remissioÌ„ where no earnest repentaunce is sene before to number remission by dayes yeares to dispense with thynges expressely in the word forbiddeÌ„ or to restrayne that which the word maketh free to deuide Religion into Religions to binde and burthen consciences with constitutions of men to excommunicate for worldly matters as for breakyng of parkes for not ringyng bels at the Byshops commyng for not bringyng litter for their horse for not paying their fees and reÌ„tes for withholding the church goods for holding on their princes side in princely cases for not going at the Popes commaundement for not agreeyng to the Popes electioÌ„ in an other princes Realme with other such thyngs mo more vayne then these c. Agayne although the Scripture geueth leaue and authoritie to the Byshop and Churche of Rome to minister Sacraments yet it geueth no authoritie to make Sacramentes much lesse to worshyp Sacraments And though their authoritie serueth to baptise meÌ„ yet it extendeth not to Christen bels neither haue they authoritie by any word of God to adde to the word of God or take from the same to set vp vnwritten verities vnder payne of damnation to make other articles of belief to institute straunge worship otherwise theÌ„ he hath prescribed which hath told vs how he would be worshipped c. The third abuse of the Popes iurisdiction standeth in this that as in spirituall iurisdiction they haue vehemeÌ„tly exceeded the bouÌ„des of Scripture so they haue impudeÌ„tly intermedled them selues in temporall iurisdictioÌ„ wherein they haue nothing to do In so much that they haue traÌ„slated the Empire they haue deposed Emperours Kyngs Princes rulers Senatours of Rome set vp other or the same agayne at their pleasure they haue proclaymed warres haue warred them selues And where as Emperours in auÌ„cient tyme haue dignified theÌ„ in titles haue enlarged theÌ„ with donations they receauyng their confirmation by the Emperours haue like ingratfull clients to such benefactors afterward stampte vpon their neckes haue made theÌ„ to hold their sâ—urrup some to hold the bridle of their horse haue caused them to seeke their confirmation at their hand yea haue bene Emperours theÌ„selues Sede vacante in discordia electionis and also haue bene Senators of the Citie Moreouer haue extorted into their owne handes the plenary fulnes of power iurisdiction of both the swordes especially since the tyme of Pope Hildebrand which Hildebrand deposing Henricus the iiij Emperour made him geue attendance at his Citie gate And after him Pope Bonifacius the viij shewed him selfe vnto the people on the first day like a Byshop with his keyes before him the next day in his robes Imperiall hauyng a naked sword borne before him like an Emperour an 1298. And for so much as this inordinate iurisdiction hath not onely bene vsed of theÌ„ but also to this day is mainteined in Rome let vs therefore now compare the vsage hereof to the old maner in tymes past meanyng the primitiue and first age of the Church of the Romaines Wherein the old Byshops of Rome in those dayes as they were then subiect to their Emperours so were other Byshops in like maner of other nations subiect euery one to his Kyng Prince acknowledgyng them for their Lordes were ordered by their authoritie obeyed their lawes and that not onely in causes ciuile but also in regiment Ecclesiasticall as appeareth Dist. 10. cap. 1. 2. Dist. 97. cap. De illicita Also 24. q. 3. So was Gregorius surnamed Magnus subiect to Maâ—â—itius and to Phocas although a wicked Emperour So also both Pope people of Rome tooke their lawes of the Emperours of Constantinople were submitted to theÌ„ not onely in the time of Honorius an huÌ„dreth yeares after Constantine the great but also in the tyme of Martianus an 1451. so further vnto the tyme of Iustinian of Carolus Magnus and also after the dayes of them In all which coÌ„tinuance of tyme it is manifest that the Emperiall law of Martiane did rule bynde in Rome both in the days of Iustinian an 150. yeres after til the tyme of the Empire beyng translated from Grece vnto FrauÌ„ce Whereby it may appeare false that the Citie of Rome was geueÌ„ by Constantine the first vnto the bishop of Rome to gouerne for that Pope 〈◊〉 the first writyng to the Emperour Honorius câ—â—â—eth in the same place Rome the Emperours Citie Dist. 97. cap. 1. And Lotharius also Emperour appointed Magistrates and lawes in Rome as is aboue mentioned Moreouer for further probation hereof that both the Byshop of Rome all other Ecclesiasticall persons were in former tyme and ought to be subiect to their Emperours and lawfull Magistrates in causes as well spirituall as ciuile by many euidences may appeare takeÌ„ out both of Gods law and mans law And first by Gods law we haue exaÌ„ple of godly kyng Dauid who numbred all the Priestes and Leuites disposed theÌ„ into xxiiij orders or courses appointyng theÌ„ coÌ„tinually to serue in the ministery euery one in his proper order turne as came about which institution of the Clergy also good king Ezechias afterward renued of whoÌ„ it is written he did that was right in the sight of the Lord accordyng to all things as his father Dauid had done before he tooke away the high groues and brake downe Images c. 4. Reg. 8. The sayd Ezechias also reduced the Priests Leuites into their orders prescribed by Dauid before to serue euery one in his office of ministratioÌ„ .2 Paralip 30.31 And this order froÌ„ Dauid still continued till the time of Zachary at the coÌ„myng of Christ our Lord beyng of Abias course which was the viij order of the Priestes appointed to serue in the tabernacle Luc. 1. To passe ouer other lighter offices translated from the Priestes to the Kyngs authoritie as coÌ„cernyng the orderyng of oblations in the Temple and reparations of the Lordes house kyng Salomon displaced Abiathar the high Priest by his kyngly power and placed Sadoch in his stede 3. Reg. cap. 6 Also dedicatyng the temple of the Lord with all the people blessed the whole congregation of Israell 3. Reg. 8. Iudas Machabeus also elected Priestes such as beyng without spot had a zeale to the law of the Lord to purge the Temple which the Idolatrous Gentiles had before prophaned 1. Machab. 4. Also kyng Alexander writyng to Ionathas appointed him chief Priest in his couÌ„trey 1. Mac. 10. Demetrius ordeined Simon Alchinus in the like office of Priesthood Iosaphat likewise as in the whole laÌ„d did set Iudges so also in Hierusalem he appointed Leuites Priestes and heades of families to haue the hearyng of causes and to minister Iudgement ouer the people 2 Paral. 19. By these many other is to be sene the Kynges Princes in the old tyme as well when Priestes were borne Priestes as wheÌ„ they were made by election had the dealyng also
cuppe vnto the king chanced in the middle of the floure to stumble with one foote helping and recouering himselfe with the other saying in these wordes Thus one brother as ye see helpeth an other These wordes being thus spokeÌ„ in the hearing of the king so moued his mind that forthwith he commaunded the false accuser of his brother to be had out to execution Whose iust recompence I would wish to be a warning to all men what it is to sowe discorde betwixt brother and brother King Ethelstane besides his vij yeares lamentation for this acte builded the two Monasteries of Midletone and of Michelenes for hys brothers sake or as the stories say for his soule Whereby it may appeare what was the cause most speciall in those daies of building monasteries to wit for releasing the sinnes both of them departed and them aliue which cause howe it standeth wyth the grace and veritie of Christes Gospell and of his passion let the Christen reader trie examine with himselfe This cruell fact of the king towarde Edwyne caused him afterwarde to be more tender and careful toward his other brethren and sisters left in his handes vnmarried Which sisters as is partly in the Chapter before declared he richly bestowed in great mariages As one to the king of NorthumberlaÌ„d Sithericus an other he gaue to Lewes King of Aquitania the thirde to Henricus Duke of Almaine for hys sonne Otho who was the first Emperour of the Germanes Whereby it is to be vnderstand that the Empire at this time began first to be translated from Fraunce where it remained about C. yeares and halfe vnto Germanie where it hath euer since continued The fourth of his sisters being a virgine of singulare benty Hugo the French king required to be geuen vnto him sending to King Ethelstane pretious and sumptuous presents such as were not before seene in England Among the which presents gifts besides the rare odours of sondry fauours fine spices and besides the precious costly gemmes namely of Smaradges of most redoleÌ„t grene besides also many and great coursers and palfries richly trapped especially of one iewell as wryters make inention which was a certaine vessell finely and subtilly made of the precious stone Onichinus so radiantly wrought that in it appeared the liuely corn growing and mens images walking c. Ouer and besides was sent also the sworde of Constantine the great with the name of the possessor wrytten in golden letters where in the hast of the same al beateÌ„ in gold was one of the yron nailes wherwith our Sauiour on the crosse was nailed Of the veritie whereof I am not disposed at thys present muche to say what I suspect but that this in the Ecclesiasticall storie of Eusebius is euideÌ„t That two of the foresaid nailes of Christ was speÌ„t on the bridle of Constantine the 3. he cast into the Sea in a raging tempest Wherfore if Christ were nailed with 4. nailes perhappes this naile might be one If he were nailed but with iij. I see not how this storie can stand with other stories neither howe this fourth naile can stand with truthe Among the rest moreouer was the speare as is reported wherwith the side of our Sauiour was opened which also the sayd ConstaÌ„tine was woÌ„t to cary in the field against his enemies with a portion likewise of the holy crosse inclosed in Cristall Also a part of the crowne of thorne in like maner inclosed c. Of the whych Reliques part was geuen to Winchester part to the Church of Malmesbury where king Ethelstane was buried As this King was indued and enlarged by the gift of God the serter vp disposer of all kings with great victories of worldly renowne hauing vnder hys subiection both the Scottes and Britons and the whole Monarchie of the land So he deuised diuers good and holesom lawes for the gouernment of the same as wel concerning the state of the orders Ecclesiasticall as also of the secular or lay people Whereby it is to be vnderstaÌ„d that the vsurped power of the bishop of Rome did not then extend it selfe so largely nor so proudly to derogate froÌ„ the authority of kings princes but that euery one in his owne dominion had vnder God and not vnder the Pope the doing of all matters within the same his dominion contained whether they were causes teÌ„poral or spiritual As by the decrees and constitutions of this king also of other as well before him as after him may euidently be testified as where hee among other lawes thus ordeineth â—ouching the bishop in wordes as folowe Episcopo iure pertinet omnem rectitudinem promouere Dei videlicet ac seculi In primis debet omnem ordinatum instruere quid ei â—it agendum iure quid hominibus secularibus iudicare debeant Debet etiam sedulò pacem concordiam operari cum seculi iudicibus qui rectum velle diligunt in compellationum allegationem edocere ne quis alij perperam agat in iureiurando vel ordalio Nec pati debet aliquam circumuentionem iniustae mensurae vel iniusti ponderis Sed conuenit vt per consilium testimoniuÌ„ eius omne legis rectum burgi mensura omne pondus sit secundum ditionem eius institutum valde rectuÌ„ ne quis proximum suum seducat pro quo decidat in peccatum Et semper debet Christianis prouidere contra omnia quae praedicta sunt ideo debet se de pluribus intromittere vt sciat quomodo grex agat quem ad Dei manum custodire suscepit ne diabolus cum dilaniet nec malum aliquod superseminet Nunquam enim erit populo benè consultum nec dignè Deo conuersabitur vbi lucrum impium magis falsum diligitur Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est eneruare quod iustum est eleuare nec pati vt propter falsum pecuniae questum homines se forisfaciant erga verè sapientem Deum cui displicet omnis iniustitia Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est vt rectum diligant iniqua condemnent faltem sacris ordinibus euecti iustum semper erigant praua deponant Hinc debent Episcopi cum iudicibus iudicia dictitare interesse ne permittant si possint vt illinc aliqua prauitatuÌ„ gramina pullulent Et sacerdotibus pertinet in suo Dioecesi vt ad rectum sedulò quemcumque muent nec patiantur si possint vt Christianus aliquis alij noceat non potens impotenti non summus infirmo non praelatis subditis non Dominus hominibus suis seruis aut liberis Et secundum ditionem per mensuram suam conuenit per rectum vt necessaria serui operentur super omnem scyram cui praeest Et rectum est vt non sit aliqua mensurabilis virga longioâ— quà m alia sed per
departure began to be knowne and noysed abroad the kinges officers came to Canterbury to season vppon hys goodes in the kinges behalfe But as it chanced the night before their comming Becket being returned and founde at home they did not proceede in their purpose Upon this the Archbishop vnderstanding the kyng sore bent agaynst hym and the seas not to serue hym made hast to the court lying then at woodstock Where the king receaued him after a certayne maner but nothing so familiarly as he was wont taunting him gestingly merily as though one realme were not able to hold them both Becket although he was permitted to go and come at his pleasure to the court yet could not obtaine the fauour that he would perceiuing both in himselfe and confessing no lesse to other how the matter would fall out so that eyther he should be cōstrayned to geue ouer with shame or stoutly stand to that which he had so holdly taken in hand The Archbishop of Yorke in the meane time going betweene the kyng and the Archbish. laboured to make a peace loue betweene them but the King in no case would be reconciled vnlesse the other would subscribe to his lawes So the while neyther the K. would otherwise agree nor yet the archb in any wise would subscribe there was a foule discorde Where the fault was let the reader here iudge betwene thē both The K. for his regall authoritie thought it much that any subiect of hys should stand agaynst him The Archb. agayne bearing himselfe bold vppon the authoritie especially vpon the letters of the P. lately writtē to him thought hym strong inough agaynst the king all hys realme Againe such was his quarell for the maintenance of liberties and glory of the Church that he could lacke no setters on fauourers in that behalfe in so swete a cause amongest the clergy Wherfore the Archb. trusting to these thinges would geue no place but by vertue of his Apostolike authoritie gaue censure vpon these lawes and constitutions of the king condemning some other some approuing for good and catholicke as is before declared Besides this there came also to the K. Rotrodus Archbishop of Rotomage sent from the Pope to make peace betweene the K. and Canterbury Whereunto the king was well content so that the Pope would agree to ratifie hys ordinances But whē that could in no wise be obtayned at the Popes handes then the king beyng stopped and frustrate of hys purpose by reason of Beckets Apostolike legacie being Legatus a Latere thought good to send vp to the pope and so dyd to obtayne of hym that the same authoritie of the Apostolike Legacy might be conferd to an other after his appointment which was the Archbishop of Yorke But the pope denied Notwithstanding at the request of the kings Clergy the Pope was content that the king should be Legate hymselfe whereat the kyng tooke great indignation as Houeden writeth so that he sent the Pope hys letters agayne Here the Pope was perplexed on both sides If he should haue denied the kyng that was to hote for him For the Pope vseth always to hold in with kings howsoeuer the world speedeth Agayne if he should haue forsaken such a churchly chaplen the cause being so sweete and so gainefull that should haue bene agaynst himselfe what did he thē Here now commeth in the old practise of popish prelacy to play with both hands priuily he cōspireth with the one and openly dissembleth with the other First he