libertie his offices and the Kings favour And the King of Navarre as nearer to the Crown by the prerogative of his bloud was declared Constable of France the Guises on the contrary falling as much from their authority The Hugonots increased in number and licentiousness and were by so much the more audacious by how much they conceived it would be more acceptable to the great Constable of France who by these troubles hoped to recover his wife's portion the Kingdome of Navar. But to case him of that care and the Hugonots of their confidence Advices were privately sent out of the Low-countreys by Cardinall Granvell to his brother Cantonet Prospero de sancta Cruce came Embassadour to France from Pope Pius the fourth and looking into the King of Navarres designs he was of opinion the man was not troubled so much about Religion as about the getting of a Kingdome and therefore might be drawn from favouring the Hugonots if he might have some hope given him of coming to the Kingdome by another means Wherein Sancta Cruz meant to sound the King of Navarre But first he acquainted Thomas Cantonet the Spanish Embassadour and he communicated it to his brother Cardinall Granvell Then Sancta Cruz proposes to the Constable what had formerly been agitated the restitution of Navarre and undertakes if he will but defend the Catholick cause that the Pope shall earnestly solicit King Philip either to resign to him the Kingdome of Navarre or to give him in lieu of it something of equall value and that he doubted not but King Philip whose inclination he had found at his being in Portugall as he came from Spain into France would comply with his Holinesse This often confirmed by Cantonet wonne the King of Navarre who resolved to treat with the Catholick King himself and sent one of his meniall servants Anthony Almeyda a Portugese whom he knew to be gratious with his Countreyman Rui Gomez Prince of Ebora then in greatest favour with the King But Granvell receiving intelligence of these proceedings from his brother Cantonet was very glad for the successe of his design but yet no lesse solicitous as he wrote to the Governess from Machlin what the King would answer to Almeyda because he conceived upon that answer depended the motions of the greatest French affairs He had pre-acquainted Rui Gomez and the Duke of Alva and let them know That it was a nice point and fall of danger in the managery whereof they might trespasse as much by forwardnesse and violence as by security and neglect And therefore he conceived it best to offer the Duke of Bourbon some such thing as if he deserted them might be taken away again After many overtures the Kingdome of Sardinia was proposed to him in King Philips name Whereto was added the Admiralty and a pension to maintain the office Which conditions though some commended as good for both parties because on the one side Sardinia is a greater and richer Kingdome then Navarre and on the other in the midst of King Philips Dominions which at his pleasure might command it Yet some were of another opinion and thought King Philip who was not prodigall of his Kingdomes onely baited him with the hope of Sardinia For to what purpose should the Bourbons be brought into that Island neighbouring upon Sicily and Naples where they might revive their ancient factions in those Kingdomes Neverthelesse the Pope did wisely in moving it whether he hoped to bring it about or understood it to be labour in vain because it would equally conduce to the good of Religion in France whether the King of Navarre was kept from protecting the hereticall party by a true hope or a false And truly by little and little he was so averted from them that he was not altogether so kind as formerly he had been to his wife Ioan Alibret which perhaps made some affirm in writing that the Spanish Embassadour indeavoured it and treated with the King of Navarre to divorce himself from his wife because she was fouly poysoned with heresie and gave him hope of a marriage with Mary Queen of Scots by the help of her Uncles the Guises and that he should have with her the Kingdome of Scotland and likewise all Great Brittain wherein he should be established by the Popes authority and the King of Spains assistance Queen Elisabeth being deposed for heresie But these were either vain rumours or contrived out of envy Nor is there any colour of truth that Granvel or Sancta Cruce could be ignorant that heresie is not a sufficient cause of Divorce or that King Philip would offer the Kingdome of Scotland to one he could not choose but fear because of former enmity in the businesse of the Low-countreys and his power to offend Spain for the future in case he should conquer that whole Island Indeed two years after when there were Treaties between the same Queen of Scots and the Arch-duke Charles sonne to the Emperour Ferdinand and Charles Prince of Spain King Philip writ to Granvel That he was well pleased The Archduke should in that be preferred before his sonne But if the King of France should think of a marriage with her whereof he had some intimation that troubled him not a little then he should willingly consent to a match betwixt his sonne and the Queen Out of which words it may easily be collected What Philips mind was touching the Kingdome of Scotland Nay that the Spanish Embassadour did not so much as pretend the Proposall of that Match to the King of Navarre this assure me because when he communicated all particulars to his brother Granvel as I observe in their letters and often mentioned the business of Sardinia there is not one word of this marriage But be what it may it is certain Alibret incensed against her husband who dayly grew more averse from the Hugonots and wold not hear her when she was a suiter for them in a rage left his Court and withdrew into some Towns of her own The King of Navarre did not so much neglect as his brother the Prince of Conde and the Collignies earnestly imbraced the patronage of the hereticks especially because the Guises were restored to grace and favour at Court. And now such was the face of things not onely at Court And now such was the face of things not onely at Court divided into factions but likewise all the Kingdome over that arms were taken up to maintain the different opinions in Religion and all things seemed to boad a Civill warre To the Prince of Conde and Generall Collignie the hereticks from all parts sent assistance Nor were the Guises and Comestabilis Memorancy lesse ayded by the Catholicks With whom the King of Navarre joyned himself but he was brother to the Prince of Conde the King a child and ignorant of deceit Mean time the Queen mother was
