was beheaded and made a pittifull spectacle to all men Six other gentlemen were likewise beheaded with him and diuers banished in which number was the Constable of Portugall The Dutchesse Isabella the Queenes sister as soone as she heard of her husbands imprisonment sent her three children Don Philip Don Iames and Don Denis into Castile who were kindely receiued and welcomed by Queene Isabella their Aunt the poore Lady their mother hauing no other comfort in her widdow-hood but a little daughter called Marguerite whose company she enioyed not long for within a while after she died D. Philip her eldest sonne died in Castile the second Don Iames returned into Portugall and Don Denis this third sonne did marry the Countesse of Lemos in Castile The Marquis of Montemajor and the Earle of Faro the Dukes brethren did likewise flie into Castile where they spent the remainder of their daies beeing honoured and maintained by King Fernand and Queene Isabella Now Don Dominico the Queenes brother was one of the conspiracy as hath beene already said and the King the next day after the Duke of Bragança his execution called him into his presence and knowing him to be young both in yeeres and discretion he did admonish him as a father to behaue himselfe discreetly The Kings fatherly adueruerticement to D. Dominico Duke of Viseo and told him diuers things which concerned his honour and wel-fare and did freely pardon him all offences past to which speech of the Kings Don Dominico could not answere one word but onely kissed the Kings hand in signe of thankes This young Prince had aspired to reigne and being young and inconsiderate he did oftentimes permit his hand to bee kissed and would receiue
same night he called Don Manuell her other sonne into her presence who was more wise and discreet then his brother vnto whom hauing told the Dukes death and the causes wherefore he died hee gaue all that his brother did possesse and more and conferring with him with a fatherly affection hee promised to cause him to be sworne and acknowledged for Prince and heire to the crowne of Portugall after his death and Don Alphonso his sonne but hee would not permit him to name himselfe Duke of Viseo as his brother had done but Duke of Beja Lord of Viseo and Maister of the Order de Christus and hee made him Lord of the Isle of Madera and gaue him other lands The Duke was at the same time onely seauenteene yeeres of age A Spheare vpon the armes of Portugall and the King gaue him a Sphere for a diuise to beare in his armes the which the Kings of Portugall doe yet at this day beare in their armes and royall scutcheon the same was a lucky presage vnto him of the conquests and discoueries which were afterward made in his reigne and name vnder both the Poles the same was likewise fore-told by the Bishop of La Garde a great Mathematicien in regard of his Horoscope and position of the heauens at his Natiuity being in the yeere 1468. albeit that such iudgments are deceiuable and vnlawfull for the actions of Kings and the euents of all other matters depend vpon Gods onely Ordonance Now when the confederates vnderstood of the Duke of Viseos death and that their practizes were discouered each of them thought to saue one but all of them were not quicke enough for Don Pedro d' Albuquerque was taken as he fled towards Lisbone and Don Pedro d'Atayde at Saint Iren who were brought to the Court The like happened to the Bishop of Ebora and to Don Fernand de Meneses his brother and to Don Gutierre Coutino As for D' Aluaro D'Atayde who remained at Saint Iren accompanied with men at armes attending the successe of their businesse meaning to haue taken Donna Ioane surnamed the Excellent who was a Nunne from the Monastery of Saint Clare at Coimbra and to haue lodged her in the castle he fled away into Spaine and so did Don Lopes d'Albuquerque Earle of Pennamaçor with all his family D. Fernand de Silueyra hauing beene hidden by one of his father seruants A Seruants faithfulnesse who neither for grieuous threatnings nor for promises of reward from the King could euer be drawne to disclose him did likewise escape and fled into Spaine The King to iustifie the Duke of Viseos death and to giue notice thereof to all men caused his processe to be made after that he had slaine him and condemned the rest D. Fernand de Menses and D. Pedro were beheaded and quartered as traitors As for D. Guttiere Coutino he was committed to the tower of Auis The Duke of Viseos complices and conseâ—derates are executed for D. Vasco his brother who had reuealed much of the conspiracy to the King did a while prolong his life neuerthelesse hee did not escape nor is it certainely knowne how he died D. Garcia de Meneses Bishop of Ebora beeing prisoner in the castle of Palmela was found dead vpon the cesterne of the said fort and there is great presumption that his daies were violently shortned At the same time the Kings of Castile were at Siuill where receiuing newes that the conspiracy was discouered and imagining that the Duke of Viseo should bee committed to prison and that King Iohn would not haue proceeded against him so indiscreetly they hauing no notice of his sodaine death did send D. Inigo Manriques Bishop of Leon and Gaspar Fabro a Knight of Arragon Ambassadors into Portugall with instruction to entreate the King to saue the Duke of Viseos life if he were yet liuing and if he were dead to comfort the Dutchesse his mother who had beene the cause of the peace betwixt Spaine and Portugall The Ambassadors perceiuing the Duke of Viseo to bee dead did their best to comfort the sorrowfull mother and so returned into Spaine without speaking to King Iohn who neuer ceassed to pursue Don Fernand de Silueyra vntill hee had driuen him out of Spaine He was afterward slaine in Auignon by an Earle of Cattalonia who was likewise banished from his country but the French King had like to haue taken his head from his shoulders in requitall of his paines This Earle was afterward liberally rewarded by king Iohn for that he had rid him of an enemy The Earle of Pegnamaçor died in Castile D. Aluaro of Atayde liued a banished man during the life of King Iohn and in King Manuels time returned into Portugall By these seuerities King Iohn was feared of all his subiects in regard he had not spared those two great Lords who were of the greatest parentage in Portugall The yere 1485. the commons of Castile sent their Deputies and Commissioners to Orgas where D. Alphonso of Arragon An. 1485. Duke of Villahermosa lay Castile who was captaine generall of their Hermandades or brotherhoods and with him D. Alphonso de Burgos Bishop of Cuenca president of the royall Councel and Alphonso de Quintanilla who hauing propounded the great costs and charges which the Kings were at in following the Moorish wars did demaÌ„d a subsidy the which was very readily graated in regard they did see that it should be emploied in matters so worthy and proffitable for the commonwealth The Gouernors and captaines on the frontiers of Andaluzia would lose no fit occasion that might anoy the Moores who did all of them in a manner follow King Muley Albohacen Moores and had almost restored him to all his lands in Granado reuolting from Mahumet the Little because he had beene aided by Christian Kings so that they left him no other place of retreat but only the city of Almery from whence hee made cruell warre vpon the Moores which tooke his fathers part they meaning altogether to despoyle him of all rule and gouernment in Granado and perceiuing King Muley Albohacen to bee already old and vnfit for warre did elect a brother of his one of King Ismaels sonnes for their gouernour in Granado who was likewise called Muley Boabdalin who thinking it most necessary for the establishing of his Kingdome to ridde his Nephew Mahomet out of the world hee had secret intelligences with the chiefe men of his faction which were neere in credit about his person in Almery whom he induced by promises to deliuer their Prince and City into his hands at a certaine time appointed before which place Muley Boabdellin shewing himselfe they failed not to open him the gates they let him in vpon such a sodain as Mahumet hardly escaped with life but God gaue him meanes to escape leauing a young brother of his behinde him who was cruelly murthered by his enemies after the taking of which towne Muley Boabdellin openly and without
attended the affaires of his kingdome but his minde was aboue all other matters set on this nauigation the which hee did set downe according to the opinions which hee had receiued from diuerse places which did confirme and verifie the discourse which Pedro de Cobanilla had sent him who remained in Prester Iohns Countrey Emperour of Aethiopia from whence there arriued at Lisbone a little before the Kings death a learned and discreete Monke who informed the king more particularly of diuers matters which serued afterwards to great purpose Now king Iohn feeling himselfe neere his end made his Will and hauing no lawfull children hee knew that the kingdome was to fall to Don Manuell Duke of Beja Hee was therefore desirous to giue Don George his base sonne a portion vnto whome hee gaue the Cittie of Coimbra with the title of Duke and Montmajor the old and the lands of the Infantasgo in the same forme as his Grandfather the Infant Don Pedro father to Queen Izabella his mother had possessed them hee gaue him moreouer the Isle of Madera Beja and Viseo which was not performed afterward This will and Testament was signed by Don Manuel and D. George and by fiue other personages of great place who made vp the number of seuen witnesses After this hee went into Algarbe to the Bathes of Monchiz in the moneth of October the season beeing cold and vnfit for his disease and hunting the wild Bore vppon a wet rainie day hee got a fluxe Wherefore as soone as he came to Albor assured tokens of death beganne to appeare vpon him wherof he was admonished by D. Diego Ortiz Bishop of Tanger and Don Diego Almeyda Prior of Saint Iohns who was Gouernour to Don George then disposing himselfe to dye hee appoynted certaine things out of a little Booke to be read and accomplished at such time as he was readie to giue vp the ghost First hee craued pardon of the Dutchesse Donna Beatrix his mother-in-law of Queene Leonora his wife and of the Cardinal Don George of Acosta who then was at Rome he likewise craued pardon of the whole Estates of his Kingdome in generall And to the end that his sonne Don George should not grieue and trouble his mind hee caused him to bee ledde foorth of his chamber and there stood round about his bed Don George of Almeyda Bishop of Coimbra and his brother Don Diego of Almeyda Prior of Saint Iohns Don Iohn de Silua Bishop of Silues Don Diego Ortiz Bishop of Tanger and Don Iohn de Vasconcellos Earle of Penela with certaine Chaplens who exhorted him for his soules health In this manner this King died hauing held the scepter of Portugall foureteene yeares and two moneths in the yeare 1495. and in the sixe and fortieth of his age Death of king Iohn of Portugal his bodie by his owne appointment was layd in the Cathedrall church of Silues and was afterwards transported by the commaundement of the King his successor to the Monasterie of Battaile 1495. beeing the last king that was buried there and it is reported that yet to this day his bodie lyes whole and vnconsumed He was an excellent King and esteemed to be so by the other Princes of Christendome Returning to the affaires of Castile King Ferdinand and Queene Izabella departing from Tordesillas Castile went to Areualo to visite the old Queene Izabella mother to Queene Izabella then raigning from whence they came to Segouia and afterward to Madrid where by the aduice of their Councell it was decreed that the king should take the Master-ship of Alcantara into his owne hands as well as those of Saint Iames and Calatraua for to be perpetuall Administrator thereof and to the end that there might bee no more masters in Castile then the King and Queene the which was approued by authoritie Apostolicall Don Iohn of Estuniga beeing bereft of his Mastership was otherwaies recompenced This yeare also the new Chancerie and royall audience at Cité reall was erected for pleas and causes depending beyond Tayo this riuer separating the bounds of the two Chanceries namely of this and of that at Vailiodolit from this Spring in the mountaine of Cuenca where it enters into the lands of Portugall Don Alphonso Carillo Bishop of Catania and afterwards of Auilla was the first President thereof Now the King and Queene had sent some few dayes before Antonio Fonseca Ambassadour to the French king Charles the eight to the end to diuer him from the warre of Naples enterprized against King Alphonso their Newphew and to declare plainely to him now that they had gotten the Earledome of Rossillon their meaning And king Charles beeing alreadie come into Italy with a mightie armie the Ambassadour metre him at Vilitri neere to Rome where he deliuered his Ambassage and did protest notwithstanding the agreement and promises made at the restitution of the Earledome of Rossillon that if he did persist to poursue by armes his pretended right to the kingdome of Naples king Fernand his master could do no lesse then shew himselfe his enemie and take vpon him his Nephewes defence and therefore he entreated him to thinke of it and to referre all their differences to the Popes iudgement who could very well iudge whither the kingdome of Naples did belong to the French or to the Arragonois The Ambassador wold haue sayd more but he was interrupted in his speech by certain hotte and fierie French Lords who made him hold his peace and told him that he spake too arrogantly and impertinently Peace betwixt Fâ—ance and Castile broken therefore the Ambassador following his instruction tooke the Articles of the last agreement betwixt King Charles and King Ferdinand which he brought with him and tare them in peeces in the presence of the King Lords and Knights of his Armie and hee warned at the same instant Charles de Areillan and Iohn Petit Ceruillon Spanish Captaines who serued in King Charles his Armie that as subiects to King Ferdinand they should depart thence within three dayes and giue ouer the French Kings seruice on paine of being held rebels to their Prince From the same time was the friendship betwixt those two Kings broken and warre in a manner denounced King Charles pursued his destenie and without any difficulty made himselfe maister of the Realme of Naples King Alphonso before hee had fully raigned a yeare hauing giuen ouer the kingdome to his sonne Ferdinand went into Sicill and there ledde a monastick life but not long after the Kings of Castile beeing at Tortosa in Cattalonia did openly and by effect declare themselues enemies to the French as well for feare least they being already Maisters of Naples should seaze vpon Sicill where they pretended like right as also at the entreaty of Pope Alexander and other Potentates of Italy being in the same feare of their owne estates and would not permit the power of the French to grow so great in Italy therefore they set forth a Nauie of
and this was done to quench the bloudy thirst of the prelats and monkes counsellors and solicitors of that ill vnderstood conuersion Yet for all that after the fury was past the King caused the children of either sex amongst those miserable people vnder eleuen yeeres of age to bee separated and baptized giuing them their liberty as innocent of their fathers obstinacy This rigour was so farre off from fearing or abating the courage of the rest as they thereby became more stubborne their being no spurre in the world more sharpe then religion to make men giue ouer and contemne life and all other things to be beloued in this world when they are constrained to take armes for that respect for diuers Moores dwelling vpon the coast of Ronda La Sierra Vermeille and Villa longa being brought to the last hope of beeing able to liue in the freedome of their consciences and to keepe their old religion did arme themselues to the number of twelue thousand persons which caused the Kings to thinke that they were entred againe into a very difficult warre and that the conquest of the kingdome of Granado was not yet ended And because it behoued them to giue a present remedy to this fire which kindled VVar renued by the persecuted Moores they dispatched away Don Alphonso d' Aguilar and the Earle of Vregna with as great forces as the present necessity could furnish but Don Alphonso who was old and a well experienced captaine protested that with so small a number he could doe the King no seruice but should receiue losse and dishonour for the Moores were foure to one of his people neuerthelesse being vrged to it he marched against the enemies who keeping themselues closse togither and in strong places would not giue the least aduantage to the Christians for whom they laide waite in the valleies and streight places of the country well knowne to themselues to the end to surprize and defeat them the which came to passe for the Christians being lodged one night at the foote of Sierra Vermeille in such a place as Don Alphonso's troupes were separated from those of the Earle of Vregna by a great botome which was betwixt them the Moores at the shutting in of day-light fell vpon Don Alphonso and his people with such fury as they cut them all in peeces Don Alphonso himselfe lay dead vpon the place his sonne Don Pedro hauing his teeth beaten out with the blow of a stone and hurt with an arrow with great difficulty escaped at the beginning of the fight the Earle of Vregna beholding the slaughter of his friends not being able to succour them by reason of the botome that lay betwixt them Particular 〈◊〉 among captains of one setfe side doe oâ—tentimes cause the publike cause to be forgotten or else because hee would not as diuers did thinke for euer among great Lords and chiefe commanders vnder one Prince are enuy iealozie and emulation found which cause such effects to the losse of their Prince and commonwealth King Fernand did greatly apprehend this losse as also Don Alphonsos death the which could not bee imputed to rashnesse for he had protested that such resolute men as those Moores were who were in their forts ought not to haue beene assailed with such weake forces and that they knew very well the common prouerbe which saith that for to fetch a dead man out of his owne house there must alway bee foure how much more then did it behooue them to goe strongly accompanied against those with whom he had to do who weare liuing men souldiers and well armed It is reported that as he was assailed diuers Knights were of opinion to turne their backes and to flee but he would needs make head saying that neuer any of his race did turne their backes to a Moore Vnseasonable magnanimity of D. Alphonso de Aguilar Wherefore being kept backe by shame and dishonour hee susteined that conflict whereas hee might haue made an excusable retreat Now the King being in a merueilous chollor departed from Granado against these Moores with an intent to punish them rigorously but perceiuing that it is euermore harder to execute then to counsell hee was content to permit them to passe ouer into Afrike and to leaue the country by this meanes after sundry defeats and slaughters on either side he obtained his desire and returned to Granado where the marriage of D. Catherine his fourth daughter with Arthur Prince of Wales heire to the crowne of England was treated of This Princesse tooke her iourney towards her husband the yere 1501. accompanied by Don Alphonso de Fonseca Archbishop of Saint Iames Don Antonio de Rojas Bishop of Majorque who was afterward Archbishop of Granado and President of the royall counsel and D. Diego Fernandes de Cordoua Earle of Cabra and at the same time Queene Ioane the widdow of Naples sister of King Fernand tooke her leaue of him and withdrew herselfe to Valencia The Archdâ—ke Philip of Austria making preparation for his voyage into Spaine was father of his third child Donna Ioane his wife beeing brought in bed of a daughter named Donna Isabella This Princesse was wife to Christierne King of Denmarke hee who was deposed by his vncle Christierne King of Swethland taken by him and kept in perpetuall prison by which Christierne shee had two daughters that is to say Dorothy future wife to Frederike Earle Palatin and Elector of the Empire and Christine who was married to Francisco Maria Sforza Duke of Milan the yeere 1534. who died the yeere after shee was secondly married to Francis Duke of Lorraine father to Duke Charles who liues in our time After that King Christerne was deposed from his owne Kingdome for inuading that of Sweuia this Princesse D. Isabella went into England where her Aunt Donna Catherine was married and then she died being six and twenty yeeres of age Whilest these things passed on in Spaine the French King Lewis the twelfth did luckily end his enterprise of Milan Sforza taken by the French and did shut vp into close and perpetuall prison Duke Lewis Sforza surnamed the Moore the Author of all the warres and ruines of Italy in his time the which King Frederick of Naples considering hee was mooued partly by feare least he should againe haue to doe with the victorious French armies partly not to oblige himselfe ouer much to the Kings of Spaine and not to giue occasion to the Spanish insolency to grow ouer saucie in his Kingdome and namely because King Iohn of Arragon and Don Fernand his sonne had at one time called in question the late King Alphonso his testamentary decree whereby hee had left that Kingdome to his bastard sonne incapable thereby as they said of so great an inheritance wherefore hee beganne to haue secret intelligence with the French King whereof King Fernand was soone aduertized who thought that hee was very ingratefully delt withall and ill requited for all his cost bestowed in the
well our dueties we will doe him the honour and reuerence that belongs vnto him that we haue no other king but Cesar The prince Charles was not yet chosen emperor but that 〈◊〉 was taken as a presage of his future election The first care of cardinall Ximeâ—â—s was to make an agreement with doctor Adrian who had brought letters and authoritie from prince Charles by the which he declared him his lieutenant in case that the king D. Ferdinand should die during his legation in 〈◊〉 The accord was thus made Accord for the gouernement of Spaine that vntill they had other newes from prince Charles they should ioyntly signe all dispatches After which they were to pacifie a trouble that was of no small consequence for D. 〈…〉 called the Deafe brother to the duke of Escalona the stemme of the Marquesse of Villeneâ—â—â— at this day had obtained after the decease of the great captaine who aspired to the mastership of S. Ieams bulls and prouision from the pope of that mastership did sollicite the commanders of the Ordâ—â— to assemble togither to recieue him Contention for the mastership of S. Ieams but prince Charles during his grandfâ—â—hers life had also obtained a later prouision by the â—eans of D. Bernâ—rdin of 〈◊〉 of all these three masterships in his person and it is most certaine that king Ferdinand was not 〈…〉 that he would haue giuen them to the infant D. Ferdinand The cardinall being advertised of these things he sent with the aduise of doctor Adriâ—â— and the Councel 〈◊〉 one of the Alcaides of the court with letters 〈…〉 this assembly of the commaunders whereunto they obeyed euen 〈◊〉 himselfe who desisted from his enterprise This Cardinall had a watchfull eie upon the actions of the Infant D. Ferdinand and of those which did gouerne him lâ—â—ing alwayes neere vnto his person Prouidence of Cardinal Ximenes for the a peace of Spaine for he feared lest the noblemen of Castille who desired som alteration in the state would corrunt him and make vse of his name He prouided in such sort for queene Germaine in this beginning to whom all things were difficult that shee might not want money for the entertainment of her house and royall dignities The place of residence for the councel was chosen at Madrid for that it was commodiâ—â—â— for the 〈◊〉 being not farre from his archbishopricke of Toledo from whence they 〈◊〉 Peter of Câ—mpreal Rengifo of Auila to carrie news vnto prince Charles of the 〈…〉 of the king his grandfather and of all that past since The prince was 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 where he had 〈…〉 bred vp and his brother D. 〈◊〉 in Spainâ— the one instructed in the 〈◊〉 fashions of the Flemings the other in thoâ—â— of Spaine which 〈◊〉 the Spaniard◠〈◊〉 cheâ—â—â—â— the yonger more and did much trouble the Cardinall 〈◊〉 The chiefeâ—â—â— which at that time did gouern the person of prince Charles 〈…〉 of Bourgondie and afterwards Chauncellour the Lord of Cheures and Laxatâ—â— Chamberlaines Laurence Gorrebot great master and Charles of Lannoy Master of the Horse Hee had a Phisition of Milâ—n called Peter Marlian a learned man and of great experience who was the inuentor of that Mott Plâ—â— vltra the which prince Charles vsed betwixt Hercules pillers hee was afterwards bishop of Tuy but against the will of cardinall Ximenes The lord of Cheures was of greatest authority about the prince hauing bred him vp hee was so hated of King Ferdinand as a little before his death in a certaine treaty made with doctour Adrian hee would haue it expresly reserued that Cheures should be chased away Cheures gouernour to prince Charles the which did much discontent him who for that cause conceiued a great hatred against doctor Adrian but hee was forced to yeeld that to the King that hee might winne his loue to prince Charles for hee sawe his intent was to debase him to aduaunce the Infant D. Ferdinand if hee could Of Spaniards D. Iohn Manuel was in some credite in the court of Flaunders a flatterer and breeder of debate betwixt King Ferdinand and Philip of Austria his sonne in lawe for the which hee was put in prison by the lady Marguerite gouernesse of Flaunders but after the kings death hee was presently set at libertie by prince Charles D. Antonio of Estuniga brother to the duke of Bejar was also honoured in that Court D. Pedro Portocarrero sonne to him that was deafe of whom wee haue spoken D. Lewis of Cordoua D. Alphonso Mantiques the bishop of Badajos and Pedro Mota archbishoppe of Seuile a famous preacher and Secretary to the prince Such was the estate of his Court when hee receiued newes of the death of the king his grandfather for the which hee shewed a griefe befitting nature and the neerenesse of bloud that was betwixt them hee commended him for the election which hee had made of the cardinall Francis Ximenes and did write vnto the Infant his brother to the widow Queene and to the councell giuing them hope that hee would bee soone in Spaine In his first letters to the Gouernours and the Councell hee did intitle himselfe Prince but some of the Councell of Flanders seeing Queene Ioane weake of her sences and to bee but a vaine maske of royall dignitie they were of opinion that hee should take the title of King the which hee did for that said hee it was conformable to the custome of the princes of Flaunders and Germanie Title of King allowed in Castille to prince Charles during his mothers life but not in Arragon and that it was the aduice of the Emperour Maximilian and of Pope Leo the which was not well liked of in Spaine notwithstanding seeing hee had once taken it it would haue beene dishonourable to haue left it and therefore hee continued this title the cardinall Ximenes causing the rest to allow of it and thereupon they did aduaunce the Standard and Armes of the new King Charles in the towne of Madrid The Arragonois strict defenders of their Lawes would neuer allow of this title of King during the life of Queene Ioane of whom D. Alphonso of Arragon archbishoppe of Saragosse was gouernor 18 Whilest these things were done at Madrid by cardinall Ximenes there grew new tumults Quarrell betwixt Pedro Giron and the duke of Medina Sidonia the which did first disquiet Andalusia and afterwards all the Prouinces of Spaine The chiefe of this tumult was D. Pedro Giron eldest sonne to the earle of Vregna who entred the countrey of the duke of Medina Sidonia with forces and besieged Luzero a sea towne with an intent to seaze vpon the whole Duchieâ— if hee could And this was the cause of his enterprise D. Iohn of Guzman duke of Medina Sidonia married two sisters successiuely one after an other daughters to the Duke of Bejar by the first hee had two children D. Henrie and D. Mentia and by the second one sonne called D. Aluaro D.