granted to the kings ambassadors their request to haue the Legate remooued and to place in that office the Archbishop of Yorke after his owne contentation and yet notwithstanding to tender the cause of Tho. Becket he addeth this promise withall that the sayd Becket should receiue no harme or damage therby Thus the Pope craftily conneying the matter betwene them both glad to further the Archbishop for his owne aduantage and yet lothe to deny the king for displeasure writeth to the king openly and also secretly directeth another letter to Becket the contents wherof here follow Alexander the Pope to Thomas Archb. of Caunterbury ALthough we condescending to the kings request haue graūted the gifte of our legacie after his minde from you yet let not your minde therby be discomforted nor brought into sighes of dispaire For before that we had graunted that or gaue oure consent thereunto the kings ambassadours firmely promised in the word of trueth ready also to be sworne vpon the same if I would haue so required that their letters also which he had obtained should not be deliuered to the Archbishop of York without our knowledge and consent therein This is certaine and so perswade your self boldly without any scruple doubt or mistrust that it was neuer my minde or purpose nor euer shal be God willing to subdue you or your Church vnder the obedience of any person to be subiect saue onely to the Bishop of Rome And therfore we warne you and charge you that if you shall perceiue the king to deliuer these foresaide letters which we trust he will not attempt without our knowledge to doe forthwith by some trustie messenger or by your letters you will geue vs knowledge therof wherby we may prouide vpō the same both for your person your Churche and also your citie committed to you to be clerely exempt by our authoritie Apostolicall from all power iurisdiction of any legacie Upon these letters and such other as is sayd before Becket seemed to take all his boldnesse to be so stoute and sturdy against his Prince as he was The Pope beside these sent secretly this Chaplaine of hys and directed an other letter also vnto the king granting and permitting at his request to make the Archbishop of Yorke Legate Apostolicall The king after he had receiued his letters sent from the Pope beganne to put more strength to his purposed procedings against the Archbishop first beginning wyth the inferiors of the clergy such as were offenders agaynst his lawes as fellons robbers quarellers breakers of peace and especially such as had committed homicide and murders wherof more then an hundred at that time were prooued vpon the clergy as witnesseth Guliel Neuburgēsis in his booke de gestis Anglorum lib. 2. cap. 16 vrging and cōstraining them to be arreigned after the order of the lawe temporall and iustice to be ministred to them according to their deserts as first to be depriued and so to be committed to the secular hands This seemed to Becket to derogate frō the liberties of holy church that the secular power should passe in causes criminall or sit in iudgemēt against any ecclesiasticall person This law the roisters then of the clergy had picked and forged out of Anacletus Euaristus by whole falsly alleaged and pretensed authoritie they haue deduced this their constitution from the Apostles which geueth immunity to all ecclesiasticall persons to be free from
excommunicate 12 Theodosius the great Emperour for a fault which seemed not so waighty vnto other Priestes and shut him out of the Church who afterward by condigne satisfaction was absolued There are many other like examples for Dauid when he had committed adulterie and murther the prophet Nathan was sent vnto him by God to reprooue him and he was soone corrected And the king laying aside his scepter and Diademe and setting apart all princely maiestie was not ashamed to humble himselfe before the face of the Prophet to confesse his faulte to require forgeuenes for his offence what wil you more he being stricken with repentance asked mercy and obtained forgeuenes So likewise you most beloued king and reuerend Lord after the example of this good king Dauid of whom it is sayde I haue founde a man after mine owne heart with a contrite and humble heart turne to the Lorde your God and take holde of repentaunce for your transgressions For you are fallen and erred in many things which yet I kepe in store still if peraduenture God shall inspire you to say with the prophet haue mercy on me O god according to thy great mercye for I haue sinned much against thee don◠euil in thy sight Thus much I haue thought good to write to you my deare Lorde at this present passing other things in silence till I may see whether my wordes take place in you and bring foorth fruits in you worthy of repentance and that I may heare and reioyce with them that shall bring me worde and say Oh king thy sonne was dead and is aliue againe was lost and is founde againe But if you will not heare me looke where I was wont before the maiestie of the body of Christ to pray for you in aboundance of teares sighes There in the same place I will crie against you and say Rise vp Lord and iudge my cause forget not the rebukes and iniuries which the king of England doeth to thee and thine forget not the ignominie of thy Church which thou hast builded in thy bloud Reuenge the bloud of thy saintes which is spilt reuenge O Lord the afflictions of thy seruants of whome there is an infinite number For the pride of them which hate persecute thee is gone vp so highe that we are not able to beare them any longer Whatsoeuer your seruant shall do all those things shall be required at your handes for he seemeth to haue done the harme which hath geuen the cause thereof Doubtlesse the sonne of the most highest except you amende and cease from the oppressing of the church and clergie and keepe your hand from troubling of them wil come in the rod of his furie at the voices of such as cry to him and at the sighes of them that be in bands when the time shal come for him to iudge the vnrighteousnesse of men in equitie and seueritie of the holy ghost For he knoweth how to take away the breath of Princes and is terrible among kings of the earthe◠Your deare and louing grace I wish well to fare Thus fare ye well againe and euer ¶ Certaine notes or elenches vpon this Epistle which by the figures you may finde out and their places 1. The scope of this Epistle is this to proue that bishops and priests ought not to come vnder the court and cōtrolment of temporall power 2. This similitude holdeth not For though the smalnesse of a Citie blemisheth not the prerogatiue of a kingdome yet the euilnes and rebellion of a Citie doth worthely blemish his owne prerogatiue 3. So sayth the Popes decrees Dist. 10. but the Scripture of God importeth otherwise Abiathar the Priest was deposed of king Salomon not for any heresie but for other causes 3. Reg. 1.2 Ionathas tooke his priesthoode of king Alexander And Simon of Demetrius 1. Mach. 7. Christ offered tribute to Cesar for him and for Peter Also Peter sayeth be ye subiect to euery humaine creature and it followeth whether it be to the king as to the chiefe c. Item Pope Leo submitted himselfe to Ludouicus the Emperor with these words And if we do any thing incompetently and do swarue from the path of righteousnes we wil stand to your reformation or of them whom you shall send 2.9.7 Hos. 4. Notwithstanding the saide Constantinus wryting to the bishops cōgregated at Tyrus first chideth them then commādeth them to resort vnto his presence to haue their cause iudged and decided Trip hist. lib. 3. cap. 7. 5. The father vnder obedience c. If fatherhoode goe by age I suppose that king Henry was elder then Becket If fatherhoode consist in authoritie I iudge the authoritie of a king to be aboue the authoritie of an Archbishop If the see of Canterburie make the fatherhoode yet had Becket no cause to claime fatherhood ouer the king seeing the sonne ordeined the father that is seeing the king made him his Archbishop and not he made him his king 6. By wicked bonds Al is wicked with the Papists that bringeth them in subiection to their Princes 7. Ecclesiasticall matters be suche as properly belong to doctrine and deuine knowledge for the institution of the soule and information of conscience In which both Princes and subiects ought to followe their pastors so long as they go truely before them without error or els not But what maketh this for the lands liberties of churchmen 8. Punishment due to malefactors and rebelles is not to be called persecution but due correction 9. Saule brake the commandement of God and was reiected Ozias cōtrary to the commandement of God tooke the office of a priest and was striken Oza against the expresse word of the law put his hand toy arke was punished But what expresse word had k. Hēry why he should not correct and punish rebellious bishoppes and wicked priests within his owne realme wherefore these similitudes accorde not As for Achas he was not so much punished for taking the priests office as for spoyling the temple of the Lord and offering to Idoles 10. Common lawes S. Augustin wryting to Boniface sayeth thus Whosoeuer obeyeth not the lawes of the Emperor being made for the veritie of God procureth to himselfe great punishment For in the time of the prophets all the kings which did not forbidde and subuert all such things as were vsed of the people against the law of God are rebuked And such as did with stand them are commended aboue the rest August 11. Isidorus hath these wordes Let temporal princes know that they must render accōpt to God for the church which they haue at the hands of God to gouerne c. 12. The case of Archadius Theodosius Dauid of this king as touching this mater hath no similitude In them was murder This king doeth nothing but claime that which is his due And though by the spiritual sword those kings were resisted yet it argueth not therefore that the persons of them which haue the
recourred Poytiers kept Gascoine vnder the kinges obedieÌ„ce Ex Mat. Parisiens Triuet Flor hist. In the same yeare or as Fabian geueth the next following which was 1224. by the vertue of a certayn Parliament was graunted of the Lordes and Baronie of the laÌ„d the king and his heyres to haue the ward and maryage of theyr heyres which theÌ„ was called after so proued to be Initium malorum the beginning of harmes In the same yeare by the count of Gisburne and other writers the said king hoâ—ding an other ParliameÌ„t at Oxford by the aduise of his counsaile of his clergy did grauÌ„t and confirme vnder his great seale two chartes of the old liberties and customes of this realme for euer to be kept obserued the one called Magna Charta the other Charta de foresta The contentes whereof fully in the forenamed author be expressed For the which cause was grauÌ„ted agayn by the whole Parliament a Quindecim or a fifteene of all his subiectes as well of lay men as also of the Clergy ¶ Where is to be noted that these liberties were afterwarde broken and confirmed agayne by the sayd king an 1236. An. 1226. dyed pope Honorius a great aduersary against Fredericke the Emperor after whom succeeded Gregory the ix more greeuous then hys predecessor In the whiche yeare also dyed Ludouick the periured French king at the siege of Auinion Whom the pope now the second or thyrd tyme had set vp to fight agaynst Reimund the good Erle of Tholouse and the heretickes Albingensis of that country For so the pope calleth all them which hâ—ld not in all pointes with his glorious pride vsurped power vngodly proceedings The origine whereof was this as in Mat. Parisiens appeareth In the daes of Phillip the FreÌ„ch king this Reimundus Earle of Tholouse was disdayned of the Pope for holding with the Albingenses therefore by the instigation of the pope the landes of the Earle were taken from him geuen to Simon Montfort and instrumentes made vpoÌ„ the same But when the sayd Erle Reimundus would not be remoued froÌ„ the right of his possessions by vnrighteous dealing then the pope setteth Phillip the FreÌ„ch king to make open war against him WherupoÌ„ Lewes the FreÌ„ch kings sonne was sent with a great power as is aboue declared to besiege the City of Tholouse But beyng repulsed from thence by the merueilous band of God fighting for hys people could not preuayle so returned home after he had lost the most part of hys army by pestilence and other calamitie as hath bene before described And thus continued the good Earle still in quyet possession till this present time an 1226. In the whiche yeare the pope not forgetting his olde malice agaynst the Earle and no lesse enflamed with insatiable auarice directeth downe his Legate master Romanus to the partes of Fraunce for 2. seueral purposes One to extirye the Erle the other to enlarge his reuenewes Thus the Legate being entred into Fraunce beginneth to summone a Councell willing the French king with the Archbishops Byshops Clergy of Fraunce to appeare before him at Bitures To whom estsoones repayred vi Arcbishops with the bishops Suffragans of ix prouinces to the nuÌ„ber of 100. besides the Abbates Priours Proctors of al the couentes of Fraunce to heare the popes wil commaundement but because there was a discorde feared to ryse sayth Mathaeus about preheminence of sitting for that the Archbishop of Lyons challenged the superiour place aboue the Archbishop of Sene. Also the archbishop of Roane aboue the archbishop of Britures and aboue the Archbishop of Harbone c. Therfore the session was holdeÌ„ there not in maner and forme of a Councell but of a certayne parlie or consultation Thus the meke and holy Councel being set the popes maiesties letters read declared appeareth before them Reimund Earle of Tholouse of the one part And Simon Mountfort on the other part Which Symon required to be restored vnto him the lands and possessions of the sayd Reimund which the pope Phillip the French king had geuen to him to hys father before hauing good euidences to shew for the same confirmed by the donation of the pope and of the kyng Adding moreouer that the Earle Reimund was depriued and disherited in the generall Councel at Rome for heresie which is called the heresie of Albingenses At least if he might not haue the whole yelded vnto him yet the most part of hys Lordships he required to be graunted him To this the Earle Reimund aunswered agayne offering himselfe ready to all duetyes office both toward the French king and to the church of Rome whatsoeuer duely to him did appertein And moreouer touching the heresie wherwith he was there charged he did not onely there offer himselfe in that Councell before the Legate but most humbly did craue of him that he would take the paynes to come into euery Citty within hys precinct to enquire of euery person there the articles of his beliefe and if he fouÌ„d any person or persoÌ„s holding that which was not Catholike he would see the same to be corrected and ameÌ„ded according to the censure of holy Church to that vttermost Or if he should finde any citty rebelling agaynst hym he to the vttermost of his might with the inhabitance therof would compell them to doe satisfaction therfore And as touching himselfe if he had committed or erred in any thing which he remembreth not to haue done he offered their full satisfaction to God Church as becommed any faithfull christen man to doe requiring moreouer therefore the Legate to be examined of his fayth c. But all this sayth Mathaeus the legate despised neither could the catholike Erle saith he there find any grace vnlesse he would depart from hys heritage both from himselfe and from his heires for euer In fine when it was required by the coÌ„trary part that he should stand to the arbitrement of xii peeres of France to that Reimundus answered that if the French king would receaue his homage which he was redy at al times to exhibite he was coÌ„tented therewith For els they would not sayd he take him as one of their society fellowe subiect After much altercatioÌ„ on both sides about the matter the Legate willeth euery archbishop to call aside his Suffraganes to deliberate with them vpon the cause and to geue vp in writing what was concluded Whiche being done accordingly the Legate denounceth excommunication to all such as did reueale any peece of that whiche was there concluded before the pope and the king had intelligence there of These things thus in hudder mutter among theÌ„selues concluded the Legate gaue leaue to al proctors of couents and chapters to returne home onely reteining with him that Archbishops bishops and Abbots certayne simple prelates such as he might be more hold withall to opeÌ„
