Transactions of those times His Words are these Caeterùm hanc Bullam Pontificii plerique moderatiores tacitè improbabant quòd nulla ex jure admâ—nitio praecesserit praevidentes molem malorum inde sâ—bi impendere qui priùs privatim sua sacra intra parietes satis securè coluerunt vel recâ—pta in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ sacra sine Conscientiae Scrupulo adire non Recusârunt Annal. Eliz. ad Ann Dom ' 1570 So that the Reformation was indeed made on our part for which we wanted neither good Cause nor sufficient Authority But the Separation was made by the Pope For had not He Excommunicated Queen Elizabeth for what Reason the Romanists held Communion with us till such Excommunication for the same it might have continued to this day and no Schism made But if this Excommunication had neither lawful Authority nor just cause then will the Pope be not only the Author but cause of the Schism and draw the whole guilt of it on him and his party The proof of this in particular I will not insist on here because it will be â—bundantly done in the progress of the Work especially in the second and â—â—ird part if it shall please God that I live to Finish them Only here I will leave this Choak-pear which I desire my Adversary to swallow before 〈◊〉 â—ttaqae me That whosoever undertakes the Defenee of that Bull beâ—â—des all other Extravagancies which he shall be obliged to maintain must in the first place fairly Confess himself to be a Rebel and a Traytor as to Principles of Civil Government and obliged in Conscience actually to be so 〈◊〉 often as the Pope requires and of this the Pope to be the sole and unconsroulable Judge XXXVII Having here slipt into the mention of Queen Elizabeth it may not be altogether impertinent to Acquit Her of one dishonourable Scandal wherewith some foul Mouth'd Romanists endeavour to Blast her Memory â—f Henry the Eighth belonged to any he was certainly theirs not ours Yet Handling the Reformation they spare not to charge Him with all the â—â—decencies true or false which they can Rake together But nothing 〈◊〉 more exagitated then his two First Marriages and that oâ—ten in such 〈◊〉 and obscene Language as is not a little offensive to chast Eares The Deâ—â—gn of all this is that they might invalidate Queen Elizabeths Title to 〈◊〉 Crown upon which score some ruder Romanists will at this day as faâ—iliarly and confidently call Her Bastard as if she had been found in the â—â—eets laid at some door in a Basket It is well known that she was a Perâ—â—â— so excellently qualified for Government that even living she struck Envy â—â—mb and made those who most implacably hated Her to Admire Her it might therefore justly move Indignation in any Generous Spirit to see â—â—ery Ass spurn at a dead Lion But if this were as rrue as it is false yet if 〈◊〉 would deal ingeniously they must confess that this could no way effect 〈◊〉 Church as to that Power Conferred on it by God and that Authority which doth always distinctly and entirely remain in it self Only it may 〈◊〉 the Church destitute of any Legal Civil Sanction during her time â—nd if for that they will Condemn us they may as well Condemn the Chriâ—tian Churches of the first three Hundred Yeares and then we shall not be â—uch afraid in so good Company But there is nothing but Malice or Igâ—orance in the thing it self and the Romanists of all Men ought to be cautious in this Matter because whilest they Fence with this Two-Edged Sword intending to Cut Queen Elizabeth they as deeply Wound Queen Mary Neither will the Sickly Salvo of the Popes Dispensation stand them in any stead for it is not only we who deny that his Power reached to it but the greatest part of their own Universities gave it under their Hands and Seals And indeed this was at that time so generally the Opinion of the Romanists That the Author of Church-Government freely Acknowledgeth though little to the Credit of his Cause that when Mary was Offered in Marriage First to the Emperour Charles the Fifth and after to Francis King of France She was Refused by both on this Account because they doubted of the Lawfulness of Henry's Marriage with her Mother part 5. cap. 2. But for my part I am not of their Humour who take a pleasure in bespattering Princes and to do it by our own can be no Honour to our selves I do not see that any thing Alledged can be any real Prejudice either to Mary or Elizabeth for the Succession to our Crown depends neither upon Canons nor Councels much less upon Popes Bulls and Decretals but upon the Constitutions of our Kingdom And it was nevâ—r yet doubted but that King Henry was Married as well to Katherine as Anue Bolen And if the Marriage was Soleâ—nized the Children are Legitimate by our Laws which abhor all thoughts of any such thing as Bastards in Matrimony 'T is true our Laws permit and Authorize Ecclesiasticks to divorce such Persons who Marry within the degrees prohibited but yet suffer no prejudice to be done to their Issue And if the Parents though too near