consulted liked it not and therefore made answer It was not his pleasure in propounding the Councel to his Subjects any thing should be excepted lest Rome a Citie apt to prejudicate should from thence have matter of censure and other Christian Princes that looked upon Spain occasion of imitation For that which is said in the Councel touching Sovereignty and Subjection was sufficiently considered when the publishing thereof was disputed in Spain where all those difficulties were discussed And as at that time no exception was taken but the Councel absolutely proposed onely with a little moderation to be used in the practice so it should be in the Law-countreys whither he had sent a copie of the Spanish Proclamation that his Subjects throughout all his Dominions might obey him by one rule The Governess according to his royall Mandate beginning to be active and indeavouring to put an end to what she had in the Netherlands begun how sad a commotion followed in the end of the next year when the people to the ruine of many broke out into Rebellion I shall in its due place commemorate In the mean time the Governess seeing the difficulties of the Exchecquer and Religion to increase and that she could get nothing of his Majestie by Letters resolved to send some great man her Embassadour to the King and looking upon Count Egmont as one that besides the Nobilitie of his birth and his experience in the affairs of the Low-countreys she did believe would have all things granted to his great and acknowledged merit her Excellence designed and in the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred sixty five with the advice of the Senate sent him into Spain And Count Egmont willingly undertook the imployment because as he said to the Governess and she informed the King by the opportunity of this publick Embassage he should dispatch hi own private businesse with his Majestie Having therefore received large instructions with the consent and hopefull exspectation of all many of the Nobilitie for honours sake bringing him on the way he set forward the same day that Francis Hallevine Lord of Zeveghem returned from Germany whither he was sent by the Governess in the name of King Philip to the Emperour Maximilian his Empresse and the Princes of Germany to condole the death of his father that religious Prince the Emperour Ferdinand which the Emperour Mazimilian took extreme kindly and made great promises of service to his uncle At this time the Prince of Orange had by Princesse Anne of Saxony another sonne called by the name of the Prince Electour her father Maurice This is the Prince Maurice whom we must often mention not without the commendations of a valiant and cautelous Generall who being chosen by the States Confederate in the place of his father lately killed after he had for two years commanded the Hollanders as a Prince though by another name which is commonly the end of long Governments dyed of grief conceived at the siege of Breda when he saw it must inevitably be taken The Governess wrote to the King that the child had all the Orthodox rites of Baptisme but that which most troubled her was on his Christening day they delivered him in tutelage to the Prince Electour Augustus Duke of Saxony and Philip Landgrave of Hessen both Lutheran Princes in whose names two Lords infected with the same heresie were his Godfathers For even in this likewise the Prince of Orange who alwayes acted two parts had something Catholick and something Hereticall to please both sides still attending their severall fortunes as a neuter In the letters the Dutchesse informed the King what jealousies and reports were raised by the message which she had communicated to the Senate touching the meeting that was to be upon the borders of Aquitaine between Katharine of Mediâ—es Queen-mother of France governing that nation joyntly with the King and her daughter Isabella Queen of Spain For King Philip by his letters had commanded his sister to assure the Low-countrey Lords that nothing more was intended by that interview then the satisfaction of King Charles and his mother being in their progresse come so near the confines of Spain To the same purpose he either wrote or sent Embassadours to most of the Princes of Europe not so much as any Lord of Italy or Spain or any one Minister of State but was by instructions from King Philip acquainted with the occasion of that conference Yet all this took not away the Low-countreymens fears and jealousies but rather increased them many especially Hereticks being apt to believe that the Queen mother did not this out of love to her daughter but to lay the foundation of some great design against the hereticall factions and the disturbances of both Kingdoms which they suspected the rather because it was rumoured King Philip would be there in person And indeed when Queen Isabella moved him to add to their contentment his presence I find by his letters to the Governess that he was pretty well inclined to the iourney though she diswaded him and said it was below the Majesty of so great a Prince to trust himself to the power of the French at that time when partly the French Kings minority partly the condition of a Quen-regent made the subjects so contumacious towards their Governours Yet his Majesty replyed that if he were sure his presence were necessary for the good of Religion he was resolved for Gods cause to decline no trouble or danger whatsoever Yet consenting to the going of his Queen and commanding Ferdinand Count of Toledo and Duke of Alva to wait upon her and present in his name to the King of France the Order of the Golden-fleece he himself went not either diverted by many cares having then as he wrote to the Governess received intelligence that the Turk besieged Malta or else to give his resolutions with greater authority at a distance which I suppose was the cause why he left it not in his wife's power to determine any thing before she had by her letters advised with him But at this enterview so highly celebrated in the writings of all Scholars even of the Poets themselves when in so great state and glory King Charles and the two Queens met at Baion the French sleighting the Spanish pride with greater pride all that was concluded the more secretly it passed onely in presence of the Duke of Alva with the more confidence do some writers as if they had a blank before them fill up the space with wit and deduce from hence strange secrets of State Omitting such divination out of the letters which I have written in King Philips own hand to his sister about that conference this I know The Queen of Spain for divers weighty reasons no doubt by the command of King Philip had desired her Brother and Mother whom it