and night that is with theyr filthy liuing ignorance and impiety He citeth also out of the prophesy of Hildegaris these words Therfore doth y◠deuill in himselfe speake of you Priests Dainty bankets feasts wherin is all voluptuousnes do I finde amongst these men In so much that mine eies mine eares my belly and my vaynes be euen filled with the froth of them my brestes stand astrut with the riches of them c. Lastly saith he they euery day more and more as Lucifer did seek to climbe higher and higher till that euery day with hym more and more they fall deeper and deeper About the yeare of our Lord. 1390. there were burned at Bringa 36. Citizens of Moguntina for the doctrine of Waldenses as Brushius affirmeth which opiniō was no thing contrary to that they held before wherein they affirmed the Pope to be that great Antechrist which should come Unlesse peraduenture the Pope seemed then to be more euidently conuicted of Antechristianity thē at any other time before he was reueled to be For the like cause many other beside these are to be found in storyes which susteined the like persecutiō by the Pope if leysure would serue to peruse all that might be searched As where Masseus recordeth of diuers to the nūber of 140. which in the prouince of Narbone chose rather to suffer whatsoeuer greuous punishment by fire thē to receiue the decretals of the Romish Church contrary to the vpright truth of the Scripture What should I here speake of the 24. which suffered at Paris an 1210 Also in the same author is testified that an 1211. there were 400. vnder the name of heretiques burned 80. beheaded Prince Americus hanged and the Lady of the Castle stoned to death Moreouer in the Chronicles of Houedon and of other writers be recited a maruelous nūber which in the countryes of Fraunce were burned for heretiques Of whom some were called Publicans some Catharits some Paterines and other by others names What their assertions were I finde no certayne report worthy of credit In Tritenius is signified of one Eckhardus a Dominican Frier who not long before Wickliffes tyme was condemned and suffered for heresy at Hedelberge an 2330. who as he diffreth not much in name so may he be supposed to be the sawe whom other do name Beghardus and is sayd to be burned at Erphord Of Albingenses because sufficient mētion is made before of whom a great number were burned about the time of king Iohn I passe them ouer Likewise I let passe the heremite of whom Iohn Bacon maketh relation in hys 2. Dist. Quaest. 1. Who disputing in Paules church affirmed that those Sacraments which were then vsed in the church were not instituted by Christ An. 1306. Peraduenture it was the same Ranulphus mētioned in the floure of hystories is sayd to die in prison for the time of them doth not much differ In Boetius why the Pope should so much commend a certaine king because for one man he had slaine 400. cutting away the genitals from the rest I can not iudge except the cause were that which the Pope calleth heresie But to let these things ouerpasse that be vncertayne because neither is it possible to comprehēd all them which haue wtstand the corruption of the popes sea neyther haue we any such firme testimony left of their doings credibly to stay vpon we wil now Christ willing cōuert our story to thyngs more certaine vndoubted grounding vpon no light reportes of feble credit nor vpō any fabulous legendes wythout authority But vpon the true and substantial copies of the publique recordes of the Realme remaining yet to be sene vnder the kings most sure faithfull custody Out of the which records such matter appeareth against the Popish church of Rome and against hys vsurped authority such open stāding crying against the sayd sea that not priuely but also in open parliament in the daies of this king Edward the third that neyther wil the Romish people of thys our age easely thynke it to be true when they see it neither yet shall they be able to deny the same so cleare standeth the force of those recordes Ye heard a litle before pag. 381. howe Iohn Stratford Archb. of Cant. being sent for and required by the king to come vnto hym refused so to do What the cause was why he denyed to come at the kings sending is neither touched of Poiidore Uirgil nor of any other monkish Chronicler wryting of those aces and times Whose part hath bene faithfully to haue dispensed the simple truth of thyngs don to theyr posterity But that whych they dissemblingly and colourably haue concealed contrary to true lawe of storie the true cause thereof we haue found out by the true Parliament roles declaring the story thus King Edward the 3. in the 6. yeare of hys raigne hearing that Edward Bailol had proclaimed himselfe kyng of Scotland Required counsell of the whole estate to wit whether were better for hym to assayle Scotlande and to claim the demesing or demeines of the same or cls by making hym party to take hys aduauntage And thereby to enioy the seruice as other hys auncesters before hym had done For thys cause he sommoned a Parliament of all estates to meete at Yorke about the begynning of December Where the kyng was alredy come waiting for the comming of such as were warned thereunto For the want of whose comming the parliament was reiourned til monday and from thence to Tuesday next ensuing But forsomuch as most of the states were absent the assembly required the continuance of the parliament vntil the vtas of S. Hillary then ensuing at Yorke whych was graunted And so a new sommons was especially awarded to euery person with special charge to attend so that the affaires of the king and the realme myght not be hindered because of the debate betwene the Archb. of Cant. and Archbishop of Yorke for the superiour bearing of theyr crosse In conclusion for all the kyngs sommoning none other of all the Clergy came but onely the Archb. of Yorke the byshop of Lincolne and of Carliel Abbots of Yorke and Seleby So that hereunto came not the Archb. of Cāterb nor any other of hys prouince and all for bearing the crosse Wherby the same was not onely a losse to the oportunitie to Scotland but also an importable charge to the whole estate by a newe reassembly And thus much out of the recordes Whereby thou mayest easely iudge prudent Reader what is to be thought of these Pope holy Catholique Churchmen being of the Popes broode and setting vp whom such friuolous causes of contention stirre vp to such disquietnes both among themselues and also to such disobedience against their Prince excuse them who can Ex. An. 6. Regis Edwardi 3. It foloweth moreouer in the same records concerning the abandoning of the popes prouisions how that the cōmons finde
treasure to the wasting of ecclesiastical liuings to the withdrawing of diuine seruice almose hospitalitie and other acceptable workes and to the daily increase of all mischiefes Wherfore in person and by hys owne month the king required the whole estate to prouide here of due remedy To be noted finally in thys parliament of the 38. yere that the Acte of prouisors brought in thys parliament although in the printed copy cap. 1.2.3.4 doth agree with the recorde in maner yet in the saide recordes vnprinted are moe biting wordes against the Pope a mysterie not to be knowen of all men Notes of the 40. yeare of king Edward the third IT followeth moreouer in the sayd Acts of king Edward the 3. and in the 40. yere of his raigne an other Parliament was called at Westminster the 3. of May. An. 1366. the Bishop of Ely being Lord Chauncelour and speaker Who in the 2. day of the sayd assembly in the presence of the King Lordes and commons declared howe the day before generally they vnderstoode the cause of thys their assembly and now more particularly shuld vnderstand the same specially howe that the king vnderstode y◠the Pope for the homage which K. Iohn made to the sea of Rome for the Realmes of Englād Ireland and for the tribute by him granted ment by proces to cite the king of Rome to aunswere thereto Wherein the king required their aduises what were best for him to do if any such thing were attempted The Byshops by their selues required respite of answere vntill the next day So did the Lordes commons euery of them by their selues The same next day the whole estates reassembled together by common consent enacted in effect following vz. For asmuch as neither K. Iohn nor any other kyng coulde bring his realme people in such thraldome subiection but by common assent of Parliament the whyche was not done and therefore done against his othe at hys coronation besides many other causes If therefore the Pope should attempt any thing against the King by processe or other matter in deede That the king shall his subiects should withall their force and power resist the same Here moreouer is not to be omitted howe in the sayd present Parliament the Uniuersities of Oxford Cambridge on the one side and the Friers of the foure orders mēdicants in the said vniuersities on the other side Made long complaintes the one against the other to the kyng in Parliament and in the ende submitted themselues to the kings order After which the king vpon full digesting of the whole matter by assent of Parliament tooke order that as well the Chancelour scholers as the friers of those orders in the sayd Uniuersities should in al graces and other schole exercises vse eche other in frendly wise wythout any rumor as before That none of those orders shoulde receyue any scholers into theyr sayde orders being vnder the age of 18. yeares That the said Friers shall take no aduantage ne procure Bulles or other processe from Rome against the said vniuersities or procede therein And that the kyng haue power to redresse all controuersies betweene them from thence foorth And the offenders to be punished at the pleasure of the King and of the counsaile Notes of the 50. yeare of king Edward the third IN processe of the foresayd Actes and Rolles it followeth more that in the 50. yeare of the reigne of king Edward the 3. the yeare of our Lorde 1376. an other great Parliament was assembled at Westminster the xxiiij of Aprill Where Syr Iohn Knyuet being Lorde Chauncelour of England a certaine long Bill was put vp against the vsurpatiōs of the Pope as being the cause of all y◠plagues murrions famine and pouerty of the realme so as thereby was not left the third person or other cōmodity within the realme that lately was 2. That the taxes payed to the Pope of Rome for Ecclesiasticall dignities doe amount to fiue fold as much as the taxe of al profites as apperteine to the king by the yeare of his whole Realme And that for some one Byshoprike or other dignitie the Pope by way of translation and death hath 3.4 or 5. seuerall taxes 3. That the brokers of that sinfull Citie for money promote many caitifes being altogether vnlearned and vnworthy to a 1000. markes lyuing by yeare where the learned and worthy can hardly obteine 20. marks wherelearning decayeth 4. That aliens enemyes to this land who neuer saw ne care not to se their parishioners haue those liuings wherby they despise Gods seruice conuey away the treasure and are worse then Iewes or Sarasens 5. Also it was put vp in the said Bill to be considered that the lawes of the church would such liuings to be bestowed for charitie onely without praying or paying 6. That reason woulde that liuings geuen of deuotion should be bestowed in hospitality 7. That God had committed his sheepe to the Pope to be pastured and not shoren or shauen 8. That lay patrones perceiuing the couetousnes and simony of the pope do therby learne to sell their benefices to beasts none otherwise then Christ was sold to the Iewes 9. That there is none so rich a Prince in Christendome that hath the fourth part of so much treasure as the Pope hath out of this realme for churches most sinfully 10. Ouer and besides in the sayd Bill repeting againe the tendering zeale for the honor of the Church was declared and particularly named all the plagues whych haue iustly fallen vpon this realme for suffering the same church to be so defaced wyth declaration that it will daily encrease wythout redresse 11. Wherupon with much persuasion this was desired to helpe to reedifie the same and the rather for that this was the yeare of Iubiley the 50. yeare of the kynges reigne the yeare of ioy and gladnesse then the whych there could be no greater 12. The meanes howe to begyn this was to wryte 2. letters to the Pope the one in Latine vnder the kyngs scale the other in French vnder the seales of the nobles importing their particularities requiring redres of the which letter of the Lordes the effect may be seene in a like letter mentioned before pag. 479. 13. And for a further accomplishment hereof to enact that no money were caried foorth of the realme by letter of Lūbardy or otherwise or paine of forfaiture and imprisonment and to enact the articles hereafter ensuing 14. The king hath heretofore by statute prouided sufficiēt remedy and otherwise pursueth the same with the holy father the Pope so mindeth to do from time to time vntill he hath obteined aswel for the matters before as for the articles ensuing being in a maner all one 15. That the popes collector other straungers the kings enemies and onely lyger spies for English dignities and disclosing of the secretes of the realme may be
his speciall maintainers As yeares and time grew on king Edward the third which had reigned nowe about 51. yeares after the decease of prince Edwarde his sonne who departed the yeare before was stroken in great age in such feblenes withall that he was vnweldy through lacke of strēgth to gouerne the affairs of the realm Wherfore a parliament being called the yeare before his death it was there put vp by the knights other the burgesses of the Parliament because of the misgouernment of the realme by certain gredy persons about the king raking all to themselues without seing any iustice done that 12. sage and discrete Lordes and Pieres such as were free from note of all auarice shuld be placed as tutours about the Kyng to haue the doing and disposing vnder him 6. at one time and in their absence 6. at an other of matters pertinent to the publike regiment Here by the way I omit to speake of Alice Perris the wicked harlot which as the story geueth had bewitched the kings hart gouerned all and sate vpon canses herself through the diuelish help of a Frier Dominick who by the duke of Lancaster was caused to be take and was conuicted should haue suffred for the same had not the Archb. of Cant. and the Friers more regarding the liberty of their Churche then the punishing of vice reclaimed hym for their own prisoner This Alice Perrys notwithstanding she was banished by this Parliament from the king yet afterward she came againe left him not til at hys death shee tooke all his rings vpon his fingers and other iewels frō him and so fled away like an harlot But thys of her by the way These 12. gouernours by the parliament aforesayd being appoynted to haue the tuition of the king to attend to the publike affaires of the realme remained for a certaine space about him till afterward it so fel out that they being againe remoued all the regiment of the realme next vnder the King was committed to the Duke of Lancaster the kings sonne For as yet Richard the sonne of prince Edward lately departed was very yong and vnder age This Duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceiued a certaine displeasure against the popish clergy whether for corrupt and impure doctrine ioyned with lyke abhominable excesse of life or for what some other cause it is not precisely expressed Onely by story the cause thereof may be gessed to rise by William Wickam bishop of Winchester The matter is thys The Bishop of Winchester as the saying went then was reported to affirme that the foresaid Ihon of Gaunt duke of Lācaster was not the sonne of king Edward nor of the Quene Who being in trauel at Gaūt had no sonne as he sayd but a daughter which the same time by lying vppon of the mother in the bedde was there smothered Whereupon the Quene fearing the kings displeasure caused a certaine manchilde of a woman of Flaunders borne the very same time to be conueyed and brought vnto her in stead of her daughter aforesayde And so brought vp the child whom she bare not who now is called duke of Lancaster And this said the Bishop did the Queene tell him