of Kin were Legally Married their Châ—ldren shall succeed to their Estates and Rights in the same manner that other Persons Childâ—en â—o where the Marriage was without Exception And it is very hard Measure to deprive a King of that privilege which belongs to the meanest of his Subjects especially in this Case which may endanger to involve a Nation in Confusion and Ruine Let King Henry therefore Answer for his own faults what iniquity soever there might be in his Marrages yet being Married his Issue are Legitimated And I doubt not but that Mary and Elizabeth were both in their Turns our Lawful Sovereigns I will therefore prosecute this no further save with a Request to the Romanists that henceforward they would cease to set the Childrens Teeth on Edge with the soure Grapes the Father Eat and be as ready to AcknowIedge Queen Elizabeth a Lawful Sovereign as we are Queen Mary XXXVIII I did once Intend to have thoroughly Examined the Matter of the Reformation but I find that it would oblige Me rather to Write a Volume then a Chapter And after all perhaps I should be accused of needless pains for it hath been often and sufficiently done already And all Answers contain only the Crambe centies cocta or some bold Fictions or tedious Triflings Nor do I think that I can be Constrained to Answer for all that went before me In this Church I was Born Baptized and Bred I had no Hand in the Making Modelling or Altering it Gods Providence cast Me into it and I take it as I found it And if as such it be defensible I need concern my self no further And therefore without troubling my self to Rake the Dead out of their Graves I shall Consider our Church under her present Constitution for if that
in this Case the Bishops of other Churches did not only Exhort but Require both the subordinate Clergy and the People to Refuse Communion with their Bishop though in all other Cases the separating from the Communion of their Bishops and the Erecting another Altar or setting up a Conventicle against him was Accounted the peculiar Signature of Schism And the Reason is plain for though they could not hold Communion with the Church but by Maintaining Communion with their Bishop yet they did Communicate in that Church as a part of the whole And if he did break off from the whole or was Injurious to the whole if they should Adhere to him therein they must follow his Fate And therefore here they might desert him and cleave to some other sound part and joyn in Communion Approved by Orthodox Bishops The Reason of the Bishops absolute Power in one respect and his Subjection in another seems to be briefly Couched in that short Saying of St. Cyprian Episcopatus unus est cujus à singulis in solidum pars tenetur do un for though he held but part of that Episcopacy by which the whole Church Concordi multorum Episcoporum numerositate was Governed yet holding that Parte in solidum he had the full Episcopal Authority and was a Catholick Bishop and his Orders according to their Nature ought to be Heeded by all Bishops But then what he held in solidum being but Pars Episcopatûs unius he was Bound to Exercise his Office in Conjunction with them who were equal Sharers with him And herein was Answerable to his Fellow-Bishops for any detriment or injury done by him to their Common Office and Common Charge Hence a Bishop was in some things Obnoxious even to the delebility and loss of his Character as Spalato hath proved against the fond device of the Schools lib. 2. cap. 4. and was bound at his peril not only to Preach the same Faith but to Walk and Act according to the Cannons of the Church And yet in other Things his Act was sufficient to Tye up all the Bishops in the Christian World Both which Things are an invincible Evidence of the Sense of Antiquity of their Participation of the same Office and of their Obligation to and dependance upon each other in the discharge of it Hence it was that when a Bishop was placed in any Vacant See though he was never so Canonically Ordained yet he was bound to send abroad his Circular Epistles to other Bishops to Sigâ—ifie his due Admission to that great dignity and withal to give in a Summary of his Faith that they might Admit him to Catholick Communion and upon occasion might Communicate with him and Assist him in the just discharge of his place If he afterwards fell into Heresie or did any irregular Act he was Tryable by his Peers and might be Censured according to his demerits On the other Hand what wholesome Orders he made for the good of his own particular Church those who came from any other Church thither were bound to observe them And if he justly put any Person under the Sentence of Excommunication upon his Certifying thereof with the Cause all other Bishops and all other Churches were bound to take that Person for Excommunicate wherever he came and to Reject him from their Communion For in Cases of this Nature every Regular Act of Authority in one Church was Regarded as the Act of the whole Church And thus in all things