yet still the King did but act his part was not serious For among other dissuasions from his Voyage Letters came from the Governess giuing him intelligence that the Lords were resolved if the King as they heard would bring an army into the Lowcountryes that they themselves would call in forreigne Assistance and casting off their Allegeance oppose his Entry Which howsoever he dissembled or publiquely seemed to slight questionlesse he that was so jealous of his Crowne and Honour must needs be very sensible how much both would be indangered if by carrying an Army thither he should teach the Lowcountryes how to arme so render himselfe contemptible to his Subiects and to the neighbour Princes that would looke on or perhaps secretly assist the Rebells Therefore in the last Consultation which he held about it at Madrid his Majesty would only have it put to the question Whether he should goe without an Army which some perswaded or take his Forces along which the Popes Nuntio earnestly advised Among his Privy-Councell which then were numerous and great Statesmen because the King greatly relyed vpon their Iudgements there came to the Board Ferdinando Toledo Duke of Alva Roderick Gomez a Silva Prince of Ebora both of them very powerfull with the King but as Favour tooke place of Estimation he was greater in his Majestyes Account this had the greater Honours conferred upon him There was likewise Cardinall Spinosa who from very meane beginnings was advanced to be chiefe Inquisitour and President of the Councell of Castile and had beene of so high Authority in King Philip's Court that he was called the Spanish Monarch There was also Gomez Figueroa Duke of Feria Iohn Manric de Lara and Anthony de Toledo Knight of St Iohns of Hierusalem and Prior of Leon all excelâ—lent and active wits But Feria besides the vast indowments of his mind exceeded them all in handsomnesse and sweetnesse of disposition Manric was conspicuous for Prudence the Prior for Religion Then sate Bernardo Fresneda the Kings confessar a Franciscan Anthonio Perez Privy Seale and diverse others most of them Councellours of approved integrity and such as seriously intended their Prince's Honour which notwithstanding as every one was of a sowre or gentle temper they interpreted according to their owne inclinations Thus it is that all men forme their Opinions and the Vote which nature extorts we thinke is given to the Cause when indeed we give it to our Humour The King himselfe sate in Councell to moderate by his presence the publique and continuall Iarres between the Duke of Alva and the Prince of Ebora contending no lesse for superiority at the Board then for preheminence in Court Or rather his Majesty came in person that if any one which he heard was designed should move for his Son to be Generall he himselfe might breake off the proposall And there was one that perswaded the sending of an Army remembring his Majesty of Tiberius Caesar that left forrein Warres to the Managery of his Sonnes But immediately Prince Roderick who very well understood the King as if he approved that part of the Advise for the King's Security tooke the Speech out of the others Mouth and by degrees brought it to this That he could not but think it unseasonable to exasperate quiet and obedient Subjects with an Army thereby ingaging the Hereticks their Neighbours to assist their Brethren That the Fire of Civill War is carefully to be watched especially in such a place where they are neere that feed the flame and they farre off that must extinguish it though indeed it can never be extinguished without the Conquerours's Losse For in the civill Ruine of Cityes Men and Fortunes the Prince loses whatsoever is taken from the conquered The Offences till that day committed by the Low-country-men were sufficiently punished and subdued by his Majestyes Sister and if any thing were unsubdued it was their minds not their their bodyes but those should be conquered not by Armes but Favours being more agreeable to the King's Clemency and to the nature of the Low-country-men of whom his Father Charles the Fifth was wont to say There is no people under Heaven so they be fatherly used that more abhorre servitude or more patiently indure it Then summing up the expence of an Army the Dangers the Jealousies of Princes he concluded That nothing was so intricate in the Low-countryes or ravelled into such hard knots but might be easily and gently untyed without drawing of a sword to cut it Certainly forrein Troubles might be composed at distance by a Prince without diminution to his Authority reserving his presence for cases of extreame necessity This Counsell of Roderick Gomez was the sense of a man potent at Court whose principall Aime was peace and quiet and his greatest Policy to prevent a Warre where the businesse and consequently the Power should be transferred to others Of the same opinion was Bernardo Fresneda a plaine and sweete-natured man and Anthonio Perez a Creature of Prince Roderick's But the Duke of Alva was for Armes and Revenge as the only cure for Wounds given to Religion and Royall Authority For by other Artifices and facility nothing was effected but the taking away obedience from the King and feare from the Rebells At first the Low-country-men desired only to be freed of the Spanish Garrisons and protested nothing else was wanting to quiet the People But when our Souldiers were disbanded were the people quieted or the rather and with the more confidence did they not demand that Granvell should be removed from the Governesse and the Helme of State which he protected never desisting till with base Libells ridiculous Fooleryes and traiterous combinations at last they extorted their desires But peradventure when one man was cast overboard it laid the wind which raised that popular Tempest No rather as Licentiousnesse more easily increases then begins having now got ground as men imboldened by our Gentlenesse they publish scurrilous Pamphlets against the Multiplication of Bishopricks the Revivall of the Emperours's Edicts the Councell of Trent and the Pontifician Inquisitours they petition but with their swords in their hands they fright the Governesse with Threats and weary the King's patience with obsâ—inate and impudent Messages Whereupon the King out of his clemency considering himselfe as a Father was pleased to moderate some of his Decrees and the Governesse to grant something more then she should have done to such base Petitioners For what wrought her Indulgence but only that when they had obtained their Requests by not obeying they forgot themselves to be subjects unlearned their Principles of Obedience and shaking of Allegeance to their Prince made an Association of the Provinces as if the number of offendors should secure them and undervaluing all things humane and divine in comparison of the Liberty they had once tasted off Indeed his Father Charles the fifth who was not ignorant of the Low-country-men's
