for it All this notwithstanding he desires to joyne with the Lords and offers to tie himself to their partie with the stictest bonds that could be devised Their case was the same with his all to be utterly undone unlesse some remedie were found their enemies were the same with his the guiders of Court neither should they onely bee overthrown but with them and through them the estate of Religion and of the whole Countrey This as it was spetious so was it most true and certain and which could not be denied But what society could be sure with the Earle of Gowrie so often changing If his changing proceeded from fraud and deceit who could joyne with him Or if it were from feare what sure hold could they have of one so fearfull Even Angus himself whose nature was farre from distrusting could not but distrust and suspect him Onely his present case seemed to plead for his sincerity at this time which was such that he knew not where to shelter or secure himself but by joyning with them For he was charged to depart out of the Kingdome which was a token of no good will nay of true enmity with Court or certainly a deeper dissimulation than any man could conceive And as necessitie did force him to take part with them so were they also no lesse urged by necessitie to admit and receive him in respect of his great power friendship in those quarters The Earl of Athol and the Lord Oglebee two Noblemen of great power and command were his sonnes-in-law Inshe-chaiffrey and Drummond his dear friends and he himself was Sheriffe of Perth and Provest of the Town Wherefore Angus his confinement being enlarged to the North-water and he residing in the Castle of Brechin his brother the Earle of Marres house he sent one Master David Hume whom he trusted to conferre with him that hee might trie and sound his minde as narrowly as he could and report to him what hee found The Gentleman found him in words in countenance and in gesture greatly perplexed solicitous for his estate besides the affairs of the Countrey and greatly afraid of the violence of the Courtiers So that looking very pitifully upon his Gallerie where we were walking at that time which hee had but newly built and decored with Pictures he brake out into these words having first fetched a deep sigh Cousin sayes he Is there no remedie Et impius haec tam culta novalia milcs habebit Barbarus has segetes Whereupon he was perswaded of his upright meaning and at his returne perswaded the Earle of Angus thereof also So partly upon this assurance partly enforced by necessity there being no possibility to be strong in those parts without his concurrence hee resolved to assume him into their fellowship and societie Then did those scruples and doubts arise in Angus his minde which are incident to honest natures and loyall dispositions Hee considered that banding against Courtiers would be called and seem to be combining against Authority and the King for hee would take their part for the present so was he to force his will whom his heart carried him to honour But what should hee doe There was no other way that he could devise to secure their estates their houses themselves their Countrey and all honest men from oppression and ruine to preserve Religion which ought to be dear to all men and was dear to him nay even to save the King himself whose safetâ—…e did consist in the preservation of the Church and Kingdome and to deliver him and pluck him out of the claws of these Harpies whose oppression and wickednesse did reflect upon him and redound to his dishonour For whatsoever they did was done in his name and said to be the Kings will and pleasure Their banishing of Noble-men and oppressing of all sorts and ranks of men without difference or respect so that there was no honest man but stood in continuall fear of losing his life and estate all this was laid upon the King Their avarice was insatiable their malice cruell and their suspition unsatisfiable They stood not upon reason law or right any pretence which they never wanted served them for a warrant to seize mens persons or estates Their ordinary course was to summond a man super inquirendis and if he did compeir to commit him to a free or close prison if hee were afraid and did not compeir hee was found guiltie of rebellion denounced and his goods seized They would be sure not to want witnesses to prove any thing against any man by torturing his servants or himself to wring something out of him which might bee matter against him through impatiencie and the violence of the Rack At least hee should bee sure to bee vexed by re-examinations and with-drawn from his necessary affairs that so hee might bee constrained to buy his libertie and leave to stay at home with some portion of his land or a piece of money These doings of theirs though many knew that the King did not allow of them yet being coloured with his authoritie were apt to alienate and might in time produce that effect the mindes of the Subjects from their Prince as also the heart of the Prince from his Subjects by their filling his ears with jealousies and by making vertue a cause of suspition and him that was vertuous in any eminent measure suspected and hated and on the contrary vice and the vicious to have vogue and credit and to over-rule all How could this bee obviated unlesse these men were removed And how could they be removed without controlling of the King And to contrary him though it were for his good and sasetie how ill would it be taken by him Invitum qui servat idem facit occidenti To save a man against his will is commonly rewarded with slender thanks Patriam parentes cogere etiamsi possis utile sit tamen importunum est To save a Prince against his will and to force him for his good how dangerous a point is it For they account it as their life to reigne and no reigning without absolutenesse unlesse they reigne at libertie without any controllment were it never so little But there was no remedie whoso undertakes any great enterprise must resolve to passe through some danger And it is good for Kings sometimes that their hands bee held had Alexanders hands been held when he killed Clitus hee had not offered to kill himselfe nor should Calistines have needed to take such pains with him to make him digest his griefe for it If speeches could have prevailed with the Courtiers the Ministers had tried that way but with bad successe for they were accounted seditious and traiterous for their liberty and freedome therein Wherefore there was nothing remaining but to remove them at what ever rate and if his Majestie should take it ill for the present future obsequiousnesse would make it appeare that what they did was in love and humilitie and no wayes
James the third which fell out 1488. he being of a good age and having beene a man in action from the beginning of his brother William now foure and fourty yeares Some write that while he was in Lindores the faction of the Nobility that had put Coghran to death and punished some others of the Courtiers supported by the Kings favour especially Archbald Earle of Angus called Bell-the-Cat desired him to come out of his Cloyster and be head of their faction promising he should be restored to all his lands which seemeth not very probable But that which others write hath more appearance that the King desired him to be his Lievetenant against the Rebells but hee laden with yeares and old age and weary of troubles refused saying Sir you have kept mee and your black coffer in Stirling too long neither of us can doe you any good I because my friends have forsaken me and my followers and dependers are fallen from me betaking themselves to other masters and your blacke trunck is too farre from you and your enemies are between you and it or as others say because there was in it a sort of black coyne that the King had caused to bee coyned by the advise of his Courtiers which moneyes saith he Sir if you had put out at the first the people would have taken it and if you had imployed mee in due time I might have done you service But now there is none that will take notice of me nor meddle with your money So he remained still in the Abbacy of Lindores where hee died anno 1488. and was buried there THus began and grew thus stood and flourished thus decayed and ended the Noble House of Douglas whose love to their Countrey fidelity to their King and disdain of English slavery was so naturall and of such force and vigour that it had power to propagate it selfe from age to age and from branch to branch being not onely in the stocke but in the collaterall and by branches also so many as have beene spoken of here They have continually retained that naturall sap and juice which was first in Sholto then in William the Hardie who died in Berwick who was in a manner a second founder in such a measure that amongst them all it is uncertain which of them have beene most that way affected This vertue joyned with valour which was no lesse naturall and hereditary from man to man caused their increase and greatnesse their Princes favouring them for these vertues and they by these serving their Princes in defence of their Countrey Their affection pressing them thereto their worth and valour sufficing them the hearts of the people affecting and following them Their enemies regarding and respecting them all men admiring them so that in effect the weight of warlike affaires was wholly laid on them The Kings needed onely to give themselves to administer justice consult and direct living at peace and ease and in great quietnesse to use their honest recreations from the latter dayes of King Robert Bruce wherein there was a pleasant harmony and happy concurrence the Kings as the great wheel and first mover carrying the first place in honour and motion and commanding and they in the next roome serving and obeying and executing their commandements as under wheels turned about by them courageously honourably faithfully and happily to the great honour and good of their Prince and Countrey This behoved to be accompanied with greatnesse for neither could service to any purpose bee done without respected greatnesse neither had greatnesse beene worthily placed without service Their power is said by some to have been such that if they had not divided amongst themselves no Subject in this Island could have compared with them in puissance But that which diminished their power and ruined the Earle Douglas was the falling of the houses of Angus and Morton from them to the King for the last battell the Earle Douglas was at the Earle of Angus discomfited him so that it became a Proverbe The Red Douglas put downe the Black Those of the house of Angus being of the fairer complexion They might have raised thirty or fourty thousand men under their owne command and of their owne dependers onely and these most valiant for their command was over the most expert and most exercised in warre by reason of their vicinitie and nearnesse to England which was their onely matter and whetstone of valour They who give them least give them 15000. men who upon all occasions were ready with them to have ridden into England at their pleasure and backe even for their private quarrells and have stayed there twenty dayes and wasted all from Durham Northward which no other private Subject could ever doe upon their owne particular without the Kings Army this power as hath been said they used ever well without giving of offence to their Prince in any sort that we can reade of clearly and expresly set downe Yet our Writers say it was too great for Scotland But how could it be too great that was thus for the good of it for the Kings service for their ease making no rebellion no resistance no contradiction which we see they came never to untill the killing of E. William at Stirling Truely if we shall speake without partiality their greatnesse was so usefull to their King and Countrey that Hector Boetius stickes not to say the Douglasses were ever the sure buckler and warre wall of Scotland and wonne many lands by their singular man-hood and vassalages for they decored this Realme with many noble Acts and by the glory of their Martiall deeds And though their puissance was suspected to some of their Kings and was now the cause of their declining yet since that house was put downe Scotland hath done but few memorable deeds of Armes And we cannor say justly that they gave any cause of jealousie Princes were moved to conceive it without just occasion given by them unlesse it were a fault to be great whether they were jealous of their owne naturall inclination as jealousie is esteemed ordinarily to the highest places or by the suggestion of others that were mean men and so envious of great men the one inclining to jealousie the other working on that inclination however notwithstanding of all this they stisl behaved themselves towards their Princes moderately obeying them to warding and after releeving to warding again at their Kings pleasure without any resistance whatsoever as may be seene in the Earle of Wigton which being well considered the cause of their stirring or commotion against their Prince which was never till this last man will appeare not to have proceeded from their greatnesse enterprising against their Prince or aspiring to his Throne although the meane men and new start-up Courtiers perswaded the King so for their owne advantage and ends but the cause was indeed the aspiring and ambition of these mean men who laboured to climbe up into their roomes by their decay neither was