hee enioyes whereunto the publique authority is now ioyned Thinke you that in this action hee will shew himselfe lesse constant and resolute than hee hath beene No doubtlesse and hee will be very violent to moue the people against vs of whom wee are already but too much hated wherefore my friends let vs attempt nothing against the commonweale the which wee must of necessitie doe if wee vndertake anie thing against cardinall Ximenes let vs finde out some other meanes to maintayne our dignities which may be allowed of all men and then esteeme mee vnwoorthy the ranke which I hold and the house from whence I am descended if I be not the first to maintayne the honour of nobilitie against the insolencie of this man and I will imploy all my forces and meanes for the defence of you my knisemen and alies When the duke of the Infantazgo had thus spoken the assistants considering the weight of this reasons were much cooled wherefore it was concluded that they should send vnto king Charles D. Aluaro Gomez the dukes sonne in law a wife and an eloquent man who in the name of these Lords should beseech him to take from cardinall Ximenes the authority and gouernement of the realmes for the causes which they gaue him by ample instructions This done the duke of the Infantazgo feasted the whole assembly for certayne dayes with great sports and state of all which the cardinall was particularly aduertised by his friends and spies but not regarding it much for hee was priuie to their meanes and faculties Nobilitie that spends much 〈◊〉 maintaine an enterprise calling this nobilitie but shadowes and scarre-crowes who liued in continuall delight and superstons expences wherewith they were so consumed and indebted as most commonly they had nothing left them to maintayne their rash enterprises but their tongues and a vaine pride without any power Notwithstanding for asmuch as these conuenticles and priuate assemblies could not but breed troubles in the state hee did aduertise them by graue men to desist for their owne good from such practises and enterprises the which hee would haue them know hee had meanes to resist and to make them vaine without imploying the kings treasure but with his owne estate yea were there question to put an army to field whereby they should soone finde their owne weakenesse wherefore hee did admonish them that seeing they must of force be the kings subiects and obey his lawes not to put themselues in daunger Hereby this stirre ceased without any further bruite and the assembly of Guadalajara was dispersed so as many of them which had beene there did soone after practise by all meanes to insinuate into the cardinalles fauour namely the duke of the Infantazgo and the Constable Wisedome of Cardinall Ximenes to maintaine his authoritie This wife and industrious man knowing what crosses hee might haue daily in the gouernement of so great affaires amongest a nobility which did both hate and enuy him hee knew well how to prouide for his dignity the safety of his person and the peace of Spaine He had D. Diego Lopes of Ayala a most faithfull sollicitor of his affaires in the court of king Charles by whose sollicitation and diligence hee desired â—etters patents with full and royall authority in all things and that namely hee should haue free liberty in matters of state to doe that which he should thinke profitable for the safety of the kingdomes the like authority ouer Iustice to establish alter and depose as hee should thinke fit and in like manner ouer the treasure for hee was not contented with the authoritie which was giuen him by the testament of the deceased King D. Ferdinand confirmed by priuate letters and messages from the king if hee had not letters drawne in forme of a publique Decree and the resoulution of the princes Councell Notwithstanding without attending them hee put one thing in execution which had beene formerly proiected and attempted by the deceased King D. Ferdinand the execution whereof had beene hindered by the Kings infirmitie and death Legâ—â—â— sâ—â—ldiers instituted by cardinall Ximenes That is he ordayned for the defence of the realme in generall as well against foreine enemies as home bred mutines legions and bands of ordinarie souldiers taken out of the citizens and burgesses of the good townes of Spaine men of good fame dwellers and hauing as they say fire and family remembring that hee had heard the deceased King discourse That an army of such men was more profitable and of greater effect in any kinde than that which was leuied of vagabond people and ill liuers whereof most companies that are extraordinarily raised doe consist who haue no courage but to spoile and are more hurtfull to friends then enemies whereas the other louing their honour their goods wiues and children are animated to fight more couragiously against an enemy for their defence and fearing the Lawes for that they haue something to loose they abstaine from doing wrong vnto their friends Men that haue families fitter to make souldiers to defend a realme then vagabâ—nds besides it is a ready force and is sodainely assembled which keepes them in awe that would seeke to inuade and spoyle the realme or moue seditions and tumults This ordinance hauing beene concluded in the Councell at Madrid contayned That such as should hee 〈◊〉 beare armes should giue in their names and be inrolled by certaine Commissaries deputed and that they should enioy many exemptions of taxes subsidies lodgings and other charges accustomed to bee imposed and leuied vpon the people to whom should be giuen captaines officers trumpets drummes and fifes payed with the kings money They should arme and be readie when they should be commaunded and should come euery Sunday to be mustered before the people This Edict being proclaimed throughout the townes of Castille was receiued and found good with great ioy and contentment so as in an instant there were aboue thirtie thousand men inrolled euery one thinking it was an easie way to attaine vnto a degree of gentrie and in trueth they could not haue desired a thing more profitable and more delightfull for the youth which is corrupted through idlenesse and giuen to vice and damnable pleasures by this meanes they gaue themselues to manage armes to ride horses to leape runne swimme and other such exercises as were inioyned them and giuen them in discipline by old experimented captaynes and it was a pleasing fight to behold their troupes well armed to march in good order For the which cardinall Ximenes did purchase the reputation of a wise and prudent Gouernor yea with foreine kings and princes thinking as it is true that there is no force like vnto it when it is moderated with good iustice especially in the beginning by meanes whereof we reade that great and populous nations haue been easily vanquished by small potentates The seditious and men desirous of innouations in Spaine Murmuâ—ing of the Spaniards against the cardinall
performe his promise but had also declared himselfe his enemie he caused monsieur de Gramont his embassadour in Spaine to be put in gard and the French king did the like to Nicholas Perenot of Granuelle These kings sent two kings at Armes into Spaine namely Guienne and Clarencious to proclaime war against the Emperour but before their arriuall the embassadors were released They proclaiming war against the emperour and complaining of the Popes imprisonment receiued this answer as some write That he might not proclaime warre against him Answer made by the Emperor to the French king being by right his prisoner although he were at libertie hauing giuen his sonnes for hostages that not obseruing his promise which he had solemnly sworne for that he was hindered by his subiects he should return againe to prison for that he could not by the law of nations being not yet freed from his oath protest warre against him But if he did repent him of this accord he should returne into his power and breaking the first contract the French should recouer that which they had held That he did wonder at the complaints of those kings touching the Popes affliction as if they were ignorant that all had beene done without his priuitie and that he had long since giuen commaundement the Pope should bee set at libertie Du Bellaie writes Speech of king Francis touching his promise to the Emperor That king Francis talking to Perrenot touching the Emperours speech answered That he was not Charles his prisoner neither had he euer giuen his faith but had made a promise by force being depriued of his libertie but being now free in his kingdome he did not know any man that could force him to keepe that promise neither was he voluntarily bound to obserue that which constraint and imprisonment had made him to promise In Spaine the Infant D. Philip Genealogie of Castille being a yeare old was sworne and declared Prince of the Asturies and heire of the realmes of Castille and the dependances with the lands annexed in the towne of Vailledolit after which the Emperour Charles and D. Isabella had another sonne named D. Ferdinand 1528 who liued little and two daughters D. Maria who was maried to Maximilian of Austria her cousen german sonne to Ferdinand and D. Ioane Genealogie of Portugal maried to D. Iohn of Portugall grand child to the king D. Manuel Wherefore I haue thought it fit to returne vnto his actions during the three yeares which hee liued after his third mariage which was in the yeare 1518 who begat of his wife D. Leonora the Infant D. Charles and D. Maria an after birth 26 In the discourse of the raigne of D. Manuel Portugal we made mention of two of his discontented subiects D. Ferdinand of Magellanes and Ruis Fallero who had addrest themselues vnto the Councell of the Indies in Castille and demaunded leaue and meanes to discouer the rich islands of the Molucques the which they obtained at the comming of K. Charlâ—s who being at Barcelona sent them with letters necessarie prouisions to Seuille there to prepare themselues for so long and so important a voyage Voyage of Ferdinand Magellanes Ferdinand Magellanes maried in Seuille with the the daughter of Edward Baruosa captaine of the arcenall of that citie and for that Ruis Fallero his companion fell madde he was forced to make his preparation without him hauing fiue ships that is the Victorie the pilot whereof was Iohn Sebastian del Cano borne at Guetaria in Guipuscoa he that in the same voyage went about the world S. Anthonie S. Iames the Conception and the Trinitie in which ships were two hundred thirtie seuen men souldiers and mariners with the which he parted in the yeare 1519 from the port of S. Lucar and passing by the islands of the Canaries and Cape Verd he sailed towards Saint Augustines cape betwixt the South and the West vntill that he came three and twentie degrees beyond the Equinoctiall where he found a land whose inhabitants were wild Giants of so great a stature as some were eleuen Land of Giants who haue Winter when we haue Summer twelue and thirteene spannes high which countrey he called The land of Giants He stayed in it May Iune Iulie and August which is the Winter in those quarters The king D. Manuel was much discontented that king Charles his brother in law had imployed these Portugals and attempted this voyage to his great prejudice yet he did comfort himselfe with a conceit that Magellanes could not performe what he had promised This voyage of Magellanes was verie difficult and full of lets by reason of the discord betwixt him and his companions so as one of his ships called S. Anthonie returned into Spaine leauing the rest as farre as the strait or cape called Eleuen thousand Virgines fiftie three degrees beyond the Equinoctiall whereas the nights haue but six houres in the end of October And they so called this cape for that they toucht there on Saint Vrsulaes day which is the one and twentieth of October The same of the islands of the Molucques and others which were rich in spices was so great and of the profit which might be made there if they could find meanes to shorten their voyage as not onely the Spa-Spaniards but other nations sought out wayes for this traffique and negotiation Paul Centurion a marchant of Genoua going for this cause into Muscouie gaue Basilius prince of that countrey to vnderstand that there was meanes to bring the spices into his countrey by diuers riuers which he declared vnto him saying That those which the Portugals brought into Europe were for the most part corrupted and falsified The way which he meant was to bring the marchandise vp the riuer of Indus vnto Bater from whence they must carrie them by land to the riuer of Camu and from thence by Citraca and the Caspian sea to bring them into the riuers of Volga Oeca and Mosque But this passage had beene with greater charge paine and danger than Centurion did conceiue yea to distribute them after they were come into Muscouie by Liuonia Polonia Prussia Saxonie and other parts of Germanie Ferdinand Magellanes besides the ship which returned into Spaine lost another in a strome Straits of Magellan with the three others he past the strait which was called by him Magellan the which is aboue sixscore leagues long and scarce two leagues broad the entries of the which from the North to the South seas are about two and fiftie degrees from the Equinoctiall the waters are verie deepe the shore full of high rockes and barren couered continually with snow In this passage for a great space in the South seas they thought to die of hunger in the end they came to the island of Inuagaua repassing the line eleuen degrees which they called Good signe where they sound wherewithall to satisfie their hunger and from thence they came to
how the people were affected and whether there were any men of authoritie of his faction to assist him notwithstanding that some Africanes came to visite him promising him by ceremonies othes setting their daggers against their throates according to their manner to aide him and to die with him if neede were whome the gouernour wisht him not to trust Notwithstanding all that Touar could say vnto the king and to Lofredo they would needs march towards the towne bâ—t before they came thither they knew that they had beene well aduised by Toâ—ar for they fell into an ambush which Amida had laâ—ed for them and were charged by so great a multitude of horse and foot as they had no meanes to saue themselues In this defeat there were slaine aboue thirteene hundred Christians vpon the place the rest with great difficulty recouered Goulette disarmed hauing cast them away and wounded Defeat of Christians Among the which the king had escaped had hee not beene discouered by the persumes wherewith hee was annointed according to his custome whereupon he was hotly pursued and taken Being deliuered to his wicked sonne hee caused his eyes to be presently put out the like crueltie hee vsed to Nahasar and Abdulas his younger brethren King of Tunes taken who were taken with the king to whome hee reproached that hee did him but justice for that he had in like maner made his Vncles blinde Crueltie of the sonne to his father and Bretheren and in the end had slaine them to raigne Which being done Amida renued with Francis of Touar all the conuentions and accords which his father had made with the emperor and did the same homage The which Touar thought good to accept by prouision applying himselfe to the time drawing for that hee would not seeme to carefull of that which had hapned a certaine number of ducats from the new tyrant who also deliuered twenty knights Rabatins of the blind kings gard who had been imprisoned for that they had shewed themselues too affectionat to his seruice yeelding vp also the ensignes which had beene taken from Lofredo and his body without a head that they might burie it after the maner of Christians And moreouer Amida deliuered into his hands for hostage a sonne of his called Seithen But notwithstanding all this Francis de Touar detesting the fact of Amida as vnworthie to bee tollerated by the emperour hee did aduertise Abdamelec one of the bretheren of Mâ—ley Hascen who had escaped with Araxid and liued then in exile with a Lord of Numidia called Aneniseba wishing him to come speedily to Tunes hauing wacht an opportunitie by the absence of Amida who was gone to Biserte to receiue that rich custome of fishing which was neere Abdamelec was not sloathfull but comming secretly to Goulette hee found meanes to enter into Tunes by night with a good number of horse which had accompained him going directly to the Castle with his head and his face couered and wrapt in a sheet after the maner of the Countrie where hee was receiued without any difficultie they thinking it to bee Amida who was returned from Biserte but they soone found their owne error and being amazed thought to fall 10 armes but they that were most forward were presently slaine and the rest so terrified Amida dispossest by Abdamelec his vncle as they yeelded Abdamelec being Master of the Castle hee caused many of the towne which did fauour him to come by whome hee was saluted and acknowledged for king of Tunes but hee raigned but thirtie and sixe daies dying of a pestilent burning feuer Before his death hee drew Muley Hascen out of prison who receiued this good from him whome hee had persecuted and retyred to Goulette where hee had left in the hands of Francis Touar many jewels and mooueables of great price whereof hee gaue him no verie good accompt The Tunesians in Abdamelecs place did choose for their king a Sonne of his called Mahumet being but twelue yeares old to whome they gaue foure cheefe men for Councellors and Gouernors of his youth which were Abdâ—lages who held the dignitie and office of Manufete Abdelchiriâ— Mesuar which is another dignitie and Xerife borne at Bugia Disloyaltie of the Regeâ—ts to the young king of Tunes a Moore learned in the law of Mahumet and with them one Iohn Perell of the order of the Rabatins Abdelchirin for that hee was an honest man was slaine by his companions who afterwards made a Friumuirat betwixt them committing all excesse and villanie contemning the kings youth and promising vnto themselues all impunitie Among other insolencies Perel hauing seised vpon the Serrail where the wiues and concubines of Amida were he rauisht them all which haply was the greatest displeasure Amida receiued for those people are wonderfull jealous of their wiues but he tooke a cruell reuenge Reuenge of Amida hauing soone after surprised the citie with the helpe of his friends and partisans so suddenly as the young king had scarce leasure to get into a little barke and flie to Goulette he caused Perel to be cruelly tortured and hauing cut off his priuie parts the instruments of his sinne he caused him to be burnt aliue in the market place He put them also to death which had adhered to Abdamelec and among others fortie Rabatines whose bodies were eaten with dogs a punishment which he vsed for them which had committed any haynous offence causing them to be torne in peeces aliue and denoured by his famished dogs Amida raigned aboue fifteene yeares after vntill that Aluch Ali whom they called Locciali gouernour of Alger depriued him surprising the towne in the yeare 1560 which hath euer since beene held by the Turke but for some short interruption whereof D. Iohn of Austria was the cause as we will shew As for the poore king Muley Hascen he caused himselfe to be conducted to Naples and from thence went to the Emperour to Ausburg where he reported his misfortunes and complained much of Francis de Touar who detained his jewels The Emperour ended this difference by a composition made betwixt the parties and he appointed that Muley Hascen should haue apention paid him during his life by the Sicilians and so he was sent back into Italie and Touar soone after called home from his gouernment ⧠THE 28 BOOKE OF THE Historie of Spaine The Contents 1 BIrth of D. Carlo prince of Spaine 2 Agreement betwixt Pope Paul the third and the Emperour Charles to make warre against the Protestants of Germanie 3 Warre betwixt the Portugals and Turkes at the East Indies 4 Mariage of Ioane of Albret heire of Nauarre with Anthonie duke of Bourbâ—n 5 D. Philip prince of Spaine goes into Flanders 6 Muley Basan a prince of the Moores demaunds succours in Spaine 7 Councell transferred from Trent to Bolonia 8 Sedition at Peru for the gouernment 9 Octauio Farnese excommunicated cause of new warre betwixt France and Spaine 10 League betwixt the princes of Germanie
him into Spain by the first wind as an vnprofitable person yea prejudicial to the quiet of the coūtry that he might giue an accōpt to the emperor of his actions but the violence of the rebels of their commander Gonsaluo was such after this restraint of the Gouernour they of the Councell disagreeing among themselues as they were forced with all speede to deliuer him to gouerne this warre the which prooued difficult for Picarro being assisted by Francis of Caruaial a great Captaine and an old experienced Souldier hee then declared himselfe openly against the Emperour and contended for the Soueraigntie of Peru hauing made the Towne of Cusco the chiefe of that countrie his store-house for the warre Vasco Nugnes striuing to resist them somewhat rashlie Death of the gouernour Vasco Nugnes was slaine in an Incounter neere vnto the towne of Quitoa and his head was carried to Cusco and there made a publike spectacle and scorne to all men a brother of his called Vela Nugnes being then a prisoner who had no better fortune afterwards To bee reunnged of this rout Iohn Aluares Iames de Silua and Iames de Ceuton remaining heads of the emperours part vntill there were some other order taken gathered all the souldiers they could together but they were also defeated by Francis Caruaiall so as they had great difficultie to mainteine their masters authoritie vnto the yeare one thousand fiue hundred fortie and sixe that the Emperour after long deliberation D. Pedro Guasca gouernour at Peru. and by the aduise and choise of his Councell sent D. Pedro Guasca thether a clergie man and of the Councell of the Inquisition a graue wise and discreet man to whome hee gaue a more ample power than to any of the precedent Gouernours with the title of President of the royall audience of Peru parting from Seuile that yeare he came to Nombre de Dios notwithstanding that he vnderstood that there was there in garrison Ferdinand Mexia de Gusman vnder Pedro Alfonso Hinoiosa Gouernour in that Countrie for the party of Gonsaluo Piarro who had a little before put Melchior Verdugo one of the emperours Captaines to rout and chased him as farre as the fort of Carthagena which is vpon the North Sea Hinoiosa remaine at Panama which is opposit vpon the South sea It is the narrowest place of all the firme land of the Indies betwixt the two Seas D. Pedro Guasca did in this action shew a great resolution for hee had beene aduertised at the neere Islands of this rout and that the port of Carthagena was the onely landing place for him yet hee would needs cast anchor neere vnto Nombre de Dios which place was held by the said Mexia with a garrison of eighteene hundred Spaniards where hee sent Alfonso Aluaredo to land in ioyning him to aduertise Mexia of his comming and to found him how hee stood affected Dexteritie of Guasca to win the rebels at Peru. The which Aluaredo performed so well as Mexia and hee parted good friends in effect though they made shew to the contrarie For some daies after the President Guasca was receiued honourably into that place yea with ioy and content of the whole garrison Thus this religious man being politike and modest did for the first fruits of his comming winne this fort and them that held it without any tumult or blowes who thinking himselfe well fortified began with grauitie and authoritie to sollicit the rebels and their leaders that they should acknowledge their errors to repaire the which hee gaue to vnderstand that they had nothing to doe but to imbrace the emperors clemency and the grace and pardon which hee offered them Hinoiosa who was at Panama vpon the South sea had beene aduertised of the presidents arriuall and although he were none of the most obstinate rebels yet would hee see how hee would carrie himselfe at his first entrie into his gouernment being somewhat discontented that Mexia had spoken with him without his leaue and priuitie writing in choller vnto him but Mexia was nothing amazed thereat but by the Presidents aduice went freely to Panama to Hinioiosa what discourse they had the euents did shew for Mexia returned as freely as hee went and presently the President departed and went towards Panama where wrought so with good words persuasions and promises as he drew Pedro Alfonso of Hinoiosa and all them that were with him to the emperours obedience They say that the greatest motiue to make them resolue was that they saw with the President the Marshall Alfonso of Aluaredo who had bin a dear friend to Francisco Pizarro These things succeeding thus happely the president holding it a great aduantage to haue won Hinoiosa hee thought it now time to presse Goncaluo Pizarro to come vnto himselfe and to acknowledge his master He gaue him hope of good vsage if he did obey if not he protested his vtter ruine writing vnto him and sending him letters in the Emperors name from whom he had brought many blanks signed the bearer whereof was Ferdinand Pauiaguada borne at Placentia in Spaine The emperors letters were dated at Venloo in Guelderland the 17 of February 1546 the Presidents the 26 of September following Gonsaluo was at the time of this dispatch in the citie of Kings so called for that the first foundations thereof were laid the day before the feast of Kings which wee call Twelfe day where hauing some intelligence of the Presidents comming hee had called all the heads of his party vnto him to consult what was to be done in the end they resolued to send vnto the emperour and to informe him of the causes of their rising and to iustifie themselues for the death of the gouernour Nugnes and it was concluded that the Deputies should carry letters from all the townes in Peru and that they should demand the generall gouernement for Gonsaluo Pizarro That in passing by Panama they should informe themselues of the president Guascas authority and should acquaint him with the cause of their voyage with protestation that if hee attempted any thing or did presume to enter into the Countrey of Peru in armes before their returne and the Emperours answer they would resist him by armes The deputies were Ierosme Loyosa Archbishop of the city of Kings Laurence of Aldana who commanded the garrison there Thomas of saint Martin prouinciall of the order of saint Dominicke at Peru and Gomes de Soli◠de Carceres some of which being suspect to Pizarro namely the prouinciall he was glad to be rid of him and to estrange him from his designes procuring the bishop of Sancta Martha to goe the voiage with them Thus the deputies being dispatcht they imbarked in diuers ships and sailed towards Panama causing Laurence Aldana to aduance and aduertise them what was done there In the meane time there was a conspiracie discouered against the person of Gonsaluo which had beene practised as they said by Vela Nugnes the deceased gouernors brother who