they call the States till it should be otherwise ordered by the King who for some time doubted whether he should allow that form of Goverment or no. For Gregory the thirteenth who had mutually agreed with King Philip to assist the Queen of Scots then a Prisoner being to nominate a Generall for that expedition for it was undertaken in the Popes not the Kings name lest it might distast the Rivalls of the Spanish Greatnesse his Holinesse made choice of Don Iohn of Austria famous for Sea victories And therefore advised the King by Ormanetti who was trusted in the transaction of that businesse to send his Brother into the Low-countreys wanting at that time a Governour who would be in great esteem with the Low countrey men that honoured the memory of his Father Charles the fifth and might from thence passe with a Fleet into England where he if any man might exspect success He likewise articled with King Philip that the Queen of Scots if it pleased God they freed her from captivity should be married to Don Iohn with the Kingdome of England for her dowry which would be a fair title to the Island for the House of Austria to ground a Warre upon The King disliked it not though he more approved of the Expedition then of the Generall but instantly resolved and promised the Nuncio to send his brother into the Low-countreys But his Majestie thought it not amisse to protract his Brothers going for a while that he might see how the Low-countreymen would govern the Low-countreys moved hereunto by Ioachim Opper a Low-countrey man his Secretary for the Netherlands who delivered his opinion that the Low-countrey Lords would no doubt be infinitely carefull of the Common-wealth and would now themselves apply to the evill that remedie for which they had so often solicited the King Who by confiding in them would for ever oblige the hearts of the Low-countrey men Especially in that his Majestie well knew the Principall Senatours Duke Areschot the Counts Mansfeldt and Barlamont and the President of the Senate himself Viglius Zuichom were men of most undoubted Religion and Loyaltie But to govern by a Committee that I may not accuse the Kings prudence from the event was then unseasonable For in the most troubled State the most present remedy is for one man to rule Truly this indulgence of the Prince did more hurt to the Low-countreys then all his severity as appeared by the immediate ruine of the Provinces For the people freed from a Spanish Governour would not acknowledge a new one in the Senate or rather greatly feared not a power divided and diminished among many And the Lords despised the government of their Peers and easily deluded their discordant Votes and Orders Some enemies to the Spaniard desirous of revenge fomented this difference of the Lords especially the Burgesses for Brabant and Haynolt whom Requesenes had larely called to Bruxells For these as they were chosen under-hand by means of the Prince of Orange in regard of the Authority wherewith those Provinces intrusted them hugely distracted the Senate And though both parties pretended the Kings name and cause yet their Designes and Counsels were so different that some of them were vulgarly called Spaniards others Patriots or Protectours of their Countrey And as the word Countrey infinitely takes the People with a counterfeit and deceiving image of Libertie it was not to be doubted but in case of a Warre the major part of the Low-countrey-men would adhere unto this party Nor was occasion long wanting to mature the mischief For when they had taken Ziriczee after Requesenes his death the Germans and Spaniards clamouring for their pay for that Island had afforded very little money it was resolved on by the Senate for easing the Low-countreys of the burden of forrein Souldiers to pay and cashiere the regiment of Hannibal Count de Altempse because there having lately been a breach between him and the Governour of Antwerp Frederick Perenot Lord of Campin about the Garrison it was feared lest publick mischief might ensue In the mean time the Spaniards that took Ziriczee under Colonell Mondragonio when they saw themselves passed by and the many moneths pay which was promised them issued out to others interpreting not falsely as some said that it was done out of malice to their Nation and they thereby necessitated to an Insurrection First as if he looked not into their business they threatned Mondragonio then hearing of the complaints made in the Senate of Bruxels by Count Altempse who publickly affirmed that he was casheired not for any danger to the Town of Antwerp nor with relation to his fouldiers importunity for pay which he himself a fortnight longer was able to have satisfied but only by the subtilty spleen of the Lord Campin that excluded souldiers faithfull to the King and so weakning the Spanish partie intended to betray the citie to the Prince of Orange Whereupon the Spaniards troubled at the publick danger and the more exasperated by their private injury in regard they demanded but what was due to their extraordinary labours and unprendented courage in wading through the sea seized upon their Captains and chose themselves a Generall in Mondragonio's place Whereto they were animated by the example of the horse and recruited by the accession of Valdez his Regiment They sent letters therefore to the Senate at Bruxels threatningly petitioning for their money Nor did the Senate deny it the major part being Royallists But the Burgesfes of Hoynolt and Brabant long since bought as I said with the Prince of Oranges money interceded in the name of their Provinces pretending publick necessitie And whilst the Senate partly affrighted with their protestations partly intangled in crosse votes deferred their payment the Spaniards thinking their menaces contemned took up their Colours in furie crying Away for Brabant And having left Ziricze guarded with a few Wallons quitting Schelt and Duveland Islands they had conquered with so much glory to their Nation they ran up and down Brabant threatning but not resolved upon any determinate design the Cities generally trembling and in amazement exspecting where that storm would fall But having first rejected the conditions which Count Mansfeldt meeting them near Asc brought from the Senate then sending away Iuliano Romero who for the same cause came from the Spaniards without so much as hearing him speak afterward shaking their swords and presenting their muskets against Francisco Montesdocha they commanded him to come no nearer and lastly on a sudden possessed themselves of Aelst a town in Flanders not farre from Bruxels hanging the King Officer that opposed them before the Gates openly professing they meant to keep Aelst as a pledge till their Arrears were paid When this news came to Bruxels with addition but false that they had plundered the Town and put the People to the sword the minds