Robert Douglas of Loghleven and Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie suretie for it Her mother gives her bond for their relief To return to Earle George we finde that he was a man very well accomplished of personage tall strong and comely Of great wisedome and judgement He is also said to have been eloquent He was valiant and hardie in a high degree His father carrying the name of George also we saw how by his mothers help he raised and advanced the house many wayes almost doubling the estate of it as it was before him this man reares it up a great deal higher upon the ruines of the house of Douglas yet doth he also diminish his own patrimonie and revenues of Angus whiles to gain service and dependancie he bestowes liberally chiefly his lands of Angus for he redacted the greatest part thereof from propertie to superioritie onely there being above 24. Barons and Lords in Angus that hold their lands of the Earles of Angus His determination was fully to follow the King though against his Chief and Cousin But the King who had espoused the quarrell and made the Earle Douglas party was nearer to him in bloud and therefore reason inclined his minde more to him Besides he was a King duety required his assistance Hope also swayed the ballance greatly There is hope of a Kings liberality chiefly when Lands come in dealing and parting And he being a Douglas and the Lands having belonged to a Douglas he had great probabilitie to expect a large share in them For to whom could they be given so justly and pertinently His brother Bishop Kennedle could well egge him on There was no hope of rising for him that huge tree of Douglas standing which over-topt all others and over-shadowed the whole borders and almost the whole Kingdome He was younger this Bishop than Angus but wise vertuous learned and of authority Experience also had given occasion of late to think that the house of Douglas drew all to themselves The maiden of Galloway the Earle of Wigtons daughter was thought fittest to have been matched to some other Douglas being near to the Earle as was thought then and the house too great already in the Kings eyes not to be augmented But he would none of such wisedome he marrieth her himself and disappoints them all who could look for any rising by these mens means Or in their standing in such greatnesse yet the cause seems to go higher than the Kings cause For even when the Earle of Douglas had the Kings authority on his side and Creighton was denounced Rebell Angus assists Creighton against the Kings authority Wherefore in all likelihood the course hath begun in King James the firsts time Then hath the house of Angus entred into friendship with Creighton in the dayes of William Earle of Angus which hath continued in the time of Earle James his sonne whose Lands Robert Fleming therefore did burn and spoile in the Baronie of North-Berwick And now that course begun then is here prosecuted by Earle George to the utmost point A pitie of such dissention in these houses or one house rather against which if it had not been thus divided in it self their enemies could hardly have prevailed For it cannot be denyed but the house of Douglas had great wrong and was treacherously dealt with by Creighton neither did it ever intend any thing against the King but the King was drawn to the partie against it though in the good cause of it it committed errours it is to be pitied and lamented for who doth not Also George Earle of Angus declares not himself openly against the house of Douglas for a time The support that he is said to have given to William Creighton is said to have been done covertly at the spoiling of Strabroke and Abercorne Neither after that untill such time as the King declared himself openly slew William Earle Douglas at Stirlin and made open Warre against James who succeeded to him Then he also declared for the King and bent his whole force and power to aide him He had that same year before 1452. the 24. of May taken a course for keeping good order in his Countrey of Liddesdale and to keep his Castle of the Hermitage safe for him and that his folks should do no hurt to others nor receive any of the enemies He had for that purpose made Sir Archbald Douglas of Cavers Sheriffe of Roxbrough and William his sonne Bailiffs of Liddesdale and keepers of the Castle who undertook and bound themselves to do what we have said for which he allowed them a large recompence and reward as the Indenture thereof yet extant doth testifie He is stiled in it Warden of the east marches William Earle of Douglas being then alive Some give unto him the honour of the battell in which the Earle Douglas was defeated in Annandale where the Earle Murray was slain and Ormond taken in the year 1455. Others attribute all to the Lord Carlile and Johnston But however that was in the year 1457. he defeated the said Earle and Henrie Percie Earle of Northumberland on the east border which was his wardenrie in a bloudy battell For the Earle of Douglas and Northumberland a fatall Warriour to the Douglasses having conveened an Army and come to the Merse began to spoile and burn the Countrey But the Earle of Angus set upon the Forragers and drave them to the hoast The Earles moved with this indignitie though many that were gone out to forrage were not yet come in advanced and presented him battell which he also accepted After a sharp conflict on both sides with a greater courage and spite than strength the victorie which a long time was doubtfull which way to incline at last fell to the Earle of Angus not without some losse The number of the slain was equall but the English were put to flight and many of them made prisoners A chief cause of this defeat was the suddennesse of the enemie in giving battell and his not staying for the rest that were abroad and had been sent out to forrage the Countrey For they being laden with bootie when they heard the noise of the fight were so farre from coming to succour their fellows that for fear of loosing what they had gotten they took their way directly home into England This victorie did not a little recreate the King being wearied both with civill and forraine Warre For this service which was exceeding pleasing and acceptable the King gives him a new Charter of the Lordship of Douglas upon a resignation which he had gotten before when the Earle Douglas was forfeited What other Lands he got we have no speciall mention So the Earle Douglas being now forfeited his brother slain himself banished and with small either effect or effort entertaining hostility by small incursions rather than doing any thing for the advancing of his main businesse the face of the world was quite changed The Earle of Angus was now made Lord of
after it had gone through the Regent killed the Horse of George Douglas of Park-head a naturall brother of the Earle Mortons This fell out the 21. of January 1569. The Regent finding himself hurt alighted from his horse went to his lodging and died ere midnight Bothwell-hawke who had done the deed having mounted upon a horse which hee had standing ready for him of purpose escaped untaken He was much lamented of all but especially of Morton who had best reason to be sensible of this losse seeing by his death the common cause did want a main pillar and supporter thereof and the Kings side which he followed was deprived of a sufficient and able leader He himself also had lost a dear friend with whom he had so long entertained honest and faithfull friendship and who had borne so great a part of that heavie burden and weight of State affairs with him For now the whole burden of guiding the Kingdome and managing the State lay upon him almost alone and that even in the time of the two succeeding Regents for the space of some three years or thereby They indeed bare the name and the authoritie but he was the man by whose advice and counsell by whose travels and paines both of body and minde yea and upon whose charges also often times most things were performed till at last he himself was chosen Regent and did then all things alone without a helper This was well known to all and was plainly spoken in the time of Lennox his Regencie A staff under a Hood so they termed Lennox Morton rules all Yet was it not so altogether neither was Lennox so devoide of judgement but behaved himself very well very judiciously courageously and courtiously even in Mortons absence in the taking of Pasley and Dumbartan and in his courteous usage of the Lady Fleming who was within the Castle of Dumbartan Onely because matters seemed to rely most upon Mortons good advice action and means the ruder interpreters made that hard construction of it as if Morton because he did much had therefore done all as commonly men are wont to judge and speak And it is very true that is said of Lennox in that Epitaph of him samam virtute refellit Yet it cannot be denied but that even while Murray was Regent Morton did very much and though â—…e were not equall with him in place and dignitie for there was but one Regent yet he was such a second as might well be esteemed a yoke-fellow both in consulting and performing being a partaker with him in all perrils and burdens So that of all that is set down here of Murray Morton was ever an equall sharer and may justly challenge the one half as his due And therefore it is that we have been so particular and insisted so long in Murrayes actions because of Mortons perpetuall concurrence with him in all things and his interest in every businesse Wherefore we hope it will not be thought impertinent to our Historie thus to have handled them although Morton were not the sole actor since he was a prime and maine one For whoso will rightly consider shall finde that saying to be true of these two which Permenio said of Alexander and himself Nihil Alexander absque Permenione multa Permenio absque Alexandro being applied to Morton For Morton did many things without Murray but Murray nothing without Morton And thus it went even when Murray was alive when all acknowledged his authority Now he being dead many swarved many made defection and as if they had forgotten what they had promised became open enemies The Kings party was weakened the adverse party strengthened both by forrain and home-bred power Fear might have terrified him ease sollicited honour and profit allured him to have left it and joyned with the other side But he shrinks not for any perill hatred or envie for no pains or travell to be sustained no case or security could allure him no hope of favour of riches of honour could move him to abandon it Which doth evidently justifie and clear him of all the imputations which the wit of man can devise or imagine against him Whether it be that he conspired with Murray to make him King he was now dead and that hope with him Or if it be any particular end and aime of his own what appearance is there that he could have any private end which he followed forth with certain danger and uncertain event or profit For clearing of which let us weigh the parties and the forces and meanes at home and abroad on both sides First there were of the Queens side Duke Hamilton Argyle Athole Huntley almost all pettie Princes in their severall Countries and Shires Also the Earles of Crawford Rothuse Eglinton Cassils the Lord Harris with all the Maxwels Loghenvarre Johnston the Lord Seton Boyde Gray Oglevie Levingston Flemin Oliphant the Sheriff of Air and Linlithgow Balcleugh Farnihast and Tillibardine The Lord Hume did also countenance them though few of his friends or name were with him safe one meane man Ferdinando of Broom-house Metellan the Secretarie a great Polititian and Grange an active Gentleman who was Captain of the Castle and Provest of the Town of Edinburgh they had the chief Castles and places of strength in their hands Edinburgh Dumbartan Logh-Maban France did assist them Spain did favour them and so did his Holinesse of Rome together with all the Roman Catholiques every where Their faction in England was great all the North-folcians Papists and male-contents had their eye upon Queen Mary Neither was she though in prison altogether unusefull to her side for besides her countenance and colour of her authoritie which prevailed with some she had her rents in France and her Jewels wherewith she did both support the common cause and reward her private servants and followers especially they served her to furnish Agents and Ambassadours to plead her cause and importune her friends at the Court of France and England who were helped by the banished Lords Dacres and Westmoreland to stirre up forraine Princes all they could Thus was that partie now grown great so that it might seeme both safe and most advantagious to follow it The other was almost abandoned there were but three Earles that took part with Morton at first Lennox Marre Glencairne Neither were these comparable to any one of the foremost foure In Fyfe there was the Lord Lindsay and Glames in Angus no such great men and no wayes equall to Crawford and Rothuse The Lord Semple was but a simple one in respect of Cassils Maxwell Loghenvarre and others Methvaine in Stratherne a very mean Lord Ochletree amongst the meanest that bare the title of a Lord and yet Kirkart was meaner than he both in men and means Neither was Ruthven so great but that Tillibardine and Oliphant were able to overmatch him They had no Castles but Stirlin and Tantallon which belonged to Morton The commons indeed were very forwardly set that way