or forced The voluntarie may be contained in the sale of customs offices and other like alienations of commodities and rents That which is forced may in like maner be exemplified in such taxes and ordinarie tributes as are imposed vpon the people with out recompence the first hath in it a kind of sweetnesse for that it is seldome vrged by necessitie wherfore it is requisit to limit the other kind by this and when necessitie requires rather to sel offices rents than to inuent any new grieuāces to the people I haue many times resolued with my self to deale after this maner but haue euer bin diuerted by occurrents from bringing into my state that custom of selling of offices and making magistrates for life which is vsed in the court of Rome for it is a matter of great import a means to bring a sudden gain into the princes purse for the next vacatiō either by remoue imploiment or death yeeldeth as much or very little lesse than the ordinarie rent which by their accompt is to bee answered No doubt this was a course of great consideration and of especiall commoditie to the superiour as may bee gathered by this reason of experience That the Popes in how great pouertie soeuer they finde the Church at their first entrie to the Sea yet they neuer want meanes to procure money after the first beginning of their gouernment It is true that in the Court of Rome as it should seeme the sale of Offices which haue annexed vnto them ordinarie administration of justice brings not so great danger vnto the State as it would doe in other Realmes for that auarice is not the chiefe obiect in that place of mens intents but rather hope to raise themselues to greater honour from this ground and accesse at all times vnto the Pope vpon this occasion which carrieth with it many other especiall commodities But the Princes of the world may in like manner deuise to set ambition in the eye of Officers as the obiect and end of their offer to buie Offices by rewarding such as carrie themselues well with great honours and disgracing those that shall deale otherwise By this meanes you may change the object of your Officers from couetousnesse to a desire of rule and to supply the humours of authoritie which is alwaies accessarie to Ambition The second meanes to seeke reliefe from the subiect which I tearmed forced is heauie and odious yet by the good discretion of Ministers which deale in those affaires and by the presidents of other countries lying neere about where they are oppressed by their Gouernours this griefe may bee much qualified The Prince in this case may doe much good vnto himselfe by giuing easie accesse vnto his person when occasion doth serue for hee must take a fit time to acquaint them with his occasions hee must seeke in some fort to free himselfe of their hard conceite and ease the other part by fauours of an other kinde hee must justifie his actions in the iudgement of the world eyther by prouing the cause of this grieuance to bee verie vrgent or colouring the same so cunningly as it may at the least appeare so or endeuouring to send some away satisfied if it bee possible This not voluntarie or forced way is subdiuided into two other parts into perpetuall burthens as customes or temporarie as subsidies and this later at the time of the first imposing makes people to grieue for a while in respect of the paine which pincheth them but this greefe cannot long endure for that one instant and one paiment freeth them especially if the prince make protestation of his vnwillingnesse and with all make apparent to the peoples meane capacitie the necessarie cause that vrgeth him thereunto The other kind is farre more grieuous and offensiue albeit in time the people grow better acquainted with that course and beare it as well as they can for that there is no remedie Sodaine impositions although they seeme grieuous at the first yet by a prince whose lineall succession is not well setled ought to bee preferred as potions which are more sharp and yet more quicke in operation are before those that are more gentle yet long and tedious in curing the sicke and the rather in this case for that Princes cosers are suddenly replenished Aboue all things you must haue a great care that during the leuie of this aid your Officers adde nothing to the burthen either by extremitie discurtesie or demaund of fees for we find daily that by such extraordinarie extortions men are more incensed in respect of the wrong and violence then with the principall which is disbursed for the satisfaction of their Soueraigne The subiect is much impouerished by this hard course and yet the Prince reapes no benefit thereby nay when hee shall haue need to craue a new supply and aide from them hee findes them more feeble and lesse able to relieue his wants Rents increase by raising new impositions vpon occasion by bettering the trade by reducing forfeitures to the princes pleasure by limiting all necessarie charges and cutting off such as are superfluous The field of raising new rents is exceeding large yet the prince is bound to walke in it with all possible respect so farre as it concernes the peoples grieuance hee must especially abstaine from imposing of heauie customs vpon such things as his subiects are inforced to send abroad as Sicile doth graine and the Realme of Naples wine and Silke The like consideration is to bee had of things brought in from foreine parts for the supply of other wants at home for vpon these two reasons experience and time hath grounded the ordinarie traffique that holdeth betwixt countries for their naturall necessities Wherefore in these causes princes ought to haue a care that their reuenues may bee aunswered in a meane rather than by excesse for the more moderate customes are the greater store of needfull things are brought home vnto our doores in respect of the great gaine which marchants make by selling at the second hand and for the like respect the greater store of superfluous things are transported by the subiects into foraine parts By this meanes the rent is raysed farre aboue the measure which a great imposition would yeeld The people want no foraine commodities for their reliefe and yet their purses are filled by the vent of superfluous things at home so as they may be the better able both to satisfie their princes custome and contribute also vpon such reafonable occasions as shall occurre in policie vpon other things which are rather brought in for wantonnesse and pleasure than for necessarie vse a more weightie imposition may bee layed for the estate which may well forbeare these loosse commodities is not damnified thereby if some to satisfie their humors will needs buy it skilleth not though they pay somewhat deerer for their fantasies Besides some are discouraged sometimes with the great price which otherwise would acquaint themselues too much
raines of vertue which onely ruleth their intents and accompanieth their actions else there should be more difference betwixt the members of this diuision They that by cunning will seeme vertuous in respect of endlesse feare least their ill meaning should be brought to light standing in the mid way to the marke which is common to all men like a bow drawne from the other extreame they are heauie melancholie and full of doubts vpon euerie rumor of the vulgar sort they cast false shadowes of suspition linger in mistrust and affright themselues with fancies their daies are troublesome their nights vnquiet their cares infinit and therefore our Sauiour might boldly say Haeparietes testes But they that are sincerely and intirely vertuous relying onely vpon their bountie and worth liue in continuall peace with content of mind and without all feare of oppression It resteth in the will and power of the prince himselfe to incourage faithfull ministers to shew their loue and duetie to their superiours either by binding them by rewards and fauours or by contenting them with honour and authoritie or by fitting them with such commodities and pleasures as they most affect or by setling their inclinations to deserue well in offering occasions whereby they make proofe of their fidelities For as it is most proper for mans nature to proceed with courage where they find their seruice thankefully rewarded vpon iust cause so princes are apt to trust vpon due triall of their ministers integritie But the way to make them constant and sure against all assaults is to tye them not with any single bond but with all these together if it bee possible Let no prince thinke that it is more safe in consultation touching his affaires of Estate to trust domesticals and such as are most deere vnto him for other ordinarie causes but lesse able to aduise before others that bee farther off so as they bee more fit onely of feare to seeme more vnthankefull to the first and depriue them of their due for the end will be that by this opinion hee shall preferre men of no worth nor vnderstanding before others that are more sufficient and necessarie which is the most absurd and sencelesse errour which hee can commit touching this point of election of ministers I would haue all other considerations of riches fauour and all other gifts of fortune yeeld in your esteeme to vertue and worthinesse for where a prince finds qualities agreeable it is his part to thinke how to inrich and aduance them for the meaner their estates are whom the prince shall raise to high degrees the greater shall their bond appeare and the more sincere and firme their dueties and affections In rewarding your seruants good deserts I would wish you to endeuour as much as you may to gratifie them according to your desires and to haue an eye to their owne ends for some seeke ease onely and aboundance of commodities belonging to this life others hunt after honour and authoritie and some couet satisfaction in other kinds according to their seuerall humors or as such fauours either are indeed or at the least are held by them most sutable to their conditions and qualities without respect of these affections of men a prince should often loose the thanks which bountie expects for many desire rather to fast than to be crammed against appetite Among other rules it shal not be amisse to note that nothing bindeth loue more firmely than when a prince bestowes a benefit out of his owne free choice without the instance or soliciting of any fauorer The first we must ascribe to the fauour of our Soueraigne alone the second we may diuide betweene the prince that giueth and the friend that moueth it Some haue commended and allowed a distrust and disagrement betweene ministers of State as if it were the best meanes to acquaint a prince with the truth but this course was neuer pleasing to my humor neither could I euer find how so bad a cause as discord could euer produce any commendable effects in a princes seruice A kind of emulation is not amisse so as it tend onely to incite honourable minds to shew themselues more worthie of the princes fauour to deserue better in his seruice and to be fit for a better place when time shall serue as we read of two of Caesars Corporals but in no wise let it grow to malice or mislike for the prince may neuer shew more fauor to one than to another as it falleth out sometimes for that it will not be possible alwayes to keepe the ballance euen but the partie which receiueth lesse is tormented with jealousie fretted inwardly with spight blinded with disdaine and all in the end turneth to the prejudice of the princes seruice and the publicke action Among these and out of these ought the prince to make choice of a sufficient number to serue him in the place of councell and imploy the rest in other seruices belonging to the State for being guided by their aduice counsell he can hardly erre but may rather rest assured that his worthie acts shal purchase honor immortalitie to his name wherefore striue to abound in these rather than in any other treasure whatsoeuer and feare not least facilitie in being led and directed by the aduice of worthie men should rob you of the honor which belongeth to your rare deserts for that the chiefest commendation is not ascribed vnto him that either giueth counsel or hath charge to execute but vnto the prince vpon whose resolution all depends and who out of his judgement and discretion assignes to euery man that part for which he is most fit in his owne opinion for although there may be aptnesse in the timber yet to make choice of the best for building and imploy it to the best vse shewes the skill of a good workeman Besides if the prince out of a jealous and suspitious humor be mistrustfull in this point how easie a matter is it at all times vpon diuers colours and pretences to change alter or deferre his resolution so as whatsoeuer they inuent shal be ascribed to his own perfectiō A prince can neuer want occasions to sound their opinions and to make profit of their deep judgements without imparting the secret of his purposes to any one of them My meaning was to discourse with you about this point of chusing able ministers at large for that in my opinion the weight of this subiect required no lesse wherefore I repeat it againe That a prince can neuer become great nor maintaine his greatnesse without the seruice and assistance of sufficient counsellors officers And therefore my most deere sonne I require you carefully to open both your eyes and eares in this respect and to be diligent in searching out the qualities of men for your better instruction All offices administrations and gouernments which are giuen for a short limited time are most secure from those suspitions jealousies which long continuance in
office and authoritie doth breed being impossible in so short a space to make parties or to procure followers And although this course be not alwayes free from those dangers and discommodities which are incident to gouernors who either want experience or acquaintance with state yet a moderate exchange ought in my conceit to be preferred before a perpetuitie for the people be the gouernors neuer so religious and just feele a kind of safetie at the least and as well in this point as in others delight in change vsing the same as a counterpoise to that irkesome loathsomenesse which groweth out of the continuall vse of any one thing without alteration Let your maner in giuing audience to suitors be easie liberal and ordinarie wherby not only the subiect is pleased with the same reputing this accesse as a restoritiue for that it giueth them opportunitie to ease their grieuances by their superiors fauor but on the other side it maketh the prince more wise when euery day by this means he cōmeth to the knowledge of new accidents new impressions new opinions The prince also commeth to vnderstand all the affairs humors passions and plots of his own subiects and their interest which is as I said before one kind of wisedome To this end therefore and for a thousand other good effects a prince ought to visit all his estates often but in such sort as many progresses and extraordinarie charges which belongs vnto them may not be burthensome to his subiects and a blemish to his owne authoritie for things that are accounted excellent if they be made common they loose a great part of their estimation in the eyes of the world If their progresses be seldom in like maner they giue some suspition of neglect and carelesse regard of the peoples good they giue incouragement to deputies and magistrats to follow their own humors and moreouer they make their subiects despaire of all hope of refuge to the princes presence and of recourse to the same in time of necessitie for as I said before this is a meane to ease the subiect and to curbe the magistrat In giuing audience let your care be to send euerie man away with some satisfaction or at the least with good liking of your affabilitie Heare such as offer you petitions with patience and answer them with compassion Prouide alwaies that the power of those that are most mightie ouersway not the right of them that are miserable haue no respect of persons but looke only to the justice of the cause If any man appeare before you in a rightfull matter who is otherwise ill spoken of regard not at that time his conuersation but his complaint not what he is in life but what he speaketh Now to the end the parties which haue recourse vnto you appealing from your officers or charging them with corruption may be more throughly conuinced by due proofe and more easily induced of themselues to confesse their faults stretch out your hand as farre as in honor you may in granting them new Iudges or Commissioners who together with other ordinarie officers will be more carefull to carrie themselues vprightly in such offices as are assigned to their cares The way to plant a firme resolution in your officers to deserue well is to reward them bountifully that haue shewed their worth for by this meanes by the discharge of his duetie in a meane place he will endeuour to be held worthie of an office of more esteeme notwithstanding there is great reason why the prince vpon these occasions should haue due respect to the credit and honour of his officers and to vse such moderation in this kind as without wrong to the plaintifes their reputations may be tendred Examine weightie causes with deliberation but be carefull to giue quicke dispatch to matters of small moment especially if they concerne persons that are in miserie Vse the like expedition in matters concerning poore men orphans dowers churches education maintenance charges left tutorship debts and such like charitable causes of which you are in conscience bound to haue an especiall care and to protect them in necessitie That state can neuer prosper where such causes are neglected for that God which makes no difference of persons but assureth vs That he will alwaies haue one eare open to the sortowful complaints of simple soules which suffer wrong will punish kings and magistrats for their contempt euen of their Christian subiects I would exemplifie this danger by some speciall example of Gods justice in my time but the verie ground of charitie set downe in a word or two may serue and for the rest I leaue you to the tendernesse of your owne conscience and the counsel of your Confessor The like course must be taken with tradesmen artisans marchants and husbandmen for these kind of people can neuer follow the court nor without ruine to their estates spend their goods labour and time about suits for it were better to be speedily dispatcht with some losse than to be tired with a world of Proctors Aduocates and Notaries in hope of getting all considering how much the losse of time in regard of their trade importeth them Whatsoeuer may be ended at one hearing by your selfe dispatch what you are not able of your selfe to rid recommend it by way of tables and memorials in other affaires It shall not be amisse for quicke dispatch of causes to assigne to euerie officer his particular taske for otherwise it were not possible for one man to run through all In case of necessitie the prince may commit his office for his owne ease to his faithfull ministers in imitation of the knife which in old time was vsed in the sacrifice at Delphos for there was such a fashion deuised for the reliefe of poore men which could not long attend without great losse as one man alone was able by the helpe of its many parts to serue all the priests In criminiall causes where there is question of life and death and other capitall punishment proceed benignely with seueritie and seuerely with benignitie according to the state and qualitie of the cause Applie you sences to the circumstances of the person time and place the maner and such like considerations Be content to imitate the rule of Lesbos in this case which was apt to bend according to the obliquitie of the subiect vnto which it was applied by art So must princes follow occasions if they will rule with commendation This is not to make difference of persons touching the right it selfe but to judge of right with wisedome and diseretion according to the sundrie indifferences that are aptly offered proceeding notwithstanding where we find the like respects in all degrees concurre with like consideration for the people are not grieued with setting downe any resolution how grieuous soeuer it may seeme but diuersitie of punishments for one and the selfesame fault where no certaine reason can be found of the diuersitie If any conceiues this counsel to be
in any sort repugnant to this Maxime That all lawes should be equall inflexible vnchangeable c. hee must be answered That it is onely vnderstood of the dead letter of the law which as it euer speaketh and resolueth in one manner so ought it in respect of it selfe to be indifferently interpreted and executed But there is another reason of the liuing law which is the prince and his ministers especially touching Commissions which bee receiued from him for they ought to execute the dead letter of the law with such respect and moderation as hath beene mentioned before so as they bend it with equitie but breake it not with wilfulnesse Wherefore there is a certaine power giuen vnto the prince aboue the lawes and by the rule of conscience which is imprinted in the heart of him or them that are set vnder him the cause is qualified according to the reason of the circumstance for rigor is not alwayes right neither may we say that they rule best which vrge the letter without respect to the reasons that rather follow the words of a text which is mute than the due consideration of a quicke interpretation which is more sensible Prouided alwayes for the preseruation of Maiestie and maintenance of lawes That howsoeuer it may please a prince out of his owne conceit to dispose in ouerruling any matter with respect either of the person or time augmenting or abating the reward of any good desert or punishing of any fault the same be not drawne to consequence or inforced as a president to those that shall liue after him They that gouerne know better how to moderate these cases than the lawyers that plead and many things are incident to politicke direction which neuer come within the compasse of an ordinarie Aduocate Contention betwixt husbands and wiues masters and seruants parents and their children neighbours kinsmen friends and such like conjoyned in the strait linke of ordinarie officers ought rather to be ended by a friendlie arbitrator with spare of charges which belong to suits than by a seuere judge who decideth all things by extremitie The best course for a prince is to censure causes by due circumstances without partialitie and that the difference which shall appeare betwixt his moderation and the written law may rather seeme to arise out of a right in equitie than an error in affection I would haue all the courts of justice offend rather in compassion than rigor or crueltie vnlesse there be a notable example to be made for the terror to the multitude In all kinds of rewards be bountiful aboue the common course and alwaies chuse rather to leaue a light offendor whose crimes are not manifest vnpunished than to condemne an innocent or to leaue a peece of seruice vnrewarded at the least with fauorable words with praise and cause of hope vntill time and opportunitie may yeeld a more ample satisfaction Be carefull that compassion facilitie in remitting punishments be tempered with such a reasonable meane as it neither incourage men to offend nor giue occasion of many errors which grow by too much lenitie Let it suffice that your subiects liue vnder you with industrie and as becommeth men without giuing scandall or ill example to the world Proceed not to that kind of curiositie which makes many rules to inquire search what men doe in the most priuat and secret places of their houses this humor is many waies offensiue for both a breedeth trouble to the prince and oftentimes great harme to the party without desert Though some be not absolutely chast yet so they be found wary in auoiding all cause of scandall manifest offence the prince hath reason to referre the judgement of the secrets of mens hearts vnto God and the correction of secret sins to his diuine Maiestie for where our eyes can no way pierce there is no reason that our hands should execute Keepe one eare alwayes open for the aduerse partie beware of setling your judgement especially in causes of justice vpon the first impression for time traueleth for truth and oftentimes graue deliberation easeth her of her burthen In those occasions a moderation shold be had in such regard as neither the subiect be induced by too great facility to attempt any practise of vnlawful action for the furtherance of his intent nor discouraged by too great rigour for expecting reason at your hands for both extremities are dangerous Whilest that you are in choler or haue made your selfe a prey to any other passion or respect of priuat interest be verie carefull neuer to giue sentence or at the least not to put the same in present executiō least afterwards appeales be made vnto your selfe from such vniust sentences and executions by the parties that are wronged when you are come vnto your selfe You may read in histories of a poore woman that appealed from king Philip being transported with passion to the same king Philip qualified with a due consideration and of the penance which was injoyned by S. Ambrose to Theodosius after the massacre of Thessalonica Touching the orders of your familie and Court I haue discoursed with you at other times out of which you may draw rules for the direction of those affaires be alwayes mindfull that your gards be entertained about your person according to the wonted maner rather to set forth the maiestie of gouernment than in respect of danger of your life for euidēt necessitie Touching the wearing of your apparel there is no doubt but princely garments fit for your estate at certaine times doe both grace your person and strike a kind of awe into the peoples hearts Notwithstanding to sute your selfe ordinarily more plainly according to that fashion which is most generall doth win great loue as I haue obserued by mine owne experience for nothing pleaseth the subiect more than to note sometimes a carelesse contempt of those outward complements in which some princes set their princelie felicitie The like consideration must be had touching your die◠and other necessarie things belonging to your person and your Court with a carefull regard that neither hatred be purchased by excesse nor contempt by too great equalitie To the time of peace likewise belong diuers kinds of workes worthie of a princes care which draw the subiects eyes to admiration and his heart to thankefulnesse In this degree we marshall whatsoeuer princes either build or repaire for the peoples good as adorning cities amending highwayes repaying bridges making riuers nauigable charges in bringing waters in repairing of churches hospitals guild-halls publike places and towne walls taking order for the reformation of abuses in religion Vniuersities Colledges and judiciall places in limiting the fees of Counsellors excluding auarice from courts of conscience and corruption of magistrats in the bringing vp of orphans mariage of poore maids and redemption of prisoners Blessed is the heart that thinketh on those things and the hand that putteth them in execution for by this meanes the subiect shall
not onely be prouided for in the common course of life but the pleasures and commodities of persons places and conditions setled in happinesse Yet in these cases also care must be taken that the people be not ouer burthened for it is all one to them whether oppression creepe in by this or any other meanes which they cannot remedie and where the people themselues are vrged to an extraordinarie charge they hold not the prince to be an author but an executioner To the time of peace also belong many considerations prouisions forecasts concerning war to the end that whatsoeuer accident happens the prince be not taken altogether vnprouided on a sudden or driuen to seeke shelter when the storme is imminent But to auoid confusion about these times I must warne you for a conclusion in this point that as an honorable peace is the end of war so must your peace be gouerned by such great discretion diligent foresight as the war may also be secure to the state when it happens I come now my most deere sonne to discourse with you of some points belonging to the time of war whereon it standeth you in hand to thinke aduisedly as wel in consideration of your present estate as also for the increase therof whensoeuer just occasion shal be offered To these ends of preseruation and inlargement by way of counsell and aduice in time of peace and of armes in time of war a prince ought wholly to addict himselfe and neither spare paine diligence nor danger in any enterprise that enable him to attaine them happily A prince ought to be more heedful to looke into the accidents occurrents of war than peace for that war aboundeth more with vnexpected actions with disorders not foreseene and when they happen for the most part are irrecouerable Againe for that war is lesse restrained by the curbe of ciuile lawes and officers than peace depending cōmonly vpon the will of him that is most powerful as most commonly it is kindled by a greedie desire of one to raigne aboue the rest and is afterwards maintained by the feare of a necessarie defence both which affections are so forcible in the mind as they will rather constraine you to make the satisfaction of your will the obiect than to looke into the means wherby you may compasse it These cares and preparations for war are most necessarie for princes potentates whose vnquiet estates are often troubled by foreine enemies who lay plots to annoy them These and such restlesse neighbors giue euerie day just occasion to be offended by them This is your case who being seated betwixt the power of the Turk the jealousie of Christian potentates could not design a matter of any great effect though you gaue your selfe to rest But let not this scruple greatly trouble you for that discotinuance of prosessing armes wil in time do you more harme than the maintenance of your reputation by them can any way trouble you Experience doth teach that all men feare to incese an enemie who hath his armes readie drawne to strike Besides as men wax old with time so states are weakened with sloth and in effect consumed by the canker of idlenesse whilest that others that cōtned with martial enemies are not onely maintained in health but augmented daily more more in force and vigor as mans bodie is by exercise Vpon the laying downe of armes discharge of troups the subiects grow wanton and wild at home finding so great a part of their wonted burthen eased and this we daily see that hauing bin long accustomed to this pleasing ease you shall hardly bring them again in awe to haue the patience to endure your impositions their former franknesse and readinesse to supplie your necessities On the other side the multitude of souldiers tainted with the libertie of ambition and other humors of camp wil hardly frame themselues to lead an honest sober life at home which hath often bin the cause of tumults vprores in monarchies Besides I cannot see how a prince that ruleth many estates can euer settle any resolution to liue in peace in respect of their ambition greedinesse that are about him their emulatiō and jealousie that are equall to him and their feare and suspition that are vnder him For they that are of the first sort dispose themselues to giue occasion of offence out of a desire to subuert the estates of other men the second to settle their own fortunes and the third to preuent oppressions injuries wherefore it is wel said in our prouerb that he which cānot take hard measure at the hands of other men must keep them low that are most apt to offer it It is therfore necessary for a prince especially being possessed of so many estates as you are at this time to dispose your selfe effectually to a care of such things as belong to warre whereof hauing fit occasion to discourse at this present with you taking my beginning from the chiefest parts therof I say That this care standeth chiefly vpon arms forts and garrisons vpon order for prouisions to be made for them knowledge of the qualitie and conditions of States of the people that inhabit them The care of an armie consisteth in the setting downe of a certaine and conuenient number and in giuing good orders and directions for their maner of fight The number must be such as will suffice for any braue attempt their Leader will vndertake The rate will fall out fitly if no error be committed either in too much or too little for too little will not serue and excesse is euer a cause of confusion Opinions haue differed exceedingly concerning this point but the best and most expert agree Than an armie consisting of 30000 foot and 4000 horse is sufficient for the execution of any worthie enterprise The reasons that are brought for proofe hereof are many of great force for this proportion is reasonable neither superfluous nor wanting According to this proportion an armie may be better disciplined it may be better entertained with pay and supplied with victuals and all other things necessarie It is more easily repaired after some great losse either by sicknesse or any other accident and it may be better imployed and maintained in all places The people that receiue them find more ease in their charges A prince may better stand vpon his gard with such a force and a victorie gotten by a reasonable number is more honourable To conclude it is in all respects most agreeable to the maner of seruice in our age as they can best judge that haue often had proofe thereof by their owne experience Whereas huge armies are we see few come to fight and therfore a lesse number might serue the turne as it did the Romans in their warres in many countries when as they brought multitudes of men As it serued Alexander in ourrunning Asia and might perhaps haue serued Hanibal against the greart force of Rome