apart But though I read the other almost in all writers yet what the words of the Charter should be whereby the King obliged himself so as that he could not augment the number of Bishops I find in no Historian For what some write that the King swears at his Coronation not to encrease the State Ecclesiasticall is not an ingenuous allegation because the Prince onely swears to that kind of encrease whereby he promises not to suffer the Clergy to receive the goods of Laymen which they call Mortmains but upon certain conditions This is far from the point in controversie therefore I held it fit to march further into their records where I found one Clause that seems to make against the increasing the number of Bishops Which condition of their priviledges unless I had resolved to be a faithful Historian I might safely have concealed because they themselvs do not mention it that have I am sure written many things in mere malice to the Spaniard For King Philip being created Duke of Brabant by his father Charles the fifth among divers Priviledges which in the Act of the Ioyfull Entry he bestowed upon that Province inserts this clause That hereafter he will not suffer any to entrench upon the Offices Lands or Goods of Abbots Bishops or other religious persons within the Dukedome of Brabant under the name of a Commendum But whilst by the Kings procurement Bishops were entituled to the reversions of Monasteries after the Abbots deceases the Brabanters seemed to have their Priviledges broken and the people had occasions offered that the proceedings which every one hated for his private benefit they might all in publick fairly declaim against by the name of Breach of Priviledge Some therefore wondered what was in the Kings mind or counsel to bring in new Bishops make a thing displeasing of it self far more distastfull and odious by taking their estates from the Monasteries And therefore they further said That if the King proceeded to violate the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject the Brahanters had cause to defend themselves and that the Prince ought to remember that when he made their Charter he articled They should pay him no subjection or obedience if he entirely performed not to them his Oath and Protestations Yet some there were of a contrary opinion and by how much they saw the King endeavour it with lesse benefit and greater danger to himself so much the more they commended his sincere religion who in this business looked upon nothing but the good of his people And indeed What was there apparent that men could justly blame the encrease of the number of the Bishops or of their maintenance As if the Bishop of Rome might not do that in the Low-countreys which he had done in Germany and in France between which two Nations in the middle lieth the Netherlands Did not Boniface Bishop of Mentz Legate for the See Apostolick in Germany when the multitude of Christians abounded in some places by the authority of the Popes Cregory the third and Zachary adde three new Bishops to the former The very like cause there was among other reasons for doing the same in the Low-countreys But what motive was in France the sacred jurisdiction of the Bishop of Tholouse was so large that one Pastor could not possible see the faces of all his Diocese and therefore it was divided into five Episcopall Sees by Iohn the 22 not onely no care taken of the Bishops of Narbon Bourges or Cahors out of whose estates both the Church of Tholouse and some of these new ones were endowed but the Bishop of Tholouse must of necessity loose much of his revenues by the division of his then rich Diocese That the neighbour Bishops ought not to have been called to Rome and heard in a business of this nature their reasons for it being onely their own profit and power is sufficiently apparent Nor were the grievances of the Lords built upon a much better ground that is they were discontented that they should be limited in their bold disputes about Religion and Monarchy by the unwelcome presence of the Prelates whom they ought to honour as Fathers and Princes of the Church and to fear them as Revengers of Sacriledge For when they alledged that they doubted the Bishops would be evil Counsellours and bandy against the King it was a pretence to cozen children with they doubted themselves that if they should appear against the King they should have these men for witnesses and adversaries that had received and hoped for more from his Majesty then ever the Abbors did Then the complaints of the Abbots and Monks were somewhat more then became them It was not without precedent that a Bishop should succeed in the place of an Abbot Let them look upon France they shall find that Iohn the xxii indowed the Bishops of Condom Vabrince and Lâ—mbere to name no more with Monastery lands And if there should want an example yet when it was granted to a Prince by the Pope that may command the Monks they might have been so modest as to teach others obedience to his Holiness They might have remembred most of their Mannors and Lordships were the bounty of the Belgick Princes which made it seem more just so as the King not making his own use or advantage of the profits thereof but onely employing them for the good and benefit of those Provinces the Abbots themselves ought to have been as willing as the Prince and contributed to the necessity of the people by so much more freely by how much that Care is more proper to a religious life and not with unseasonable exclamations have corrupted a good designe stirred up the people and alienated the Popes and the Kings mind from their patronage For the great grievance that the King had broke their Priviledges First they did not sufficiently understand the difference between a Commendum and the Annexion of Church-livings A Commendum being in the nature of a thing deposited the other given as to an absolute Lord. And therefore Commendums if the possessour die revert to the depositor as the Lord Paramount unless they be passed over to another by a new Commendum but such as are annexed do not revert but remain for ever to the Successour in that Office to which they are appendent For which reasons there is no more taken from Monasteries by annexing then was by giving them in Commendum because that which is annexed doth no more revert to Monasteries then that which was commended forasmuch as what was once commended is conferred again from one to another by the Pope to whom it reverts Nay whereas Church-livings may be commended to non-residents that cannot which is annexed to a Bishoprick For herein Religion requires the Bishops presence farre more then a Commendum so as what might have come by a Commendum to a forreiner by Annexion was retained in the