evill affected to him But whether the Colonell had no Commission to take him or that hee did not thinke of it and thought hee had sped well enough already by taking Gowry is uncertain but however it were hee went away with the prey hee had gotten without attempting any thing against Angus And yet for all that Angus was not altogether secure knowing well his danger and the small power hee had to defend himselfe for in the day time hee went abroad a hunting that they might not know where to finde him and in the night hee caused his servants to keepe watch that hee might not bee surprized unawares Within three dayes after the Earle of Marre sent to him to let him know that the Master of Glames and hee had performed their part of the worke had taken the Castle of Stirling and were ready to wait upon his coming which they entreated him to hasten There was no choice they were his true friends and hee was no lesse theirs and they were resolved to runne the same hazard in that course from which there was no retiring for any of them Angus desired the Lord Oglebee and Master Oglebee of Powrie with others of that name to goe with him They were allied to the Earle of Gowry and were well affected to the businesse as also they were his owne vassals but being terrified with Gowries taking and thinking that their joyning with the Lords would incense the Courtiers to take some hard course with him and not knowing what his minde was herein they refused to goe Hee notwithstanding goeth with his owne family from Brechin to Stirlin and avoyding Perth he crossed the river of Tay at that place where it meets with Almont by boat and comes to Inshechaffray where he lodged with the Lord thereof but could not perswade him to take part with them for the same reason when he came to Stirling he was kindly welcomed by Marre and the rest that were there and presently dispatched away letters and messengers to Douglas and other places for his friends and dependers to come thither to him with as great speed and diligence as they could He wrote also to Robert Douglas eldest sonne to William Douglas of Logh-leven to the same purpose but the letter falling into the hands of his mother her name was Leslie she tooke upon her to answer it after this manner It is not enough saith she for you to undertake so foolish a worke whereby you cannot but ruine your selves but you would also draw my sonne and house to the same destruction I have hindered him and laid my curse and malediction upon him if hee take part with you like as I doe upon you if you make him disobey me This letter moved him very much and he caused an answer to be returned to her according as it merited which was thus I can very well beleeve that it is your doing to keep backe your sonne from so honourable an enterprise knowing his owne disposition to bee alwayes honourable and noble and such as of himselfe hee would not neglect his duety either to his friends or countrey The Noblemen that are conveened here have entered upon such a course as becomes them for discharging their duetie both to God and man what the event will prove is knowne onely to God and in his hands alone if wee perish herein wee cannot perish more honourably Yet wee hope that God in whom we confide and whose cause wee have taken in hand will worke out our safety and accomplish that which wee intend for the good of his owne Church when you and your house for which you are so solicitous with the neglect of the house of God and of all friendly duety shall finde the smart of such carelesse indifferency and perish as we feare and are sory for it through such carnall and worldly wisedome and warinesse And so indeed the event proved more answerable to this prediction then he wished for the Lords escaped into England for that time and were safe in their persons and within a yeere and a halfe they brought their designes to passe which were now frustrate by Gods blessing upon them but her sonne Robert and her son in law Laurence Master of Olyphant being commanded to depart the Countrey as they were failing for France perished at sea and neither they nor the ship nor any that belonged thereto were ever seene againe yet how it came to passe is uncertain The most common report is that being set upon by the Hollanders and having defended themselves valiantly they slew a principall man of the enemies in revenge whereof they sanke the ship and all that were in her Others say that after they had yeelded themselves they were hanged upon the mast A pitifull case but a notable example The youthes were noble active and of great hope and expectation and so great pitty of their losse But it may shew us how little suretie there is in too great affecting of it as on the contrary how perills are avoyded by hazarding and undergoing of perill And their case is so much the more to bee pittied and lamented as that they themselves were very unwilling to have followed such perverse wisedome had they not beene forced to it by their mothers importunitie The Lords proceeded as they could with their intended course They caused set forth a Declaration shewing their minde and purpose together with the causes thereof the abuses in Church and Common-wealth They remonstrated what tyranny was exercised by James Stuart under colour and pretext of the Kings will and pleasure how the Nobilitie and men of all rankes were vexed by him what mis-reports were made of them to their Prince what violence used against them what evils were presently felt and what more were to be feared and looked for hereafter to ensue hereupon The distraction of the hearts of the people from their Prince and of the Prince from his people the blasting of the greatest hopes of vertue that ever was in a young Prince and of his pietie in the solid use of true Religion by working feare of the contrarie tyrannizing in government and superficiall profession of Religion yea of reducing Poperie or which is worse of irreligion and Atheisme They told how deare their Religion their Countrey their Prince was to them what their owne estate and condition forced them to what the care of all these required of them out of dutie in regard of their place being Nobles and Peeres of the Land and Privie Counsellours by birth how every man according to his place was bound to lend a helping hand but chiefly those of the Nobilitie yet not excluding either Barons Burgesses or men of whatever degree ranke or qualitie when the common Ship of the State was in hazard and in danger of being overwhelmed and perishing and when there was such a fire kindled as would devoure all if it were not quenched in time How they for their owne part after long patience seeing all
to preserve the memory of things by their pens all being set on war unlesse it were some few cloystred Monks and Friers who were both carelesse and illiterate droans Notwithstanding all this as no destruction is so generall and so far spread but something doth escape the fury of it and though all monuments had been defaced yet some men being preserved what was written in their minds and memories remaining unblotted out they remembred what they had heard from their predecessours and delivered it to posterity from age to age By which means we have as it were some boords or planks preserved out of this shipwrack which may perhaps keep us from being lost in this deepth of Antiquity if it do not bring us safe to land According then to the constant and generall tradition of men thus was their originall During the reigne of Solvathius King of Scotland one Donald Bane that is Donald the white or fair having possest himself of all the western Ilands called Ebudes or Hebrides and intitling himself King thereof aspired to set the crown of Scotland also upon his head For effectuating whereof he gathered a great army wherein he confided so much that he set foot on the nearest continent of Scotland to wit the province of Kintyre and Lorne The Kings Lievetenants Duchal and Culen governours of Athole and Argyle make head against him with such forces as they could assemble on the sudden Donald trusting to the number of his men did bid them battell and so prevailed at first that he made the Kings army to give ground and had now almost gained the day and withall the Kingdome that lay at stake both in his own conceit and the estimation of his enemies In the mean time a certain Noble man disdaining to see so bad a cause have so good successe out of his love to his Prince and desire of honour accompanied with his sons and followers made an onset upon these prevailing rebels with such courage and resolution that he brought them to a stand and then heartning the discouraged fliers both by word and example he turnes the chace and in stead of victory they got a defeat for Donalds men being overthrown and fled he himself was slain This fact was so much the more noted as the danger had been great and the victory unexpected Therefore the King being desirous to know of his Lievetenants the particulars of the fight and inquiring for the Author of so valiant an act the Nobleman being there in person answer was made unto the King in the Irish tongue which was then onely in use Sholto Du glasse that is to say Behold yonder black gray man pointing at him with the finger and designing him by his colour and complexion without more ceremony or addition of titles of honour The King considering his service and merits in preserving his Crowne and delighted with that homely designation rewarded him royally with many great Lands and imposed upon himselfe the name of Douglas which hath continued with his posterity untill this day And from him the Shire and County vvhich he got is called stil Douglasdale the River that vvatereth it Douglas River the Castle which he built therein Douglasse castle This narration besides that it is generally received and continued as a truth delivered from han d to hand is also confirmed by a certain manuscript of great antiquity extant in our dayes in the hands of one Alexander Mackduffe of Tillysaul who dwelt at Moore alehouse near Straboguie There at his dwelling house William Earle of Angus who died at Paris 1616 being confined to the North in the year 1595 did see and peruse it Neither doth this relation crosse or disagree with any thing set down in our Histories for although they do not mention this man nor his fact yet they all speak of this usurper and of his attempt and overthrow in the dayes of Solvathius about the year 767. Hollinshed and Boetius affirm that this Donald was Captain or Governour of the Isle of Tyre Some do call him Bane mack Donalde but Buchanan calleth him expressely Donaldus Banus an easie errour in so great affinity of name There is another of the same name called likewise Donald Bane who did also usurp the title of the Kingdome and was in like manner defeated in the reigne of King Edgar in the year 1000 but that being 333. years after this and not much lesse after the Emperour Charles Le maigne in whose time they had now propagated and spread themselves in Italy as shall be shewed anone It cannot agree either with this History of our Sholto or with that Donald whom he defeated this last seeming to be rightlier named Mack Donald as descended and come of the former who was Donalde wherefore there is nothing here either fabulous or monstrous nothing incredible or contrary to it self or to reason but all things very harmoniously answering one unto another our tradition with the manuscript and both of these agreeing with our owne and forreign Histories And thus concerning Sholto Douglas the root and originall of the name and family Of Hugh Douglas sonne to Sholto And first of the name of Hugh TO Sholto succeeded his son Hugh of whom we have nothing to write but that he assisted his father at the overthrow of Donald Bane the usurper there being nothing else recorded of him Of his son Hugh the second UNto the former Hugh did succeed his eldest son named also Hugh for he had two sons Hugh and William Hugh the elder lived at home in his native countrey as a Noble man borne to a great inheritance whose actions by the iniquitie of time are buried in silence and therefore we will insist no longer thereon His younger brother William as is the custome of younger brothers went abroad into forraine Countreys to seek adventures of armes if so he might make himselfe a fortune that way Of him therefore we will speake next Of William Douglas father of the honourable familie of the SCOTI in Italy THis William was son to the first Hugh and grandchilde to Sholto younger brother to the second Hugh he it is that was father to the noble familie of the Scoti in Placenza in Italy which fell out thus as it is related by the Italian Historians agreeing with ours Achaius king of Scotland having succeeded to Solvathius did enter into league with Charlemaigne which league hath continued betwixt the Scots and French without breach on either side ever since untill these our dayes whereupon when the Emperour Charles went into Italy to represse the insolencies of Desiderius King of the Lombards committed against the Sea of Rome Achaius as his confederate did send him foure thousand choice men under the conduct of his brother William a pious and valarous young Prince Amongst other of his Captains that went with him this William Douglas was one of the chief and had the leading of the men of armes The Emperour having restored Pope Leo the third to the