lying in extremes on her death bed vnder seale of confession charging hym if the sayde Duke should euer aspire to get the crowne or if the kingdome by any meanes should fall vnto hym he then should manifest the same declare it to the worlde that the sayde Duke of Lancaster was no part of the kings bloud but a false heire of the king This slaunderous report of the wicked Byshop as it sauoureth of a contumelious lie so seemeth it to proceede of a subtile zeale toward the Popes religion meaning falshoode For that the foresayd Duke by fauouring of Wickliff declared hymselfe to be a professed enemy against the Popes profession Whych thing was then not vnknowen neyther vnmarked of the Prelates and Byshops then in Englande But the sequele of the story thus followed Thys slanderous vilany of the Byshops report being blased abroad and comming to the Dukes eare he therw t being not a litle discontented as no maruell was sought againe by what meanes he coulde to be reuenged of thys forenamed Bishop In conclusion the Duke hauing now al the gouernment of the realm vnder the king his father in hys own hand so pursued the byshop of Winchester that by acte of parliament he was condemned and depriued of al his temporal goods which goods wer assigned to prince Rich. of Burdeur the next inheritour of the crowne after the king and furthermore inhibited the said bishop not to approch nere to the court by 20. miles Further as touching thys bishop the story thus procedeth Not lōg after in the yeare of our Lord. 1377. a Parliament was called by the meanes of the Duke of Lancaster vpon certaine causes respects in which parliament great request and sute was made by the cleargy for the deliueraunce of the B. of Winchester At length whē a subsidie was asked in the kyngs name of the clergy and request also made in the kings behalfe for spedy expedition to be made for the dissoluing of the parliament the Archb. therfore accordingly conuented the bishops for the tractation thereof To whō the B. with great lamentation cōplained for lack of their felow and brother B. of Wint. Whose iniury said they did derogate to the liberties of the whole church And therfore denied to ioyne themselues in tractation of any such matters before al the members together were vnited with the head And seing the matter touched them altogether in common as well him as thē would not otherwise do And seemed moreouer to be moued against the Archb. for that he was not more stout in the cause but suffered him so to be cited of the duke The Archb. although hauing sufficient cause to excuse himselfe wherefore not to send for him as also he dyd because of the perils which might ensue therof yet being enforced persuaded therunto by the importunitie of the bishops directed downe his letters to the foresaid bishop of wintch willing hym to resort vnto the conuocation of the clergy Who being glad to obey the same was receyued with great ioy of the other bishops And at length by that meanes of Alice Perris the kings paramor aboue mētioned geuing to her a good quantity of mony the sayd Winchester was restored to his temporalities againe As the Bishops had thus sent for wintch the Duke in the meane time had sent for Iohn Wickliffe who as is saide was then the diuinity reader in Oxford and had cōmenced in sondry actes and disputations contrary to the forme and teaching of the Popes church in many things who also for the same had bene depriued of his benefice as hath bene afore touched The opinions which he began in Oxford first in his lectures and sermōs to entreat of and
eius deuotionem pertinet timorem passus sit quicquid pati potuit who had as much as to deuotion and feare apperteined suffered already what he might or could suffer as Cyprian said by Cornelius That he I say which a little before in the moneth of September stoode so constant in defence of Christes faith would now in the moneth of Ianuary rise to destroy adnull subuert Christes faith and the law of God and holy Church within the Realme of England How can it be not like only but possible to be true that he which neuer denied the faith which euer confessed the faith so constantly which was for the same faith condemned yea and at last also burned for the faith would euer fight against the faith and law of God to adnull and to subuert it Let vs proceed yet further and see when that he should haue to destroied and adnulled the Christian faith and law of God in England what faith or law then could he or did he entend to bring into the realme of England The Turks faith or the Iewes faith or the Popes faith or what faith else I pray you For he that will be an enemie to the faith of Christ and will shew himselfe frend to no other faith beside I accompt him not out of his right faith but out of his right wits And therfore euen as it is true that sir Iohn Oldcastle with his coÌ„federates abertours were vp in armes to subuert and extinguish the faith of Christ and law of God in the realme of England so by the like truth it may be estemed that the same persons rose also to destroy their soueraigne Lord the king and his brethren First thanks be to God that neither the king nor any of his brethren had any hurt by him But his intent saith the preface was to destroy his soueraigne Lord the king Whereunto I aunswere with this interrogatorie whether his intent was priuily to haue destroied him or by opeÌ„ force of armes If priuily what needeth then such a great army of xx thousand men to atcheue the secret feate Rather I would think that he needed more the help of such as were neare about the king as some of the kinges priuie chamber or some of his secret counsaile whereof neither Chronicle nor record doth insinuate any mention If his intent was openly to inuade the kyng You must vnderstand M. Cope that to withstand a king in his owne Realme many thinges are required long time great preparation many frendes great assistance and ayd of kindred money horse men armour and all other things apperteining for the same Earle Godwin of Westfaxe who had maried Canutus daughter being a man both ambitious and as false a traitour for al his sixe sonnes and great alliance yet durst not set vpon king Edward to inuade him within his Realme although he sought manye occasions so to do yet neuer durst enterprise openly that which his ambition so greedely presumed vnto page 163. In the time of King Henry the third Symon Montford Earle of Glocester Gilbert Clare Earle of Leicester Humfrey Rone Earle of Ferrence with a great number of Lords and Barons thought themselues to haue great right on their sides yet durst not for all their power openly assaile the King in his Realme before great debatemeÌ„t and talke first had betweene page 330. Likewise what murmuring and grudging was in the realme against king Edward the second among the peres and nobles and also prelates only Walter Bishop of Couentry except first for Gaueston then for the Spensers at what time Thomas Earle of Lancaster Guido Earle of Warwike with the most part of al other Earles and Barons concordly consenting together to the displacing first of Gaueston then of the Spensers yet neither rashly nor without great feare durst stirre vp warre in the land or disquiet or vexe the king but first by all meanes of moderate counsaile and humble petition thought rather to perswade then to inuade the king page 308. In like maner and with like grudging mindes in the reigne of King Richard 2. Thomas Wodstocke Duke of Glocester the kings vncle with the Earles of Arundell of Warwike and Darby with the power almost of the whole commons stood vp in armes against the king And yet notwithstanding all their power ioined together being so great and their cause seming to them so reasonable yet were they not so hardy straightwayes to flee vpon the king but by way of Parliament thought to accomplishe that which their purpose had conceiued and so did without any warre striking against the king page 513. After King Richard 2. was deposed and was in prison yet liuing diuers noble men were greatly inflamed against K. Henry the fourth as Sir Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington Thomas Spenser Earle of Glocester the Earles likewise of Kent and of Salisbury with sir Iohn Cheney other mo wherof diuers had beene Dukes before now deposed by King Henry 4. although they had conceiued in their harts great grudge and malice against the said King Henry yet had they neither hart nor power openly with mans force to assaile the king but secretly were coÌ„pelled to atchieue their conceiued inteÌ„t which notwithstanding they could not accomplish Ex hist. D. Alban Thus you see Maister Cope or els maister Harpsfield or whatsoeuer ye be to gainstand a king and with open force to encounter with him in his owne land and in his owne chamber of London where he is so sure and strong what a matter of how great cheuance it is wherin so many and so great difficulties do lye the attempt so dangerous the chances so vncertaine the furniture of so manie things required that fearce in any kings daies heretofore any peeres or nobles of the Realme were they neuer so strongly assisted with power wit or counsaile yet either were able or els well durst euer enterprise vpon the case so dangerous notwithstanding were they neuer of themselues so far from all feare of God and true obedience And shal we then thinke or caÌ„ we imagine maister Cope that Syr Iohn Oldcastle a man so well instructed in the knowledge of Gods word beyng but a poore Knight by his degree hauing none of all the peeres and nobles in all the world to ioyne with him being prisoner in the Tower of London a litle before in the moneth of December could now in the moneth of Ianuary so sodenly in such an hoat season of the yeare start vp an army of xx thousand fightyng men to inuade the kyng to kill two Dukes his brethren to adnulle Christen fayth to destroy Gods law and to subuert holy Church 〈◊〉 why doth not he adde moreouer to set also all London on fire and to turne all England into a fishe poole Beliue these men which geue out these â—igmentes of Syr Iohn Oldcastle dyd thinke him to be one of Deucations stocke who castyng of stones ouer his shoulder
first written in Greeke by Gregory the 3. and afterward translated out of Greeke into Latine by pope Zachary vide supra pag. 130. Likewise that worthy and Imperiall sermon iâ—â—tuâ—ed Eusebij pamphili Sermo ad Conuentum Sanctorum hath to thys day wrongfully borne the name of Eusebius Where as in very truth it was made by the good Emperour Constantinus himselfe in his owne heroicall stile in latine and afterward translated out of Latine into Greeke by Eusebius as he himselfe confesseth in hys worke De vita Constant. lib. 4. But as touching this sermon although the name be chaunged so godly and fruitful it is that it â—attereth not much vnder whose name it be read yet worthy to be read vnder the name of none so much as of the Emperor CoÌ„stantine himselfe who was the true author and owner therof Briefly except it be the bookes onely of the new Testament and of the olde what is almost in the popes church but either it is mingled or depraued or altered or corrupted either by some additions interlased or by some diminutioÌ„ mangled and gelded or by some glose adulterate or with manifest lies contaminate So that in theyr doctrine standeth little truth in theyr Legendes Portues masse-bookes lesse trueth in their miracles and Reliques least truth of all Neyther yet doe theyr sacramentes remayne cleare and voyd of manifest lyes and corruption And specially here commeth in the mayster bee whiche bringeth in much sweet hony into Popes hiues the maister lye I mean of all lyes where the P. leauing not one cromme of bread nor drop of wine in the reuerent communion vntruly and idolatrously taketh away all substaunce of bread from it turning the whole substaunce of bread into the substaunce of Christes owne body which substaunce of bread if the Pope take from the sacrament then muste he also take the breaking from it for breaking and the body of Christ can in no wise stand litterally together by the scripture Thus then as this is proued by the word of God to be a manifest lye so thinke not much good Reader hereat as though I passed the bondes of modestie in calling it the Archlye or maister lie of all lies Because vppon this one an infinite number of other lyes and erroures in the popes churche as handmaydes doe wayte and depend But forsomuch as I stand here not to charge other meÌ„ so muche as to defende my selfe ceasing therefore or rather differing for a time to stir this stinking pudle of these wilfull and intended lyes and vntruthes whiche in the Popes Religion and in papistes bookes be innumerable I will now returne to those vntruthes and impudent lies which M. Cope hath hunted out in my history of Actes Monuments first beginning with those vntruthes which he carpeth in the storye of the foresayde syr Iohn Oldcastle and syr Roger Acton Browne and the rest And first where he layeth to my charge that I cal them Martyrs whiche were traytors and seditious rebels agaynst the king and theyr Country to this I haue aunswered before sufficiently Now here then must the reader needes stay a little at M. Copes request to see my vanitie and impudencye yet more fully and amply repressed in refuting a certain place in my Latine story concerning the kinges statute made at Leiceister whiche place and wordes by him alledged be these pag. 1â—7 Quocirca Rex indicto Lecestriae concilio quòd fortâ—ssis Londini ob Cabhami fautores non erat tutum proposito edicto immanem denunciat poenam his quicunque deinceps hoc doctrinae genus sectarentur vsqueâ—deo in eos seuerus vt non modo haereticos sed perduelliones etiam haberi aâ— pâ—o inde gemino eos supplicio suspendio simul inceÌ„dio afficiendos statueriâ— c. Eâ— mox Adeo ille vires rationesque intendebat omnes aduersus Wicklenianos Wicleuiani ad temporis decebantur quicunque Scripturas Dei sua lingua lectirarent Vpon these wordes out of my foresayd Latine booke alledged maister Cope perswadeth himselfe to haue great aduauntage agaynst me to proue me a notorious lyer in three sondry pointes First in that whereas I say that the king did hold his parliament at Leicester adding thys by the way of Parenthesis quod fortassis Londini ob Cobhami fautores non erat tutum c. here he concludeth thereby simpliciter and precisely that the Lord Cobham and syr Roger Acton with his fellowes were traytors c. Whereby a man may soone shape a cauiller by the shadowe of mayster Cope For where as my Dialysis out of the texte speaketh doubtfully and vncertaynely by this word fortassis meaning in deede the king to be in feare of the Gospellers that he durst not hold his Parliament at London but went to Leiceister he argueth precisely therfore that the Lord Cobham sir Roger Acton and his fellowes went about to kil the king Secondly where I affirme that the king in that Parliament made a grieuous law agaynst al such did hold the doctrine of Wickliffe that they should be taken hereafter not for heretiques but also for fellons or rebels or traytors and therefore should sustayne a double punishement both to be hanged and also to be burned c. Here coÌ„meth in maister Momus with his Cope on his backe and prouing me to be a lyer denyeth playnly that the king made any suche statute vid. pag. 835. line 6. where hys wordes be these Atqui quod haeretici pro perduellionibus deinceps geminatas poenas suspeÌ„dij incendij luerent vt nugatur Foxus nullo modo illic traditur c. First here woulde bee asked of maister Cope what hee calleth patriae hostes et proditores if he call these traytours then let vs see whether they that followed the sect of wycliffe were made traytours heretiques by the kings law or not And first let vs heare what sayth Polydore Virgil his owne witnes in this behalfe whose words in his xxii booke pag. 441. be these Quare publice edixit vt si vspiam deinceps reperirentur qui eam sequerentur sectam patriae hostes haberentur quò sine omni lenitate seuerius ac ocyus de illis supplicium sumeretur c. That is wherefore it was by publique statute decreed that whosoeuer were founde hereafter to follow the sect of Wyckliffe should be accounted for traytors whereby without all lenitie they shoulde be punished more seuerely and quickly c. Thus haue you maister Cope the playne testimonie of Polydore with mee And because ye shall further see your selfe more impudent in carping then I am in deprauing of histories you shall vnderstand moreouer and heare what Thomas Walden one of your owne catholique brotherhode who was also himselfe aliue a doer in the same Parliament being the prouincial of the Carmelites saith in this matter writing to Pope Martin whose very wordes in Latine here follow written in