particular Churches Acted in Relation to and Communion with the Catholick and Maintained their Unity Firm and Inviolable XIV My Design hath been to Write a Chapter not a Treatise of Christian Unity and therefore I may be excuseable if I have not Hit every thing though I perswade my self that had we these the rest would not be wanting But my fear is that my Accusation will rather Lye on the other Hand That I have Iaid the Platform of such a Unity as in all its parts is no where on Earth to be found And though the more is the pity yet possibly it is too true But then this Objection Amounts to no more though that God knows is too much then to shew the deplorable state of the Church and the woful degeneracy of Christians For the Religion we profess Requires such an Unity And de facto it has been had and practised in the Church And till it be Restored I see little Hopes that Matters can be brought to Rights and that they are not they must Answer who are the true Cause If any enquire What particular Persons in this Case are to do I Answer that invincible Impediments may excuse à tanto but not à toto where we cannot do all we should yet we must do all we can But more particularly I think First That every Man ought to joyn in Communion with that Church wherein Gods Providence hath placed him if he cannot justly Charge the termes of its Communion with Sin Otherwise there will be no End of Separation and the Breach will daily grow wider Secondly That our Judgements and Censures on those from whom we depart be moderated with Charity that we pick not Quarrels without a cause nor Represent them worse in Opinion or Practice then they are for this exasperates and alienates Mens Hrarts from Peace Some Persons have seemed to Me to have read their Adversaries Books with a Design to mistake them which alas is too easily done without giving our Minds to it Thirdly that in separate Communions Proposals might be made how far they can come up to each other that it may be known how far they do agree and that unquiet Spirits may not bear the Ignorant in Hand that they agree in nothing and then that the true Causes of the Difference may be sett down which would sett generous Spirits on Work to Remove these stumbling-Blocks and make up the Breaches At least it would give opportunity to all Considerate Persons to weigh the Matter to cast off real Scandals and to come nearer together as they saw cause Lastly That all Persons be desirous of true Christian Union and Communion that they heartily pray for the Peace of Jerusalem and to their power in their several Capacities endeavor it That we come short of this Unity is our Unhappiness and no Honour to our Religion But if any do not truly defire it I see not how they can be excused from Schism or somewhat worse fâ—r such seem to be insensible and regardless of the Honour of Gods Church the Glory of his Name the Peace Comfort and Encouragement of Christians one amongst another and the daily Advancement and Propagation of the Gospel of Christ From which kind of temper the Lord preserve every One who calls himself a Christian CHAP. III. Of the Nature of Schism I. OUR Religion is so Unchangeable That if an Angel from Heaven should come and teach any other then what we have already Received he ought to be Accursed And therefore
in the Empire of another Site had any peculiar and proper Jurisdiction over the Britannick Churches or whether they were any part of his Diocess as the word in its largest Acception signifies A Division containing several Provinces And this I think will be fully Answered if I prove That in Relation to the Britannick Church either he had no such Jurisdiction or none by Right V. That the Government of the Church was left in the Hands of the Bishops I shall prove hereafter But for the more convenient and advantageous Management of the Churches Affairs there began very early a particular Deference Respect and Observance to be paid to the Bishop of the principal City where the Secular Governour had his Residence He at first was called Episcopus primae Vrbis or Sedis Afterwards a Metropolitan But some overgrown Cities whose Numbers Wealth and Interest enabled them to overtop and oppress Others as it were Naturally Infused into their Bishops a Spirit of Ambition to extend their Jurisdiction and Power Answerably to the Grandeur of their City These Mens Encroachments were for a long time stoutly opposed but Power naturally following Strength Wealth and Interest and an Advantage being given them by the New Division of the Empire by Constantine they in the End prevail'd and Grasp'd so large Jurisdiction as to have several Metropolitans under them and obtained their first Ratification in the Council of Chalcedon as our late Learned Bishop of Oxford hath â—lâ—arly proved Account of Church-Govern These at first were called Exaâ—chs afterwards Patriarchs and sometimes Primates Of this new Booty without fail the Bishop of Rome as Bishop of the most Renowned City in the World and the Ancient Seat of the