Piedmont where the French did afterwards make warre to their best aduantage discouraging the ready meanes of diuerting all attempts on that side against Fraunce besides the credite which they got by the action with the States of Italie If they had knowne as I haue said how to vse this prosperous successe to their best aduantage I doubt not but they had often put all the estates you holde thereabouts in daunger Seeke therefore alwayes to assault the French King in his owne Realme and to preuent his first attempts for otherwise you cannot when you will ridde your hands of him by making a diuersion from Italie if hee may be suffered to put in his foote for then the difficultie of repairing your armie with supplies of Spaniards considering the situation will be verie great wherein all consisteth for they beeing defeated by anie mischaunce it giues great incouragement to the States of Italie to laie new plottes especially the Venetiant whom euerie little blast doth easily awake Persuade not your selfe that your deerest friends in Italie seeing your power decline will euer adhere to your misfortunes with the hazard of their owne estates but rather secretly reconcile themselues to him that hath the vpper hand and follow the Victors good fortune I would not wish you to applie vour whole care about the recouerie of Siena which will be hardly effected I graunt the Duke of Florence hath beene jealous to that State considering his oportunity to annoy them both by neere neighbourhood and the power of his authoritie This plot if it might take effect will bee a notable president to all States and make them warie how to intermeddle against your power And which importeth your cause most of all you shall by this meanes cut off all intelligence betweene the French Kings forces and the States of Italie who finding the French setled within the heart of their Countrey will be more apt to ioyne with them in friendship and relie vpon their strength rather than when they see them farre off in Piedmont and much lesse if they can bee drawne on this side the Alpes whereas their fauour cannot bee commodious nor their displeasure daungerous It shall also much auaile in your dealing with the Crowne of France to bee fully informed of the humors and affections of all such persons as are in greatest fauour with the King or that stand for the best offices thrust your hand secretly into all their competitions and drawe the strongest partie vnto you with all the Art you can for neuer can the Theater of publique Actions affoord more fauourable shewes in your behalfe than when it shall bee moued vnder hand with inuisible deuises If euer Fortune fauour you so much as that either by alliance or anie other kind of agreement you shall bee able to remooue the French out of Piedmont wincke at all other things Doe the best you can whereby the Realme may bee induced to desist from armes so shall you bee secured from tumults and many other kindes of crosses which are more daungerous and not knowne to euery man if afterwards anie occasion be offred of doing your selfe good forbeare not to lay holde of it Thus shall you euer be most secure concerning causes which belong to Italie This is the ground vpon which in the end it behoueth you to settle the strongest sinews of your foreine power and therefore haue alwayes an eye vnto it with an aduised consideration The reason is not all one for the French to bee now put out of Piedmont and as if they had neuer held it for in the opinion of the world it will be more disgrace vnto them than the winning thereof before did yeeld them profit Wherefore in all your capitulations and agreements let your eye leuell directly at this end and your plottes of policie aime alwayes at this marke For beleeue me son and I assure you out of my long experience that Piedmont alone will benefit you more than if on that side which lies next vnto Flaunders you had berest him of the third part of his owne kingdome Seeing then wee are entred so farre into the State of Italie and ingaged in the highest mysterie of State wee must proceed a little farther in this politique discourse I will tell you once againe that by the life of this one artere the pulse of all your great power doth beate This waie your eyes must bee euer bent and open to all oportunities First I would haue you vse all deuotion and curtesie to the holie father and the apostolike Sea I would wish you to bee verie kind to the members of the same as the Cardinalles Bishoppes Prelates and other of the Clergie belonging to the Court of Rome Be euer readie for the defence of them and the Catholike profession In all elections of Popes see that you labour not by anie vnchristian vnlawfull and indirect meanes to preferre anie of those Cardinalles that are your especiall friends Striue not to make one rather than an other so as all Competitors bee worthie of the place for in these sacred actions the holie Ghost doth worke And it is better to submit our likings to the prouidence of God which turneth all things to the best as wee may vnderstand by that which is recorded of Mathias in the Text than to follow humours or respect particulars There is no question but anie of them may bee wonne by due respect and admit they should become strange yet after you haue sought to reconcile your selfe into their fauours by such meanes as are prescribed you by the holie Ghost hauing your territories included in the middest of theyr Countrey you can neuer want the choice of manie meanes belonging to the world by which for your last refuge when there is no other meanes you may insinuate your selfe more easily into their good opinions I meane either by alliance with their chiefest friends abroad or bestowing pensions and sundrie curtesies vpon such persons of the Clergie as they most affect at home with a thousand such like complements as may pleasure them daily without anie hinderance to princes of your qualitie This is the waie to make the Pope you friend though at the first hee were elected by a faction of Cardinalles which depend not on your affection for hardly shall you find anie hawke so haggard but hee will prey vpon all apt aduaunxstages Hereof you must haue an especiall care the end whereof is the general good of Christendome rather than anie respect of your owne priuate interest though manie perhaps doe not so much regard those bonds which ought to moue them simply to make a Pope as they doe the profit when a Pope is made to their purpose The territories of the Church lie as we may say in the very heart of Italie but so inuironed with yours as they may serue for a garland if Siena were once recouered they should then be compassed in on all sides with your forces So as the way which you shall take
Romanes which Sicambrians of the Rhin did afterwards take the name of Frances or French and haue imparted it to others So as wee may be good proofes conclude that when as in the time of the emperour Valentinian the Sicambrians French erected a realme in Gaule that they were no new people but of the same nation whereof a number became more eminent than the rest not for any desire to rule ouer them but in hatred of the Romanes tyranny and to repulse the Bourgongnians Gothes and other barbarous Nations which spoiled the Countrie and held their brethren in seruitude Hauing freed them and ioyning all in one bodie they erected this French monarchy which hath exceeded all others in dignitie and valour adding to the name of Gaule that of France in honour and remembrance of their deliuerers who held the Scepter and Soueraigntie as due vnto them but the Belges Celtes French Acquitanes and finally all the Gaules made the bodie of the estate vnder one common bond of ciuill libertie one honouring another by mutuall courtesies for as the Gaules had reuerâ—nced the French armes which had freed them from seruitude and oppression so the French for their part had receiued with honour the ciuilitie lawes and religion of the Gaules made an equalitie of free right betwixt them The Spaniards haue no memorie to brag on Spaine a prey to the Barbarians for as Pharamond made warre in the lower part of Gaule Belgike Spaine was then a prey and torne in peeces by diuers cruell and barbarous nations hauing neither feare nor courage to resist them The Gothes beganne to shew themselues on this side the Alpes and to frame a royall estate in Gaule making their seat at Tolousa but they held it not long for the French sent them soone beyond the Pyrenees to contend with the Vandales Alanes Sueues who had already wholy subdued Spaine and hauing diuided it among them fell to iarre about their portions at the comming of this Gotike nation who had no coÌ„formitie nor acquaintance with the Spaniards as the Sicambrians had with the Gaules but was a meer stranger an enemie seeking nothing but spoile The Spaniards hauing beene conquered by the Gothes from the Romanes and the aboue named nations they fell out of one seruitude into another which continued aboue one hundred and twentie yeares and their condition was very miserable from Wallia the Arrian king vnto Richareds the Christian for all that time was a meere conquest full of desolations and ruines without any forme of good gouernment whilest that the raigne of the French Gaules was setled in pietie and justice and did prosper in armes subduing the Burgongnians forcing the remainder of the Gothes which were on this side the Pyrenee mountains to goe to their companions in Spaine and rooting out the rest of the Romanes in Gaule Ricaredo and some other kings following him held some better order in their gouernments and made lawes grounded vpon naturall equitie justice the which are at this day in price There past some raigns in this natioÌ„ in the which the princes being made Christians did willingly take counsell in Spirituall things of the Clergie in national councels which were often held and namely at Toledo In like maner the Clergie did reuerence the royall authority and did freely receiue fit orders for their estate in temporal things we must confesse that whilest this harmony lasted Abuse of Councels in Spaine the Spaniards their affairs did prosper but when their Councels were conuerted into assemblies of the states where also the Clergie would euer haue most authoritie when as instead of treating of the doctrine of Iesus Christ and the due dispensation of his heauenly blessings among Christians studying to refute errors with knowledge and charitie and to reclaime the manners and affections of men to the rule of true Iustice By holie Constitutions they did handle with contention the preheminences of Prelats in their diocesses and iurisdictions disposed of the estate of Kings houses of the honours and offices thereof and of the gard of their persons reconciled quarrelles among great men and dealt in other such worldly affaires all vnder the authoritie of Councells whereby all was corrupted euery man for getting his ranke in the end they found proud and obstinate Kings in that State who in disdaine of the impertinencie and excesse of such pastors and for their cause of religion it selfe abandoned themselues to all vice and impietie so as God to punish them gaue way to the Moores and Arabians who entred into Spaine Moores the scourge of Gods iustice and made such a spoile as both Clergie and Laie men King and Subiects Noblemen and Clownes finally all degrees smarted many yeeres That from these lamentable calamities the defenders of the Spaniards preheminence and of their kings seeke I know not by what Art to draw glorie saying with ostentation that their nation hath always preserued among the Gothes and Sarazins which haue ruled ouer them their Language Religion and Libertie wherein they shew themselues verie vaine Vanities of the Spaniards for as for their libertie the Histories shew the contrarie neither had they kept their religion pure And as for their language they of the French partie said that the Spaniards had vrged it to no purpose yea if they would consider it well they should find that it gaue them no grace but did rather blemish them If they will say that in Spaine they neither speake the Gothike Arabic nor Africane tongues they must also adde that they speake not Spanish there The French doe freely confesse that the true Languages of the Gaules and French are not much vsed now in Fraunce Doe wee not know that either of them spake the Roman tongue in those daies for hauing beene long subiect to the Empire of Rome they were forced to learne the tongue and to vse it by an expresse Lawe as all other people did which were subdued by this proud Nation This Roman tongue was retained both by the Spaniards and French to this day yet mingled and corrupted by other tongues but there is one notable difference which giues the aduantages to the French which is that although they haue some words and tearmes remaining of the Roman tongue yet haue they very few that are meerly strange but are of the old Sicambrian German and Teuton tongues which is the common language of the French and of all the auncient Gaules whereas that which the Spaniards vse at this day consists of the Roman Gothike Arabic Moorish and African tongues a perpetuall note vnlesse they change it that they haue serued the Gothes Moores Arabians and Africans the which is yet fresh And therfore it appeeres that the Gaules being deliuered from the Roman yoake by the French their Country men hauing made one body and one people haue since preserued their language better and more generously than the Spaniards and which doth more import increasing still in power
most part peopled Moreouer it is certaine and it doth plainely appeere to those that consider things rightly â—iscomm â—ities by the discourse of the weâ—â— Indies that all other regions and states of Europe yea and Spaine it selfe are hurt in many respects for since the plentie of Indian gold al things are more deere and impaired By this mettall which passeth currently with the armes of Spaine Inuention and Industrie are made dull and sleepie and thereby Trueth and Honestie are corrupted By this Indian gold the Kings of Spaine who were wont to entertaine friendship with other Potentates their neighbours are now growne full of contentions They entertaine many souldiers and make continuall leuies beeing neuer without quarrells so as they and their subiects are in continuall troubles as it happens alwayes to those who to afflict others loose their owne quiet and rest By this gold the Kings of Spaine presumed to haue away made to a monarchie in Europe and haue ingaged themselues in vnnecessarie warres vpon diuers pretexts which haue kept backe the Christians forces whilest that the Turke got Hungarie and made other lamentable breaches into Christendome and by this holie or cursed gold Charles the fift Emperour or King of Spaine made warre against the Germans vnder colour of religion though the true cause was to force them to suffer the Empire to be hereditarie in his house Hee vanquished them but not without the aide of other Germans corrupted with his gold hee triumphed ouer all the princes estates and townes of the Empire and thought hee had attained to the height of happinesse but behold Henrie the second the French king staies him sodainely with the valour of his Armes accompanied with Iustice and maketh him desist hearing that the French army approached neere vnto the Rhine the Germans receiued this good turne at that time of the French their friends neighbours and brethren Germany freed froÌ„ seruitude by the French to recouer their libertie and the dignitie of the Empire A worthie and fresh example to shew that Fraunce precedes Spaine in qualities which giue splendor and dignitie to Kings that is in valour accompanied with iustice and in a charitable protectioÌ„ of the oppressed that true riches consist in sufficieÌ„t which is always found in France But who could forbeare to smile to heare the scorching aire the drie barren ground of Spaine preferred before the milde and temperate climate of Fraunce whereas the Spaniards seek reliefe in all their necessities as euerie man knowes what good comparison can be made of the men and fruits which Spain produceth with them of France whereas so many religious actiue and ready wits are bred such goodlie and nimble bodies so curteous and pleasing in behauior of such inuincible courages in all great and difficult enterprises whereas so many great captaines were borne who planted colonies throughout all the world a nation which hath made the Turke to tremble hearing only the name of Franc or French which hath furnished so many Popes soueraigne pastors to the Church and so perfect as the Spaniards cannot compare with them be it in regard of their vertue or number which hath produced so many great emperors fathers of nations amplifiers of the Christian religion sons to so many noble kings of so great antiquitie as no others can attaine vnto it Let the kings of Spaine glorie of the families of the Balthes and Hamales raigning among the Gothes fatall nations which haue brought nothing but miseries and ruines into Europe where in the end they themselues haue bin â—uined and extinct but that the Spaniards would now make them liue againe amongst them But that they are descended by issue male froÌ„ the Merouingians or Carlouingians as some of their feed chroniclers suggest they themselues vant ther is not any but they that speak it their profes are very obscure vain and subiect to many inuented fables The princes of the familie of Austria Beginning of the Kings of Spaine issued from the house of Austria from whence the kings of Spaine at this day are descended are issued as the French said from the earles of Habsbourg the which Earledome was a verie small thing in that part of Germany which is now called Ergow amoÌ„g the Suisses in the yeere 1272. This place of Habsbourg wherof they intitled themselues earles is now a ruinous castle hath often changed master As some report it was one Rapat or Rathoth which layd the first foundations as also of the Abbey of Murre where they find some charters from the which they haue drawne their genealogie since this Rapat vnto Raoul or Rodulphus the fift of that name among those Earles who was chosen emperour of the Romans at such time as there was a great schisme among the Germans they found that this house had bin first brought into credit by a bishop of Strausbourgh brother or neere kinsman to the said Rapat They also shewed by the testimony of some writers that this Rodolphus Earle of Habsbourg was so poore as he was forced for a time to serue as steward to Ottocaire the titularie king of Bohemia and that afterwards ayming at the commodities of the Church he did insinuate himselfe into the fauor of an archbishop of Mentz whom he did accompany in a voyage which he made to Rome and was so gratious with him as at their return finding the princes of Germany strangely diuided into factions for the imperiall dignitie which had bin void aboue 25 yeeres this archbishop caused Rodulphus to be chosen K. of Romans by his credit which was great and by means of the princes contentions who would not yield one vnto another by the same fauour he was easily confirmed by pope Gregory 10 who was then at Lion at a generall Councell Rodulphus hauing attained to this dignitie imployed himselfe happily to pacifie the quarrels of Germany and as he was politike he neglected no occasion to aduance his owne affaires mannaging his good fortune in such sort as he caused the duchies of Austria Sueuia Stiria and Carinthia to fall into his house with the realme of Bohemia for a season and the Landgrauiat of Alsacia with other lands and fees of the Empire the which fell void during the said troubles most of the which haue remained to his posteritie So by these vnexpected euents and contrary to all mens expectations this house of Habsbourg grew famous as God doth sometimes raise the poore and make of a Sheepheard a King when he pleaseth There was some light saied they vnto that time of the house and familie of Austria issued without contradiction from the estates of Habsbourg but whereas Writers seeke to draw their auncestors from the Princes of Austracia of the French race of Merous It is a meer vanitie rashnes for theÌ„ to wander through the desarts of these turbulent times where there is no path nor way to lead them to the knowledge of such
France haue bin alwayes ready defenders of the church of Rome benefactors and deliuerers of Popes and their sole and safest refuge in all afflictions And therefore they do rightly carry the surname of Most Christian Tule of Most christian since the time of king Clouis yea of the eldest son of the eldest son of the catholike church the which can not be disputed but by inconsiderate rashnes nor supprest but by ignorance or malice That the Spaniards did not defend his Holines predecessors from the insolencies of the six gouernors lieutenants to the emperors of Constantinople in Italie nor from the violences of the Kings of Lombardy It is not by any benefit of the kings of Spaine that they are lords of the citie of Rome that they enioy so great a country and so many faire townes That they are not the forces of Spaine which haue chased the Sarazins out of Sicile and Calabria That the goodlie realms of Naples Sicile are not come vnto the church by the bounty of the kings of Spaine but the French made them these rich presents and haue maintained theÌ„ in it That it was princesse of the blood of France which gaue vnto the popes that which they hold in Prouence That Spaniards hands are more accustomed to ransome Popes cardinals and to spoile burne destroy the patrimony of S. Peter Finally the church of Rome must acknowledge all her bountie vpon earth to come from the French nation and from their kings ground vpon these new vndoubted titles the rights possessions of her lands and seigniories not colour them with a donation from Constantine nor froÌ„ the fauour of such a mediator as Ozius bishop of Cordoua might be the which haue no ground but vpon Spanish reports which are not autentike By these benefits by the continuall obedience by the ready succors so often tried the dignity and preheminence of the crowne of France should be maintained at Rome in the Councel in all places so much the more iustly necessarily for that by long acquaintance it hath bin made as it were essentiall substantiall with the Popes dignitie so as for the support thereof they haue no need but of the crown of France to resist the attempts of her bad children which are frequent dangerous Moreouer if they should presume to put the kings of Fraunce from their ranke it could not be done but very difficulty by a forgetfull very hatefull ingratitude which doth not befit the holie Sea could not in their opinions fall into the Popes thought Office of Popes wherein it consists who did then preside Concluding that for the best and most wholesome expedient for Christendome he should containe himselfe in his pastorall office which is to iudge of causes concerning the faith religion the discipline of the church to abstain specially during the general assembly to enter into knowledge of a controuersie which is meerly temporal in the which soueraigne princes doe not willingly acknowledge any other Iudge but their owne swords so leauing euery one in his possession to admonish the king of Spaine to giue peace vnto the Church and not to trouble the Councell not the publike peace Thus did the French maintaine the precedence of their king Question of precedence vnâ—ecided at Rome with their naturall freedome and vehemencie against the pretensions of the Spaniards their partisans but the Pope to whom this controuersie was sent would not take vpon him to iudge it but left it vndecided as it is at this day which made the impatient spirits of the Spaniards to pursue this question to maintaine their pretended rights of prioritie by writing wherof there are great volumes printed with priuiledge from their kings which the French doe not trouble themselues to answer The yeare following 1564 the Acts of the Councell were confirmed by the Pope at Rome 1564 in the open Consistorie of Cardinalles yet against the aduice of some fathers who held this confirmation to be needlesse and all Christian princes were commaunded to cause the Decrees thereof to be published and obserued At these last Sessions of the Councell D. Claudio Ferdinand of Quignones Earle of Luna was embassador for the king of Spaine to whom by reason of this difference there was a place appointed apart out of ranke by prouision and without preiudice This yeare D. Iohn de Benauides marshall of Nauarre died Nauarre and at the same time there died also D. Francis of Nauarre Bishop of Valentia who was brother to D. Pedro of Nauarre that last marshall of the bloud royall descended from D. Lyonell The interest to this Realme remained in Queene Ioane of Albret widow to Anthonie of Bourbon by whom she had two children Henry and Katherine In the meane time there were Viceroyes or Lieutenants for the King of Spaine to gouerne it and about that time D. Gabriell de la Cueua left the gouernement of Nauarre to the Licentiat D. Michel Ruis of Otalora Regent or President of the Iustice in that Countrie and passed into Italy to gouerne the estate of Milan but D. Alphonso of Cordoua and Velasco Earle of Alcaudete who had beene gouernor of Oran and had defended against the Turkes which held Alger and the Moores was sent thither for viceroy where at the end of 3 months he died yet hee caused an assemblie of the estates to be held at Tudele where it was concluded to make an Vniuersitie in that towne Vniuersitie at Tudele in Nauarre that the Nauarrois might haue meanes to studie and not goe out of the Country After the Earles death D. Ioseph of Gueuara came to gouerne the Realme of Nauarâ—e And in the yeare 1565 D. Lewis last earle of Lerin of the house of Beaumont and Constable of Nauarre died leauing one onely daughter and heire called D. Brianda de Beaumont who was maried to D. Diego de Toledo sonne to D. Ferdinand Aluarez de Toledo duke of Alba who in her right was Erle of Lerin and Constable of Nauarre D. Ieronima of Nauarre widow to the marshall of Benauides being married againe to D. Martin of Cordoua and Velasco brother to the Earle of Alcaudette she brought him the title of Marquesse of Corces and the estate of Marshall of Nauarre The Pope hauing delayed during the Councell to satisfie the king of Spaines demaund Clergie of Spain help the king with money touching a subuention from his Clergie toward the maintenance of his war the king sent Lewis d Auila great Commander of Alcantara to Rome to solicite the dispatch of this supplie from the Clergie towards his preparation which was graunted to be 400 thousand ducats yearely for fiue yeares onely giuing him hope that if they might see anie good effects they would continue to assist him And the king hearing in what estate they stood for matters of religion in Fraunce and Flanders fearing some alteration also in the