attemps as I conceive moved the Governess to consult how the Decrees of the Councell of Trent against Hereticks lately brought into the Low-countreys some of which were not yet clearly expounded might be there observed For the King having many times wrote letters to her wherein he shewed himself displeased with the Hereticks boldnesse and the connivence of the Bishops and having commanded his fathers Edict to be revived which had long lyen dormant the judgement being translated to Ecclesiasticall persons The Governess replyed that although it would be very seasonable in regard that many of the new judges and inquisitours had not been more ambitious of their places then timerous in them yet she said the Edict could not possibly be executed if the Councell of Trent were received by authority whereof the cognizance of these causes was transferred to the Ecclesiasticall Tribunall Besides that when Pope Pius had spent the most part of this year one thousand five hundred sixty four in proposing and bringing in the decrees of the Councel earnestly commending their use and patronage to Christian Princes it pleased the King of Spain to be the first that gave his assent not onely out of his Majesties native piety but likewise because that Councell was called at the request of his father Charles the fifth when he was at Rome and therefore he conceived the maintenance thereof descended upon him by inheritance But whilst his Majestie first took order to establish the Councel in Spain and then wrote to his sister to do the like in the Low-countreys something happened at Rome which it was thought would alienate the Kings mind from the Pope and consequently that no farther regard would be had of the Councel either in Spain or the Low-countreys For there was an accidentall Dispute in the Councel of Trent whether the French or Spanish Embassadour should take place this would not indure the other should precede him nor would he suffer this to his equall The controversie was for that present time composed the Spanish Embassadour being honourably seated apart from all the rest But when the Councel was ended upon the desire of Lodwick Requesenes King Philips Resident at Rome that the precedencie might be determined Pope Pius it being in re odiosa first began to put it off and then advised Requesenes to give over the contest finally he perswaded them severally and in private to referre the cause wholly to the sacred Colledge of Cardinals in the mean time they were to forbear the ceremonie of coming to the Popes Chappell his Holinesse supposing the contrary factions of the Cardinals would be a means to make the suit depend for a long time and free him of the necessitie and so of the envie of giving sentence For as he said very handsomely a Prince should imitate Iupiter who according to the old tradition of the Thuscan Soothsayers hath two kinds of thunder-bolts the prosperous he himself useth to shoot but for the unfortunate he calls a Councel of the Gods Notwithstanding when mens minds are inflamed they are like horses at full speed hard to be stopped and both the Embassadours took it ill that the Pope so delayed them especially Henry Ossellie King Charles his Resident who thought himself by this means in a manner equalized especially fearing least the contention might be ended now as formerly it had been in Ferdinand the Emperours Court where it was resolved the French and Spanish Embassadours should take place of each other by turns which caused the French Embassadour to leave the Emperours Court and this perhaps might be a president for the Court of Rome But the Pope that the ceremonies in his Chappel might not any more be intermitted at last upon the sacred day of Pentecost commanded that next the Imperiall the French Embassadour should take place Whereat Requesenes in a fury after he had in the Popes presence taken publick notice of the injury in his masters name by his Majesties command left Rome This businesse held many in suspence what king Philip would do particularly concerning the Councel of Trent which the Pope was so earnest with him to settle in his Dominions and it exceedingly troubled the Dutchess of Parma because she governed the Low-countreys which among all his Maâ—esties Dominions lay most open to the invasion of Hereticks and therefore the Pope most of all desired that the Councel should be first established there The Governesse therefore doubtfully exspected the Kings pleasure in his next letters and withall was somewhat more slack in punishing Hereticks and some were absolutely of opinion the Councel of Trent should be no more heard of in the Low-countreys This rejoyced the Hereticks who jeered the wisdome of the Pope that found so seasonable a time to provoke the Spaniard by whom if the Councel were refused what Kingdome would obey the Canons made at Trent Though some upon the same premises concluded otherwise and said the Popes justice was not shaken either by hope or fear nor did they doubt of the Kings piety and constancie or that a private offence could move him to put the Councell out of his Protection which if he should do the French would not fail to undertake it if it were but onely because the Spaniard had rejected it And behold Letters came from King Philip which acquainted the Governess that the Dispute was ended but farre otherwise then he conceived the equity of his cause or his observance to the Pope deserved That he had therefore called away his Embassadour from Rome where he might not appear with honour that being the last private businesse he was likely to have with his Holinesse but for the publick or his service and obedience to the Pope and the holy Apostolick See from which he would never depart he had commended those to Cardinall Paceco Patron of the Spanish at Rome with whom she should hereafter transact all businesse appertaining to the designation of Bishops and establishment of Religion for defence whereof as likewise for propounding and imposing the Councel of Trent upon the Low-countreys it was fit her care and endeavours should not be slacked upon any cause whatsoever And indeed the King having thus declared himself she would easily have brought it in if she had not stumbled at the threshold For desiring the advice of those that had the care of souls and of the greatest Casâ—ists in the Universities and likewise putting it to the suffrage of the Senate they voted against the Councel and advised her not to propound the Decrees containing certain heads repugnant to Monarchy and the Priviledges of the Subject unlesse the said heads were excepted And this they urged more freely and peremptorily because they imagined such confidence could not but be acceptable to the King which under the pretence of liberty served the Princes ends and yet excâ—sed the Prince from any fault But the King whom the Governess in every thing