his seate and office at the request of the Cardinalles that the whole Colledge of Cardinalles sent letters to the king of Boheme requiring him that together with them he would renounce forsake his obedience vnto pope Gregory and so it shoulde come to passe that by the authoritie of a new Byshop he should recouer againe his imperial dignity For this cause the king cōsēted to the wil of that Cardinals as touching a neutrality that is to say that he would neyther take part with Pope Gregory neyther yet with Benedict the xii Byshop of Auinion whiche was then named Pope as it doth appeare by Chronicles In this cause then for somuch as the archbishop Swinco with the Clergy were agaynst the kyng and abstayning from the deuine seruice many of them departed out of the Citty and the archbishop hymselfe breaking down the tombe of the Lord Wincelate contrary and agaynst the kinges will did also take Wickliffes bookes burned them therupon the king without any gaynsaying suffered that certayne goodes of theyrs which of their own wils were fled away should be spoyled because they shold not consent or accord with the bishop Wherupon it is easie to be vnderstanded and knowne that Iohn Husse was falsely accused for that matter Howbeit a certayn man one Naso rising vp sayd the Clergy sayd he did not abstayne from the deuine seruice because they woulde not sweare to consent vnto the king but because that they were spoyled and robbed of theyr goodes and substaunce And the Cardinall of Cambray who was one of the Iudges sayd here I must say somewhat which is come into my minde When as I came from Rome the same yeare that these thinges were done by chaunce I met on the way certayne Prelates of Boheme Whome when I demaunded what newes they had brought out of Boheme they aunswered that there was happened a wonderfull cruel and haynous fact for all the Clergy were spoyled of all theyr substaunce and very ill intreated and handled Then Iohn Hus alledging the same cause which he did before went forward vnto the secōd part of the Article which was obiected against him denying also that it happened thorough his fault that the Germaynes departed from the Uniuersitie of Prage But when as the king of Boheme according to the foundation of Charles the fourth his father granted three voices vnto the Bohemes the fourth vnto the Germaynes whereat the Germaynes grudging that they shoulde be exemted from theyr voices of theyr owne accorde departed went theyr wayes binding themselues with a great oth and vnder a great penalty both of their fame and also money that none of them should returne agayne vnto Prage Notwithstanding I am not ashamed to confesse that I did approue and allow the doinges of the king vnto whom of only I ow obedience for the commoditie and profite of my country And because you shal not thinke that I haue spoken any vntrueth here is present Albert Warren Tranius whiche was deacon of the faculties who hadde sworne to depart with the rest of the Germaynes he if that he wil say the truth shal easly clere me of this suspitiō But when as Albert would haue spoken he could not be heard But the foresayd Naso of whome before is made mention after he had asked leaue to speak sayd this matter do I vnderstand wel inough for I was in the Kinges court when these thyngs were done in Boheme when as I sawe the maysters of the 3. nations of the Germaynes Bauarians Saxons and Silesians amongst whome the Pollonians were also numbred most humbly come vnto the king requiring that he would not suffer the right of their voyces to be takē from them Then the kyng promised thē that he would forsee and prouide for theyr requestes But Iohn Hus and Ierome of Prage with diuers others perswaded the king that he should not so do Wherat the king at the first being not a little moued gaue him a sore checke that he and Hierom of Prage did somuch intermedie themselues and moued such open controuersies in somuch that he threatned them that except they woulde forsee and take heede hee woulde bring it to passe that the matter shoulde be determined and decreed by fire Wherfore most reuerēd fathers you shall vnderstand that the king of Boheme did neuer fauour with his hart these men whose vnshamefastnes is such that they feared not euen of late to entreat me euill being so much in the kinges fauour and credite After hym stepped forth Paletz saying verely most reuerend fathers not onely the learned men of other nations but also of Boheme it selfe are through the Councell of Iohn Hus and his adherentes banished out of Boheme of the which number some remayne yet in exile in Morauia Hereunto Iohn Hus answered how can thys be true sayd he sithēs I was not at Prage at that tyme when as these men you speake of departed and went awaye from thence These thynges were thus debated the day aforesayd as touching Iohn Hus. This done the sayd Iohn Hus was committed to the custody of the bishop of Rigen vnder whome Ierome of Prage was also prisoner But before that he was led away the Cardinall of Cambray calling him backe agayne in the presence of the Emperour sayd Iohn Hus I haue heard you say that if you had not ben willing of your own mind to come vnto Constance neyther the Emperour himselfe neither the king of Boheme coulde haue compelled you to do it Unto whom Iohn Hus answered vnder your licēce most reuerend father I neuer vsed any such kinde of talke or wordes But this I did say that there was in Boheme a great number of gentle mē and noble men which did fauour and loue me the whiche also might easely haue kepte me in some sure and secret place that I shoulde not haue bene constrayned to come vnto thys towne of Constance neyther at the will of the Emperour neyther of the king of Boheme With that the Cardinall of Cambray euen for very anger began to chaunge hys colour and despiteously said do you not see the vnshamefastnes of the man here And as they were murmuring and whispering on all partes the L. Ioh. de Clum ratifying and confirming that which Iohn Hus had spoken sayd that Iohn Hus had spoken very well for on my part sayd he which in comparison of a great many others am but of small force in the realme of Boheme yet alwayes if I would haue taken it in hand I could haue defended hym easely by the space of one yeare euen agaynst all the force power of both these great and mighty kinges How much better might they haue done it which are of more force or puissance then I am and haue stronger castles and places then I haue After that the L. de Clum had spoken the Cardinal of Cambray sayd let vs leaue thys talke And I tell you Iohn Hus and
written in his boke intituled Rapularium where as hee wryteth that in the Councell of Basill An. 1536. the Archbyshop of Lions did declare that in the time of Pope Martine there came out of France to the court of Rome 9. millions of golde which was gathered of the Byshops and Prelates besides those whych could not be counted of the poore clergy which daily without number runne vnto the court of Rome carying with them all their whole substance The archbishop of Turonne sayde also at Basil in the yeare of our Lord 1439. that three millions of gold came vnto Rome in his time within the space of 14. yeres from the prelates prelacies wherof no accompt could be made beside the poore cleargy which daily run to that court Let the man which feareth God iudge what a deuouring gulf this is A million containeth x. C.M. And what made Pope Pius the 2. to labor so earnestly to Lewes the 11. the French Kinge who as is aforesayde was a great enemy to the house of Burgoin that he wold according to his former promise abolishe vtterly extinct the constitution established before at the Counsell of Bitures by king Charles the 7. his predecessour called Pragmatica Sanctio but onely the ambition of that sea which had no measure and their auarice which had no ende the storie is this King Charles 7. the French king willing to obey and folow the councel of Basil did sommon a Parliament at Bitures Where by the full consent of all the states in Fraunce both spiritual and temporal a certain constitution was decreed and published called Pragmatica Sanctio wherein was comprehended briefly the pith and effect of all the Canons and decrees cōcluded in the councel of Basil The which constitution the saide king Charles willed and commaunded through all his realme inuiolably to be obserued and ratified for the honor and increase of Christian religion for euer This was An. 1438. It followed that after the decease of thys foresayde Charles the 7. succeded king Lewys 11. who had promised before being Dolphine to Pope Pius that if he euer came to the crowne the foresayd Sanctio Pragmatica should be abolished Wherupon Pope Pius hearing him to be crowned did send vnto him Iohn Balueus a Cardinall wyth hys great letterg patent willing him to be mindful of hys promise made The king eyther willing or els pretending a will to performe and accomplish what he had promised directed the Popes letters patēt wyth the sayd Cardinal to the counsaile of Paris requiring them to consult vpon the cause Thus the matter beyng brought and proposed in the Parliament house the kings Atturney named Ioannes Romanus a man wel spoken singularly witted and wel reasoned stepping foorth with great eloquence and no les boldnes prooued the sayd Sanction to be profitable holy and necessary for the wealth of the realme and in no case to be abolished Unto whose sentence the Uniuersity of Paris adioyning their consent did appeal from the attempts of the Pope to the next generall Councell The Cardinall vnderstanding this toke no litle indignation thereat fretting and fuming and threatning many terrible things against them but al his minatory words notwithstanding he returned againe to the king hys purpose not obtained An. 1438. Ex Ioan. Mario Thus the Popes purpose in France was disappoynted which also in Germanie had come to the like effect if Fredericke the Emperor had there done his part lykewise toward the Germaines Who at the same time bewailing their miserable estate wēt about wyth humble sute to perswade the Emperor that he should no longer be vnder the subiection of the Popes of Rome except they had first obtained certaine things of them as touching the Charter of Appeales declaring their estate to be far worse although vndeserued then the Frenchmen or Italians whose seruants and especially of the Italians they are worthely to be called except that their estate were altered The nobles comminalty of Germanie did instantly intreate with most waighty reasons examples both for the vtilitie and profite of the Empire to haue the Emperours aide and helpe therin for that which he was bound vnto them by an oth alledging also the great dishonor ignominie in that they alone had not the vse of their owne lawes declaring how the French natiō had not made their sute vnto their king in vaine against the exactions of Popes by whom they were defended whych also prouided decrees and ordinances for the liberty of his people caused the same to be obserued the which thing the Emperor ought to foresee within hys Empire to prouide for hys people and states of his empire as well as other Kings doe For what shall come to passe therby if that forreine nations hauing recourse vnto their kings being relieued and defended by them from the said exactions and the Germains states of the Empyre flying vnto theyr Emperour be by him forsaken or rather betraied depriued of their owne lawes and decrees The Emperor being mooued partly ouercome by theyr perswasions promised that he wold prouide no lesse for them then the king of Fraunce had done for the Frenchmen and to make decrees in that behalfe but the graue authoritie of Aeneas Syluius as Platina wryteth in the history of Pius the second brake of the matter who by his subtile and pestiserous perswasions did so bewitche the Emperour that hee contemning the equall iust and necessary requestes of hys subiects chose the sayd Aeneas to be hys Ambassadour vnto Calixtus then newly chosen Pope to sweare vnto hym in his name to promise the absolute obedience of al Germany as the only coūtry as they call it of obedience neglecting the ordinances decrees of their country as before he had done vnto Eugenius the 4. being Ambassadour for the sayd Fredcrike promising that he all the Germaines would be obedient vnto him from hēceforth in al matters as well spirituall as temporall Thus twise Friderike of Austrich contemned and derided the Germaines frustrating them of their natiue decrees and ordinances brought them vnder subiection and bondage of the Pope whych partly was the cause that 7. yeres before his death he caused his sonne Maximiliā not only to be chosen but also crowned king of Romains and did associate hym to the ministration of the Empire least after hys death as it came to passe the Empire shoulde bee transported into an other family suspecting the Germains whom he had twise cōtrary to his lawes made subiect and in bondage vnto the Popes exactions first be fore he was crowned in the time of Eugenius the 4. and again the second time after hys coronation and death of Pope Nicholas the 5. denying their requests Wherupon Germany being in this miserable pouerty and greuous subiection vnder the Popes tiranny and polling with teares and sighs lamenting their estate continued so almost vnto Luthers time as the hystories
with the Sherifte and that the one shall teach them Gods law and the other mans law as ye heard in King Edgars lawes before Many other lawes both Ecclesiasticall and temporall besides these were enacted by these and other Kings heere in England before the Conquest but these be sufficient to geue the vnderstanding Reader to consider how the authority of the Bishops of Rome all this while extended not so farre to prescribe lawes for gouernement of the Church but that Kings and Princes of the Realme as they be now so were then full gouernours heere vnder Christ as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as temporall both in directing orders instituting lawes in calling of Synodes and also in conferring Byshoprickes and benefices without any leaue of the Romish Bishops Thus Odo Dunstane Oswold Ethelwold Aldelinus and Lancfrancus although they fet their palles afterwarde from Rome yet were they made Bishops and Archbishops by Kings only not by Popes And thus stoode the gouernement of this Realme of England all the time before the Conquest till Pope Hildebrand through the setting on of the Saxons began first to bring the Emperour which was Henry 4. vnder foote Then followed the subduing of other Emperours Kings and subiects after that as namely heere in England when Lancfrancus Anselmus and Becket went to complayne of their Kings and gouernours then brought they the Popes iudiciall authority first from Rome ouer this land both ouer Kings and subiects which euer since hath continued till these latter yeares Albeit the sayd Kings of this Realme of England being prudent Princes and seeing right well the ambitious presumption of those Romish Byshops did what they could to shake off the yoke of their supremacie as appeareth by the lawes and Actes of their Parliaments both in king Edward the thirds time King Richard the 2. and King Henry the 4. aboue in their Parliament notes specified yet for feare of other foreine Princes and the blind opinion of their subiectes such was then the calamitie of that time that neither they could nor durst compasse that which faine they would till at last the time of their iniquitie being complete through the Lords wonderfull working theyr pride had a fall as in the next Volume ensuing the Lord so graunting shall by proces of hystorie be declared The Image of the true Catholicke Church of Christ. ¶ The proude primacie of Popes paynted out in Tables in order of their rising vp by little and little from faythfull Byshops and Martyrs to become Lords and gouernours ouer King and kingdomes exalting themselues in the Temple of God aboue all that is called God c. 2. Thessalonians 2. IN the Table of the primitiue Churche aboue described hath bene gentle Reader set forth and exhibited before thine eies the greeuous afflictions and sorowfull tormentes which thorough Gods secret sufferance fell vpon the true Saints and members of