Empire carried away no small Share for he was always of Kin to the Lion in the Fable who when the Prey came to be divided made the Beasts that Hunted with him Content with a very small pittance if he was so gracious as to allow any thing But yet this New Exorbitant Power did not swallow up the whole Church but in many Places they still Lived in their Ancient Liberty Governed by their Bishops and Metropolitans without being subject to any Pratriarch of which the Cyprian Churches are a famous Instance in the East and I can yet see nothing to perswade me to think otherwise of the Britannick in the West VI. Never any Succession of Men have stood so constantly on their Guard and have been so watchful diligent and industrious upon all occasions to depress others and Exalt themselves as the Bishops of the Roman See All was Fish that ever come to their Net If they could at any time steal into a Jurisdiction though never so unjustly they would never quit it or not without strong Tugging and eternal Claiming And therefore Considering this Temper it were a fair Proposal that Setting aside Flams and Impertinencies they would produce any fair Footsteps of a proper Jurisdiction exercised by the Bishop of Rome over the Britons within the space of a Hundred years after the Council of Chalcedon For when Men have always been so busie in Acquiring so tenacious in Keeping so severe in Exercising Jurisdiction and want no Records unless what themselves have either falsifyed or abused That these Men can produce no good Evidence for such a Jurisdiction to Me it seems a good Argument that from the Beginning there was none If bare Claims and those coming after were enough no Man could live in Peace And therefore he that will thrust another out of possession for his own benefit must well and clearly prove his Title Had these Islands belonged to the Roman Patriarch there was no strength in them to have kept out his Power when it was back'd with the least Shew of Right If therefore it cannot be proved that the Bishop of Rome was in possession of such Jurisdiction here at or near the time that Patriarchates were setled he may let his Suit fall unless he have more Hopes from force or fraud then Right In this Cafe if in any that Common Rule Idem est non esse non apparere hold good And the rather because the Canon that Confirms Patriarchates supposeth the former Exercise of fuch Jurisdiction by Custom What by degrees he gained long after may serve well enough to prove him an Usurper but can Create him no Right as I shall prove Anon. VII Now though it be all the Reason in the World that if the Romanists will pretend a Title they should prove it yet I will not barely insist upon Possession on our part without giving some Reasons that may manifest our Right to it If the Patriarchate of the Bishop of Rome was Confined to the Suburbicary Churches it is most certain that the Britons lay too far off to be Hook'd in by that Title What other Evidence can be brought for the certain Bounds of his Patriarchate I cannot tell I have met with no better And this having been plainly Assigned to him it will concern them to bring their Proofs who will extend it further and therefore I will not longer insist on it Yet this among other Reasons moves me to think that as Patriarch he had no proper Jurisdiction either over the Gallican or Spanish Churches and divers others otherwise then as he might sometimes interpose as an Honourary Arbitrator or at other times upon a nicking Opportunity with the diligence of a watchful Usurper invade their Rights That the French Churches came not under his Authority in the same way and manner that some Others did the Liberties of the Gallican Churches so stoutly Maintained to this very day are an irrefragable Instance And perhaps that is almost the only Church of the Roman Communion which affords us any Hope that the Cause may one day come to a more equal Hearing and Matters be brought more to Rights in the Church of God But as for our selves if the Bishop of Rome never Exercised any such Patriarchal Jurisdiction over the Britons nor would they own or submit to any such considering the low Estate of the One and the Power Arts and indefatigable Industry of the other it will be a Convincing Argument to any unprejudiced Person that he never had any such Jurisdiction here That he did Exercise any such Jurisdiction I deny And it will Concern them to Convince Me by clear Instances of the contrary who will Assert it But if it were possible that they could tell me Five Hundred Tales of Persons sent over hither by the Bishop of Rome I shall not Value it one Rush For if wherever he sends one of an Errand he Requires the Jurisdiction of the place as he hath the Privilege which never Man had so if he hath not been very negligent and false to his own Interest he might long since have gained the Jurisdiction of the whole World and that is certainly too much for a Patriarch which is our present dispute But though I am not bound to prove the Negative yet