the fifth Book The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES The sixt Booke BUT whilst the pen was thus imployed Brederod raised some Forces at Antwerp and upon receipt of these Letters from the Governesse made hast to increase his number of which he carried with him above 1400 to Viana a Towne of his own in Holland fortified to that end a little while before Part of these men marched by land part was transported in seven Shipps followed with a Uessell laden with Armes and Ammunition It was said that William Count Lumè a Marcha Escanbechius Villers and Malberg were to bring thither 1500 horse from the Covenanteers and that Lewis of Nassau was likewise expected there with the German Forces under his Command that having mustered the Army at Viana they might send them into severall parts as occasion should require This rejoyced the Hereticks who now openly bragged that at length their cause was well followed and the Nobility revolting from the King had cut off all hope of pardon That it was not to be doubted but that besides the Counts Hochstrat and Horne Orange himselfe would declare for them nor durst Brederod presume as he had done but that he relyed on higher powers though it was conceived that amidst those troubles he aymed at the Principality of Holland whereunto he pretended a Title and to that private end used the Assistance of the Lords His Ambition was flatterâ—d by the Covenanteers but in the mean time every one had their particular Designe Wherefore a while after most of the principall Cities of the Low-countries Antwerp the Bus Vtrecht and Maestriecht Amsterdam Groeningen Tournay besides Valenciens and others by the increase of their Souldiers seemed to threaten a desertion from the King Anthony Bomberg of Antwerp fell upon the Bus a Towne of Brabant and tooke it by the helpe of the Hereticks that were the stronger party he was lately fled thither out of the storme of the French commotions wherin he served under the Prince of Conde from thence being rebandied to his Country as he was of an Vnquiet restlesse Spirit he bounded againe into the Belgick Tumults and increased the number of the Covenanteers But the Governesse having formerly sent Merodius Lord of Peter Semy and Scheiff Chancellour of Brabant to settle the Motions of that Towne when she heard they Could not do it her Excellence commanded the Count of Megen to draw towards the Town with some Troopes of Horse directing withall Her Letters at the same time both to the Citizens of the Bus and to her agents there Graciously conferring with the Citizens about receiving a Garrison into their City and restoring it to the antient Priviledges and giving Instructions to Her Agents for pressing it to the Magistrats The Letters were intercepted by Bomberg in place whereof he counterfeited two others as written from the Governesse proudly to the Citizens and deceiptfully to her Agents and when he read them to the Magistrate having given out among the people that the towne should have beene betrayed by Merodius and the Chancellour the furious Multitude flocked about their Houses railing vpon them for Traytours and besieged them a day and a night till Bomberg had ripened his Plot. Who taking the incensed Rabble before their fury cooled the rarest time for Mischeif perswaded them that Count Megen was the principall Traytour and that they should therefore come upon him whilst he expected but the word for entering of the Towne They easily believed that Count Megen would attempt it to revenge the private Iniuryes done to his Towne of Megen by those of the Bus which being their neighbours and the stronger had oppressed them Bomberg therefore takes vpon him the Command in cheife and instantly raising 800 men and planting some great Cannon on the walls when the Count march'd up he unexpectedly fired and beat him back with the losse onely of his Plot upon the Towne and an affront received which he deepely resented Count Megen not having then sufficient forces to lay seige to so strong a place marched to Vtrecht for this was in his Orders from the Governesse and the charge was stricter because she feared that Towne by reason of the neighbourhood of Viana which was the general Rendezvous of the Covenanteers And they of Vtrecht because their lands daily sâ—ffered by the incursions of Brederods Souldiers willingly received a Garrison from the Count and by his directions presently built a Fort upon the banke of the River Leck right against Viana Nor was Brederod lesse actiâ—e but in the interim having setled Viana and being called to Amsterdam by the Gheuses he came thither disguised and then in his owne opinion his hope stood faire for the Principality of Holland At the same time Iames Marnixius Lord of Tholouse one of the Covenanteers shipt 600 men at Antwerp in three bottoms and sent them downe the water into Zeland hoping whilst other parts were in combustion unobserved in the Tumult assisted by the Pretour of Middleburgh to possesse himself of Vlushing and the whole Island of Walcheren which is the Head of Zeland But the Governesse was before him for she had made Cattey a faithfull and valiant Gentleman Governour of Vlushing and commanded him to carry some Regiments from the Marches of Flanders and draw them out in order of battaile before Walcheren Therefore when the Tholousians came within sight of the Island they were easily beat back and vainely expecting Brederod who was kept in action by Megen tâ—at appeared with his horse sometimes before Amsterdam sometimes before Viana they fairely passed the River againe into Brabant but at Ostervell a village neare Antwerp they made a halt and ayming at things above their strength pitched their Tents upon the banks of Scheldt and there intrenched and daily increasing with multitudes of Exiles and Outlawes that fled unto them for protection they sent them out in partyes to the adjoyning Townes and Villages where they robbed and fired the Churches returning to the Army loaded with spoyle and frighting or incouraging Antwerp according to the severall factions within the City But the Governesse particularly fearing Antwerp lest Tholouse might bring in his Army and strengthen the Gheuses calling to her Philip Lanoy Lord of Beavor a noble and industrious commander she said I call God to witnesse I am unwilling and with much reluctation forced to a War the Fame of Uictory a glory that hath wrought with many Women and might with me out of the sense of my Fathers invincible and martiall Bloud I never aspired unto in my Province of the Low-countries But since with stubborne-natured and implacable wicked men neither by indulgence nor pardon I have beene able to effect any thing but onely the lessening of my Authority and their feare truly I should not lay to heart either the cause of Religion or of the King and Country if