Albaneses all light horsemen Besides these troupes and their captaines he led with him many men of knowne valour to imploy them in this seruice and to aduance them to charges as they should fall among which were his base sonne called also Fernando Aluarez who was a knight of Saint Iohn and Prior of a rich commaunderie Chiappin Vitelli marquesse of Ceâ—ona Gabriel Serbelloni a knight also of Saint Iohn Sancio d' Auila Girolamo de Salinas Iohn of Epuccia and Andrew de Salezar one of which foure last was Castellan of Pauia the other of Portercole the third of Piombyno and the last of Palermo And besides these hee led with him Paciotto de Vrbino an excellent Enginer hauing gotten him from the duke of Sauoy whom hee then serued Hee made his sonne Fernando Generall of the horse Vitelli was Marshall of the field and Serbelloni besides the charge of the Artillerie was made Counsellour at Warre How hee entred into the countrey and what his proceedings were that Historie doth relate at large After which they hauing certaine informations sent them into Spaine from the duke of Alba and the aduice of the holy Inquisition taken therein all the lay people of the said countries both noblemen gentlemen townes and comminalties were by the kings sentence condemned as heretikes or fauourers of heretikes or in some other sort guiltie of high treason in the highest degree without exception of estate qualitie condition age or sex except some which were particularly named in the information which made the inhabitants to flie into diuers other countries This yere in May there was great ioy and feasts in Spaine and in all the kings dominions for the birth of his second daughter who was baptised and called Katherine But whilest the warre grew hot in the Low Countries 1568 there happened a tragicall accident in the royall house of Spaine We haue before made mention how that D. Charles was in disgrace with the king his father the cause as the Spaniards say was for that he was viciously giuen ObiectioÌ„ against the prince of Spaine and that he spake ill of the present gouernment that he had a meaning to attempt against the kings person and to raigne in his place hating him for that he had often reprehended him and threatened him for his disorder courses or if that succeeded not that he would steale away and flie secretly with some of his confederats into Italie or somewhere else and trie by confusion and tumult to depriue the king of his Estates That he carried himselfe arrogantly and incompatible to them that had the chiefe offices in Court and that he disdained all those that were appointed to attend on him yea hee would outrage and strike them The Inquisitors expected no good from this prince neither did the kings Councell of the which those that were then most hated of him Enemies to the prince of Spaine were D. Ruis Gomes de Sylua a Portugal the earle of Feria and D. Anthonie de Toledo The king was aduertised by them of many particularities concerning the princes carriage and entertained in dislike of him By their counsell the king resolued to come from the Escuriall to Madrid where the prince was and to surprise him in his chamber in the night they attending on him and to take him in his bed They came and found the chamber doore so well barred as they were forced to breake it open The prince hearing the noise leapt out of his bed and seeing the king his father hee was much troubled beginning to crie out What is the reason that you will kill me The king willed him that he would pacifie himselfe and that he should goe againe to his bed telling him that what he did was for his good They seised on his sword and some say that hee had a pistoll charged and bent He complained that they meant to bind him as if he had beene madde His chamber and clothes were searched and they left no instrument of yron Imprisonment of the prince of Spaine wherewith he might hurt himselfe all his papers and writings were carried away among the which there were found many copies of letters written to some princes full of complaints of hard vsage which hee receiued from the king whom he accused of crueltie and bad gouernement in his affaires and it seemed hee did inuite them to assist him by compassion making great promises vnto them His whole designe was also discouered by certaine remembrances which were found Designes of the prince discouered being resolued to escape away in the gallies which should passe into Italie whereby they might easily see whom he loued and whom he hated in Court whom he trusted and whom he would imploy in his enterprises Hee had beene seene some daies before to discourse long and verie earnestly with D. Iohn of Austria Generall at sea and it was thought that hauing acquainted him with his designes hee reuealed them vnto the king which made him resolue to put him in gard The earle of Feria and D. Ruis Gomes had that charge who watcht him carefully in their turnes and hee was serued by two gentlemen who carried no armes and vpon the passages to his chamber there were gards who would not suffer any other to goe vnto him This continued some dayes but the king who obserued all that hee spake caused him afterwards to be put into a strong tower giuing the whole charge and care of him to D. Ruis Gomes it was the same prison whereas king Francis had beene kept There hee attempted many times to kill himselfe as they said and being preuented hee forbare to eat any thing eight dayes together The king aduertised all the noblemen townes and comminalties of Spaine of this imprisonment that they should not take it ill letting them vnderstand that it was for the good and quiet of them all forbidding them all expresly not to speake not mediate for the prince He imparted as much to the embassadours and did write vnto their masters The emperour Maximilian being aduertised of this fact imputed the cause to D. Iohn and was offended with him for he meant to make the prince D. Charles his Son in law if this accident had not happened to haue consummated the marriage within few daies as the fathers had concluded he was so much discontented as hee would haue called home the Princes Rodulphâ—s and earnest his Sonnes who were bred vp in the Court of Spaine but the king D. Philip would not suffer them to depart but sought to pacifie the Emperour with reasons either true or probable But in the end he persuaded him that the cause was most vrgent and iust to assure himselfe of his Sonnes person whome hee should loue and spare if it might be hauing at that time no more Sonnes Whatsoeuer was the true cause of the Sonnes detention by the father being not well manifested from Spaine the prince D. Charles the presumptiue heire of so many realmes dyed
in Iulie some say he was poisoned Death of the Prince of Spain others write that he was strangled by foure slaues He was buried in the Monasterie of S. Dominike the royall at Madrid whereas the king D. Pedro the cruel had beene interred Peter Mathew in his French Historie writing of the life and death of king Philip the second he sets downe a formall proceeding of the father against his Sonne in this action the which for that this subiect is so rare and memorable I haue thoght good also to insert After the Princes restra int◠Mathews vpon the death of Prince Charles as wee haue saied the king saith hee propounded to his Councel of conscience what punishment a kings son deserued that had made leagues against his estates and conspired against his fathers life and whether hee might be called in question His Councell laied two remedies before him both iust and possible the one of grace and the other of Iustice and punishment shewing him the difference betwixt the mercie of a father and the sinceritie of a king saying that if by his clemencie he did pardon them which loued him not hee must of force pardon that creature which should be most deare vnto him They desired him to imitate the emperour Charlemaigne who imputed the first conspiracie of his Sonne Pepin against him to the follies of youth for the second he confined him into a Monasterie protesting that he was a father not a king nor a iudge against his Sonne The king answered that by the law of nature he loued his Son better than himselfe but by the law of God the good and safetie of his subiects was to be preferred Moreouer hee demanded if knowing the miseries which the impunitie of his Sonnes offences would breed whether he might with a safe conscience pardon him and not be guiltie of these miseries Whereat his Diuines shrunke in their shoulders and with teares in their eies said that the safetie and health of his subiects ought to be dearer vnto him than his sonnes and that hee ought to pardon offences but such crimes should bee supprest as abhominable monsters Hereupon the king committed his Sonne to the censure of the Inquisitors commending them not to respect his authoritie no more than the meanest within his kingdome and to regard the qualitie of his Sonne as if he were borne a king making no distinction thereof with the partie accused vntill they found that the excesse of his offence would no more admit of this consideration remembring that they carried in their soules a liuelie image of the king which had iudged Angels and should without distinction iudge kings and the Sonnes of kings like vnto other men referring al vnto their consciences and discharging his owne The Inquisitors Iudgement of the inquisitors against the Prince of Spain for that he was charged to haue practised with Castillion Admirall of France the prince of Orange and other enemies of the Romish◠Religion declared him an heretike and for that hee had conspired against his fathers life they condemned him to die The king was his accuser and the Inquisitors his iudges but the sentence was signed by the king which done they presented many kinds of death in picture vnto the prince to make choise of the easiest In the end he demanded if there were no pitie in his father to pardon him no fauour in his Councell for a Prince of Spaine nor any wisdome to excuse the follies of his youth when as they told him that his death was determined could not be reuoked and that all the fauour was in the choise of the easiest death hee said that they might put him to what death they pleased that there was no choise of any death seeing that they could not giue him that which Caesar held to be the best These words deliuered with passion were followed with a thousand imprecations against his fortune against the inhumanity of his father and the crueltie of the Inquisition repeating these words often O miserable Sonne of a more miserable father He had some daies giuen him to prepare himselfe for death 1568 One morning foure slaues entred into his chamber who awaking him put him in mind of his last houre and gaue him some time to prepare himselfe vnto God He start vp suddenly and fled to the bed post but two of them held his armes and the third his feet and the fourth strangled him with a cord of silk Many hold that he died of letting blod his feet being put in warm water But Campana in the life of Philip 2 writes that being in prison he fel verie sick by reason of his disordred diet and drinking too much cold water wherewith his stomack grew so weake as he could not digest any meat which the Phisitions could not helpe so as hee died as he affirms of this sicknes verie religiously and penitenly to the great griefe of the king the whol state moreouer he writes that the king being much perplexed for this great losse retired himselfe into his chamber with two seruants wold not giue any audience then for many daies into the monasterie of S. Ierosme a mile without the town sequestring himself of al affairs writing only to princes potentates causing his secretaries to write vnto all his realms states of the death of his deare only son Thus writers discourse diuersly of the death of this Prince the which I leaue to the iuditious Reader to beleeue what he shall thinke most probable Within foure months after the death of the Prince D. Carlo Death of the queen of Spain the Queene D. Isabella his mother in law died also being broght in bed of her third child before her time the Phisitiōs hauing ignorātly caused her to take too much Phisick fering some other infirmitie this was the brute of the court of Spain But in France they had reason to think that the life of this princesse was shortned like vnto that of D. Charles by some notable malice by the same instruments For they to whom D. Isabella did belong in bloud had been verie carefull to auer the causes maner of her death but not so resolute to call it in question as Clouis sons were to reuenge the iniurie done vnto their Sister in Spaine where she also had beene maried As for the Prince Turkett it was verie cōmon in Spain that the great hatred the king bate him grew rather from the suggestions and reports of others than from his own misdeeds for by nature he was neither giuen to any odious vices Disposition of the prince D. Charles neither was he of so harsh and sower a disposition as commonly great men of that coūtrie be It is true that D. Charles kept his grauitie to courtiers that he shewed himselfe verie ambitious too desirous to mannage affaires and to be imploied and was giuen to some kindes of pleasures Such as would excuse him said
Charles made himselfe odious to them that were the motiues giuing them great meanes to confirme the king in the opinion wherewith they had seasoned him that he sought all meanes to trouble the state to make himselfe pleasing vnto the Netherlanders that he might haue a refuge there and by that means begin to make a breach in the Crowne of Spain adding with all to season their imputations that he was a fauourer of Heretikes so as hee was sharply and disdainfully reprehended and namely by the Inquisitors Inquisitors sharp persecutors of Prince Charles the which did wonderfully incense him so as beeing vanquished with impacience and griefe he presumed one day to enter boldly into the priuy Councell chamber with admiration of all them that were there but especially of the king who did preside for he feared to see or heare some impertinencie from his Sonne in that place where he neuer had accesse nor was not then called Hee demaunded of him with a feuere countenance what hee had to say and what had moued him to come thither It is said he my Lord to beseech you to giue me leaue to aske you one thing and that it will please you to satisfie me before the lords that are here present The king who feared to heare some importune curiositie sought to dismisse him instantly telling him that hee had other places to heare him and that hee should retire for that time But the prince insisted saying that it was onely to know if he tooke him for his Sonne and lawfull successour what demands of a Sonne are yours said the king Vertuous 〈◊〉 of a Son to a father yea you are my sonne and depart in the name of God Seeing then replyed the Prince that I am your sonne and that by nature I shall one day succeed you in the gouernment of your realmes I beseech you take it not in ill part if in this honourable assemblie I let you vnderstand that I haue not yet found that you haue thought of my future condition for you bred me vp as a stranger giuing me neither cause nor means to bee instructed in matters of gouernment or justice importing the good of your subiects hauing not yet libertie being of this age to come where it is treated nor to conuerse with such men as you imploy who rather seeke to estrange me which giues me iust cause to complaine vnto you and to beseech you my Lord to consider thereon and to excuse mee and then hee departed Hee was then full two and twentie yeares old This action ministred matter of discourse to them of the Councell whereas there was not good concluded for Prince Charles for that the opinions of his enemies which were the greatest number swaied it and the king continued in his conceit that his Sonne was a franticke young man without iudgement and that hee had an intent to inuade some Countrie to put all into Combustion for which cause hee desired to be imployed The Prince not content to haue made this had triall of his fathers inclination towards him Speech of the Prince to the Duke of Alba. hee continued his course hearing that the duke of Alba had beene appointed to goe to bee gouernour of the Low-Countries for hauing sent for him hee told him that hee desired nothing more than to goe from Court intreating him instantly to assist him in so honourable and reasonable a desire and to get leaue from the king that hee might goe with him whome hee did reuerence as a great Commander in the warre and one of the greatest statesmen in the world in whose Schole he should thinke himselfe happie to take instruction The Duke vsing many complements seemed also to desire it saying that he could not receiue a greater honour than to commaund vnder him in that troublesome charge where hee might assure himselfe of his humble seruice and assistance yet hee gaue him some admonitions knowing well how the king stood affected towards him wherewith hee was discontented This being auoided for the Duke of Alba what shew soeuer hee made had no will to be troubled with such a Scholer hee adrest himselfe a while after to increase his miseries to D. Iohn of Austria his vncle who it may bee had more ambition in his head than he to whose designes which were great D. Iohn de Austria contrarie to Prince Charles those of the Prince D. Charles must needs bee preiudiciall yet hee discouered himselfe freely vnto him being Generall at Sea saying that hee would steale away and passe with the Gallies into Italie persuading D. Iohn to assist him but hee deceiued him for hee presently aduertised the king which made him to cause him to bee watcht and his actions to bee obserued But behold the Queene was ingaged in these miseries The prince in all his afflictions had often recourse vnto his mother in law who being mild and courteous did willingly heare his complaints did pittie him comfort him and sought by all meanes to reuiue his hopes persuading him to vanquish his passions and to yeeld vnto the rigour and choler of the king his father and to let time moderate them with patience the which past not from the Queene without some free inuectiues after the French maner against them that were enemies to her and to the Prince threatning one day to be reuenged on them that were authors of of her câ—osses and namely against D. Ruy Gomes and a Confessor of the kings who possest him aboue all others and were the chiefe practisers of these Tragedies The which was reported vnto them for they had spies euen in the Queenes Cabinet by whom they were aduertised and the king by them of all the speeches which past betwixt the prince and her They fearing that by the force of coninguall loue Practises of the court of Spaine shee should put some consideration into the kings heart by the which hee might bee moued to examine this businesse with iudgement and that discouering their bad offices hee should take reuenge they resolued to presse the princes ruine and to draw the Queene into the same hatred that the king had conceiued against the prince his Sonne These men wrought so by their practised and coloured reports as they drew that heart alreadie vlcered into a deadlieiealousie of his wife slandering her with loossnesse adding that crime to the impression which they had giuen him that she fauoured the princes designs tending to open rebellion against God the king Moreouer to omit no imposture which might serue to transport this king beyond the bounds of humanitie and reason they let him vnderstand that by the reports of Phisitions and women attendants vnto his Confessor who made relation and to whose words he gaue great credit there appeared on the bodie of this Princesse certaine markes and spots which shewed an impuritie and corruption of the bloud which might infect the kings person if hee did accompany with her and so disperse it selfe into
all the royall familie which was to be auoided All which passions together Inquisitors chiefe of the Councell of Spaine were of such force with the king as he beleeued the Inquisitors without whose aduice there is nothing of importance done in Spaine and others which were of that Councel persuading him that it was lawfull expedient to make away the prince his son and the Queene his wife and the child shee went with which they held to be a son but it proued a daughter whereof they caused her to be deliuered with drinks This Historie was thus reported to queene Catherine dowager of France mother to D. Isabella by such as she had imploied to vnderstād the truth therof by some which had serued the prince D. Charles when he was committed to prison who retyring themselues into France she would heare The suspition the king had of the loyaltie of queene Isabell his wife was not for the prince his Son as many haue beleeued for he was as wee haue said insufficient for women And although he would be idle in speech and that there were found among his papers some notes of his owne hand touching that subiect yet carnall pleasures were the least of his desires and as for the Queene there was nothing more modest in Spain by the report of Spaniards themselues who haue written bookes But it hath beene verified by credible informations that her ill-willers which sought her ruin made vse of the notable malice of a French gentlewoman one of those which was suffered to stay with her when as soone after her comming into the countrie they did order her houshold and limit her traine Treacherie a diuelish reuenge They say that this vnworthie woman for that the Queene had giuen away a place which was void to one of her companions hauing promised it vnto her to be reuenged of her Mistres had giuen it out that she had been indiscreetly and scandalously familiar with the Marquesse of Poza who according to the custome of Spain termed himselfe seruant in shew to her that had bene preferred before her This comming to the kings eares was easily beleeued for hee was alreadie in some doubt hee beeing informed by some wayward spirits that this Marquesse who was of the house of Rojas being a gallant knight did talke more familiarly vnto the queen than any other entertained her with pleasant discourses whereat shee did laugh after the maner of France more freely than it seemed fit for their Spanish grauitie This wound being now again toucht the king sought an occasion to haue this Marquesse apprehended commanding him to keepe his house being in Madrid where going one night forth to visit his mother and an vncle of his that was a bishop retyring verie late home in a night-gowne and slippers being accompanied by two pages which carried torches before him he was set vpon by men vnknown and slaine vpon the place There were diuers opinions concerning this murther but most thoght it was done by the kings secret commaundement Death of the Marquesse of Poza although hee seemed to bee much offended For there being a great sum of money promised by proclamation to them that should discouer the authours and doers of this murther there were many bils set vp in the Portugall tongue declaring that it was the king himselfe which had caused the Marquesse of Poza to be slaine challenging him by way of mockerie to pay the money which hee had promised but they had not set to their names Hereupon there was great search made and some Innocents taken and so cruelly tortured as they died being onely suspected for that they were Portugals The Queene soone after the death of the Prince D. Charles began to find herselfe ill with accidents and apparent signes of poison whereof notwithstanding shee did in no sort doubt but tooke light remedies as one that was with child by the order of such as had bin accustomed to giue her phisick The businesse proceeding slowly contrarie to that which they expected the king hauing one night discoursed long with her touching her infirmitie hee told her plainly that she must take some strong purgation and that his Phisitions who by his commandement did looke vnto her had told him that they despaired of her life if she tooke no other phisicked than that she vsed But as she tooke no delight to change her vsuall maner nor to be phisicked by any other than her owne trusting aboue all others in an Apothecarie of hers borne at Blois she excused her selfe vpon her being with childe saying that shee thought it was a Sonne for that shee found herselfe otherwise disposed then she had beene and that they must consider well thereon But being much prest by the king shee said vnto him that shee would doe what hee pleased not thinking that what they intended was so readie But earely the next day in the morning they brought her a drinke a bole and tablets all of one composition as they said but so varied in form to the end she might take that which was least distastfull vnto her She tooke the poison not distrusting any thing vntill she felt her selfe opprest with great pangs which made her be deliuered of a daughter that was some fiue moneths olde after which shee had vomitings and strange voidings which quencht all the force and vigour that remained in her Being neere her end the king came to visit her in a mourning weed seeming to be much afflicted whome she comforted and among other words shee said vnto him That shee reioyced that she was going to a quiet kingdome Speech of the Queen D. Isabell dying to the king not subiect to alteration as worldlie states be that shee did not craue pardon of him knowing in her conscience that shee had neuer willingly offended him She recommended her wiating women and some French officers whom shee had not meanes to recompence for the seruices they had done her and in the end of October on Saint Francis eue she dyed Christian like She was lamented of all Spaine where they did beleeue that this Princesse was a Saint she was assisted in her sickenesse for matters of conscience by the Cardinall of Espinosa Inquisitor generall D. Bernard of Fresueda bishop of Cuenca the kings Confessor Frier Dominicke de Chauas another of the kings Confessors who had also beene to the prince D. Charles and others She was interred in the Monasterie of las Descalsas built at Madrid by the Infanta D. Ioane Mother to D. Sebastian king of Portugall The Gentlewoman which had slaundred her and was the cause of her misfortune was married in the Countrie and died there the lady of honour serued her daughter D. Isabella Clara Eugenia the rest were sent backe into France from whome they vnderstood these particularities A notable example of the practises of Princes Courts of the vanitie and instabilitie of worldlie greatnesse and of the miseries wherein kings plunge themselues by suspitions
had drawne from the Diuines of the Vniuersity of Alcala of Henares of Castile to the which he sayd there was no reply and that they were conformable in euery point to those which he had before from other Vniuersities King Philip with his Councell and Lawyers did set downe as a thing which they ought not to call in question that beeing the most ancient male liuing of the race of Don Emanuel of Portugall he should praecede all others in the succession to the Crown Allegations made by King Philip touching his title to Portugall yea presently after the death of King Sebastian for the Cardinall whome he had suffered to raigne was not capable thereof considering his qualitie beeing a Clergi-man This beeing presupposed he demanded of the Diuines first whether he were bound to submit himselfe to any Iudge or Arbitrator to haue the Realme of Portugall adiudged vnto him Secondly if there were any other pretending that Crown who might decide their controuersies and that there beeing no competent Iudge to do it and the Portugals refusing to receiue him before the cause were decided which might be a meanes to â—ustrate him whether hee might not take possession of his owne authoritie by armes without any scruple And last of all if the Gouernors or Estates of Portugall alledge that they are bound by oath not to acknowledge any one for king but he to whome the Realme shall be adiudged by iustice if that may excuse them To the first point the Diuines of Castile answered That Don Philip beeing a Soueraigne King Aduice of the Diuines of Alcala of Henares he was not bound to submit himselfe to any Iudge but onely take councell and that he might thereuppon adiudge the Realme vnto himselfe and not charge his conscience grounding vppon the neerenes of bloud which was apparent And if there were no Iudge in this cause they sayd that the Pope who had the greatest power might not take knowledge of it for that it was meerely temporall hauing not any circumstance to bind it to the Spirituality The Emperor in like manner was no competent Iudge for the Kings of Castile are Soueraignes Emperours in their countries and Estates The Estates of Portugall were inferiours and subiects and therefore in no sort Iudges the deceased King Don Henry could not preiudice the right nor dignitie of king Philip in appoynting eleuen Iudges to determine of the Succession of that Crowne besides hee beeing dead the Commission of those Iudges was expired and their authoritie extinct As for the referring it to the compromise of Arbitrators it was not vsed but in matters which were doubtfull and whereas their titles and interests were obscure If they would say that in this cause King Philip should not be regarded as a King but as a priuate person bound to plead against the rest pretending the same succession by reason of bloud it was a friuolous distinction for that the dignitie of a King cannot bee separated from the person that carryeth it in any case whatsoeuer If they did pretend that the controuersie must be ended whereas the matter in question lyeth that this rule hath no place in matters of Kingdomes To the second point they did apply some of the former answers and to make it more plaine they sayd that it was sufficient for the King to exhibite his titles and right to the Gouernours or to the Estates to iustifie his proceeding by armes the which he might lawfully vse in case of refusall the which was a king of contumacie and rebellion And last of all they sayd that an oath made by whomsoeuer to preiudice another doth not bind him that hath taken it especially where there is no Iudge and he cannot pretend it for an excuse against a Soueraigne especially when his title is apparent King Philip hauing resolued to enter Portugall with an armie more sayd he to feare the Portuguezes then to do them harme besides the armie which he prepared at Badajos he caused his vassals after their example in euery Prouince bordering vpon Portugal to be in a readines commaunding the Lords which had their lands there to shew themselues in armes but not to aduance and that if any neare Townes Noblemen or commons would acknowledge him for their King they should assure them of all good vsage The Gouernours were much amazed yet they made shew as if they would defend themselues sending into France to the Emperour and to other Christian Princes for succours But they did aboue all imploy the Popes authority and prerogatiue that he would be a meanes to make King Philip lay aside armes and submit himselfe to a quiet course of iustice whereupon they obtayned that there should be a Legate sent into Spaine to decide this controuersie which was Cardinall Alexander Riâ—rio who was not pleasing vnto the King being held suspect neither would he that the Pope should meddle in this busines much lesse determine of it Besides this Legate came late the Castillan armie beeing alreadie entred farre into Portugall and the Gouernors were in such a confusion and did so disagree among themselues as they suffered to haue a Croisado preached against the Castillans as if it had beene to go against Infidels the Magistrates did the like in many townes Hatred of the Portuguizes to the Castillans and they sayd that there were slaine Noblemen of Portugall who by the meanes of prisoners which were yet in Affricke since the ouerthrow of D. Sebastian did sollicite the Xeriffe Hamet to take vppon him the protection of the Realme of Portugall against the King of Caâ—â—le such was the hatred of these two nations and the proceedings of Don Philip so much detested seeking to be Iudge in his owne cause and to decide it by armes to the preiudice of the other pretendants and namely of the generall Estates of the Realme The contrarieties which were obserued in all that the Gouernors did being fearefull irresolute and yet very ambitious seeking to retaine the royall authoritie longer then they might and to sell their fauours to their owne priuate benefits did witnesse the confusion that was in their minds and in their affaires being sollicited by the Ambassadors of Castile Gouernors bring King Philip into Portugal they yeelded to declare D. Philip King vppon certaine conditions whereof they drew Articles which were all signed by the Duke of Ossuna but the difficulty was to publish this decree with any collour On the other side they fortified themselues daily both within and without the Realme In the meane time they had not any money and suffered the reuenues of the Crowne to be lost by their bad intelligence and withall the peoples loue who might haue supplied their present necessities out of their store if they had seene any order or grauitie in them They resolued to sell the Iewels of the Crowne but the Ambassadors of Castile opposed themselues saying That they did belong vnto the King their master who was the true and lawfull king