Competitor he had gotten also the like renunciation of the King of England and all Evidents Writs and Monuments concerning his pretences delivered up unto him discharged and cancelled and declared to be null and of no value by consent of the English Parliament and to be the surer of King Edwards friendship he had married his sonne David to Jane his sister He had cut off the rebellions that were springing up against him by executing such as were guiltie established Randulph Tutor and Protector to his sonne and Governour of the Countrey hee had removed all occasion of emulation that might have falne out therein and setled all with good advice good precepts good councell in his Testament both for peace among themselves and warre against the enemy But what is the wit of man and how weak a thing are his devices or what bonds will bind whom duety cannot binde This same Balliol whose father had renounced his right nothing regarding what his father had done renewed his claim to the Crown This same King of England who had himself solemnly renounced who had bound up friendship with the most sure and strongest bonds that can bee amongst men regarding neither his resignation made nor his affinity and alliance nor any dutie towards God or faith and promise to man used all means to strip his brother-in-law by consequent his sister out of the Kingdome of Scotland as if nothing were unlawfull that could fill up the bottomlesse gulf of his ambition First he caused an English Monke under colour of giving Physick for the gravell to poyson the Governor Thomas Randulph Earle of Murray and afterward aided Edward Balliol with 6000. English upon condition that Balliol should hold the Crowne of him Edward Balliol entering Scotland with these forces and being assisted by the male-contents in Scotland prevailed so that having wonne a battell at Duplin 1332. the 22. of September the third yeare after the death of King Robert and about one yeare after the death of Randulph in which many were slain to the number of 3000. together with Duncane or Donald Earle of Marre the Governour hee was Crowned at Scone and these of the Bruces side constrained to send their King David Bruce with his wife into France having no safe place at home to keep him in After his Coronation having taken in divers places that stood out against him he went at last to Annand receiving such as would acknowledge him and taking their oath of Allegeance and Fidelitie Whereupon Andrew Murray Earle of Bothwell chosen Governour after Marres death sent Archbald Lord of Galloway to see what hee could do against Balliol in these quarters he taking with him his nephew William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale and John Randulph the Governour Randulphs sonne together with Simeon Fraser having in company with them a thousand horse went first to Mophet and having there understood of Balliols carelesse discipline and securitie departing from thence in the night he came so suddenly to Annand where Balliol lay that he escaped very narrowly being halfe naked not having leasure to put on his cloathes and riding upon a barme horse unsadled and unbridled till he came to Carlile Others write that howbeit he came very quietly to have surprised the enemy at unawares in the night time yet they had notice of his coming and issued forth of the Towne with a great army where they fought long and stoutly till at last Balliol was overthrowne and fled There were slain many of his friends and amongst these Henry Balliol who behaved himselfe very manfully John Mowbray Walter Cummin Richard Kirbie Robert or Alexander Bruce Earle of Carrict and sonne to Edward King of Ireland was taken prisoner and obtained pardon by the intercession of his Cousin John Randulph Hollinshed writeth that somewhat before this time the friends of David Bruce understanding that Balliol did sojourne within the Towne of Perth had besieged it but that they were constrained to raise the siege because of the men of Galloway who having bin sometimes the Balliols dependers invaded the besiegers lands under the conduct of Eustace Maxwell whereupon hee saith Archbald Lord of Galloway with the Earle of March and Murray invaded Galloway with fire and sword and brought away great booties but slew not many men because they got them out of the way for feare of that terrible invasion This narration may bee true in the last part thereof concerning their invasion but the cause of this invasion is not probable that the men of Galloway should invade mens lands that lay so farre from them as they behoved to be that did besiege Saint Johnston for in all liklihood it was besieged by these that were nearest to it being in kinne and friends to those that were slain in Duplin and both Hollinshed himself and others write that it was recovered in Balliols absence about the same time while he sojourned in Annand by those that lay neare to it without mentioning any other siege before that at which it was taken This battell at Annand so changed the case that hee who even now was Crowned King in September who had farre prevailed to whom all men even King Davids nearest friends and kinsmen had yeelded despairing of his estate was by this act of Archbald Lord of Galloway turned quite out of his Kingdome and Countrey and compelled to fly into England to save his life the 25. of December the same yeare about three moneths after his Coronation and was compelled to keep his Christmas at Carlile in the house of the Friers Minors A notable example of the inconstancy of worldly affairs and constancy of an honest heart in the Douglas not abandoning his Princes cause when others had forsaken it and also a proof of his good service and usefull for which as he deserved perpetuall praise and favour of his rightfull Prince so did he incurre great hatred of his enemie the usurping Balliol who the next day after the 26 of December going into Westmoreland and there being honourably received by the Lord Clifford gave unto him the whole lands of Douglasdale which the said Lord Cliffords grandfather had before in the dayes of King Edward the first So proudly did he presume to give that which was not in his power And so little had he learned the lesson of the uncertaintie of humane affairs grounded on whatsoever power appearance or even successe and so difficult a lesson it is to learne where there remains means so great as hee trusted to the power of the King and Kingdome of England with his owne particular friendship and faction within the Countrie of Scotland which shall indeed have power to trouble the State a while but not to establish either the Kingdome to himselfe or any part of Douglasdale to the Lord Clifford The next yeare 1333. K. Edward of England having shaken off all colour of duty to his brother-in-law K. David made open warre to be proclaimed betweene the two Countreyes which
this they did insult over that innocencie which they had snared and applaud their owne wisedome that had so circumvented him a brave commendation indeed and an honest yet I wonder what they meant by entertaining him so well at that time there was some reason for it why they should have done it by the way that they might worke out their treason untill he were within their thongs but being now within the Castle and fully in their power I wonder what it should mean to make him so faire a welcome to feast him so liberally and solemnely at the Kings table and from thence to bring him to the shambles what could have beene their intention might they not have conveyed him to some private chamber might they not have carried him to the place of execution what needed all this processe what needed they to have let him see the King at all It would seem as if they had not been fully resolved upon the businesse before and that their intentions and purposes were not treasonable but that they tooke occasion to be treasonable from the facility to atchieve it but our Writers are cleare against that and say onely it was pre-concluded when he was written for It might seeme also that they did this to communicate the matter or to transferre it altogether upon the King but he was too young and purges himselfe by disproving of it So that I can see no other reason of it but as the Lion with his prey or to use a more base yet a more familiar example and the baser the fitter for them as the cat with the mouse which she might devoure immediately yet it pleaseth her to play a little with it So they for their greater satisfaction and contentment delight to play out their Sceane so strangely notwithstanding that such processe and uncouth formes of doing might seem to import some mystery and deeper reach then ordinary which I confesse is so profound and deep a folly and mischantnesse that I can no wise sound it unlesse it were that the Noblemans place and his worth forced their wicked hearts to acknowledge it notwithstanding their wickednesse And although the acknowledging could not prevaile so farre as to make them leave off the enterprise yet did it in some sort brangle their resolution and wrung out this confession of his worth as all the actions of wickednesse and all wickednesse in the acting are full of contradictions as this same is most clearly for if this Nobleman was guilty of death why is he brought into the Kings presence why is he set at his table If he was not guilty why was he put to death So difficult a thing it is in a lie to keep conformity either in a lie of actions so to speake or in a lie of words In words it is difficult so to speake that the attentive hearer shall not perceive contrariety In actions it is impossible that they can be dissembled This action is a lie for it saith he is guilty of death but their welcomming of him their setting of him at the table with the King and their feasting sayes he is an innocent Noble worthy man Indeed onely truth in word and action can accord with it selfe as it is uniforme it floweth from unitie tendeth to it and endeth in it and keepeth the taste of the fountain from which it cometh So they having given this confession of his worth and again by that ominous signe contradicted their confession must needs be false witnesses however it go The young Nobleman either understanding the signe as an ordinary thing or astonished with it as an uncouth thing upon the sight of the Buls head offering to rise was laid hold of by their armed men in the Kings presence at the Kings table which should have beene a Sanctuary to him And so without regard of King or any duty and without any further processe without order assise or jurie without law no crime objected he not being convicted at all a young man of that age that was not liable to the law in regard of his youth a Nobleman of that place a worthy young Gentleman of such expectation a guest of that acceptation one who had reposed upon their credit who had committed himselfe to them a friend in mind who looked for friendship to whom all friendship was promised against dutie law friendship faith honesty humanitie hospitalitie against nature against humane society against Gods Law against mans law and the law of nature is cruelly executed and put to death They in despight as it were spitting in the face of all duty and honesty proclaiming as farre as lay in them there was no dutie to God nor man to bee regarded And that the measure of their wickednesse thus heaped and shaken and prest downe might also runne over all this was done as it should seem without the consent nay against the will of their King and Soveraigne who wept at their execution and forbad them to meddle with his Cousin the shamelesse men chid him for weeping at the death of his enemy as they call him during whose life say they hee needed never to looke for peace whereas they themselves were his chiefest enemies and greatest traitours to him and besides him to God and nature and to the office of Justice which they bore bringing a blot on the one and the other and bloud-guiltinesse upon his Crowne so farre as lay in them This is that detestable fact never enough to be extracted which I have laboured indeed to set forth in the owne simple colours stripping it naked of all farding though I confesse no words can equall the wickednesse of it that men may learn to detest such things wherein may bee seen what respect they have carried either to justice to equity to common peace or Common-wealth that thought it better to root out such a plant then to dresse and to cherish it to ruine such a house rather then to gain it which they never would have done if their private pride and avarice had not had the greatest sway with them I thinke all honest minds should disdain to reade what they gave out before of their love to the publike good having here so terribly belied it neither should any man speake of it indifferently without a note of detestation neither extenuate it by the Earles simplicity which seemes to diminish and lessen this execrable perfidie and cruelty If this were the wisedome whereof they had purchased an opinion and name under the former King James the first and if they had practised such things as this it hath been a bitter root and hath brought forth a very bitter fruit and hath in all appearance been no small part of the cause of hastening his death and the emboldning of his enemies unto it as indeed I finde some of our Writers inclined to say for such new men goe commonly about to perswade Princes that ancient Noblemen are enemies to them and barres to their absolutenesse which is it