Christes Church in that time especially vpon the good Bishops Ministers and teachers of the flocke of whome some were scourged some beheaded some crucified some burned some had their eies put out some one way some another miserably consumed which daies of wofull calamitie cōtinued as is foreshewed neare the space of CCC yeares During which time the deare spouse and elect Church of God being sharply assaulted on euery side had small rest no ioy nor outward safetie in this present world but in much bitternes of hart in continuall teares and mourning vnder the crosse passed ouer their daies being spoiled imprisoned contemned reuiled famished tormented and martired euerywhere who neither durst well tarie at home for feare and dread and much lesse durst come abroade for the enemies but onely by night when they assembled as they might sometimes to sing Psalmes and Hymnes together In all which their dreadfull dangers and sorrowfull afflictions notwithstanding the goodnes of the Lord left them not desolate but the more their outward tribulations did increase the more their inward consolations did abound and the farther off they seemed from the ioyes of this lyfe the more present was the Lorde wyth them wyth grace and fortitude to confirme and reioyce theyr soules And though theyr possessions and riches in this world were lost and spoyled yet were they enriched wyth heauenly giftes and treasures from aboue an hundreth fold Then was true Religion truely felt in hart Then was Christianitie not in outwarde appearance shewed but in inward affection receaued and the true image of the Churche not in outwarde shew pretensed but in her perfect state effectuall Then was the name and feare of God true in hart not in lippes alone dwellyng Fayth then was feruent zeale ardent prayer not swimming in the lippes but groned out to God from the bottome of the spirite Then was no pride in the Church nor laysure to seeke riches nor tyme to keepe them Contention for trifles was then so far from Christians that well were they when they could meete to pray together agaynst the Deuill authour of all dissention Briefly the whole Churche of Christ Iesus wyth all the members thereof the farther it was from the type and shape of this worlde the nearer it was to the blessed respect of Gods fauour and supportation ¶ The first rising of the Byshops of Rome AFter this long tyme of trouble it pleased the Lord at length mercifully to looke vpon the Saints and seruauntes of his sonne to release their captiuitie to release their miserie and to binde vp the old Dragon the Deuill which so long vexed them whereby the Church began to aspire to some more libertie and the Bishops which before were as abiects vtterly contemned of Emperours through the prouidence of God which disposeth all things in his time after his owne willy began now of Emperours to be esteemed and had in price Furthermore as Emperours grew more in deuotion so the Bishops more and more were exalted not only in fauour but also preferred vnto honour in so much that in short space they became not quarter maisters but rather halfe Emperours with Emperours Constantinus the Emperour embrasing Christen Byshops By which words of S. Paul we haue diuers things to vnderstand First that the day of the Lordes cōming was not thē nere at hand Secōdly the Apostle geuing vs a tokē before to know whē that day shall approch biddeth vs looke for an aduersary first to be reuealed Thirdly to shew what aduersary this shal be he expresseth him not to be as a common aduersary suche as were then in his time For although Herode Annas and Cayphas the high Priestes and Pharasyes Tertullus Alexander the Coppersmith Elymas Symō Magus Nero the Emperor in Paules time were great aduersaryes yet here he meaneth another besides these greater thē all the rest not such a one as should be like to Priest King or Emperor but such as farre exceding the estate of all kinges priests and Emperors should be the prince of priests should make kings to
England one for Greeke the other for latine Ex historia Guliel de Regibus Ang. Pleimondus teacher to king Alfred and after Bishop of Canterbury Bookes translated out of latine by K. Alfrede None permitted to haue any dignitie in the court except he were learned Polycron lib. 6. cap. 1. The Psalter translated into English by king Alfrede The cause why the king turned latine bookes into English Learned men sent for and placed about the king The dialoges of Gregory translated Neotus â— Abbot The schole and vniuersitie of Oxford first begonneâ— King Alfrede The newâ— Colledge in Oxford Ioan. â—â—â—tus The aunswere of Ioannes Scotus to the French king Ioan Scotus translated Hierarchiam Dionâ—tij from Greek to Latine The booke of Ioannes Scotus called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ioannes Scotus adicted more to the Greeke Churche then the Latine Ioan Scotus accused of the pope for an heretike Ioannes Scotus slayne by hys owne scollers Ioan Scotus a Martyr This Ethelwitha builded first the house of Nunnes at Winchester The children of K. Alfrede All hys daughters learned The decease of King Alfred An. 901. Etheredus Plâ—imundus Athelmus Vlâ—elmus Odo Archb. of Canterbury 9. Popes in ix yeares at Rome Fermosus first Pope Ex Chroniâ—oâ— Sigeberti Schismes among the Popes Character indâ—lebilis Whether the pope with hys Cardinals may erre Bonifacius 6. Pope Stephen 6. Pope Ex Chroni Martini panitentiarij Sigebert Ex Polych alijs Pope Theodorus 2. Pope Iohn 10. One councell burneth an others decrees Pope Benedictus 4. Pope Leo. 5. imprisoned and vnpoped by hys own chaplayne Pope Christoferus 1. Pope Sergius Pope Formosus after hys death be headed of Pope Sergius A false fayned myracle vpon the body of Formosus Popish miracles not to be credited Bearing of candels on Candlemas day how it came vp Pope 〈◊〉 Pope Lâ—â—â—do 1. Pope 〈◊〉 11. Harloâ—â— this time ruled 〈◊〉 Rome P. Iohn 1. P. Leo. 6. P. Stâ—â— â— restored Liuthpranâ—dus 〈◊〉 sis lib. 3. P. Steph. â— P. Leo. â— P. Marâ— â— P. Agapetus 2. Ordo Clâ—niacensis beginnâ—â— King Edward the elder The Edwardes before the â—â—quest A comparison betweene Alfrede and hys sonne Edward Vse and long exercise of things maketh perfectnes Clyto Ethelwold rebelleth agaynst K. Edward An. 904. An. 913. Chesâ—er repayred and enlarged The Castle of Herford builded Castles builded vpon the riuer of Auene and Ouse The townes of Towcetour and wigmore builded The newe towne of Nottingham builded Thilwall Manchester repayred Elfleda Cittyes Townes and Castles builded by Elfleda The lawes of king Alfred and K. Edward Note howe kinges of England in tymes past had authoritie in spirituall causes Anno. 925. The Children of K Edward the elder Prince Ethelwald excellâ—nt in learning Galiel de Regib The bringing vp of K. Edwardes Children King Ethelstine or Adelstane Duke Elfrede sodenly stroken by the hand of God for periury Guliel lib. de Regib in vita Ethelstani The copie of an old Cart of K. Ethelstane Anno. 927. Northumberland subdued to king Ethelstane The Scots subdued to the king of England It is more honour to make a king then to be a king A fabulous miracle falsely reported of king Athelstane Bristanus Byshop Anno. 933. A ridiculous miracle forged vpon Bristanus Byshop of Winchester A miracle of soules aunswering Amen A sore battaile sought at Brimford An other vnlike myracle of K. Athelstanâ— sword Odo Archbishop of Cant. Analanus The North Brittaynes brought to tribute The South Brittaynes subdued K. Ethelstane seeketh the death of his owne brother A note to learne not to sowe discorde betwixt brother and brother The cause of building Abbeyes examined Otho first Emperour of the Germaine Precious iewels sent to king Ethelstane from the French K. Concerning one of the nayles wherewith our Sauiour Christ was crucified Kinges of England gouernors as well in 〈◊〉 ecclesiastical aâ—â—â—mporall Extractum on legib 〈◊〉 Athelstane * alias 〈◊〉 * alias minoribus * alias scristes dictionum * alias seruitistimentalas * 〈◊〉 sunt * alias seristes mensia 〈◊〉 * in sua scrysiseyra A lawe how that maisters ought to condiscend and beare sometime with their seruauntes The law of king Ethelstane concerning tythes Tythes The K. woulde vsurpe no mans goodes wrongfully The law of K. Ethelstane concerning fealous stealing aboue xii d. Epitap in Ethelst Sol illustrauit bisseno scorpion ortu Cum regeÌ„ cauda percuâ—â—t ille sua Anno. 940. Edmundus kyng of England Ex historia Cariona Monkes put out of Eusham the yeare of our Lord. 941. The difference betweene Monkes and priestes Chastitie wroÌ„gly defined Holy mariage by the definition of Paphnutius is chastitie Monkes how they differed from Priestes and how they first began in England Guliel de pontiâ—â—â—â— The monâ—stery of Fâ—â—riake Oswaldes Byshop of Yorke a great paâ—â—â—â— of Monkery Guliel lin 3. de pontif The origâ—â— of monkery how it first began in England Dunstane Abbot of Glastonbury The sonnes of King Edmund The impâ—dent vanitie of the Popes Churche in forgyng false myracles Guliel lib. 1. de pont The monastery of Glastonbury Dunstane Abbot of Glostanbury The Abbey of Glostenbury was first builded by K. Iue by the couÌ„sell of Adelmus after beyng destroyed by the Danes Guliel lib. 2. de Regib The lawes of king Edmunde touching as well the state spirituall as temporall Vlstanus Archbishop of Yorke Odo Arch. of Canterbury Guliel de pont lib. 1. Polycron lib. 6. ca. 6. Odo made monke at Floriake after he was Archb. of CaÌ„terbury Guliel de pont lib. 1. Guliel lib. 3. de pont Ebor. The difference of habite and garmentes among men of the Church False and lying myracles noted vpon Odo A note to the reader Transubstantiation not yet receaued The letter of Odo Archb. to the prelates Elsinus Archb. of Caunt elect S. Edmundesbury The children of King Edmund Anno. 946. Edrede gouernour of the Realme Dunstane made byshop of Wirceter and after of London With lye and all K. Edwyne Anno. 955. The king suspensed by the Archbishop K. Edwyne an enemye to Monkes Monkes put out and seculâ—r priestes placed in their roomes The death of K. Edwyne Anno. 959. K. Edgar called Pacificus Dunstane made Bysh. of Worceter and of London Ex hist. Rog. Houenden Spirituall liuinges geuen by the king and not by the Pope Oswaldâ—â— byshop of Worceter and after â— Yorke Ethelwâ—â—â— byshop of Wint. a great â—â—â—tayner of Monkery An. 96â— Ex Guliel Malmâ—sâ—â—rieâ—â— de gostis ponâ—â—â— Aâ—g Monkishe dreames Dreames not necessary to be regarded Difference of dreames How and wheÌ„ monks first began to swarme in England Dunstane Ethelwold Oswald three setters vp of Monkishe religion 40. Monasteries builded and repayred by K. Edgar Priestes thrust out of Cathedrall houses and monkes set in Roger Houeden lib. Continuationum post BedaÌ„ Chronicon Iornalense Guliel de gestis pontifi lib. 1. Oswald Byshop of Wytceter and Archb. of Yorke The pollicy of Oswald in driuing out priestes to place
states of the church described 1. The martyrdome of the Church 2. The prosperity of the church 3. The corruption of the church 4. The correctioÌ„ of the church Ezech. 16. 〈…〉 〈…〉 Ezech. 23. 〈…〉 〈…〉 Osee. 2. Nahum 3. 5. The reformation of the Church Certaine notes and signes that the tribulation of the Church draweth neare 1. Signe 2. Thess. 2. Except there come a defection first howe it is to be vnderstanded 2. Note or token The Sinagogue and the church compared together in maners 3. Note oâ— token 〈…〉 Oligarchia is where a fewe beare al the sway and all the rest be nothing worth Esay 1. Amos. 4. Signe Prideâ— Prelates noted Amos 4. 5. Signe Sap. 16. The tyranny of prelates noted Ezech. 34. Micheas 3. Ezech. 34. 6. Signe Promoting of vnworthy ministers Haymo 7. Signe Ierem. 4. Ezech. 7. 8. Signe Zach. 7. Refusing of correction to the clergie Esay 30. Truth sheÌ„t Amos. 5. Osee. 4. Lack of lear ned priestes The third part of meÌ„ber of the subdiuision The first opinion The church where it is and in whoÌ„ it consisteth Eccle. 40. Ieremy 7. The 2. opinion Thren 5. Ezech. 12. Thren 4. The third opinion or errour Sap. 2. Prouer. cap. 1. The fourth opinion or errour Ierem. 8. Ierem. 13. Ierem. 17. Ezech. 21. Ionas cap. 3. Ierem. 26. The fourth part or member of the subdiuision Ieremy 18. Esay 5. Esay 30. Iosue 7. 1. Reg. 25. Esay 66. Psal. 71. Esay 51. The order of Iesuites Anno. 1367. The chiefe offices of the realme translated from the clergie to the Lordes temporal Pope Gregory xi Anno. 1370. The papacy reduced againe from Fraunce to Rome Militzius â— Bohemian for the truth persecuted by the pope Ex Bulla Gregory 11 The coÌ„ming of Antichrist prophesied K. Edward coÌ„plaineth of the popes reseruation of benefices The Pope put from his reseruing of benefices in England Quare impedit The law of â—munire 〈◊〉 the â—â—altie â—â—erof The Popes primacie here in engâ—â—â— bridled S. Bridget Ex lib. reuelationum Diua Bridgitta Da pecuniam Rome a fertile grounde of weedes cockle Catherina Senensis Ex Antonino part 3. histor The reformatioÌ„ of religion prophecied of before The prophecie of Katherine Note Mathias Parisiensis a writer against the pope Antichrist alreadie come The doctrine protestation of Mathias Ioannes MouÌ„â—ziger protestant against the pope Ann. 1384. Nilus the archbishop of Thessalonica Iacobus MisueÌ„sis and Militzius Militzius persecuted by the Pope Henricus de Hassia The citizeâ— of MoguÌ„tinâ— A briefe rehearsall of suche as were put to death for holding against the Byshop of Rome before the time of Wickliffeâ— Eckhardus â— Frier burned An Heremit disputing against the Popes sacrament Ranulphus Eâ— Archiuis Regiâ— Marestatis Parcial dissimulation in our histoâ—â—es of the Church of England Ex anno 6. reg â—dou 3. â—ut 1. The Archb. of Cant. came not to the parliament at Yorke and all for bearing the crosse Ex an 17. reg Edouards 3. tit 39. The Popes prouisions restrayned 〈◊〉 The church of England spoyled by the pope his foreiners The acte of K. Edwarde the first reuâ—ued for premunire tit 60. Anno. Reg. Edouardi 3 â— tit 33. Presentatiâ—â— within 4. â—onethes â—n reg 18. â— 34. No elections to be taken by the pope but onely by the K. anno reg 18. tit 35. Dispositions of benefices onely in the kynges hand an 18. Ed. 3. tit 36. Bulls froÌ„ Rome forbidden an 18 reg Ed. 3. tit 37. The Deanrie of Yorke taken froÌ„ the Cardinal an 18. reg Ed. 3. tit 38. The kings aunswere agreement to the foresayd petitions Note that the Byshops be not here named and yet the parliament standeth in force Alien monkes to auoyd an 20. Ed. 3. tit 30. The liuinges of straungers beneficed taken into the kings hand tit 21. The liuings of Romish straungers disposed to English men tit 32. tit 33. Cardinals depriued of their lyuings in England tit 34. Ex Arch 25. an reg Ed 3. The popes first fruitsâ— reseruatioÌ„s more huâ—â—full to the realm theÌ„ al the kyngâ— wars tit 14. To breake of all appeales to Rome tit 14. The request of the K. for causes not to be determined at Rome tit 7. What mischiefs come by transporting causes to Rome tit co The printed statute of prouision not agreeing in all termes against the pope with the record tit 9. Ex an reg Ed. 40. tit 7. videlicet The pope mindeth to send for the king vp by proceâ— K. Iohn could not without consent of parliament become tributary to the pope tit 8. Agreed by parliament that the K. by force should resist the Pope Braule betweene the 4. orders of Friers and the two vniuersities Ex. tit 10. The Friers subiect to the kings order only in all their controuersies parliament tit 12. Ex Archiuis regiae maiestatis an 50. Reg. Ed. 3. tit 94. Against the vsurpatiâ—n of the pope The Pope cause of all mischiefes in England The tresure of the Realme coÌ„ueyed away by the popeâ— meanes 〈◊〉 97. The Pope geueth example to 〈◊〉 benefices tit 99. Inestimable that the P. hath here out of England tit 1â—0 Reseruation of the church of England desired in the ParliameÌ„t tit 111. Actes made for no money to be transported tit 103. Againâ—â— the Popes lyge spies collectors tit 104. The Popes collection what it coÌ„meth to tit 205. The best dignities in England in the Cardinals tit 106. The Pope maintaineâ— the kings enemies with the kyngs money tit 207. The Popes practise in â—ngland to make mâ—ney tit 101. The law of 〈…〉 Against the popes vsurption tit 112. Englishe money payeth the Popes legates tâ—t 113. No good money in the realme for the pope and Card. 〈◊〉 114. The Popes colector or proctor driâ—â—n out of the realme 〈◊〉 115. The Popes collector to be examiâ—ed English meÌ„â—ood asses Order takeÌ„ in London against vsury â—â— 158. Complaynt against the B. of Yorke and his officers for their excelsiue â—â—ing for their admissions tit 171 Ex Archiâ—â— Reg. â—â—â— 3. an regni 51. tit 36. Against the popes proâ—â—sions from Rome ann reg â—1 tit 36 The effect of the ChaÌ„cellors Oration The cause of this parliament chiefly for the Popes vsurpation against the king Against the pope his prouisions from Rome â—n reg 51. â—it 35 The kynges â—â—swere Against the P. his dispâ—tations tit 62. By this Anteferri that is 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 the preeminence 〈◊〉 the kyng The popes lawe of preminerâ— which now we corruptly call premiâ—ine debaâ—ed by the K tit 78. Ex Actis parliaments in an reg Ed. rerâ—g 15 tit 24. Punishment of the clergie in the temporall mens handes Clarkes subiect to temporall lawe The raynment of the Archb. of Cant. an 15. Ed. 3. tit 49. Iohn Wickliffe sent with the kings Ambassadours by the K. Here beginneth the story of Iohn Wickliffe The blemishes of Wickliffe made worse then they be The testimonie of Walden an enemy in commendation of Wickliffe