Mariage of the Duke of Sauoy and the Infanta D. Catherina in Spaine where his Maiesty attended him without the citty 〈◊〉 receiued him with wonderfull signes of ioy doing him exceeding great honour The same day that he arriued he put the ring vpon his spouses finger the King hâ—r father hâ—lding her hand there assisting at the ceremonie the Cardinall of Seuille to whom some few daies before a hat had beene sent with the Cardinall Granuellâ— who made them sure Monsieur Tauerna the Popes Nuntio the Arch-bishop of Sarragossa Vincentio Gâ—adâ—nigo Ambassador of Venice with other principall Noblemen The next day according to the custome of the Realme the married couple came to the Arch-bishops church who performed the ceremonie couered with a white raile Masse beeing sayd and returning to the pallace they dyned in publike at one table his Maiesty the Duke his wife and the Infanta Donna Izabella beeing all set of one side for many daies after there were great triumphs tiltings tourneys and other knightly sports made by the Nobility of Spaine who shewed themselues very gallant in all their sports especially the Duke of Medina del Rio-secco Admirall of Castile the Duke of Albuquerque the Duke of Medina Celi the Duke of Maqueda the Marquis of Denia the Duke of Pastrana the Marquis of Aguilar and the Prince of Ascoli besides the great Commander of Castile who was fauorite and Lord Steward to the Prince D. Philip. To these there ioyned a great number of Knights of no lesse Nobility but not of so great dignitie as well Spaniards as strangers who were come thither to honour this feast of the Catholike King their Lord. The Duke of Sauoy had also brought with him a great troupe of gallant Nobility of the which on the foure and twentith day of May he made Knights of the Order of Saint Stephen Iohn Baptista of Sauoia and the Marquis of Chambery and besides these the Marquis of Nemours his cousin and Ascanio Roba who were absent and withall Caâ—lo Pallauicino newly made Master of the Dutchesse horse Count Sanuitali and Michel Bonelli But eight dayes after the King did honour three Princes with the Order of the golden Fleece the Duke his sonne-in-law the Admiral of Castile and the Duke of Medina Celi There were many rich presents mutually giuen by the King and Duke and by the Noblemen both Spaniards and Italians Then in the beginning of Iune the married couple beeing accompanied by the King Prince and the Infanta Donna Izabella went to Barcellona where they tooke shippe in Doriâ—s Admirall gally and beeing accompanied with forty other gallies hee brought them safely to Genoua and entertayned them with great state in his owne house from whence they past to Nizza then going with an honorable trayne towards Turin they were receyued with great signes of ioy and the feasts were renewed But the King of Spaine beeing returned to Sarragossa whither he had already sent the Court he caused the Prince to be sworne with the ordinarie solemnities and then he past into Castile About the same time there came to Court Pomponio Torello Earle of Mont Chiarulo with an Ambassage from his Princes the Duke and Prince of Parma the first requiring of his Maiestie the restitution of the castle of Placentia Ambassage sent into Spain from the Duke of Parma so necessarie for the preseruation not of his Estate but also of his life the mutinous people of Placentia being animated by the Spanish garrison to practise against the Duke as some conspiratours had lately done who beeing not supprest and punished although they were discouered gaue him continuall cause of feare The Prince did sollicite concerning the enterprise of Antwerp and also about his fathers affaires yet he refused to receiue it as a fauour done to him for that hee would not confirme an opinion that he was as distrustfull as his father of the Crowne of Spaine to whom and not to him hee would haue the castle yeelded This busines was referred to Cardinall Granuella the great Commaunder of Castile and to Iohn d' Idiagues at that time Secretarie of State with commission not to treate with any other of the Councell it seeming the king should yeeld that which hee ought Grâ—â—uella shewed himselfe very willing not onely for the equitie of the cause but also for a priuate bond he had vnto the Prince from whome he did aknowledge that his brother Monsieur de Champaigny held his life and for his Maiesties seruice whose affaires in Flanders depended chiefly vppon the Prince In the end the King resolued to make this restitution vnto the Duke and so he dispatched Count Pomponio with a commission to the Duke of Terranoua Gouernour of the State of Milan Castle of Placentia yeelded to cause the sayd castle to be restored the Castellan an beeing absent the which was accordingly performed and free possession deliuered to Prince Raynucio in his Grandfathers name This yeare there grew a popular tumult in Naples partly through the couetousnesse of the King of Spaines Ministers in that Realme during the time that the Duke of Ossuna was Viceroy the King hauing giuen order to the Viceroy to supply their wants in Spaine with such corne as they might well spare within the Realme hauing had a plentifull haruest Mutinie â—t Naples but they not onely transported the ouerplus but that which was needefull for their owne vse by a greedie desire of gaine so as when the Spring came they found that they had not corne sufficient which seeking to helpe by bringing in from fortaine parts they were forced to raise the price of corne and to make their bread lesse wherewith the people beeing vexed for it seemed strange to them to see scarcitie whereas they expected abondance who endured more by this want then the rest Whilst that on the ninth of May their elect Iohn Vincentio Starace was with the Deputies in the church of Santa Maria del nouo to consult touching the prouision of corne they began to mutine saying that it had beene accustomed to be done in Saint Augustines church and to adde deedes vnto their words they tooke Starace beeing weake and sicke and carried him with iniuries and ill vsage Beeing come thither he retired himselfe into a chappell which had a grate before it and there sovght to pacifie the furie of this multitude with good words the which notwithstanding increased as the number did growing almost madde There Staraee growing fearefull caused himselfe to be let downe into a tombe which these mad men vnderstanding he was suddenly drawne foorth and murthered with an hundred wounds after which they drew him through the streets and tearing him in peeces they carried them vp and downe the cittie in signe of a cruell reuenge The Viceroy carried himselfe indiscreetly in this mutinie and full of feare where as in the beginning he should haue supprest it by force and not to haue pourchased afterwards the name of cruell in his seuere punishments seeking
and couetous gouernement This yeare there was another enterprise by an English Gentleman whose name was Thomas Cauendish who passed into the South seas as Sir Francis Drake had done where after many accidents in Nouember 1587. the Generall hauing two shippes mette with a great shippe of the King of Spaines called Saint Anna the which was Admirall of the South-sea Cauendish takes the S. Anna in the South seas beeing about 700. tunnes burthen the which after six or seuen houres fight and thre seuerall charges yeelded to haue their liues saued In which shippe by the confession of the Captaine and Pilot they had an hundred and two and twenty thousand Pezo's of gold and the rest of the lading was in silkes satten damaske muske with many other good commodities in the end they set fire of the Kings shippe and burnt her hauing to the quantitie of 500. tunnes of goods in her then sayling by the Philippina's the Moluccos and the Cape of Bona Speranza they arriued safely in England in September 1588. King Philip after much warre the losse of his wiues and children and the little hope he had of long life in the Prince his sonne beeing of a weake complexion and ill disposed beganne this yeare to haue more cause of content for now the young Prince began to bee vigorous and of a spirit befitting an heire of so great dominions and on the other side the second Infanta Donna Catherina hauing had a sonne the last yeare did this yere double his ioy with another giuing him the more content for that the first was christened with so great solemnitie the twelfth day of May foure daies after that the second was borne Yet touching his publike affaires the Low-countrie warres troubled him much the which hee referred to the valour and wisedome of the Duke of Parma and liued himselfe quietly in Spaine But finding that the Queene of England did fauour and protect his Rebels of the Low-countries as he tearmed them and that shee did feed the fire of that long warre to be reuenged of that iniurie and to employ his forces to aduance the Romish religion he made preparation to transport the miseries of warre into England giuing countenance and entertainment to all the fugitiue Papists of that country The Queene of England beeing aduertised of this great preparation in Spaine for the inuasion of England shee was aduised to preuent it whereuppon shee armed foorth a Fleet of some 30 sayle in the which there were 4. ships and a pinaces of her Maiesties the rest were Merchants of good seruice Sir Francis Drake was appointed Generall of this Fleete which went towards the coast of Spaine this yeare in Aprill And beeing aduertized that there was great store of warlike prouision at Cadiz the which was readie to go for Lisbon he made all possible speed thither to intercept these prouisions so as on the 19 of Aprill he entred with his Fleet into the harbour of Cadiz where at the first they were affronted by sixe gallies but they soone retired vnder their fort There lay in the roade sixtie ships with diuers smaller vessels vnder the fort and such as could passe the sholds fled vp to port Real there came foure gallies more downe against them from Saint Mary port and port Real but they were well beaten they burnt in this harbor a shippe of Ragouça of a thousand tunne hauing fortie peeces of brasse Ordinance in her Ships burnt at Cadiz by the English and richly laden and another great new ship of twelue hundred tunne belonging to the Marquis of Santa Cruz high Admirall of Spaine with many others laden with victuals wine iron workes biscuit oyle fruite and other commodities which were to be transported to the Indies or to serue for the prouision of the Fleet which was preparing for England so as they burnt sunke and carried away to the number of thirty shippes and barkes beeing as they esteemed them ten thousand tuns of shipping Whilest they lay in the roade the gallies and forts shot continually at them and such shippes as they could defend no longer they fired to driue among the English shippes who were somewhat troubled to auoid them This resolute attempt was performed in one day and two nights to the great amazement of the King of Spaine and the Marquis of Santa Cruz his Admirall After their comming out of the roade of Cadiz this English Fleete was followed by ten gallies who notwithstanding suffred them to ride quietly at an anchor by them Then they bent their course towards cape Sacre beeing well victualled at the enemies charge vpon the way they tooke at seuerall times almost an hundred shippes barkes and carauels laden with hoopes gally oares pipe-staues with other prouisions for the King of Spaines armie intended for England all which they burnt and landed the men They also spoyled the fisher-boates and nets for the fishing of Tunies And comming to Cape Sacre they landed and tooke three forts some by force the rest by composition From thence they came neere vnto Lisbone anchoring neere vnto Cascais where the Marquis of Santa Cruz was with his gallies and yet he came not foorth against them Hauing a message sent him by the Generall that he was readie there to exchange certaine bullets with him the Marquis returned him an answer that hee was not readie for him neither had he any such commission from the king his master The Generall seeing no more good to be done vpon the coast of Spaine hee bent his course towards the Ilands of the Açores where by good fortune beeing within thirty leagues of Saint Michels he met with a Caracke of Portugall called S. Philip the which they tooke Carack of Portugal taken by Sir Francis Drake hauing made little resistance sending the people home into their country in other vessels well furnished with victuals And this was the first Carake that euer was taken comming from the East Indies The riches of this prize was held exceeding great whereupon they resolued to returne into England the which they did with their whole Fleete and their admirable rich prize The religious desire which the Catholike King had long had to haue Friar Diego Seniliano of the castle of Saint Nicholas S. Diego canonized to be canonized a Saint being dead in Spaine some hundred and fiue and twenty yeares before with an opinion of holinesse throughout all Spaine did this yeare take effect for that since the yeare 1563. instance beeing made by him and the Spaniards to Pope Pius the fourth to Pius the fifth and then to Gregory the 13. all which dyed before this busines could be ended But continuing in this zealous disposition he commanded the Earle of Oliuares his Ambassadour resident at Rome to mooue it againe to Pope Sixtus the fifth so as on the third of Iuly this yeare hee was canonized a Saint at the charges of the King of Spaine and his feast day appoynted the twelfth day of Nouember to the great
Perez could auoyde all stormes wrote vnto the King that hee should consider well of the composition which Perez had made by the which the world did murmure and surmise that his Maiestie had caused him to do it And therefore his regall authority required that hee should declare or cause Perez declare the reasons of this accord whereby his Maiesty should stop all mens mouths and Perez should bee better discharged Wherevpon the king did write vnto Perez to tell the reason why by his commandement and for his seruice hee had caused Escouedo to be slaine This note and command from the king made the greatest to murmure for said they if the king hath commanded him to murther Escouedo what reason or what reparation do they pretend Is it now time after twelue yeares since it was done to demand the cause yea a Cardinall the Popes Legat spake vnto the Confessor in Perez behalfe To whom he answered that they should rest satisfied and that what had beene done was to giue contentment to the President Roderigo Vasques and that all should be well As in like manner Father Salinas a preaching Friar discoursed sufficiently in a Sermon which he made in the kings Chappel in Iustification of Perez but all was without effect the Confessor holding it a sinne to demand Iustice Notwithstanding Perez remained firme and constant and being examined vpon the Kings note he would not declare any thing for he did not easily giue credit therevnto wherevpon the Iudge tooke occasion to put Perez to the rack although his minde were sufficiently tortured with the confusion of a precedent order yet relying vpon the Kings first instruction and commandement An. 1591. he continued constant endured the torture Arragon action euen to the effusion of his bloud yet in the end hee was forced to declare the motiue causes of the murther of Escouedo with the circumstances producing the Kings originall letters to that end and an Autentike witnesse who was yet liuing whose testimony they receiued but all making for Perez they supprest his deposition and the Kings billet and did not produce it Perez finding by all these violences and out-rages that they would draw his life into question Peres escapes out of prison and flies into Arragon he found no better means then to seeke how he might escape out of prison in Castile as he did by the assistance of his wife and of Giles de Mefa a Gentleman of Arragon his kinsman in the night the Thursday before Easter running thirty leagues post without any rest vntill he came into Arragon for the which his wife and children smarted for they were cast into prison with a friend of Perez which cruelty was intollerable before God as in such euents whereas wise men are dombe God makes fooles to speake and to tell Kings and Princes the truth to their confusion For Thio Martino the kings foole a natural hearing that the chiefe in Court reioyeed that Perez had so escaped asking the King what that Perez was for whom euery man did so much reioyce Surely said he he was not guilty had therefore Sir be thou also glad These words by a foole were obserâ—ed by the wisest It seemed that imprisonment of Perez wife and children proceeded from hatred or to stop their iust complaints or else that the Confessor sought to be reuenged of them for that the said Lady had once charged him that insteed of a Confessor hee was a Soueraigne Iudge teaching him what was written of the poore widdow in the holy Scripture And also for that which Doâ—â—a Gregoria Perez their daughter after a long pursute spake with great courage and griefe of heart vnto the President Rodrigo Vasques that she was come with her yong Brethren aud Sisters to the end that without making them to languish any longer in misery hee should make hast to suck vp their bloud and that they were come to that end desiring rather to dye at once then they should thus suck their blouds by degrees Wherewith the President was no lesse terrified then the Confessor was at the Mothers words Perez hauing recouered Arragon with great difficultie beeing much broken with the Racke and his long and miserable imprisonment hee stayed some time at Calatajub where hee retired himselfe into a Monasterie There were priuate letters sent to a Knight of that towne without any Act or sufficient warrant to draw him from thence the which not able to effect beeing hindered by the religious men of that Conuent hee gaue him a Monkes Sell for his prison Perez did write from this place vnto the King but all was in vaine for vpon new complaints and accusations hee was drawne out of this Conuent by the Kings expresse commandement not without some mutinie of the townesmen and lead to Saragoça from whence hee did importune the King with new letters sending a religious man expresly with good instructions of all matters This religious man spake vnto the King who gaue him good words but hee was not welcome to the reuered father the Kings Confessor But nothing could helpe him to stay these pursuites begunne or else God would haue the truth knowne to all the world the which some priuate mens mallice sought to suppresse Perez seeing that hee preuailed nothing hee had recourse to his papers letters and instructions as well from the King as from some others which had beene kept safe by his wiues industrie whereof hee made a collection decifering the whole estate of his businesse and made a Booke the which hee presented vnto the Iustice whereby his aduersaries seeing themselues confounded and that hee should be absolutely discharged they inuented an other meanes to intrappe him which was that the King reseruing all his rights should desist from this action against Perez and that they would charge him to haue ill acquitted his duty to his Prince Although that this seperation of the cause was repugnant to the customes of Arragon and that the King might not doe it yet they gaue it forth that they had instructions impugning them of Perez the which was alledged wholy against the Kings authority to the blemish of his reputation and contempt of his writing the which Perez neither in prison nor out for the onely respect he bare vnto the King would euer shew but onely at this last charge where hee was forced to make vse of them least he should fall into the like inconuenience that Piso had done who would not iustifie himselfe of Germanicus death by the writings of Tiberius Caesar who had commanded him Perez discharge beeing the more receiuable for that hee did make euery man know by liuely reasons what had mooued the King to doe it Perez enemies seeing there was no aduantage to bee gotten of him before the Soueraigne Iudge they drew him to the seate of the Inquests of Arragon where as the King is both Indge and party There he was examined vpon the old Artlcles the fift day after the separation
that estate least that his recouerie should alter that good happy disposition The continuall feuer whereof he had languished three yeres and the violent torments of the gout had prepared him for death long before he was ready to take him He gaue no eare to any discourse but touching his departure A gentleman of his chamber seeing him to haue some intermission of his pains aduised him to remoue into some other chamber that was more chearefull the Physitians warranting that hee might liue two yeares longer Giue said hee this picture of our Ladie to the Infanta it was the Empresse my Mothers and I haue worne it fifty yeares He spake of his departure as of a royall entrie into goodliest Cities vnder his obedience and of his funeral as of a Coronation I will said hee haue this Crucifix hung at my neck and resting vpon my breast I will haue that in my hand with the which my father dyed Hold a candle of Mont Sarrat readie and giue it me when I am in the Agonie Goe said hee to two Religious men and measure my fathers Herse obserue how hee is laid I will be so and with no more ceremonie than the poorest Monke in this Monasterie They that were about him spake of his constancie as Saint Augustin did of the admirable resolution of a holy Spaniard The violence of his paine was great but the force of his courage was greater the one suffered and the other sung the flesh suffered and the spirit spake Nothing liued more in him than a feeling of his sinnes the which toucht him so neere as after that they had made an incision in his knee and the Prince his Sonne asking him if he felt not the paine of his greene wound I feele said the king the wounds of my sinnes much more Approaching towards his end hee commaunded that the Marquesse of Mondejar should bee set at libertie but restrained from comming to court and that the wife of Anthony Perez sometimes his Secretarie should bee set at libertie vpon condition that hee should retire himselfe into some Monasterie Hee receiued the extreme vnctions from the Archbishop of Toledo after that hee had demaunded the manner of the administration thereof for that hee had neuer seene it giuen Hee had resolued to send the Prince and the Infanta â—o Madrid for that they should not bee present at the pitifull spectacle of the ruine of his bodie but hee changed his opinion and would haue the Prince present when they gaue him the extreme vnction after which hee commanded them to leaue him alone with his Sonne King Philips last speech vnto his Sonne to whome hee spake these words I was desirous my son you shold assist at this last actioÌ„ to the end you shold not liue in ignorance as I haue done how this holy Sacrament is administred that you might see the end of kings and whereunto their Crownes and Scepters are reduced Death is readie to snatch the Crowne from my head and to set it vpon yours Therein I recommend two things vnto you the one is that you remaine alwaies obedient vnto the Church the other that you doe justice to your subiects The time will come when this Crowne shall fall from your head as it doth now from mine you are young I haue beene so my daies are numbred and are ended God keepes the accompt of yours and they shall likewise end They say that hee did enioyne him with passion to make warre against Heretikes and to entertaine peace with France The Prince thinking that his end approached demaunded the golden key of the Cabinet from D. Christopher de Mora meaning to grace the Marquesse of Denia his fauourite therewith but hee desired the Prince to pardon him saying that hee might not leaue it whilest the king was liuing but by his expresse commandement whereat the Prince was offended D. Christopher complained hereof vnto the king who neither commended the demaund being too sudden nor allowed of his refusall commanding D. Christopher to carrie it vnto the Prince and to craue his pardon who returning to visit his father D. Christopher de Mora kneeling downe 〈◊〉 the key and deliuered it vnto him the which the Prince tooke and gaue to the Marquesse of Denia And as the prince and the Infanta stood before his bed hee said vnto them I recommend vnto you D. Christopher de Mora the best seruant I euer had with all my other seruants And so giuing them his last farewell and imbracing them his speech fayled him continuing two daies in that estate vntill hee died being seuenty and one yeares old and hauing raigned fifty He was borne at Vailledolit the fiue and twentieth of Aprill Birth and â—â—ature of the king of Spaine in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred twenty and six and dyed the thirteenth of September 1598. He was but little of stature yet of a pleasing aspect but no goodlie man by reason of his great nether lip which is hereditarie in the house of Austria otherwise he was faire of complexion rather resembling a Fleming than a Spaniard of so found a constitution of body as he was sildome or neuer sicke He was sometimes troubled with faintings and did neuer eat any fish he was of a constant resolution and of a great spirit apprehending presently the ends of things and foreseeing them with an admirable wisdome and iudgement Pope Clement the eight hearing newes of his death assembled the Consistorie where after audience giuen vnto the Cardinalls hee told them in a graue speech full of passion Popes iudgment vpon the death of king Philip. That if euer the holy Sea had cause of greefe and affliction it was for the death of that Prince the Church hauing lost a great Protector and her persecutors a mightie enemie That his whole life had beene nothing but a warfaâ—e against infidelities heresies and errors That two things did comfort them in this losse the one that being dead with an admirable conformitie in the will of God an incredible patience in his paines and an vnchangeable constancie in his Religion he held him rewarded in heauen with immortall glorie the other that hee had left a Sonne which made them hope that it was rather a resurrection of the father than a succession of the Sonne In the end hee recommended them both to their praiers paying thereby for what the one had done and what the other offered to doe by his letters for the good of the Church To speake of his vertues Vertues of king Philip. it is said that all good Princes may bee written in a ring Philip had great vertues it were a rare thing to haue all The seedes of such princes as haue no defects are in heauen Hee was great in pietie Religion justice liberalitie and constancy His pietie As for his pietie and religion hee hath beene heard to say that if the prince his Sonne became an Hereâ—ike or a Schismaticke hee would bring fagots himselfe to