not then neither ought we to repent or repine it being much more tolerable then to bee overmatched by an enemy as it often falleth out and can hardly choose but fall out when a house standeth alone by it selfe having no honest member thereof to underprop and uphold it Besides while men thus seeke to make their friends altogether servile to them their friends perceiving it as it can hardly but bee perceived what ever cunning bee used to cover it are the lother to serve as mens nature is in whom love-service questionlesse is the best yea onely fruitfull service And therefore they will either repine the more or withdraw themselves altogether if they bee of any spirit and if they bee not their service is not worth having So that men lose even their service which they so effect and sometimes turn it by unkindnesse into unkindlinesse and enmitie which hath ever been found by experience neither did ever any house flourish so well or any man in any house as when they concurred with one minde to a mutuall helpe one of another and none ever prospered so well as hee who used and shewed his care not to keepe backe his friends or to neglect them but to advance them and take their businesse to heart as his owne This is a true patterne of kindnesse and no lesse of true wisedome howsoever men may subtillize as they please which is seriously and sincerely followed by our Earle Douglas and deserveth both commendation and imitation Neither will it bee found that this is it which did him hurt but questionlesse made him strong and not easie to bee medled with and so difficult that they could get no other mean to overthrow him but that which they used unto which they were forced and of which constraint is the onely excuse as we shall see where hee is slain Therefore to say his greatnesse was the cause of his wrack is more subtle then solid even as it may be said in some sort that a mans riches are the cause of his throat being cut by robbers and that a mans vertues and good qualities are oft times the cause of his overthrow which should not for all that bee eschewed But shall there then bee no moderation will some say and is it not fit that Subjects should keepe themselves within some certain bounds that are not envious or suspect to Princes Moderation is good both in Prince and Subject and it were to bee wished that all would moderate their greatnesse at least their appetite and desire of greatnesse or if not that yet so that they would limit the meanes of attaining it and the end for which they desire it and that they would have that wise conference of Cyneas with Pyrrhâ—…s before their eyes that they might lesse affect it or lesse erre in affecting of it But where the end is good and the mean right and lawfull who craves further moderation and limitation whether in Princes or Subjects of their Empire as Augustus or of their greatnesse as this Earle here and many others whatsoever shew it carry and however Histories speake thereof besides their moderation that duety and religion requires in so farre as touches Policy will be found but Sophistry and no good Policy when it is well examined In all this therefore wee can acknowledge no fault but on the contrary kindenesse effectuall freindship and a due and provident wisedome in strengthening himselfe against his enemies and underpropping his house most wisely and most circumspectly Where is then his fault ye will say and what was the cause of his ruine for we finde he did ruine in the end Truely we must not account of all that have fallen that they have faulted that is a great errour in our judgements and too common that by finding faults in others we may be thought the wisest yet it is not hard to finde his fault if wee will beleeve his enemies speeches set downe by our Historians for though his friends feare nothing and see nothing but his greatnesse which is but a vain feare his enemies see further as enemies are quicker sighted in faults or would seeme to espy further in their speech yee shall finde these grosse and lewd faults 1. An unsatiable cupidity and then they explain in what in avarice 2. Then an impotent Tyranny two great faults Tyranny and Avarice sufficient to bring downe and such as oft brought down Kings let be Subjects And that we may not think that there was but an idle disposition in him and but a naturall inclination which he bridled and suffered not to debord they tell us the effects of them Of his 1. avarice and that unjust as all avarice is if it bee properly avarice He seased on Noblemens Patrimontes hee himselfe by law and without law 2. Of his tyranny and oppression He gave the Patrimony of mean men as a prey to his dependers and yet further Them that withstood his pleasure hee harried or caused make them away by theeves and briggands he advanced new men to the highest honours placing them in the roomes of ancient Families If any man spake a free word tasting of liberty it cost him no lesse then his life These faults indeed are great ones if they were true and such as merited that their end should have been as it was These are indeed errours both in policie and humanitie in private men or in Princes in small or great in what ever person and they were worthy to be detested and abhominated by all men if they were true for our Authours say not that they were true I say again if they were true expressely for they doe but report them as the voyce of his enemies who did exaggerate things as enviously as they could as that amongst other speeches of theirs doth witnesse where they say That all the riches of the Countrey were heaped upon one Family that there were so many great Earles and Barons of them that they had so much power and potencie that the King reigned but by their license and courtesie as it were As for the Authours owne judgement hereof besides what he said before that they were amplyfied in the most odious manner hee subjoynes these and such like speeches as those Many of them were true many besides the truth and augmented above it to procure hatred unto them So he leaves the judgement uncertain and tells not what things were true and what false and augmented which we ought to discerne and separate if it be possible to make a right judgement for this is indeed the craft of Calumny to mingle truth with falsehood that something being knowne to be true the rest may passe for such also But Prudencie will sift and separate them and winnow them in a right judgement both that which is true from that which is false and in every point laid against him so much as it hath of truth from that falsehood is mingled with it for Calumniators are excellent in their mixtures and compositions of
The word also will import not altogether flat cowardise but a natural sluggishnesse want of action whereof cowardise is sometimes the cause but not alway though they concurre often But there is another affection that makes men slack in action which proceeds not either of sluggishnesse or cowardise but of irresolution when a man swiming betwixt two opinions resolves not fully upon either and this seemes to have beene his disposition A great impediment in his actions and at least in this last point of such importance the cause of his ruine while neither his heart could suffer him to betake himself against his Prince whom naturally he affected neither could he digest to forget the fact done or after it to commit himself to the doer Which disposition though it have brought out the like effects as cowardlinesse and sluggishnesse are wont to do to wit lingring and eschewing of the battell yet this did not proceed in him from either of these two but had the originall from a very honest minde to his dutie His love to his Prince strove and fought with another dutie which was his love to his dead brother or to his owne honour Out of which whileas he either cannot or occasion is not offered to extricate himselfe and winde out a full resolution he suffered himselfe to be carried unto that which he was most inclined to his love to his Prince and thereby he slipt and let slide through his fingers as it were this faire occasion which was then offered unto him of no lesse in the judgement of his friends then the casting the dice for the Crown And so James Hamilton told him that the occasion was such that if he did not lay hold of it he should never finde the like again he told him withall that his want of resolution would be his overthrow as it was indeed For James Hammiltoun himselfe left him that same night and went to the King of whom hee was so honourably and well received that others thereby were encouraged to come in also Yet others write that he was committed to ward in Rosseline for a certaine season and afterward releeved at the entreatie of George Douglas Earle of Angus However by his information to the King of the estate of the Earle Douglas his Armie how forward they had beene to have fought and how discontented and discouraged they were with his lingring how the greatest motive that kept them with him was their doubting of pardon for their former offences the King caused make a Proclamation that whosoever would come unto him and forsake the Earle Douglas should have free remission for all that was past providing they came within 48. houres This being published the most part of the Earls Armie left him so that there remained not ere the next morning with him above 2000. men whereby he was constrained to leave the fields and his friends and servants that were in Abercorne to be cruelly slaine and executed for the Castle was taken by force and demolished to his no small reproach in that he was so irresolute and had not by some meane or other procured at least some honest composition for himselfe and them or else to have adventured all Where if he would not have taken the Kingdome in case of victorie yet might he honourably have set downe conditions of peace or if he had lost the field he could not have lost more then he did for by these meanes abandoned of all he was constrained to flee unto England In the yeare 1455. having gotten together a small company of men he returned into Annandale thinking to have found some friends in those quarters which were his own lands before but there he was encountred by the Kings followers especially by his own kinsman but the Kings Cousin George E. of Angus as some write who defeated him His brother the Earle of Murray was slain in the field and his other brother the Earle of Ormond was hurt and taken prisoner after his wounds were cured being brought to the King he was executed with greater regard to this last action then respect to his victory obtained not far from the same place at Sark against the English Magnus with the red main their insolent Champion which was so greatly praised by the King before and so acceptable to all Court and Countrey Such is the course and vicissitude of all humane affaires We heare of one onely sonne of Ormonds named Hugh Dean of Brichen of whom we shall speake somewhat hereafter in the life of Archbald Earle of Angus who was Chancellour of Scotland His takers were the Lord Carlile and Johnston of Johnston to whom the King gave in recompence the 40. l. land in Pittinen upon Clide to each of them a 20. l. land thereof The third brother John Lord of Balvenie escaped in a wood and the Earle himself by flight got him to Dunstaffage where finding Donald Earle of Rosse and Lord of the Isles he incited him to make war against the King in his favours and after he had ingaged him therein he withdrew himselfe again into England This is noted to have beene in the yeare 1455. after which there was a Parliament called about the fifth of June or August as the Acts beare wherein he and his brother John and his wife Beatrix were againe forfeited and their lands of Galloway annexed to the Crowne This Beatrix who had beene his Brothers wife and whom he had used and kept for his owne wife for certaine yeares came to the King and excused her selfe as being a woman and compelled to doe what she had done The King received her into favour and married her to John Stuart his halfe brother by the mother and gave her the lands of Balvenie This John was afterward made Earle of Athole in King James the thirds time he had by Beatrix two daughters onely the eldest of which was married to the Earle of Errole This is cast in by some in the next yeare following The Earl Douglas abandoned on all hands travelled with Donald of the Isles Earle of Rosse conforme to their old band made with Earle William to assist him and renew his claim to the Isles Hereupon Donald wasted Argyle Arran Loquhaber and Murray took the Castle of Inner-Nesse burnt the towne and proclaimed himselfe King of the Isles but his wife who was daughter to James Levingston and had beene given to him in marriage at the Kings desire of purpose to retain him the better in duty when she saw she could neither prevaile with him in that point and that besides she was but contemned by him and the barbarous people that were with him she left him and came to the King who received her very gladly About this same time Patrick Thornton a secret favourer of the Earle Douglas his faction though he had followed the Court a long time slew John Sandilands of Calder the Kings Cousin and Alane Stuart also upon occasion at Dumbartan These two were of the Kings side