is said Romanam Ecclesiam non a concilio aliquo sed a diuina voce primatum accepisse that the church of Rome tooke not his primacie by any Councell but onely by the voyce of God And this is to be said although it were true that these titles termes were so giuen to the bishop of Rome in the olde time yet how and by whom they were giuen ye sâ—e Now to trie this matter as ioyning an issue with our aduersaries whether those foresaid titles of soueraigntie were applied in the old tyme of the Primitiue church to the Bishop of Rome as to be called the vicare generall of Christ the hed of the whole church and vniuersall bishop remaineth to be proued Wherunto this in my minde is to be answered that albeit the bishops of Rome of some peraduenture were so called by the names of higher preeminence of that citie of some going about to please them or to craue some helpe at their handes yet that calling 1. First was vsed then but of a few 2. Secondly neither was giuen to many 3. Thirdly was rather giuen then sought for of the most 4. Fourthly was not so giuen that it maketh or can make any generall necessitie of law why euery one is so bound to call them as the bishop of Rome now seeketh to be taken and called and that by necessitie of saluation as the decree of Pope Boniface 8. witnesseth where is said quòd sit de necessitate salutis vt credatur Primatus Ecclesiae Rom. ei subesse That it standeth vpon necessitie of saluation to beleue the Primacie of the church of Rome and to be subiect to the same c. As touching therfore these titles and termes of preheminence aforesaide orderly to set foorth and declare what histories of times doe saye in that matter by the grace of Christ. First we will see what be the titles the Bishop of Rome doth take and chalenge to himselfe and what is the meaning of them 2. When the first came in whether in the primitiue time or not and by whom 3. How they were first giuen to the Romane Bishops that is whether of necessary duety or voluntary deuotion whether commonly of the whole or particularly of a few and whether in respect of Peter or in respect of the Citie or els of the worthines of the Bishop which there sat 4. And if the foresayd names were then giuen of certaine Bishops vnto the bishop of Rome whether all the saide names were geuen or but certaine or what they were 5. Or whether they were then receaued of all Byshops of Rome to whoÌ„ they were giuen or els refused of some 6. And finally whether they ought to haue bene refused beyng giuen or not Touching the discourse of which matters although it appertaine to the profession rather of Diuines then hystoritians and would require a long and large debating yet for so much as both in these diuers other weighty controuersies of Diuinity the knowledge of times and histories must needes helpe Diuines disputing about the same so much as the grace of Christ shall assiste me therein I wil ioyne to the seeking out of truth such helpe as I may And first to begin with the names and titles now claymed and attributed to the sea and Byshop of Rome and what they be is sufficiently declared aboue that is the cheife Preist of the worlde the Prince of the Church Byshop Apostolicall the vniuersall head of the Church the head and Byshop of the vniuersall Church the successor of Peter most holy Pope the vicar of God on earth neither God nor man but a mixt thing betweene both the Patriarche or Metropolitane of the Churche of Rome the Byshop of the first sea etc. Unto the which titles or stile is annexed a triple crowne a triple crosse two crossed keyes a naked sword seauenfold seales in token of the seauenfolde giftes of the holy Ghost he being carried pickbacke vpon mens shoulders after the maner of heathen kynges hauing all the Empire and the Emperour vnder his dominion that it is not conuenient for any terrene Prince to reigne there where he sitteth hauing the plenary fulnes of power as well of temporall things as spirituall things in his handes that all thinges are his and that all such Princes as haue gyuen him any thing haue giuen him but his owne hauing at his will and pleasure to preach indulgencies and the crosse against Christen Princes whatsoeuer And that the Emperour certaine other Princes ought to make to him confession of subiection at their coronation hauing authoritie to depose and that he de facto hath deposed Emperors and the king of France Also to absolue the subiects from their allegeance to their Princes whom kings haue serued for footmen to lead his horse and the Emperour to hold his stirrop that he may and doth geue power to Bishops vpon the bodies of men and hath graunted them to haue prisons without whose authoritie no general Councell hath any force And to whom appellations in all maner of causes may and ought to be made That his decrees be equall with the decrees of Nicen Councel and are to be obserued and taken in no lesse force then if they had bene confirmed with the heauenly voyce of Sainct Peter himselfe ex fra Barth alijs Item that the sayd Byshop of Rome hath the heauenly disposition of thinges and therefore may alter and chaunge the nature of thinges by applying the substance of one thing to an other cap. Quando de transl Epis. tit 7. Item that he can of nothing make something and cause the sentence which before was none to stande in effect and may dispence aboue the lawe and of iniustice make iustice in correcting and chaunging lawes for he hath the fulnes of power And againe dist 40. cap. Si Papa If the Pope doe leade with him innumerable soules â—â— flockes into hell yet no man must presume to rebuke his faultes in this worlde Item that it standeth vpon necessitie of saluation to beleeue the Premacie of the sea of Rome and to be subiect to the same c. These thinges thus declared now let vs see whether these names and titles with the forme and maner of this authoritie and regalitie aboue rehearsed were euer attributed of any in the primitiue tyme to the byshop of Rome For al these he doth chalenge and clayme vnto him by old possession from the time of S. Peter And here a question is to be asked of our aduersaries the Papistes whether they will auouch all these aforesaide titles together wyth the whole forme and tenour of regalitie to the same belongyng as is afore touched or not if they wil let them come foorth with their allegations which they neuer haue done yet nor euer shal be able if they will not or can not auouch them all together in maner as is specified then why doth the byshop claime them altogether so stoutly
an 405. as appeareth dist 61. cap. Miserum Item Zosimus Byshop of the sayd Citie of Rome an 420 as witnesseth dist 59. cap. 1. who speaketh de summo sacerdotio that is of high priesthood not onely of the church of Rome but of all other churches Vrbanus the first was Byshop of Rome an 226. who in his writinges alleaged by Gratian referreth the name place Summi pontificis of the hygh Byshop not onely to the seate of Rome but vniformely to euery Byshop as appeareth in the wordes of the dist 51. cap. Si officia c. And thus much as touching the name or title of high Priest or supreme Byshop Which title as I doe not deny to haue bene vsed in maner forme aforesayd so do I denye this tytle and style of Summus orbis pontifex as it is now vsed in Rome to haue bene vsed or vsually receaued duryng all the primitiue tyme of the Church that is v. huÌ„dred yeares after Christ after the manner and sort I mean of that authoritie and glory which in these dayes nowe is vsed and is giuen to the same vntil the time of Phocas the wicked Emperour which was after the yeare of the Lord 608. The which title as it is to glorious for any one Byshop in the church of Christ to vse so is it not to be found in any of the approued and most auncient writers of the church namely these as Cyprianus Basilius Fulgentius Chrysostomus Hieronymus Ambrosius Augustinus Tertullianus but rather writeth against the same especially of the last And therfore not with out cause it is written and testified of Erasmus who speaking of the sayd name of Summus orbis pontifex denieth plainely the same to be hearde of among the olde writers whose wordes be these Certe nomen hoc nondum illis temporibus erat auditum quantum ex veterum omniuÌ„ scriptis licet colligere c. lib. Epist. 3. Epist. 1. art 37. c. as whosoeuer readeth the same authours shall finde to be true The like is to be affirmed also of other presumptious titles of like ambition as the head of the vniuersal church the Uicar of Christ in earth Prince of Priestes with such like which all be new found termes straunge to the cares of the old primitiue writers and Councels and not receiued openly and commonly before the tyme of Boniface the third and Phocas the aforesayd Now remaineth the name of the Pope which of his nature and by his first origine being a word of the Syracusane speech called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and signifieth as much as Pater Father was then vsed and frequented of them in the old tyme not so as proper onely to the Byshop of Rome but common and indifferent to all other Byshops or personages whosoeuer were of worthy excelleÌ„ce as is partly before declared But nowe contrarily the generalitye of this name is so restrayned and abused that not onely it is appropriate to the Byshop of Rome but also distincteth and disceuereth the authoritie and preminence of that Byshop alone from all other Byshoppes for which cause it is now worthely come into contempt and execration No lesse is to be reiected also the name of vniuersalis or oecumenicus pontifex Summus orbis Episcopus Caput vniuersalis Ecclesiae Christi in terris Princeps vicariê° sacerdotuÌ„ c. Al which termes and vocables tending to the derogation of other Bishops Patriarches as they were neuer receaued nor allowed in Rome if we beleeue Gregory during the tyme of the Primatiue church so now are worthely of vs refused Although it cannot be denied but certaine were in the Primatiue time which began priuately to pretende that proude and wicked title of vniuersall Byshop as Menna and especially Ioannes Patriarche of Constantinople who calling a Counsell at Constantinople went about to stablish and ratifie and to dignifie his throne by the consent of the Councell and the Emperour of Constantinople and obtained the same as appeareth in the v. generall Councell of Constantinople the 2. where both Menna is named Oichumenicus Patriarcharum and also Ioannes in the sayde Councell is titled Oicumenicus Patriarcha ex Concil general 5. cap. Domino Concerning the which title although it was then vsed to Constantinople through the sufferaunce of the Emperours being then willing to haue their imperiall City aduaunced yet notwithstanding this foresayde title all this while was not in the City of Rome And in Constantinople it stoode not then in force Iure aliquo diuino but onely by mans lawe And thirdly it was then but onely verbalis titulus hauing no true dominacion vpon all other Churches or any reall subiection belonging to the same Forasmuch as neither the Bishop of Rome nor any of the West churches were subiect or did acknowledge seruice vnto them but rather did repugne the same namely Pelagius the 2. Gregorius the 1. both Byshops at that time of Rome whiche Pelagius writing to all Byshops sayth playnely in these wordes that no Patriarch should take the name of vniuersalitie at any time because that if any be called vniuersall the name of Patriarch is derogate from all other But let this be farre saith he from all faithfull men to will to take that thing to him wherby the honor of his brethren is diminished Wherefore the sayd Pelagius chargeth all such Byshops that none of them in their letters will name any Patriarche to be vniuersall least he take from him selfe the honour due to him while they giue that which is not due to another What can be more euident then these wordes of Pelagius who was Bishop of Rome next before Gregory an 583 In lyke maner or more plainely and more earnestly writeth also Gregory of this matter in his register prouyng and disputing that no man ought to be called vniuersall Byshop Moreouer with sharpe wordes and rebukes detesteth the same title calling it new folish proude peruerse wicked prophane and such as to consent vnto it is as much as to denye the fayth He addeth further and saith that whosoeuer goeth about to extoll himselfe aboue other Byshops in so doing followeth the fact of Sathan to whoÌ„ it was not sufficient to be counted equall or like vnto other angels In his Epistles how oft doth he repeate and declare the same to repugne directly against the Gospell and auncient decrees of Counsels affirming that none of his predecessours did euer vsurpe to himselfe that style or title and concludeth that whosoeuer so doth declareth himselfe to be a forerunner of Antichrist c. With this iudgement of Gregory wel well agreeth also the wordes of S. Augustine Lib. 3 cap. 3. De Baptismo where reciting the wordes of Cyprian thus saith Neque enim quisquam nostrum se Episcopum EpiscoporuÌ„ constituit aut tyrannicomore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suns aâ—igit c. That is for none of vs doth euer set himselfe to be Bishop