him with his companie of two hundred men and to bring him with honour and respect for if haply hee were the same whom he vaunted himselfe to be hee would deliuer vp into his hands the scepter and crowne of the kings of Portugall with his realmes Gill de Mesa went into the prouince of Beira and came to the towne of Pena macor where he tooke him easily and carried him to Lisbone who being knowne for an impostor he was publiquely whipt and sent to the gallies which Impostor liued of late yeeres and was called Sebastian in derision who was not hanged notwithstanding for that in his processe hee was not found charged with any other crimes than with that of his intention But one who termed himselfe Bishop of La gard was hanged for that hee had persuaded this man And as for the cardinall Albert he would not retire but when-as the King D. Antonio came into Portugall with his sea armie That there haue not onely beene such Impostors who termed themselues to be the king D. Sebastian but that lately in Castille there was a pie baker at Madrigal who gaue it out secretly that he was D. Charles prince of Spain whom king Philip his father had put to death twenty yeeres before who beeing knowne for an abuser was hanged Others say that this pie baker termed himselfe king Sebastian being incited thereunto by Michel de los Sanctos an Augustine Frier Preacher to Queene Katherine who was hanged in his religious habite That in like maner other ages had furnished the like Impostors which had taken vpon them the name of Kings and Princes The Portugalls on the other side maintaine that this is their true king by many and sundry great markes which he carries like vnto those of the true Sebastian wherein they are the better confirmed Portugalls opinion touching D. Sebastian for that the Spaniards say they ground onely vpon simple common and light presumptions the which doe in no sort ballance so many marks and reasons which justifie this to be the true king And moreouer that the Spaniards who say that he is a Calabrois a Monke or Mâ—rs Tulle Catizon of Apulia haue not yet produced any apparent proofes of his life and means whom they call an Impostor The which they may so easily doe by the authoritie and absolute power which they haue in those Prouinces as the Portugalls doe not receiue their negatiue but for a meâ—re slander but on the other side they repeat the life of D. Sebastian from his birth vnto his comming to Saint Lucar of Barameda with many prophecies signes and predictions the which we haue added that it may serue as an example to posteritie D. Sebastian as you haue heard was the onely sonne and after birth of the Prince D. Iohn sonne to the king D. Iohn the third Birth of D. Sebastian king of Portugall who died yong leauing D. Ioane of Austria princesse of Castille and daughter to the Emperour Charles the fift with child who was deliuered of D. Sebastian on Saint Sebastians day eighteene dayes after the fathers death who as it seemes was in a maner wrested out of the hands of God by the great prayers which were made generally throughout the realme of Portugall to the end the crowne should not be left without lawful heires males in the succession of great Alphonso the first king of Portugall They were induced here unto by the predictions and reuelations which had beene giuen to the said Alphonso the first founder of the said realme by the which it was promised them of God To warrant his posteritie in such sort as it should not faile vpon the earth yet at the sixteenth descent from him it should haue great tribulations and afflictions By this Oracle it appeareth it was spoken of his birth for the which also the Portugals made such praiers and shewed such deuotion for that they feared to fall vnder the Spaniards yoake who are their naturall enemies either for that the Portugalles had in olde time their beginning from the French as the name doth shew for that the French comming into those parts did inhabite that countrey and gaue it their name or else for that the Spaniards beeing enuious of their prosperities seeking alwayes to raigne ouer them are become their enemies without cause The king D. Sebastian being ouerthrowne at the battell of Alcaserquibir in Afrike the Spaniards say that some noblemen of Portugall which followed him seeing all lost aduised him to retire but he answered that he had rather die and so thrust into the middest of his enemies where some noblemen entred with him where they beleeue he died whose bodie they say was buried at Belem But the Portugalls say that they did neuer beleeue that it was D. Sebastians bodie or that he was dead but that he imbarqued as you shall heare and that he went into Algarue and put himselfe into a monasterie of Ieronomits or according vnto some of S. Francis whom they called los Descalgos or the bare footed and there hee caused his wounds to bee cured the which they say had beene verified by a seruant to Cardinall Henrie the Kings vncle who was a Churchâ—man and trusty to his master and brought an Act signed by the Gardian and monks of the said monastery of Ieronomits this seruants name was Manuel Antonez But cardinall Henrie who was acknowledged king did not then speake neither did the said Manuell Antonez the which as they say was afterwards the cause of great miseries in Portugall for the cardinall dying notwithstanding that the Portugalls did after him choose D. Antonio a prince of Portugall for their lawful king yet the king of Castille seazed vpon the Realme and held it by force Afterwards the said Manuel Antonez reuealed this Act seeing that in the yeere 1598 it was said that D. Sebastian was recouered who beeing sent for by king Philip hee went vnto him but no man knew what was become of him some said he was dead The Portugalls beleeue How the Portugalls beleeue that D. Sebastian saued himselfe from the battell that the king D. Sebastian seeing the battel lost that hee was in daunger to bâ— taken but that defending himselfe valiantly hee slew some which sought to take him and hid himselfe amongst the dead carkasses vntill night at which time hee went towards the sea where the rest of his armie lay in the roade There hee met with the Duke of Auero Christopher de Tauora his great fauourite the Earle of Redonde and other noblemen with whom he imbarqued and went into Algarue as you haue heard sending his shippes away where hee resolued with the said noblemen to wander ouer all Europe Afrike and Asia into Ethiopia to Prete Ian and into Persia where he was in battells against the Turke and receiued many wounds Beeing wearie of running and tired with the vanitie of the world hee came vnto an Hermitage where hee continued vntill hee had visions and reuelations both to
returned him many good words to witnesse the alliance which hee desired to entertaine with the king of Spaine King of Englands answer to the Spanish embassador vpon the like tearmes hee had with him as king of Scotland But aduowing the Scottish troups which were sent to the generall Estates of the vnited Prouinces to be leuied by his commaundement he said they had not deserued any punishment giuing leaue to king Philip to make vse of Scottishmen if he pleased and letting him know that he had not transgrest the lawes of neutralitie And as for their protection he desired he should vnderstand That the great interests which England hath with the vnited Prouinces as well in regard of their townes which they haue ingaged as for the succours which they haue receiued from thence did bind him to assist them and to haue a care of their preseruation and to second the intentions of the deceased queene and to build vpon the foundations which she had laied yet he desired to see them all well reconciled with the king of Spaine The embassador as my Author sayes answered That whosoeuer knew the power of the king of Spaine Spaniards think none so powerful as their own king were not ignorant that he can easily bring the rebelled Prouinces vnder the yoke of his obedience when hee shall please to make an enterprise equall to his power That no man should doubt that hee that had passed the Hellespont will easily passe the riuer of Granique and that a prince which triumphes ouer so many nations so many islands so many seas and so much firme land at the new-found world will not adde the islands of Holland and Zeland to his triumphant chariot the wise will alwaies giue the counsell which Phocion gaue vnto the Athenians either to make themselues the strongest or to be obedient vnto them that were so He then desired leaue to enter into conference with some of his Maiesties Councell and to consult of the meanes of some treatie which would be no lesse profitable and honourable to England than to Spaine the which was granted him After some meetings the lords finding that he had no power to treat they attended other deputies who came the next yeare with an ample Commission as you shall heare There fell out two accidents 1604 which had like to haue troubled the quiet of those two great Monarchs of France and Spaine Imposition exacted by the Spaniard The yeare before king Philip and the Archdukes had imposed thirtie in the hundred vpon all marchandise which came in or went out of the countries that were vnder their obedience the which did seeme directly to infringe the treatie of Veruins The French king commanded his embassadors to deale with those princes touching this imposition and to aduertise him of their resolutions But their aunswers and the force they vsed afterwards to the kings subiects to make them pay the imposition did witnesse sufficiently that they had no will to exempt them Whereupon the French king made a defence That no marchandise should bee carried out of France into Spaine or the Low Countries that were vnder the Archdukes obedience nor any bee brought from thence into France vpon corporall punishment and losse of goods But this did not alter the peace onely there were complaints made by the two kings one of another King Philip began He tooke it ill that the French going volâ—ntarily to serue the Estates did prolong their rebellion and did hinder the reduction of Ostend that the king did succour them with men and money and that hee had forbidden his subiects to traffique into Spaine and Flanders But the king disauowed them that went to serue the Estates If hee sent them money it was sayed he but to pay that which hee had borrowed And the defence of traffique tended to no other end but to force the king of Spaine and the Archduke to take away that intollerable imposition and to let him know that France can liue better without the commodities of Spaine than Spain without those of France The second accident Treason of Lost. or cause of jarre betwixt these two princes grew also from Spaine the French king complaining and justly That the secrets of his cabinet were discouered to his enemies Will the king of Spaine neuer cease said he to withdraw my subiects from their duetie and loyalties Will hee still entertaine some traytor within my realme My embassadour complaines vnto me by his letters that hee is so slowly aduertised of our affaires as the king of Spaines ministers know them before him The king being much troubled to find out the spring from whence this pestilent liquor of Infidelitie did flow behold God discouered the treacherie of Iudas by such meanes as the wisedome of man could not find out Villeroy the chiefe Secretarie of State who managed the greatest secrets of the kingdome had an vnder clerke called Nicholas Lost in whom hee reposed much trust and the rather for that his father had serued him long This young man hauing attended on Monsieur de la Rochepot being embassadour in Spaine there laied the plot of this treason whereof you may read the whole discourse at large in the historie of France There was some likelihood of a new enterprise this yeare vpon Africke Embassadours from the king of Cusco at Valencia The king of Cusco who had promised the last yeare to joyne with the Spaniards against Alger had receiued fortie thousand crownes vpon the bargaine and treacherously betrayed them that brought the money vnto their enemies this yeare hee sent an embassadour vnto the king who gaue him audience at Valencia Which made many thinke that hee would make another attempt vpon Alger for that he caused him to be conducted home by a Master of the campe and an Enginer giuing him great store of munition and fire-workes laden in three fregats The king of Spaine beeing aduertise out of England from his embassadour Taxis of the successe of his embassage Constable of Castille sent into England and of the expectation of a treatie hee appointed the Constable of Castille to vndertake this charge giuing him an ample Commission to treat and conclude a Peace betwixt England and Spaine hee past through France where he was verie honourably receiued and so came into Flanders to the Archdukes from whence he went into England for the conclusion of the peace There were Commissioners appointed on either side For the king of great Britaine were named Commissioners for the treatie of the peace for England the earle of Dorset high Treasurer of England the earle of Nottingham high Admirall of England the earle of Deuonshire Lieutenant of the kingdome of Ireland the earle of Northampton and the lord Vicont Cranborne principall Secretarie and now earle of Salisburie and high Treasurer of England being all of his Majesties priuie Councell For the king of Spaine there were deputed D. Iohn de Velasco Constable of Castille and Leon
Commissioners for Spaine Duke of Frias Earle of Haro c. D. Iohn Baptista Taxis Earle of Villa Mediana c. and Alexander Rouidius a Lawyer and Senator of Milan The Archdukes sent for their Commissioners Charles Earle of Aremberg Counsellor of State and Admirall to the said Archdukes Iohn Richardot Knight President of the priuy Councel and Counsellor of State and Lodowike Verreiken Knight their principal Secretarie All these Commissioners after many consultations and conferences in the end concluded a peace on the 18 of August betwixt the two kings their Estates and subiects vpon certaine articles whereof I haue set downe the contents 1 First it was concluded That from thenceforth there should be a sincere and firme league and peace inuiolably obserued for euer Articles of the peace betwixt England and Spaine and in all places betwixt the most renowmed king of England Scotland France and Ireland c. and the most renowmed king of Spaine c. and the most renowmed Archdukes of Austria Dukes of Bourgondie their heires and successors their countries dominions and subiects of what condition or degree soeuer they be or may be 2 That all acts of hostilitie should cease and all wrongs and injuries done during the troubles be forgotten so as there should be no action pretended for any depredations or spoiles committed but all should be freely abolished except such depredations as had beene committed since the 24 of Aprill 1603 and that from thenceforth they and their subiects should forbeare from all depredations and spoiles and cause restitution to be made of any that should be after that time committed 3 That neither of the aboue named princes their heirs or successors by himselfe or any other should do treat or attempt any thing against the other or against their kingdomes or dominions vpon any pretence nor assist or consent vnto any warre attempt or treatie to the prejudice one of another 4 That they should neither themselues giue nor consent to be giuen by any of their vassals subiects or inhabitants any aid fauour or supplie vnto the enemies or rebels of either part whether they shall inuade their countries or withdraw themselues from their obedience and subiection of souldiers victuals money ordnance and munition or any other aid to maintaine warre 5 That the said princes should and did renounce all leagues confederations and intelligence made to the prejudice one of another which did or might impugne this peace the contents thereof all which they shal disannull and declare to be of no force 6 That the said kings and Archdukes should restraine their subiects from doing any wrong and should reuoke all Commissions and letters of Reprisall and Mart of what nature soeuer being to the prejudice of the said princes or of their subiects to whomsoeuer they haue beene granted the which they shall declare to be void and of no force And that whosoeuer should do to the contrary should be punished criminally and compelled to make restitution to the parties damnified 7 That as concerning the townes of Flessingue Brill Ramekins and other forts thereunto belonging in the which the souldiers of the king of England did remaine in garrison forasmuch as the said king affirmed that by contracts formerly made betweene queene Elizabeth of famous memorie vnto whom his Maiestie did succeed and the Estates of the vnited Prouinces hee stood bound not to redeliuer the said townes and forts to any but to such as had deliuered the same for caution so as by the said contracts his Maiesties faith honor which he resolued to keep religiously towards all men being ingaged he might not then restore those places vnto the Archdukes yet hee promised to enter into treatie with the said Estates wherein his Maiestie would assigne them â— conuenient time to accept of conditions conformable to justice and equitie for a pacification with the renowmed princes his deere brethren which if the Estates should refuse to accept then his Maiestie as beeing freed from the former conuentions would determine of those townes as hee should thinke most just and honourable wherein hee would doe all good offices for the said Princes his louing brethren 8 That the renowmed king of England c. would commaund the garrison souldiers not to serue the Hollanders nor to succour them with victuals armes or any munition for warre or other the king of Spaines or the Archdukes enemies vpon any colour or pretext soeuer nor doe any act of hostilitie against the king of Spaine the Archdukes or their subiects And in like manner the king of Spaine and the Archdukes did promise that no act of hostilitie should be done against the said garrison souldiers nor against the king of England c. oâ— his subiects 9 That betweene the said kings their kingdomes vassals inhabitants and subiects there should bee free commerce in all places where it hath beene formerly vsed before the warres according to the auncient leagues and treaties so as the subiects of either partie might goe and enter freely into the others countries and dominions both by sea and land without any Safeconduct or other licence and depart from thence with their goods and marchandises paying the ordinarie customes and imposts 10 That it should be lawfull to haue acesse vnto the ports of the said princes there to make stay and with the like libertie to depart not onely with ships for marchandise but also for warre whether they come thither being forced by foule weather or for the repairing of their ships or for prouision of victuals so as they exceed not the number of six or eight ships when they come in voluntarily nor stay longer in the hauens than they shall haue cause for the repairing of their ships or to make prouision of necessaries least it should cause an interruption of free traffique with other nations in amitie And if any greater number of ships of warre than is aboue mentioned shall happen to haue accesse into those ports then it shall not bee lawfull for them to enter without the priuitie and consent of the prince Prouided that they should not commit any act of hostilitie within the said ports to the prejudice of the princes and that there should be an especiall care had that vnder the pretext of traffique there should be no victuals armes or munition for warre carried by the subiects of those kingdomes to the enemies of the one or other king And whosoeuer should attempt the contrarie should bee punished as seditious persons and breakers of the peace It was also prouided That the subiects of the one should not bee worse intreated in anothers dominions in his sales and contracts of marchandise than his owne naturall subiects 11 That the king of England c. after the conclusion of these articles should forbid by proclamation That none of his subiects or any inhabiting within his realme should carrie ouer in his owne name directly or indirectly or colour any ships marchandise or any other thing going out
found out of course or to haue beene altered by the injurie of time or by corrupt custome 21 And to make this peace fruitfull to the subiects of the king of England c. it was concluded That such as had recourse to and from the realmes and dominions of the king of Spaine and Archdukes and should remaine there for trade should not be molested in the cause of conscience wherefore to the intent their traffique might be safe and without danger both by land and sea the said king of Spaine and Archdukes should prouide that vsing their trade and commerce they should not be called in question nor molested for their consciences so as they gaue no scandall 22 If any goods or marchandise prohibited to be carried should be conueyed out of the realmes and dominions of the said kings and Archdukes by the subiects of the one or the other that in such case the person offending shall onely incurre punishment and only the goods prohibited shall be confiscated 23 That the goods of subiects dying within the realmes and dominions of either should be preserued for the right heires and successors of the deceased alwaies reseruing the right of any third person 24 That graunts and priuiledges giuen by the princes to merchants of either of the kingdomes comming to their realmes which priuiledges by reason of the warres haue ceased should from thenceforth be reuiued and stand in their full force and vertue 25 And if hereafter any vnkindnesse should grow betwixt the king of England c. and the king of Spaine or the Archdukes wherby there might grow any interruption of entercourse and traffique the subiects of either prince should be so aduertised thereof as they might haue six monethes from the time of the admonition to transport their marchandise without any arrest disturbance or molestation in the meane season to be offered or done them either in their persons or goods 26 That neither of the said princes should imbarre or stay for their prouision in war or for any other seruice to the prejudice of the owners the ships of the others subiects lying in their ports or roads vnlesse one of those parties to whom the ships do belong bee first aduertised thereof and yeeld his consent thereunto 27 It was also accorded That if during this peace and league of friendship any thing should happen to be attempted or done against the force and effect thereof either by water or by land by any of the said princes their heirs and successors their vassals and subiects or by their allies comprehended in this league or by the heirs successors of any of those allies their subiects or vassals yet notwithstanding this peace and amitie should remaine in his full strength and vertue and the attempters and such as doe offend onely shal be punished for their attempts 28 That all prisoners taken in the warres or condemned to the gallies should be released and set free the charges of diet of such as were not in the gallies being first paied and the ransomes of such as had before compounded for the same being discharged 29 It was concluded That all ciuile actions which were in force at such time as the last warre begun should be continued and pursued notwithstanding any lapse of time during the same warre so as they should not be any way prejudiced by the continuance of the warre those onely were excepted which were alreadie come to the princes treasurie or Exchequer 30 If any action should be commenced in the realmes and dominions of any of these princes by any person not being subiect to the same prince touching any depredations or spoyles the cause should be remitted to the Iudge of the jurisdiction vnder that prince against whose subject or subjects the suit is commenced 31 If the Hollanders and the other confederat Estates would accept of conditions of pacification with the Archdukes or their successours by the meanes of the king of England c. the said Archdukes and their successours would alwayes willingly hearken vnto that which should be propounded therein and would desire that by the helpe of the king of England c. they might be brought to imbrace equall conditions wherein they should well vnderstand how much the said Archdukes did attribute vnto the king of England The last three articles were for the comprehending of the allies friends and confederats of the said princes in this present treatie the which they did seuerally and particularly name and for the ratification confirmation and due obseruation of the said treatie There was also an order set down touching marchandise of high Germanie to be transported into Spaine and free from the imposition of thirtie in the hundred whereby the Constable of Castille hauing speciall procuration from the Catholike king did promise that it should be lawfull for the subjects of the king of England c. to conuey marchandise out of high Germanie being subject to the imposition of thirtie in the hundred and could not without paiment thereof be carried into Spaine the same marchandise being first conueyed into England and there discharged and customed and from thence to bee afterwards transported into Spaine or any other of the king of Spaines dominions without paiment of thirtie in the hundred so as the said merchandise had not paid any thing to the Hollanders and Zelanders or other enemies of the king of Spain and the Archdukes which marchandise they should conuey in their owne ships and not in any belonging to any other prince or nation And to auoid fraud the marchandise of high Germany which should be transported out of England Scotland and Ireland into the dominions of the king of Spaine and the Archdukes should be registred and marked with the seale of the towne from whence it came and a certificat sent from the magistrat of the said towne testifying that the said marchandise were discharged in England Scotland or Ireland and that they had paid custome there vpon paine of the kings displeasure the losse of their offices and other punishments to bee inflicted at the kings pleasure vpon the magistrats of townes vnder the obedience of the king of England c. which are to certifie the vnlading of ships and the registring thereof if they shall herein commit any fraud And what marchandise soeuer of high Germanie shall not be discharged in England Scotland or Ireland and yet to be transported into Spaine and other the dominions of the king of Spaine all such marchandise shall be confiscated and reputed good prize There were also three articles concluded concerning a moderation to be had in the proceedings in the Inquisition in Spaine against the king of Englands subiects First If they exceeded in any thing before their entrance into Spaine they should not be called into the Inquisition for the same neither should they bee molested for any of those things so committed out of Spaine neither should any account be demaunded of them for the same 2 That no man
should compell them to enter into churches vnlesse they would but if they did enter they should performe those dueties and reuerence which are vsed towards the holy Sacrament of the Altar being there and if they should see the Sacrament comming towards them in any street they shall doe reuerence by bowing their knees or else they shall passe aside by some other street or turne into some house 3 If any of the said persons being masters or masters mates or any other officers of ships which be not their owne doe exceed in any of these things the Inquisition proceeding against them by office is onely to sequester their own proper goods and are to leaue the ships and all other goods not belonging to the offenders free and the same was to be vnderstood for all traders and factors During this treatie betwixt England and Spaine Discomodities for the cessation of traffique the defence of traffique betwixt France and the dominions of the king of Spaine and the Archdukes was verie troublesome The French suffered great discommodities and the Spaniards found this restraint heauie and insupportable for that all things grew exceeding deere and the tradesmen murmured and grew almost desperat The Pope commaunded his Nuntio to deale in this businesse and to reconcile these princes but the French king would not yeeld to any thing vntill that the Spaniards who had first troubled the water had cleered it againe in reuoking the imposition of thirtie in the hundred which made the libertie of traffique a meere seruitude and the profit an assured losse This was verie seuere and rigorous It is in euerie kind bitter vnto the marchant couetousnesse hauing changed the first cause as well as the quantitie of customes and imposts At the first they were paied onely to haue free libertie and assurance of passage from one place vnto another and for that princes haue vnder their protection the highwayes for the which they are called Royall they did acknowledge this right of protection with some duetie Such impositions for so necessarie causes are just others are not and yet they must be borne being not lawfull for the subiect to murmure against the customes and imposts wherewith the prince doth charge him They said That the Spaniards which are long in their consultations and constant in their resolutions would neuer reuoke this imposition for that they would not loose the reputation of constancie in their lawes Coâ—merce set at liberty in France and bee noted of inconstancie and lightnesse by applying themselues to the time and affaires But there was no remedie the deputies of the two kings and Archdukes meeting tooke off the imposition and set the commerce free The peace being fully concluded betwixt England and Spaine and sworne by the king of England in the presence of the king of Spaines Commissioners Constable of Castille returns into Spaine the Constable of Castille hauing receiued great honour in England both in his entertainment and presents giuen him from the king returned into Flanders much satisfied in himselfe to carrie home with him such joyfull tidings From thence hee past into France where the French king vsed him so royally as hee afterwards said That hee had entertained him as a king and intreated him as a kinsman In the yeare a thousand six hundred and foure the king of Great Britaine sent the earle of Nottingham 1605 high Admirall of England Earle of Notingham sent into Spaine into Spaine to take the Catholike kings oath for the confirmation of the peace as hee did the earle of Hartford vnto the Archdukes to the same end The sayd earle of Nottingham being attended on by a gallant traine of noblemen knights and gentlemen arriued at the Groine where hee was no sooner discouered from the land but D. Lewis de Carilla de Toledo marquesse of Carascena Gouernour both of the towne and of the countrey of Gallicia gaue order for his entertainment the which was verie royally performed At his comming into the harbour a fort vpon the North side of the towne did first salute him with twentie peeces of ordnance then a fort lately built vpon a rocke with six and thirtie peeces and lastly from the towne and castle with aboue thirtie peeces of ordnance And the earles ship with the whole fleet beeing at an anchor requiâ—ed them with all their ordnance Presently after the Gouernour sent foure chiefe officers of the towne with D. Iohn de Pacheco his brother and D. Lewis de Carilla de Toledo his onely sonne to welcome the earle After some time spent in complements the Gouernour himselfe came aboord the earles ship in a barge the maâ—iners and rowers being in blew silke cassockes and cappes and the barge couered with blew veluet After hee had saluted the earle he told him That the king his master had giuen vnto him an especiall charge to haue a respect who he was that came embassadour from whom hee came and to whom hee was sent and that he should doe euerie thing for the honour of these three persons not sparing any thing that might be fit for his Lordships entertainment Wherefore hee did intreat the earle to goe to land the which he did forbeare vntill the next day so as that night hee sent vnto his Lordship a present of fish fruits bread and such commodities as the countrey yeelded On Tuesday He lands at the Groine the sixteenth of Aprill the earle of Nottingham prepared to goe to shore to his lodging which was appointed in the gouernours house The gouernour hauing taken care to receiue his Lordship in most honourable manner had vpon notice of his comming to the Groine caused a bridge of timber being aboue fortie yards long to be built and painted the which was garnished with many penciles of silke of diuers colours The way into the towne was set on either side with boughes of bayes and Orange trees and strewed with rushes and flowers The whole garrison of the towne and other companies that were drawne out of the countrey were there readie to make a gard for him His Lordship being readie to land the gouernour sent diuers of the Commaunders to let him vnderstand that he and the magistrats of the towne would attend him on the bridge Whereupon the earle tooke his barge and being followed by his whole traine went vnto the bridge where the Spaniards entertained the English as they landed the haultboyes and shagbots playing all the while Being all landed they entred into the towne an English man and a Spaniard marching together in verie good order At their entrance into the towne they were saluted with a great volley of shot both great and small and so they went on foot to the gouernours house where when the earle entred there were many chambers shot off During the earle of Nottinghams stay at the Groine hee solemnized Saint Georges feast the which was performed with the greater state for that the people came thither in troupes to see that