rather be with the blessed sons of Noah to overspread with the mantle of silence and oblivion the nakednesse of those to whom we owe even a filial dutie pietie Concerning that Princesse my heart inclineth more to pitie I see good qualities in her and love them I see errours and pity them I see gentlenesse courtesie humilitie beautie wisedome liberalitie who can but affect these If they be carried to inconvenience who can but lament it In that sex in that place in that education in that company a woman a Princesse accustomed to pleasure to have their will by Religion by sight by example by instigation by soothing and approbation Happie yea thrice happy are they who are guided through these rocks without touch nay without shipwrack I do advert more than I finde set down by Writers while I search into all the causes which might have drawn on these lamentable events Besides the secret loathings in the estate of marriage which who knows but the actors bringing forth dislike then quarrels on both sides then crossing th warting then hatred then desire to be freed besides all this impotencie and desire of revenge being seconded with shew of reason and backed with a colour of law and justice what wil it not do Her husband had killed a servant of hers whom he had dragged violently out of her bed-chamber Behold him therefore as Lawyers or such as pretended skill in law would alledge guiltie of death in their judgment He was not crowned but proclaimed King only by her sole authority never acknowledged by a Parliament so was he but a private man a subject to her his Soveraigne as are the wives and children of Kings Wherefore his Fact in slaying Rizio was flat treason for which he might have bin arraigned and suffered according to law But bearing the name of a King having many friends and kinred a legall proceeding could hardly be attempted without great difficulty and might have caused an insurrection and much bloud-shed with uncertain event Wherefore in wisedome the most convenient way was to do it privatly and secretly secret justice is justice notwithstanding formalities are but for the common course of things This was an extraordinary case Justice is absolutly necessary the form whether this or that way is indifferent it may be altered or omitted the Princes power may dispense with forms in case of necessitie or conveniencie so the substance be observed Well I conceive that a Prince upon such suggestions upon dislike in anger and indignation might be drawn by his counsellours neither can I but conceive that these colours have been here represented to perswade or to sooth To be short that fact so lamentable and which I can never remember without lamenting every way in her own and her husbands person done by the Earle Bothwell he murdering her husband she marrying him the matter seemed extreame strange and odious in the eyes of many It is true Bothwell was cleared or rather not filed by an Assise but the Nobilitie judging him not to be sufficiently cleansed but rather being fully perswaded that he was the authour of the murder thought themselves bound in duty to bring him to a further triall And howsoever he had married the Queen yet did they not take themselves to be so farre bound in obedience to her as in that regard to desist from all further inquiring into that Fact Nay it did rather move their indignation to see him who had committed so vile and execrable a murder not onely to escape Scot-free but to reap so large and rich a reward as was the Queens own person Besides they thought the consequent might prove dangerous if he who had massacred the father and married the mother should also have the son the onely barre and lett of his ambition to establish the Crown to himself and his posteritie in his power and custodie These were given out as the causes of their taking arms which were very plausible to the vulgar especially the safetie of the young Prince James There is no question they had also their own particular respects which are seldome wanting and do commonly concurre with the publick cause wherefore there joyned together the Earles of Argyle Glencairne and Marre the Lords Lindsay and Boyde These bound themselves to pursue Bothwel and to assist one another against whosoever would oppose them especially to keep the young Prince from coming into Bothwels power But Argyle repenting him went the next morning to the Queen and revealed all the matter and the Lord Boyde also was at last perswaded with many fair promises to forsake them and joyn with Bothwell The â—…st notwithstanding remained firme with whom Morton took part He thought he could do no lesse being so near a kinsman to the late King and so to the young Prince It is true he had been beholding to Bothwell but no benefit could binde him to assist him in this case for by so doing he should have given some colourable ground to that report which had so spred it self that it was beleeved a while about the Court of England that Murray and he were authours of the Kings murder To have remained neutrall would have been but ill taken on both sides The Lord Hume Cesford and Balcleugh though they had not subscribed with the other Lords yet did they hate Bothwell and were suspected to incline to the contrary Faction The year preceding Bothwel had made an in-rode upon Liddisdale for the suppressing of theeves and apprehending of out-lawed Borderers with bad successe for he was wounded and hardly escaped with his life This year he resolves to repair his honour and by some notable exploit to gain the good-will of the people which that he might the more easily do the chief men of the name of Scot and Ker who were likely to hinder him were commanded to enter into prison in the Castle of Edinburgh and there to remain till his returne But they fearing some worse meaning went home to their houses The Lord Hume also being summoned to enter would not obey Notwithstanding Bothwell goeth on with his intended journey and so the Queen and he come to Borthwick Castle there to make all things ready for this expedition The adverse party thought this place was not unfit to surprize him in it and therefore they appointed their Rendezvous at Liberton whither Morton onely came The Earle of Athole whither through his naturall slownesse or fearfulnesse by his not keeping that appointment caused the rest to break also and to stay still at Stirlin The Lord Hume in hope to have been seconded went directly to Borthwick and lay about the Castle but seeing no appearance of their coming he kept such negligent watch that the Queen and Bothwell escaped and went back to the Castle of Dumbar The Lords thus frustrated went to Edinburgh to practise the Citizens there and to draw them to their side which they easily effected The Castle was kept by Sir James
resolution Shee was no sooner committed but some began to plot her deliverie supposing that undoubtedly she would get out at last by one mean or other they strove to anticipate her favour and make her beholding to them for that which could not faile to come to passe Neither did they fear the consequent if once she were set at libertie for they made no question to make their partie good The authoritie was hers time would make the peoples heart to relent and fold to their naturall Princesse the Faction that was against her was the weaker and diversitie of opinions would bring forth division amongst them Of those that sought her favour Sir William Metellane Secretarie was one His dis-like and hatred of Bothwell had made him joyne with the Lords being now rid of him he returned to his old byas again and bent his course toward her But not daring to do it openly he wrote privately to her and assured her of his good-will and promised his best endeavour to serve her and that howsoever his power were none of the greatest he shewed that he might prove steadable to her by the Apologue of the Lion which being taken in a net was delivered from thence by the help of a Mouse that did shear the net and cut it in pieces with her teeth Morton did constantly prosecute the course begun with great courage and wisedome over-coming all difficulties before the Earle of Murrays returne who had gone to France in the beginning of these stirres which were neither small nor few His Associates found them moe than they had expected They had promised themselves the approbation of all men and that all would joyne with them at least the best affected It fell out otherwise time diminished envie change of their Princes estate begate pity fear of the event kept aloof doubt of dutie restrained some and desire of rest and securitie others So that no new Forces came to them but on the contrary some of their own side forsook them and went to the other new hopes not onely cooling but even changing their affections Wherefore they were much perplexed and had it not been for Morton they had quite deserted the cause But he perswaded them to keep together at Edinburgh and to write to the other Lords that were assembled at Hamilton to desire them to come to Edinburgh that so they might consult together what were fittest to bee done for the good and peace of the Kingdome But they would neither receive Letter nor Message saying It was great presumption in them to have possessed themselves of the chief City and to offer to send for them and not to come to them who were so they thought the stronger and had the better cause The others to give them satisfaction in that point caused the Ministers of Edinburgh to write to them jointly as also severally to their particular friends and acquaintance both to excuse that which they took exception at which they told they had done not because they did challenge or claime any preeminence or prerogative to themselves beyond them or for any other cause save onely the conveniencie of the place for both parties to meet in and withall to exhort them that in so perillous a time setting aside all particular respects and quarrels they would have a care of the common good of the Countrey But these Letters prevailed no more than the former Yet though they would not concurre with them they did nothing against them whether because they were not able they being within the town of Edinburgh or because they did not agree among themselves or that they wanted a Commission and a sufficient Warrant from the Queen they dissolved and returned every man to his own home This their attempt to have kept some forme of meeting and Parliament in the Queens name admonished the Lords to take away that which would beare greatest shew against them the Queens authoritie Wherefore they deale with her to resigne it to her sonne which she was very loath to do yet at last shee consented to it and having subscribed a formall renunciation and dimission shee made also and signed a Procuration or Letters of Attourney to cause crown her sonne at Stirlin or where they pleased She named likewise his Curators Murray if he would accept of it at his returne failing him these seven The Duke Hamilton Lennox the Childes grandfather Argyle Morton Glencairne Marre and Athole It was presently put in execution for within two dayes the 26. of July the Prince was crowned at Stirlin being then thirteen moneths and eight dayes old Morton and the Lord Hume took the Oath for him that he should observe the Laws and maintain the Religion then professed Master Knox made the Sermon the Coronation was also performed by him and two Super-intendents Having gained this point they had now this advantage of the others that not only were their enemies deprived of the countenance and colour of authoritie but they themselves were armed therewith And thus they remained till Murrays returne who at first would not accept of the Place which by the Queens direction was reserved for him but being pressed by the rest that they might have an established and certain Head he yeelded to their requests and took the Place and charge of Regent upon him From this time forward Murray being Regent according as did belong unto his place hee was chief Commander in every thing yet was hee assisted by Mortons faithfull counsell and advice who did also many times supply the publick wants with his private meanes in times of greatest necessitie Especially when Bothwell was to be pursued who having put forth to sea and being turned Pirate lay about Orknay robbing all that came in his way without fear of being followed knowing wel that there was no money in the treasurie he himself having emptied it to rig out any shipping against him Then did Morton on his own charges provide Vessells hire Mariners and Souldiours to go out after him This was the fruit of his good husbandrie and the good use he made of his parsimonie and menagerie Grange was sent Admirall who came so suddenly upon him that he had well-nigh taken him before he was aware yet he escaped in a light Pinnace over a craig in the sea with such hazard that it is thought to have grazed upon it The Lion which followed after being a Ship of greater bulk and burden and which drew more water stuck fast upon it so that the men were constrained to betake themselves to their Cock-boat The Bishop of Orknay Bothwell to his name who was father to the Lord Haly-rude-house was last in the Ship and seeing the Boat loosing called to them to stay for him but they being already sufficiently laden would not hear him He seeing no other remedy leapt into the Boat having on him a Corselet of proof which was thought a strange leap especially not to have over-turned the Boat Thus the men were all