description of other Generals by how much he will be oftner in the Readers eye filling up a great part of our future Annals Nor will it be unpleasing to know Alexander Farneze before his Low-countrey expedition and to compare him in his former life to Himself in the Government of the Low-countreys like Members of a great Bodie every where great Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma Piacenza Governour of the Low countreys But in the interim a nobler cause of war was offered him a generall peace being concluded among Christian Princes against the common enemie Divers considerations incited him to that voyage the ground of the Warre the confluence of noble persons that ingaged and above all the Generall Don Iohn of Austria equally near to him in love and bloud Nor was his Father unwilling to let him go in hope that his sons military inclination would produce great effects howsoever that his fiercenesse would be tamed But his Mother that was powerfull with her husband being against it the Duke said nothing could be done till they knew the pleasure of the King his Uncle In the mean time Margaret of Austria received Letters as she had ordered it from the King wherein he wished Prince Alexander should not go as yet But he beyond measure inflamed with Don Iohns invitation at last prevailing with his Mother and the King furnished himself for the Warrs as young souldiers ever do magnificently Fourty two Gentlemen of Parma and Piacenza followed him and he had three hundred that were a king of Pretorians for his Life-guard men chosen with more then ordinary care by Paulo Vitelli a great Commander most of them having been Captains Lieutenants or Ensignes or at least above the rank of common souldiers With this train Prince Alexander offered himself as a Volunteer to his Uncle the Generall Who then by chance being at the Musters of his Army affectionately embraced him and when he had with the Generalls leave selected four hundred sea-men of the Kings he put them in two Gallyes sent from the Common-wealth of Genoa to be commanded by Comes Carolo Scotto and Pedro Francisco Nicello he himself with his Lieutenant Vitelli and part of his Gentlemen and Souldiers going aboard the Admirall of Genoa Though in the voyage especially before the battel Don Iohn would never let him be out of the Imperiall Galley where he was himself which turned to the benefit of the whole Navie For a verie bitter difference ensuing between Don Iohn and Venerio the Admirall of Venice likely to embroyl the forces of Christendome in a Civil Warre when Don Iohn in his first heat was about to revenge the wrong offered to the Majestie of the Supream Admirall onely Prince Alexander though some failed not to bring fuell to the fire that burned sufficiently in the young Generalls nature had so much power with his Uncle that he kept him from striking the first stroke Till Mark Antonio Columna the Pope's Admiral and the Venetian Embassadour Augustino Barbaricâ— by their wisdom joyned to Prince Alexander's endeavours swifter then imagination dispersed this Tempest threatning destruction to the Fleet. For which service when Prince Alexander came next to Rome Pope Pius commended him before some of the Cardinalls acknowledging both himself and Christendom much obliged to him But when they were upon the place of Battel formerly famed for the victory of Actium won by Octavius Cesar and the ships on both sides put in Battalia Prince Alexander being aboard Columna's Gally in the midst of the Fleet passed into his own the two other Genoa-Gallyes lying to the wind-ward and after aâ—showr of Arrows and Bullets from afarr the ships encounting Alexander Farneze having an eye upon Mustapha Treasurer of the Turkish Fleet with all his force stem'd his Gally and grappling found her a great deal stronger then he imagined She carryed the money and therefore was manned with above three hundred Ianizaries all old and valient Souldiers When they had fought long upon equall termes sometimes one of them setting up their Colours sometimes another Prince Alexander at once inflamed with shame and anger flourishing as he used to do a huge great sword leaped into the Bashaw's Gally and laying about him on both sides like a mad-man by the flaughter of the enemy opened a way to his Souldiers that were so nettled with the example and danger of their General as now all the boldest Turkes being slain the rest would presently have yeiled if the Bashaw of Alexandria had not come in with a strong Gally whereby the Turks both strengthened and encouraged for a while renewed the fight But one of Alexander's Farneze's Gallyes sending in fresh supplies when the Turks could no longer stand the fury of the conquerours Mustapha being in many places run through the body the Bashaw of Alexandria hurt and soon after taken Prince Alexander made himselfe master not only of the Treasurer's Gally but likewise of the Auxiliary ship with so great pillage for his men that some of them got 2000 Sultanies it is a Coin of little lesse value then the Venetian Chechine of gold others 3000 onely out of this Gally of the Treasurers besides what his two other Gallies found in three of the enemies Galliouns and as many of their Galliasses They say that Don Iohn of Austria after the Battel when he heard his Nephew Alexander highly extolled received him with great expressions of joy and love yet praised him with this exception that he boarded the enemy with better successe then judgment they being yet in their full strength and able to have hindred his retreat Which fault he took for an honour and said the reason of his confidence was built upon the sanctitie of his wife by whose prayers to God for him he conceived himself protected and secured so merrily passing over his uncles reprehension Nor was the gallantry of Prince Alexander's minde lesse manifested the year following though with lesse fortune or rather lesse concord of the Christian Nations For the league being renewed and the Christian Fleet somewhat too late after the Battel of Lepanto returned to prosecute their victory in Peâ—oponnesus the new Turkish Admiral Uluciall had now repaired his ships and to avoide the encounter of the League having many times changed his Road now lay at Anchor near the strong Port of Methone And whilst Don Iohn with many offers to fight endeavoured to draw the Turks into the Main he resolved to send Alexander Farneze to besiege Navarinum not far off by land Who with 6000 in two divisions began to batter the Fort with more industrie then successe For the place being all rock or craggy his men could hardly get earth to raise their batteries nor could their tubbs and Gabions filled with earth and stone opposed in stead of a curtain be defence sufficient against the enemies Cannon The Seige was neverthelesse continued