come out of Nauarre 664 Factions in Castile after the Kings death 668 Family of Estuniga and Suniga come out of Nauarre 680 Factions in Guipuscoa and Biscay 737 Factions of Beaumont and Gramont 753 Factions in Biscaie 822 Famine in Perpignan 847 Family of Peralta 882 Faction of Beaumont in the Court of Nauarre 904 Faction against Cardinal Ximenes 926 Famagosta beseeged by the Turkes 1159 yeelded vnto them 1162 Fayal and the other Ilands yeelded to King Philip 1228 Fertility of Sardinia 21 Fertility and riches of Spaine 25 D. Fernand Gonsales first Earle of Castile 200 he is surprized in Nauarre detayned prisoner 205 D. Fernand King of Castile assignes portions to his children 223 Fernand King of Leon puts away his wife 325 Feast of Triumphus Crucis in Spaine after the victory of Muradal 343 Fernand called the holy proclaimed King of Castile 353 Fernand Dias de los Camâ—ros a concussionar and a rebell 359 Fernand of Castile takes possession of Leon. 364 D. Fernand brother to the King of Castile refuseth the realme of Castile 669 he pretends a title to the Crowne of Arragon 675 hee is chosen and crowned at Saragossa 677 D. Fernand of Portugall a prisoner in Barbary 713 D. Fernand K. of Arragon promiseth the Moores liberty of conscience 905. he fauours Amand of Albret against the French King 929. he is hurt at Barcelona 947 he proues vncharitable 950 he is desirous to get the realme of Nauarre 962 he retyres into Arragon 881 he enters Naples 882. his last will 882. his last will reformed by the aduice of his counsell 921 his death 922. Fernando Cortes voyage to the Indies 876 hee is depriued of his gouernment of Mexico 1006 Fernand Infant of Spaine borne 979 Fez wonne by the Xeriffe Mahomet 1189 hee abandons it to the Turkes 1192 Fire from whence the Pyrenees tooke their name 15 Fight at sea betwixt Lelius and Asdruball 72 Fire kindled in the Queene of Castiles haire by the Suune beames 778 Fight at sea betwixt the French and Genoueses 863 Fleet of Christians at Messina 1163 Flatterers cause D Sancho to rebell against the King his brother 203 Force of an army should be of natural subiects 46 Forces against Sertorius in Spaine 110 D. Fortune King of Nauarre makes him-selfe a Monke 198 Foundations of Monasteries by the Princes of Spaine 217 Fort of Nauarret built 328 Forces of the Knights of Saint Iames 310 Foundation of Bilbao 444 Forme of the King of Nauarres othe to his subiects 626 Fontarabie beseeged and the seege raised 856 Fort built by the Spaniard on the firme land at the Indies 890 Forts demanteled in Nauarre 932 Forts built in Affricke 916 Fontaraby taken by the French 966 recouered by the Spaniards 972 Forces of the Emperor Charles at his going to Tunes 987 Forces of Barberoussa in Tunes 988 Fort built at Diu by the Portugals 997. beseeged by the Turkes 998 Fort built by the Spaniards in the Island of Gerbe 1088. beseeged and taken by the Turkes 1093 Fort built at Tunes taken by the Turkes 1174 Forces sent into Ireland by the Pope and king of Spaine 1219 Friends farre off are flow to succor 38 Friend tried at need 109 French invade Gaule 130 French defeated in Spaine 139 Froila murthers his brother 174 French drawne into Spaine by the Moores diuisions 176 French defeated at Ronceual 181 Fraud of the king of Nauarre ill executed 287 French king sauors the king of Nauarre 300 Frederic of Arragon seizeth vpon Sicile 439 French defeated by the Cattelans in Greece 456 French succors frutlesse for Castile 615 Frederic Duke of Benauent a prisoner 647 Frederic duke of Arione dies in prison 698 Frederic of Arragon Earle of Luna a prisoner in Castile 708 French spoile Guipuscoa 856 Frederic Henriques confined into Sicile 887 Francis Phebus entreth into Nauarre and is poysoned 898 Francis Ximenes of Cisneros Archbishop of Toledo 956. hee is made a Cardinal 884. his conscience foresight and magnanimity 892. hee is made Gouernor of Castile 924. his prouidence for the peace of Spaine ibid. his wisdome to maintaine his Authority 927. he is an enemy to the Genoueses 940. he is ambitious and impatient of iniuries ibid. he maintaines his authority resolutly 944. he is poisoned 952. his speech to the Infant D. Fernand ibid. his death and disposition 958 Frauget yeelds Fontaraby basely to the Spaniards and is degraded 973 Francis the French king taken at Pauia 974 Francis Pizarro murthered at Peru. 1027 Francis Drakes first voiage to the Indies 1172 Fury of Barbariens brutish 108 Funerals of Iohn king of Portugal 706 Fulminations of Pope Iulio against Lewis 12. 903 French defeated at sea by the Spaniards 1223 Forts built at the Terceres 1226 G GArdines of Valencia 27 Gaditains call the Carthag into Spaine 32 Gala father to Misinissa 45 Gaditains offer to yeeld vnto the Romaines 68 Galba a victor defeated by his rashnesse 98. hee is sent to suppresse the rebels in Spaine 119 Galicia made a kingdome 191 Garcia Earle of Castile murthered 229 Garcia king of Galicia dispossest 241 he is made a prey to his enemy by reason of his tiranies 242 Garcia Almorauid head of a faction 405 Gaston Earle of Foix succors the Nauarrois 500 Gardes set about the Popes pallace 664 Garcia Mendez of Badaios slaine at Burgos by the mutinous multitude 802 D. Garcia de Toledo in disgrace 1124 Galere taken from the Moores 1151 D. Geoffrey gouernor or Earle of Barcelona 186 Genealogy of Ouiedo and Leon. 195 Genealogy of Castile 200 Genealogy of Leon. 216 Generosity and bounty of king Almeuon to D. Alphonso the sixth king of Castile 246 Genealogy of Castile and Leon. ibid. Genealogy of Portugul 327 Geneueses of the Gibiline faction against the Arragonois in Sardynia 501 Girone beseeged by the French and taken 428 Girdle inchauted 535 Girone a principality for the eldest sonne of Arragon 542 Gijon yeelded to the king of Castile and the Earle banished 654 Gibraltar taken by the Castillans 771 Gibraltar so called of Tariffe a Moore 154 Genoua diuided into factions 1178 Gold and siluer forbidden among the antient Maiorquins 21 God doth onely raise and ruine Estates 50 Gouernment of Spaine giuen to two Pretors 80 Gouernment of Spaine vnder the Emperours 117 Gouernor slaine by a peasant for his exacting 118 Ghospel preached in Spaine in Tiberius time ibid. Gothes inuade the Romaine Empire 126. they come out of Asia into Europe 127 Gothes Getes and Gepides all one ibid. Gothes made Arrians by the Romains 129 Gouernors ambitious and disloyal 135 Gothes defeated in Afrike by the Romains 139 Gothes kingdome in Spaine ruined 154 God not pleased with rebellion though the Prince be a tyrant 202 Gothike seruice changed in Spaine 254 Gothike Caracters abolished in Spaine 256 Gouernors appointed in Arragon for the young kings person 346 Gouernors among the Moores make themselues absolut Lords 354 Gouernment of Castile diuided betwixt the Queene mother and the Duke of
the Church of Rome 672 Pope and Councel condemne one an other 679 Possessions of D. Iohn Infant of Arragon 682 Portugals forced to accept of dishonorable conditions 713 Policy of the Bishop of Segobia 724 Pope sends a Legate into Castile to treat a peace 799 Portugals enter into Castile with an army 850 they are defeated 857 Power of the Inquisitors in Spaine 885 Portugal army defeated at Albuhera 874 Pope giues the West Indies to the kings of Castile 948 Prouost of the Court troubled in his charge and the fact punished 888 Pope in despaire 903 Policy of Cardinal Ximenes to keepe the noblemen in awe 947 Pope Paul the 4. willing to treat of a peace 1074 Pompe at an execution done by the Inquisitors 1122 Porto Carrero an indiscreet Gouernor of Gouleta 1174 Portugal wholy reduced vnder king Philip. 1215 Pope Gregory allowes of the conquest of Portugal 1217 Prouinces out of Spaine vnder the iurisdiction thereof 14 Preparation for yron 29 Prisoners taken in new Carthage 54 Practise of the Gaditains discouered supprest 72 Pretors refuse their charge in Spaine 93 Preparations in Spaine to resist Caesar. 113 Prescillian the heretike beheaded at Treues 126 Primacy of the Pope 148 Priests forbidden to marry 174 Princes too superstitious 177 Practise of D. Garcia king of Nauarre against his brother D. Fernand 235 Princes of Spaine betray their fellow Christians 249. Priuiledges granted to Toledo 256 Prelates of the French nation aduanced to Churches in Spaine 261 Prouence giuen to the Earle of Barcelona 267 Practises of the Countesse of Portugall against her sonne 292 Primacie of Toledo confirmed 305 Prouence returnes to the Crowne of Arragon 317. Processe for the Primacie of Spaine 348 Practises of the Castillans and Arragonois against Nauarre 418 Priests allowed to keepe Concubins 450 Pretension of Soueraignty ouer Nauar made by the King of Castile 452 Princes absence cause of libertie and disorder 467 Pruna taken by the Christians 483 Preparation of the Moores against Spaine 550 Predictions of a Monke to the King of Castile 552. 552 Princes in continuall iealousie 564 Prince of Wales writes to Don Henry of Castile 570. Pretensions of Iohn Duke of Lancaster to Castile 585. his preparation against the King of Castile 587 Profites of the Court of Rome stayd in Spain 592 Prodigie at Ebora 603 Pretension of Lewis duke of Aniou 619 Pretensions of the King of Arragon to the realme of Sicily ib. Proceedings of the Earle of Giion 653 Princes pretending to the Realme of Arragon 675 Priuiledges of the Earles of Ribadeo 718 Prince Henry of Castile made run away 7â—4 Practises of Don Aluaro de Luna Constable of Castile ibid. Presage of the Constables end 743 Practise against the Master of S. Iames 803 Proceeding against the Arch-bishop of Toledo 825. Practises of Leonora Countesse of Foix 832 Practises of the Marquis of Villena in Portugall 848. Princesse carefull of iustice 919 Princes seruants follow for profit and not for affection 881 Pretensions of Christian Princes against the Venetians 889 Proceeding of the Inquisition vniust 940 Proceedings of Cardinall Ximenes allowed by the King 949 Practises of the Flemmish Courtiers to keepe the King from seeing the Cardinal 956 Proceeding of Pizarro at Peru 1007 Preiudice done to the French king at the Councel of Trent 1097 Princes of Austria go into Spaine 1112 Proceeding of the Inquisition to torture 1122 Practises of the Court of Spaine 1135 Practises of a Gold-smith to end the warre with the Moores 1155 Priuiledges of the Inhabitants of Fez 1191 Pretendants to the Crowne of Portugall 1205 Punishment of mutines 71 Publike charge affected for priuate profite 93 Punishment of a cowardly Captaine 104 Punishment of a trecherous Gouernor 136 Punishment of Rebels 149 Punishment of a rash man 267 Poursuite for the abolishing of the Templers 453 D. Philip the King of Spain 〈◊〉 sonne sworne by the Estates of Portugall 1226 Q QValities of the mountaine Spaniards 28 Queene of Nauar accused of adulterie 227 her innocencie iustified ibid. Quarrels betwixt the Kings of Castile and Nauar 235. Qualities of D. Vraca Queene of Castile 271 Queene D. Vraca vnchast put away by her husband 274 Queene of Portugall expelled for her Insolencies 377. Queene Violant of Castile vnchast 414 Quarrels in Court where D. Lope Dias of Haro is slaine 433 Qualities of D. Pedro king of Arragon 513 Quarrels touching the successor to Castile 532 Queene mother of Castile vnchast and slaine by her fathers commandement 538 Queene of Nauarre refuseth to returne to her husband 631. she is intangled in the troubles of Castile 633. she is sent to her husband against her will 649 Qualities and disposition of D. Henry the fourth king of Castile 749 Queen of Castile gotte with child by D. Bertrand de la Cueua 766 Quarrels betwixt the Earles of Beneuent and Lemos 822 Quarrels betwixt the Earles of Haro and Treuigno 827 Quarrels betwixt the houses of Mendoza and Pimentel 839 Qualities of the Princes Fernand Izabella 845 Quarrell betwixt D. Frederick Henriques and D. Ramir Nugnes de Guzman 886 Qualities of king Muley Alboâ—cen 894 Qualities of Christopher Columbus 918 Qualities of Manuel king of Portugal 957 Quarrell betwixt Pedro Giron and the Duke of Medina Sidonia 925 Qualities of Colonell Vilalua 933 S. Quintins taken by the Spaniards 1080 Queene Elizabeth conducted into Spaine 1085 Question of precedence vndecided at Rome 1010 Quarrell betwixt the Duke of Alba and English 1137. Queene of England refuseth to heare the duke of Alba's Ambassador ibid. R RAdages slaine and his army of Gothes ruined 130. Rabatins Christians in Affricke 166 Don Ramir put out his brothers and his mothers eyes 200 Race of Cid Ruis Dias 238 Raymond Berenger Earle of Prouence father to 4. Queenes 356 Rashnes of the Earle of Lerin 883 Religion a cloake for Tyrants 7 Religion is naturally reuerenced whatsoeuer it be 12 Religion of the ancient Spaniards infamous 28 Religion receiued with great affection by the Spaniards 30 Resolution of the two Scipio's 41 Reward of vertue must not be sought by vitious meanes 55 Remembrance of great crimes makes men desperate 66 Resolution of the Astapians Barbarous 67 Retreate of two Romaines from Palentia 105 Resolution of Rhetogines the Numantine 107 Resignation of Bishoprickes reproued 136 Reward of a Iustfull tyrant 140 Repentance of Leâ—uigilde 143 Religion the least care of Conquerors 168 Reuenge vppon the Toledans for their rebellion 180. Rebell punished 183 Rebellion of the Gouernor of Biscay 189 Rebellion in the realme of Leon 205 Rebellion of the sonne against the father 218 Rewards and punishments maintaine Estates 223 Religious deedes of Don Sancho the great 228 Reuenge vnworthie of a royall mind 233 Rebellions at Toledo draw the king of Castile to beseege it 250 Reparation of crimes by combate 263 Reconciliation of the Kings of Castile and Leon 347. Realme of Nauarre affected by the Kings of Castile and Arragon 402 Rebellion in Castile 359 Reuenge of
of Rome This act is written of him as good and holy although in many other things he shewed himselfe cruell and wicked Ioseph gouernour for the Moores being in armes against him and hauing spoyled the confines of Gallicia A great defeat of Moores they came to battell which Froila woon he slue 54000 Moores and put the rest with their Commaunder to a shamefull flight Garcia Ximines Nauarre or Sobrabre who as we haue said had begun a principalitie or royaltie in Sobrarbre tooke to wife a Ladie of a noble house called Iniga by whom he had one sonne called Garcia Inigo He intitled himselfe king of that countrey wherewith the Nauarrois being discontented they abandoned him and ioined to the king of Ouiedo The first occasion which the Christians inhabiting in the mountaines of Nauarre and Arragon tooke to erect an Estate and make head against the Moores was of an assemblie at the interment of an Hermit which liued in the rockes neere vnto Iaca. This Hermit was buried in the place whereas afterwards the monasterie of S. Iohn de la Pegna was built the which at the first was a Colledge of Chanoins Garcia Ximines raigned 42 yeares and left his pettie kingdome to Garcia Inigo his sonne to whom the Nauarrois submitted themselues againe but Froila raigning in Ouiedo forced them by armes to returne to his obedience Froila maried the daughter of Eude Duke of Aquitaine Ouiedo called Menine or according vnto some Momerane by whom he had two sonnes Alphonso called the Chast and Bermond or Veremond both which raigned although that D. Bermond was made by the Clergie and moreouer he had a daughter by her called D. Ximina who was mother to Bernard of Carpio This king did first vse the title of Dom Title of Dom first vsed which the king and all the Noblemen of Spaine haue euer since obserued What the furious desire of raigne is and with what iealousie kings are often tormented Froila shewed by the cruell parricide of his brother Vimaran whom he caused to be slaine through iealousie Froila murthers his brother seeing him to be a gallant Knight and generally beloued for his good parts yet he repented the fact but too late For satisfaction whereof they write that he adopted the sonne of Vimaran called Veremond to succeed him in the kingdome the which hath bred some doubt whether this Veremond which came to the Crowne in the fourth place after Froila were the sonne of Vimaran or of Froila himselfe who soone after was also slaine by his other brother Aurelius in reuenge of the death of Vimaran hauing raigned eleuen yeares and a halfe or thereabouts 9 During the raigne of this king Moores the Arabians of Spaine diuided themselues wholly from the Caliplhes of Damas vnder Abderramen Abderramen vsur pes the Soueraigntie in Spaine who chased and in the end slew the Gouernour or Viceroy Ioseph made himselfe king and Miralmumin or Miramomelin and held Spaine with that title 33 yeares not acknowledging the Emperor or Caliph of Damas in any thing This was in the yeare 757 of our redemption and 138 yeares after the Moores descent in Spaine by reason of the diuision of the soueraigne dignitie of the Arabians in the East for against Maruan who had succeeded Hizes Caliph of the Arabians at Damas there had risen many tyrants whereof he punished some but Asmulin vanquished him This was of the race of Mutar who had raigned in Persia and followed his sect maintaining that Ali had beene the true Prophet and greater then Mahumet he commaunded then ouer the Corasenes a people in Persia He was aduised by Cataban his friend to procure the slaues throughout all Persia to kill their masters and to rob them the which they did and came rich with their masters spoyles to Asmulin Soone after being impatient of ease they diuided themselues into two sects the Caismes and Lamonites Asmulin taking part with the Lamonites defeated the others and with his victorious bands assayled Iolin Gouernour of Persia vnder the Caliph Maruan Asmulin Caliph and his victories whom he vanquished and Maruan also who came against him with aboue three hundred thousand fighting men forcing him to flie into Egypt whither he was followed defeated and slaine by Salin the sonne of Asmulin by whom through his victories the kingdome of the Persians was setled in his familie The Sophies of Persia discended from Asmulin The rest of Maruans familie and followers were dispersed in Africke where they erected the kingdome of Fez and some passed into Spaine which might be that race of Abderramen of whom we here intreat who notwithstanding Vasee affirmes was basely descended and Garibay on the other side sayes that he was issued from the race of Aben Humeia and from Zaineb the daughter of Mahumet His father was called Moabia and his seat was also at Cordoua he brought his armie before Valence which resisted him and tooke it They say that the bones of S. Vincent were worshipped there and that many families among these Christians ill instructed fearing the comming of this Sarracene king dislodged and carried these relickes into the woods and mountaines which lye betwixt Valence and the mouth of the riuer of Guadiana and hauing passed vnto that point which in old time was called the holie Promontorie they were encountred by a Moore of Fez Whence cape S. Vincent in Algarbe tooke the name called Alibouz who rauaged the countrey of Algarbe he slew these men tooke their children prisoners and left S. Vincents bones vpon the field where they were afterwards found and thereof this Promontorie was called Cap S. Vincent The Almightie God although that he had deliuered his Church into the hands of Barbarians and Infidels by reason of the prophanation of his name and that the Spaniards made little vse of their chastisements maintained alwaies some light of the Gospell among them raising vp men who entertained some order and shew of Christiantie and had the Scriptures and their ceremonies throughout all the towns of the Moores jurisdiction They make mention of Verus Bishop of Seuile at that time a learned man and of a good life Cixilas was Archbishop of Toledo to whom PP Adrian as the Spanish Authors say did write a letter blaming the custome of the Christians in Spaine to eat flesh on Saterdayes wherefore they made an order not to eat any that day but the entrailes head and feet of beasts the which hath beene since obserued D. Aurelius fifth King of Ouiedo D. Aurelius succeeded his brother D. Froila in the realme of Ouiedo Ouiedo hauing slaine him in the yeare 767. notwithstanding that An. 767. he left a sonne called D. Alphonso the chast with other children but the hatred which the noblemen of the countrey did beare vnto his father was the cause of his reiection being then also verie young whereby it appeares The right of succession to the Crowne had yet no place
in Spaine that the right of succession was not in those dayes practised in Spaine This Prince was politicke and of an actiue spirit yet not giuen to armes wherefore he made a peace with the Moores so as during his raigne they did not attempt any thing one against another The bondmen in his countrey being mourned against their masters and in armes they were supprest by the wisdome of this king and reduced to their first condition of seruitude They report a shamefull and abhominable thing of him among Christians That in his capitulation with Abderramen to haue a peace besides that he made himselfe his tributarie he promised among other things to giue euerie yeare to these Barbarians a certaine number of virgins yet Vaseus doth attribute it to Mauregat He married his sister D. Odesinde or Vsende to a renowned knight called D. Sillo and hauing raigned six yeares and six moneths this king D. Aurelius died All these kings were in a manner buried in the towne of Ianguas which many write Cangas We doe not find that he had either wife or children D. Sillo sixt King of Ouiedo 11 D. Sillo his brother in law An. 774. and his sister Vsende or Odesinde obtained the kingdome of Ouiedo in the yeare 774. 12 In Arragon there was an Earle called Aznar Aznar first Earle of Arragon risen in armes some hold that he was sonne or grandchild to Duke Eude of Guyenne who comming to serue D. Garcia Inigo king of Sobrarbre tooke Iaca and obtained of him in gift the countrey which lyes betwixt the two riuers called Arragon with the title of Earle or Gouernour dying he left two sonnes Galinde and Ximen Garses As for D. Sillo Ouiedo the beginning of his raigne was troublesome many refusing to obey him wherefore to assure his estate he renewed the peace with the Arabians in Spaine and subdued his rebels by a victorie which he got of them vpon the mountaine of Zebrero in Gallicia In the end seeing that he had no children he resigned the charge of affaires to D. Alphonso the chast nephew to his wife and to her giuing himselfe wholly to a contemplatiue life In his time the noblemen Arabians enjoying the townes and prouinces of Spaine Moores vnder the Miralmumin Abderramen impatient one of another according to the naturall disposition of this mutinous nation they fell to warre among themselues Abubatar Deuisfer and others had chased away Ibnaballa of Saragosse who is also called Abi Arabi who called in Charlemaigne king of France to his aid The French drawne into Spaine by the Moores diuisions and he entred into Spaine with a great armie besieged Saragosse tooke it by composition and setled Ibnaballa in his Seigniorie making the noblemen Moores that were his neighbors his tributaries Among other conditions accorded betwixt Charles and the Moores it was said that they should suffer others say heare the preachings of the Christians the seruants of God D. Garcia Inigo second King of Sobrarbre or Nauarre 13 IN this growing kingdome of Nauarre Nauarre or Sobrarbe D. Garcia Inigo had succeeded his father Garcia Ximenes in the yeare 758 who raigned 44 yeares This king enlarged his limits by reason of the Moores dissentions and tooke Pampelone from them the which we read was also taken about that time by Charlemaigne king of France so as it seemes that being readie to come into Spaine to succour Ibnaballa the pettie king of Sarragosse he would seize vpon Pampelone to assure his passage and then hauing restored Ibnaballa and defeated Abderramen killing aboue 30000 of his Moores as the Spanish Authors report he demanteled it in his returne into France so as it was easie for D. Garcia to seize thereon D. Mauregat seuenth King of Ouiedo 14 D. Sillo died in the yeare 783 Ouiedo hauing held the royall seat nine yeares and one moneth An. 783. and was interred at Ouiedo in Saint Iohns Church which he had built and was afterwards transported to S. Saluador After whose decease by a generall consent the realme of Ouiedo was giuen to D. Alphonso the chast but his vncle D. Mauregat bastard brother to his father as he had beene vnlawfully begotten so he shewed himselfe in his actions and affections both to him and the State without law without pietie and without honour for being desirous to raigne he layed a plot with the Moores and by their aide chased Alphonso his nephew out of the Asturies and Leon forcing him to retyre himselfe into the countries of Alaua and Biscaye where he had many allyes who preserued him from the treacherous practises of this tyrant The accord hee made with the Barbarians to procure succours from them was villanous and vnworthie of a Christian Prince A detestable tribute payed by a Christian Prince to Infidels for hee bound himselfe to pay them a tribute contrarie to all law and honestie which was fiftie virgines of noble families and as manie of baser condition the which hee should send yearely this impure and brutish king exposing those poore Christian creatures by an expresse agreement vnto the damnable appetite of Infidels by reason whereof he was hated of all men and as it is likely of God also He raigned fiue yeares and fiue monethes dying without children and was buried at Prauia In his time Abderramen raigning ouer all the Moores in Spaine Moores he did wonderfully spoyle the Christians being verie mightie for he had thirtie thousand horse and two hundred thousand foot in his ordinarie warres The power of Abderramen with which forces he draue the kings of Ouiedo into the mountaines of Asturia and brought vnder his subjection Gallafray king of Toledo His works who made head against him with manie other noblemen of his sect He caused the Mesquite or Mosquee of Cordoua to be built of a rich and stately structure The Cathedrall Church of that citie admirable for the greatnesse and number of goodly pillars the gardens and castle called Arrizaphe or Alixares are also his workes This Prince died in the yeare 787 and 170 of the Arabians leauing eleuen sonnes and nine daughters He was interred in the castle of Cordoua and had for his successor in Spaine his sonne Izen or Ixeca or Ismen for so he is called by diuers Authors D. Veremond first of that name and eighth King of Ouiedo 15 D. Veremond or Bermond An. 789. the sonne of Froila raigned after Mauregat in Ouiedo Ouiedo and Leon hauing beene of the Clergie and made a Deacon Wherefore fearing to offend God if he did forsake his Clericall profession to gouerne the kingdome he left this dignitie and resigned it to his brother D. Alphonso the second yeare or as some write A Prince too superstitious the third of his raigne And moreouer being married to a Ladie called Imoline from that time he did forbeare her companie notwithstanding that he had had two children Ramer and Garcia He liued foure yeares and six