saved and the Earle Bothwell sailed to Denmark There being examined what he was and whence he came when he did not answer clearly and distinctly he was cast into prison and having lien there ten years at last he died mad The 15. of December a Parliament was held at Edinburgh where most part of the Nobilitie were present and amongst others the Earle of Huntley which when the Queen heard of she said Bothwell might as well have been there as he meaning that they were both alike guiltie In this Parliament the Queens resignation of the Crown the Kings Coronation and Murrays Regencie were confirmed their Fact was approved that had taken the Queen at Carburie and William Douglas was authorized to keep her still in the Castle of Logh-leven Things being thus settled the Regent being acknowledged of all and his authoritie ratified Religion established the fear of Bothwel removed they seemed to be in great suretie yet were they never lesse sure for these very things which seemed to make them strong and sure were the causes of change for many did envie the Regent some hated Religion and others there were that being rid of Bothwell applied themselves to the Queen whom only out of hatred to Bothwell they had forsaken Of the last sort was Secretary Metellane of the second Tillebardin who had also some particular against the Regent which Writers do not specifie The Hamiltons were of the first Rank who thought themselves injured by him and esteemed his Office due to them together with Argyle whose mother and Huntley whose wife was of the house of Hamilton These had some hopes from France where Beton Archbishop of Glasgow lay as Lieger for the Queen and fed them with faire promises of men and money Yet they carried things very closely and made shew of friendship to those of the Kings side till such time as the Queen escaped out of Logh-leven by the means of George Douglas brother to William of Loghleven and to the Regent also by his mother This George had corrupted a naturall brother of his who was often trusted by William with the Keyes of the Castle One day William being at dinner this man desired the Keyes of him as he had done divers times before to let out the Queens waiting Gentlewoman and having gotten them he let out the Queen her self in her Gentlewomans apparell and masked He also went out with her and having locked the Gates threw the Keyes into the Lake and rowed the Queen over in the Boat to the Lake side where George and Tillibarne were staying for her with nine horse onely Our Writers say it was without the mothers knowledge but others affirme that she had a hand in it being moved with pity and commiseration to see her Princesse in such estate and upon the Queens promise to preferre her sonne George and pardon her other friends that were on her contrary faction amongst which we hear no mention of Murray Morton also was leâ—…t out onely it was agreed upon that his forfeiture should not prejudice their right to the Earledome of Morton This fell out the second day of May 1568. She went that night to Nidderie where by the way the Lord Seton and John Hamilton of Orbiston did meet her and the next day they went to Hamilton with 500. horse The Regent was then at Glasgow keeping of justice Courts When these news were brought to him some counselled him to go to Stirlin where the King was and where he would be the stronger But William Douglas of Drumlenrig not having the patience to stay till it came to his turne to speak and before his opinion was asked If you do so my Lord sayes he I will get me straight to the Queen as Boyde hath done For Boyde indeed was gone to her with intention as he would have made them beleeve to play Husha's part for he wrote back to Morton by his sonne that he would be more steadable and do them better service being with her than if he should remain with them There is a Proverb a foot backward a mile backward a mile a million and so never forward Whereby is signified that there is much moment in the beginnings and first efforts and great danger in recoiling and letting slip the present opportunitie So thought Drumlenrig and the Lord Semple also was of his minde Morton did confirme their opinion and reduced at large how necessary it was for them to stay still in Glasgow shewing that it was their best to make all the haste they could that their safetie did consist in celeritie in regard that so soon as it were known that she was at libertie the opinion of her authoritie and name of a Queen would daily draw more and more followers to her especially seeing the most remote parts of the Kingdome were most affectionated to her service We are enough here said he together with the Towns men who being enemies to the Hamiltons we need not doubt of their fidelittie to keep this place and make it good against them The Cunninghames and Semples potent families are hard at hand and so is the Lennox the Kings own patrimonie Neither is Douglas-dale very farre off nor Stirlin-Shire and the Earle of Marres Forces These will suffice to oppose the enemie till such time as our friends that dwell further off be advertised Mortons judgement was respected and his opinion followed whereupon messengers were immediatly dispatched and sent into Lowthian and the Merse and other parts which lay farre off to give them notice of their danger and of their intentions and to desire them to make all the haste that possibly they could to come to their aid and assistance The first that came was the Lord Hume with 600. horse the ninth of May upon his arrivall they intended to go directly to Hamilton and dare the enemie and force him to fight But that same night ere morning word was brought them that they were gathering their forces and mustering their men to take the fields for having gotten together 6000. men and knowing by certain intelligence that they were not above 4000 with the Regent confiding in their number they purposed to carry the Queen to the castle of Dumbartan where she remaining in a place of safety they might manage and prosecute the warre according to their pleasure and either use expedition therein or draw it out at length and linger as they should see cause and finde it most for their advantage The Regent ghessing what their aime was led also his armie forth into Glasgow-Moore supposing they would have gone that way but when he saw them on the South side of the river of Clide he made haste and crossed the river at the Bridge and Foords to be before them in their way I have heard it reported by those that live there about that the Queens Souldiers did essay to passe the river and come to that side where the Regent was but one or two of the foremost
both and the English Embassadour Sir William Bowes desired Monbirneau to be removed off the Counsell as such an one and when it was refused he likewise refused to deliver his message or to shew his Commission for so he had been commanded by the Queen and State of England Morton withdrew himselfe as discontented and retired to Dalkeith either for dislike of the present estate of things or out of feare and doubte of some danger or inconvenient or for both neither did hee come to Court or Counsell but when hee was sent for by the King This disliking of their wayes made them to dislike the more of him and his feare caused them to feare him more also dislike and feare increased their hatred and hastned their resolution to overthrow him The way was laid which was to charge him with the murther of the late King the accuser either made choice of by them or who did willingly offer himselfe was James Stuart sonne to the Lord Ochletree a bold venturous and aspiring young man And so the last of December he was sent for and being set in Counsell he was accused by James to his face The crime was of being airt and pairt of the murther of the late King Henry Being greatly moved herewith he arose from the table and purged himselfe with great vehemency as innocent thereof and offered to abide a legall triall not onely of his Peeres but of any Gentlemen whatsoever though he himselfe were an Earle and had been Regent Hereupon hee was confined to his lodging where he abode all the next day which was the first of January and the Sabbath day So much leasure he had to bethinke himselfe of his case and what were best for him to doe he might have seen that it was a quarrell pickt against him of malice seeing the crime laid to his charge was so hainous as none but his mortall enemies would have broched and such as sought his utter ruine And hee might know that innocency is not alwayes a sure warrant and defence against such and that it was dangerous to fall into their hands On the other side to avoid and shun a triall were halfe a confession of the crime and would make him seem guilty nay it would make him truely guilty of contempt disobedience and rebellion which might perhaps bee the thing they sought through feare to drive him to some rebellious act and so to involve him in a true crime while he sought to eschew a fals accusation his friends followers advised him to take the first way but he himselfe resolved on the second for he supposed that they could not convict him by law and that they would not proceed against him without law having as he thought friends that would not suffer it especially the Earle of Angus being at liberty and out of their power But he had forgotten the old maxim of his predecessors That it was better to heare the Larke sing then the Mouse peep and their Proverb Loose and living On the second of January hee had a warrant sent to him to enter himselfe prisoner in the Castle of Edinburgh which he obeyed immediately As hee went up the street accompanied onely with his owne domesticks James Stuart his accuser was coming downe and as he passed by hee said to him in an insolent and insulting manner fare well my Lord goe on His servants would fain have made an end of the accuser if not of the accusation but he would not suffer them by any meanes but held on his way toward the Castle without replying any thing and so entred there a prisoner This obedience of his is liable to bee diversly thought of by diverse and is diversely censured by men according to that saying Laudatur ab his culpatur ab illis it is commended by some and discommended by others They blame his wisedome that he should have trusted and relied so much upon his innocency as to have put his life into the hands of his enemies who used the colour and shadow of the Kings authority for their owne private ends and to fulfill their owne malice and revenge Others commend him that being innocent he obeyed the King and submitted himselfe to the lawes The event gave judgement for the first and all men since are of the former opinion yet it may be he did not rely meerly on his innocency and that he looked not to have had such a number of enemies having never deserved such hatred of any and that he thought the Nobility would never give way to such extremity which was an ill precedent and preparative against themselves But however God had his worke to bring to passe and meant to humble him this way and therefore his wisedome which appeared at other times did now fail him so that hee was confounded in his discourse and reason There can nothing else bee said or alledged for this grosse errour in so wise a man This is the first evident step of his falling They might now doe with him what they pleased and yet scarce all that they pleased with safety and security His Nephew the Earle of Angus was at liberty and remained at Dalkeith who being sent for to come to Court refused to come yea though he were charged under pain of treason by a Herauld to come to the King yet he would not obey but was declared rebell Also Mortons keeper Alexander Ereskene master of Marre being an honest and kinde hearted Noble man they could not use any violence toward him so long as he was in his custody Therefore they thought it best to send him to Dumbarton and that they might doe it the more safely they set forth Proclamations discharging all men that had any relation to him or that they suspected to favour him to come within foure miles of any place where the King was or should happen to be So in the 17. or 18. of January he was brought forth of the Castle of Edinburgh to be carried to Dumbarton There it did appeare how the change of mens fortune doth change the minds and affections of people toward them When Morton dimitted his office and authority of Regent none of the Citizens would take norice of him or looke toward him Now that hee suffers for a good cause as they esteemed it to wit opposing Obignie and his courses they flock to him and accompany him out of the town in such numbers and multitude that his keepers were afraid of them And that the rather because some of his well-wishers had some nights before called the Captain of the Castle and desired him not to deliver him or to let him come out and had threatned that if hee should deliver him it should be remembred as an act of hostilitie and hee reputed and used as an enemy They that were his convoy were commanded if any should come to rescue him from them that they should kill him rather then suffer him to escape The Queen of England by her Embassadour
attribute absolute power to them Behold the ground of your Lordships cause and of this so worthy an action done by you to your perpetuall honour of rare memory and example in any age lo what you have been not contemplating and disputing in the Schooles but practising in the Common-wealth For if it be not lawfull to disobey the command of Princes even of lawfull and borne Princes in any case then is this that you have done very unlawfull If it be a wrong to controll their wills then must this your fact be condemned as wrong If it bee not lawfull to remove from them wicked Counsellours and instruments of iniquitie then is this your act altogether unjust enormous unlawfull and treacherous But the world acknowledges all men assent and the Prince himselfe confesses that you have happily atchieved a worthie worke in freeing your King from the jawes of these wolves and lions who devoured the Realme and polluted his name and fame that you have restored him to his honour and that high expectation of him to his Countrey and to the Church of God throughout the whole world There rests onely this exception and doubt in mens mindes whether or not this hath been your aime in very deed and the true scope and end of your enterprise or if this bee but incident and adventitious to your own particular designes For it is sure your particular was joyned with it but that is no fault yea I account him happy whose lot joynes his estate with an honest cause so that they must stand or fall together or whose minde and resolution casts him upon it But it is of great weight and makes a great difference when the cause is our end and our particular but accessorie or contrarily when our particular is the maine motive and the common cause but a by end and embraced only to advance our particular Your Proclamation or Declaration which ye published speaks much of the publick cause and common-weale but you may perceive what men think how your actions and doings since do not answer thereto by this Letter For they are begun to think that howsoever you pretended the publick yet your intention was fixed onely on your own particular because you have done nothing for the Church or Countrey and hath settled your own particular And it is observed That of all the Parliaments that were ever held in this Countrey this last held since you came home is it in which alone there is no mention of the Church either in the beginning thereof as in all others there is or elsewhere throughout This neglect of the state of the Church and Countrey as it is a blemish of your fact obscuring the beauty and lustre of it so is it accounted an errour in policie and civill prudencie by so doing to divide and separate your particular from the common cause of the Church and Countrey which as it hath been the meane of your particular restitution so is it the onely meane to maintain you in this estate and to make it sure and firme Hee having thus spoken the Earle of Angus answered I know that question stands yet undecided betwixt those that stand for Tyrants and those that are against them and is disputed by Lawyers on both sides as what is not disputed and called in question by them I see also there hath been continuall practice of both wayes and the practice hath been allowed or dis-allowed according to the successe The Nobility calling it Tyranny and mis-government and the Prince calling the controlling of him Sedition Rebellion Treason But if Doctor Blackwood say that which you say hee touches the point very right and the fashion of our Countrey whose ordinary custome hath ever been such to take order with wicked Counsellours carrying all respect to the Prince and as much reverence as ever any Nation did Yet that beginning with the Counsellours drew many at last by necessity to betake themselves directly to their Prince himself when hee would needs espouse their quarrell and either to protect and maintaine them or to revenge them So that if Blackwood say that it is lawfull to punish wicked Counsellours he must confesse also that it is lawfull to controll Kings Neither is hee aware that in so saying hee makes the Nobility or Estates Judges to discern whether the Counsellours bee wicked or not and whether their proceedings bee for the good of the Countrey which he will alledge they are and that both themselves are good servants and their service good and profitable to him and the Countrey and these actions which they do and the counsell which they give that they do them as his servants and by his direction as Counsellours advising and propounding things not prescribing or enjoyning and therefore what is done against them is not done against them but against him and that they are not wicked but good and faithfull men Now the case standing thus to whomsoever he allowes the power to put order to them as wicked hee allowes them also power to cognosce of them as wicked to judge of them as wicked and that contrary to the judgement of their Prince who will never judge them such And indeed unlesse it be so when wicked men shall winde themselves in about a Prince and abuse his name or pervert his minde How shall the Prince be preserved How shall the Countrey the State Religion Lawes Order and particular mens estates be saved from ruine As hath been profitably and necessarily practised divers times before in this Kingdome and of late by us upon a flat necessity for his own good and the good of the Countrey And for my own part I will answer for one and can answer but for one his good did as much move me to that course as any private interest of my own and I still shall as much regard it by GODS grace so long as this weak life is in my body I know not how long that will be and who lives longest lives but a short time and I account not that hee lives who lives onely to live this life or to enjoy any thing that is in it This Lesson I have learned substantially so my GOD hath schooled me and I speak it to you seriously knowing to whom I speak Neither shall ever any endeavour of mine have any particular for the last end of it That all is not so well done and so clearly to the satisfaction of the Ministery and all honestly affected it grieves me as much as any and I am not ignorant that these inconvenients follow thereupon That we undergo the slander of respecting our particular Of carelesnesse of the Church and Countrey as though all our speeches and Proclamations tending that way had been but pretexts and that if ever any such businesse should fall out again our credit will not be so great Yet not for these causes but for the well doing it self my desire is That every thing be rightly done because it is right so to doe
this their aspiring by vertue but by calumnies and flattering fostering the foresaid jealousie I know it is a maxime in Policie and that plausible to many That Princes should not suffer too great Subjects in their Dominions yet it is certain that without great Subjects there can be no great service Things may be shufled at home but abroad there can never any thing bee done to the purpose or of note But now the question is where great men are already whether it bee best thus to undoe them and make up new men by their ruine or not a thing worthy to bee considered and also whether or not there be a possibilitie to use great men to good uses and if possible whether it were not better to doe so then to goe about to undoe them whether also there be not in undoing of them such great hazard as we see that though it may succeed at last as it did here yet it is not so good wisedome to adventure upon it with such trouble and uncertaintie Truely that which made it to succeed was the very honest heart of this last Earle James who if either hee would have turned English and cast off all respect to his native Prince or entered into battell against him at Abercorne it had proved an unwise course so to have affected the advancement of these mean men and not rather to have used them well that were become already great And therefore the Writers finde no other cause of this successe on the Kings side but the onely providence of God who had not determined to give the Crowne to the Douglas but to continue it in the right line which though the Douglas did not aime at yet being driven to this necessity either to lose his owne estate or to take the Crowne in case of victory hee could hardly have refused it if it should have come to that but hee chose rather to lose his owne and lost it indeed by a rare modesty which is even disallowed by Writers who interpret it to have beene fearefulnesse or lazinesse so hard is it to know the right and not to incurre some censure in our actions how ever it bee this appeares most certain that their meaning to their Prince and Countrey hath ever beene good and that even in this man Their errours and faults whatsoever they fell into they were drawne to them by the malice of their particular enemies and the Princes assisting fostering and maintaining them in their wayes thereby to undoe that Earledome jealous of their Crowne and that they might reigne perhaps with greater libertie and fuller absolutenesse which their Courtiers perswaded them they could not doe so long as they stood But it comes not ever so to passe and though it came here so to passe in this Kings dayes which were not many yet in his sonnes dayes wee shall see it fell out otherwayes for out of these mean men at least in respect of the house of Douglas there arose some who proved as great and greater restrainers of that liberty then ever the Earles of Douglas were So that if that bee the end of cutting off great men to obtain greater liberty wee see it is not alwayes attained and doth not ever follow upon it yea wee shall see that almost it never or but for a very short while produceth that effect It is therefore worthy to be examined whether it be to be sought or to be bought at so deare a rate such hazard and trouble But this is the vicissitude of this rolling world let men consider it and reverence the Ruler Jacobus Comes Lindorensi coenobio inclusus Quid rides rasumque caput cellaeque recessum Quodque cucullatis fratribus annumeror Fortunâ volvente vices siet modo Princeps Plebeius Monachus saepè Monarcha fuit Why doe you laugh to see my shaven Crowne My Cell my Cloyster and my hooded Gowne This is the power of that Soveraigne Queen By whom Monkes Monarches Monarches Monkes have been Another Both Fortunes long I tri'd and found at last No State so happy as an humble rest Georgius Angusiae comes Anvici Gallos obsessos undique laetho Scotorum eripuit te duce parva manus Te duce Duglasius victus quoque Percius heros Militiae statuunt clara tropheae tuae Sed consanguinei sed quid meruere propinqui O furor O rabtes perdere velle suos Matrem ingrata necat crudeli vipera morsu Stirpem quâ genita est noxia vermis edit His non absimilis fueras per te domus illa Eversa est ortum ducis unde genus Non me ventosa ambitio non dira cupido Egit opum me non impulit invidia Ferre parem poteram poteram vel ferre priorem Contentusque mea sorte beatus eram Ast Regi parere jussa facessere fixum Fas quoque semper er at fas mihi semper erit George Earle of Angus Thou ledst a handfull who from death did free The French besieg'd at Anwick victory Though bloudy from the Noble Piercy gaind Increast thy honour but against thy friend And kinsman what strange fury turn'd thy force What madnesse to destroy thy owne 't was worse Then Vipers cruelty compell'd to eat Their way or die thine was a needlesse hate No vain ambition oversway'd my heart No love of wealth no envie had a part In what I did I could an equall beare Nay did not grudge though Douglas greater were Content with what I had I happy liv'd But 't was my Prince his will and 't is beleev'd Lawfull and Justice hath pronounc't it good To serve our King without respect of bloud Aliud A solo potuit Pompeius Caesare vinci Non nisi Romano milite Roma cadit Duglasios nemâ—… cùm posset vincere solus Duglasium potuit vincere Duglasius Another on the same Pompey by Caesar onely was o'recome None but a Romane Souldier conquered Rome A Douglas could not have been brought so low Had not a Douglas wrought his overthrow Here endeth the first Part containing the History of the House of Douglas THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE DOUGLASSES CONTAINING THE HOUSE OF ANGUS By Master DAVID HUME of Godscroft EDINBURGH Printed by EVAN TYLER Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie 1643. Of the House of ANGUS before it came to the name of DOUGLAS THe great and potent House of Douglas of which we may say the best subjects that ever served Prince the worthiest seconds that ever seconded any worthie for their modestie to be seconded by others second to none in all vertue and true worth of valour magnanimitie kindenesse courtesie faithfulnesse to King Countrey and kinred serving their Prince and served by the rest worthily served worthie to be served as knowers of service and recompencers there of in due proportion and degree as Charters of Lands liberally given do testifie being thus brought to this pitifull end there arose in place thereof the House of Angus of which we come now to speak and to