the same For in matters of the church which are spirituall all preeminence standeth vpon spirituall inward gifts spiritualia enim spiritualibus comparantur as fayth pietie learning and godly knowledge zeale and feruencie in the holy ghost vnitie of doctrine c. which giftes many tymes may excel in a church where the minister or bishop is inferiour to bishops or ministers of other churches As the most famous schoole in a realme hath not alway the most famous schoolemaister neither doth make him therby most excellent in learning aboue of all other So if our aduersaries do meane by this preemineÌ„ce of the church of Rome such inward gifts of doctrine faith vnitie and peace of religion then say I the excellencie hereof doth not inferre or argue the excellencie of the Bishop And thus concerning the principallitie of the Church of Rome commended at that time of the Doctors it may be true so well expounded one way And thus do I graunt the antecedent of this argument and deny the consequent But here will our aduersaries peraduenture reply againe and say that the principallitie of the church of Rome which is commended by the Doctours is not ment here so much by inward gifts and induments belonging to a christian church as by outwarde authoritie and domination ouer other churches whereto is to be aunswered First what necessitie is there or where did our Papists learne to bring into the spiritual church of Christ this outward forme of ciuile regimeÌ„t and pollicie that as the Romaine Emperours in tyme past gouerned ouer all the world so the Romaine bishop must haue his monarchie vpon the vniuersall Clergy to make all other churches to stoupe vnder his subiection And where then be the wordes of our Sauiour Vos autem non sic If they hold their affirmatiue quòd sic where then is Christes negatiue non sic if they say there must needes be distinction of degrees in the church and in this distinction of degrees superioritie must necessarily be graunted for the outward discipline of the church for directing matters for quieting of schismes for setting orders for commensing of Conuocations and Councels as neede shall require c. Against this superioritie we stand not therefore we yeld to our superior power kings and princes our due obedience and to our lawfull gouernours vnder God of both regiments Ecclesiasticall and Temporall Also in the Ecclesiasticall state we take not away the distinction of ordinarie degrees such as by the Scripture be appointed or by the primatiue church allowed As Patriarchs or Archbishops Bishops Ministers and Deacons for of these foure we especially read as chiefe In which foure degrees as we graunt diuersitie of office so we admitte in the same also diuersitie of dignitie neither denying that which is due to ech degree neither yet maintaining the ambition of any singuler person For as we geue to the minister place aboue the Deacon to the bishop aboue the minister to the Archbishop aboue the Bishop so we see no cause of inequalitie why one minister should be aboue an other minister One bishop in his degree aboue an other bishop to deale in his Diocesse or one Archbishop aboue another Archbishop And this is to keepe an order duely truly in the church according to the true nature and definitioÌ„ of order by the authoritie of August lib. De ciuit Dei Where he thus defineth that which we call order Ordo est parium dispariumque rerum sua cuique loca tribuens dispositio Order saith he is a discretion or diâ—position giuen to all things according as they are matches or not matches proportionally to euery one his owne right and proper place This definition of S. Augustine standing with the things before premised now here ioyneth the questioÌ„ betwene vs and the Papistes whether the Metropolitane Church of Rome with the Archbishop of the same ought to be preferred before other Metropolitane churches Archbishyps through vniuersall Christendome or not To the answer wherof if the voyce of order might here be heard it would say geue to things that be matches like like honour to things vnlike vnlike honour c. Wherefore seyng the sea of Rome is a Patriarchall sea appointed by the Primitiue Church and the Bishop thereof an Archbishop limited within his owne bordering churches which the Councel of Nice calleth suburbicas Ecclesias as other Archbishops be he ought therfore orderly to haue the honor of an Archbishop ordering himselfe thereafter such outward preeminence as to other Archbishops is due More if he do require he breaketh the rule of right order he falleth into presumption and doth wrong vnto his fellows and they also do wrong vnto themselues whosoeuer they be which feeding his humour of ambition geue more vnto him theÌ„ the foresaid rule of order doth require For so much as they yeld to him more theÌ„ is his right so much they take froÌ„ theÌ„selues which is due to theÌ„ And the same is the cause why both Gregory and Pelagius his predecessour reprehendeth them which gaue to the Archbishop of Constantinople that which now the bishop of Rome clauneth to himselfe charging them with the breach of order in these words Nedum priuatim aliquod daretur vni honore debito sacerdotes priuarentur vniuersi that is least that while any singular thing is giuen to due person all other Priestes be depriued of their due honour And for the like case Pelagius exhorteth that no Priest do giue to any one Archbishop the name of vniuersall bishop ne sibi debitum subtrahat cum alteri honorem offert indebitum That is least saith he in so doing he take from himselfe his due honour while he yeldeth that which is not due to another And also in the same Epistle Quia si summus Patriarcha vniuersalis dicitur Patriarcharum nomen caeteris derogatur For saith he if he be called the chiefe vniuersal Patriarch then is the name of Patriarchs derogated from other c. Wherefore as is said seing the bishop of Rome is an Archbishop as other be Order giueth that he should haue the dignitie which to Archbishops is due whatsoeuer is added more is derogation to the rest And thus much concerning distinction of degrees and order in giuing to euery degree his place and honour The second reason or answer to the obiectioÌ„ before moued pag. 16. is this that beyng graunted to the Papists that the Doctours aforesaid speaking of the principallitie of the church of Rome doe meane not onely of the inward vertues of that church but also of the outward authoritie and iurisdiction of the same aboue other churches yet the cause wherfore they did attribute so much to the church is to be expeÌ„ded which was this as before was alledged out of the Councel of Calcedon cap. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is for the title and Imperie which that citie of Rome had then aboue other
properly appertain briefly with this one short distinction I answer these all such other like places where S. Peter with his successours are called head of the church chiefe of Bishops Prince of the Apostles c. In which places this worde head chiefe and Prince of the Apostles may be taken two maner of waies to note either dominiō or els commendation For so we read sometime Caput and princeps to be wordes not of authoritie but of excellencie wherby is declared the chiefest and worthiest part among many parts and not possessour and gouernour of the whole Like as in the person of mā the hed is the principal part of the whole body being endued with reason furnished with most excellēt senses by the which the whole body of mā is directed so thereof is deriued by a metaphor to what man or thing soeuer nature or condition hath giuen the greatest excellēcie of gifts and properties aboue other partes or mēbers the same societie to be called of the said parties Caput or Princeps head or Prince And yet the same head or Prince so called hath not alwayes dominion or iurisdictiō of the rest So we call in our vulgar speach the head or chiefe men of the parish who for their riches wisdom or place are most specially noted After like phrase of speach we call the head man of the Inquest him that hath the first place And yet neither they nor these haue any dominion or iurisdiction vpon the residue In a schoole the chiefest Scholer in learning is not therefore the maister or gouernour of his fellowes Neither hath M. Cicero any title thereby to claime subiection and seruice of all other Oratours because he is named Princeps eloquentiae and goeth before them in that kind of phrase The same Cicero Lib. 1. offic calleth Cratippū principem huius aetatis Philosophorum as Homerus also may be called Poetarum Princeps And yet neither Philosophers to Cratippus nor Poetes to Homere owe anye thing els but onely fame and praise And what if S. Peter the blessed Apostle be called and counted of the old auncient Doctours as head and Prince of the Apostles which is as much as Coryphaeus Apostolorum for his excellent faith for his deuine confession singular affection to the Lorde Iesus yet what Interest or charge either hath he to chalenge ouer the Apostles or the Pope after him ouer all other bishops the whole church of Christ although the Pope haue the like excellencie of Christes faith which Peter had as would God he had As concerning these allegations therfore out of the Doctors two thinges are to be obserued First that neither these names and titles though they be geuen to Peter doe geue him any state or dominion aboue other Apostles nor yet the succession of him doth further any whit this celsitude and regalitie of the Pope to aduance him aboue his fellow Archbishops as he now doth And if our aduersaries would needs prouoke vs to the numbring of testimonies deuiding the house speaking of the writers and Counsels of the Primitiue age for these aforesaid testimonies alleaged on their side I could on the contrary part recite out of the witnesse of Doctours out of the examples of Councels practises of Emperors no lesse then 60. voices much more repugnant against their assertion then there is for the Pope The tractation wherof for this present I do refer either to them that haue more laisure at this time to discourse them or els omit it to an other time if the good pleasure of the Lord shall be to graunt me further laisure in an other Booke to intreat thereof at large in such order as if the Lord so graunt shal appeare sufficient matter to proue by the Doctors general Councels examples and histories of time that the Bishops of Rome during the first 500. yeres after Christ although for the greatnes of the Empire were somewhat more magnified then the other and therfore were sought of many and were flattred of some and they themselues diuers did set forth themselues more then they should yet by the commō consent of churches were stopped of their purpose so that by the consension of the most part within the compasse of that age the Bishops of Rome had not this regall state of title iurisdiction and fulnes of power which now they vsurpe but were taken as Archbishops of equal honour of equal merite with other Archbishops rulers of the church And if any preferment was giuen vnto them some thing aboue the rest yet neither was it so giuen of all nor of the most part secondly neither was it so giuen of them for any such necessitie of Gods worde aut iure aliquo diuino as which did so bind them thereunto nor yet so much for the respect of Peter his succession as for certaine other causes and respects as may be gathered to the number of 13. Of which the first is the greatnesse of the citie and Monarchie of Rome The second is the authoritie of the Emperor Constantine the great first of the Emperors conuerted to the faith and ruling in the same citie by whom the vniuersal libertie of the church was first promooted and the causes of the bishops being then at variance were committed partly to the bishop of Rome partly to other bishops nere by to be decided as appeareth Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5. The third was the Councel of Nice which confirmed the preeminence of that church to haue the ouersight of the churches bordering about it The fourth cause of aduauncing the church of Rome was the vnquiet state of the Greek church much troubled in those dayes with sects factions and dissentions wherof we may read Socrat. lib. 2. cap 15. Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 8. The fift when Synodes were called by other Metropolitanes then if it chanced the bishops of Rome to be absent and their sentence being absent to be required by the occasion therof they began at length to take their sentence for a Canon or rule Ecclesiasticall thereby to refuse other Synodes where their decree or sentēce was not required An other cause was that when any common matter was in hand in other places whatsoeuer was done commonly the maner was to write to the Romaine bishop for his approbatiō in the same for publike vnitie and consent to be had in Christes church as appeareth Lib. 10. Epist. 78. Ambrosij ad Theophilum Item for that the testimonie somtimes of the Romain bishop was woont in those dayes also to be desired for admitting teachers and bishops in other churches whereof we haue example in Socrat lib. 4. cap. 37. Moreouer this was a great setting vp of that church when as their sentence not only was required but also receiued diuers times of other bishops And when Bishops of other prouinces were at any dissention among thēselues they of their owne accord appealed to the bishop of Rome desiring him to
to the brethren of Fraunce and of Spayne appointeth such an order and forme of the church as seemeth not to agree with the time then present For so hee declareth in that Epistle that a Byshop in al places whether soeuer he goeth should haue two Priestes with three deacons waiting vpoÌ„ him to be witnesses of al his waies and doings Which ordinaunce although I deny not but it may be and is conuenient yet I se not how that time of Lucius could serue then for a Bishop to cary such a pompe of Priestes Deacons about him or to study for any such matter for so much as Bishops commonly in those daies were seldome free to go abroad went they neuer so secrete but either were in houses close and secret or in prison or els in banishment Moreouer in the said Epistle how poÌ„pously he writeth to the Church of Rome This holy and Apostolycall Church of Rome sayth he the mother of all Churches of Christ which by the grace of God omnipotent hath neuer bene proued to swerue out of the pathe of Apostolicall tradition neyther hath euer fallen or bene depraued with heretical innouations but euen as in the first beginning it receaued the rule of the Apostolicall faith by his first instructers the Princes of the Apostles so it continueth euer immaculate and vndefiled vnto the end Unto this Lucius also is referred in the decrees of Gratian this constitution that no minister whatsoeuer after his ordination should at any time reenter to the chamber of his owne wife in paine of loosing his Ministery in the Church c. Eusebius in his vij booke making mention of the death of Lucius and not of his Martyrdome saith that he sate but eight moneths But Damasus in his Martyrologe holdeth that hee sat thre yeares was beheaded the second yeare of Valerian and Galienus Emperours And so doth also Marianus Scotus and Nauclerus with other that folow Damasus affirme the same After him came Stephanus next Bishop of Rome following Lucius whome Damasus Platina and Sabellicus affirme to haue sit vij yeares fine monethes to die a martir Contrary Eusebius and Volateranus holding with hym giue him but two yeares which part commeth most neare to the truth I leaue to the readers iudgement of his two Epistles decretall and of his ordinaunces out of the same collected I nede not much to tary for two respects eyther for that concerning these decretal Epistles suspiciously intituled to the names of the fathers of the primitiue church sufficiently hath bene said before or els because both the phrase barbarous and incongrue and also the matter it self therin contained is such that although no testimony came against it yet it easely refelleth it selfe As wherein the second Epistle he decreeth that no Byshop being expulsed out of hys seate or depriued of his goodes ought to be accused of anye or is bound to aunswere for himselfe before that by the lawe regularly he be restored agayne fully to his former state and that the Primates and the Synode render to him agayne all such possessions and fruites as were taken froÌ„ him before his accusation as is agreeing both to the lawes Canon also seculare First here I would desire the Reader a little to stay this to consider to himself who be these here ment which either vsed or might despoile these bishops of their goods expulse theÌ„ froÌ„ their seates for such wroÌ„gfull causes but only Kings Emperours which at this time were not yet Christened nor vsed any such proceedinges against these Bishops in such sort as either Primates or Synodes coulde restore them again to their places and possessioÌ„s Againe what priuate goodes or possessions had Byshops then to be taken from them when as Churches yet neither were indued wyth patrimonies nor possessions And if any treasures were coÌ„mitted to the church it pertained not properly to the Byshop but went in general to the subuention of the poore in the Church as in the Epistle of Cornelius to Fabius maye appeare alleaged in Eusebius Lib. 6. cap. 43. where he speaking of his Church declaring how there ought to bee but one Byshoppe in the same â—nterreth mention of xlvj Priestes vij Deacons with vij Subdeacons xlij Acoluthes of widowes and poore afflicted persons to the â—â—ber of a 1500 and aboue founde and nourished in the same Church by the mercifull benignitie and prouidence of god Eusebius Lib. 6. cap. 43. It followeth more in the ende of the said Canon which thing is forbidden both by the lawes Ecclesiastical also seculer c. Now what lawes seculer were in the time of Stephen for bishops not to be charged with any accusation before they were restored againe to their state let any Reader marking well the state or the Heathen lawes that then were iudge and in iudgeing I doubte not but this matter alone though there were no other will be ynough to descry the vntruth hereof Moreouer by diuers other probable notes and arguments in the saide seconde Epistle of Stephanus it maye be easely espied this Epistle to be famed and â—â—authored especiall by the fift Canon of the saide Epistle where hee so solemnely entreateth of the difference betweene Primats Metropolitanes and Archbyshops which distinction of degres and titles sauoring more oâ— ambition then of persecution giueth me verily to suppose this Epistle not to be written by this Stephen but by â—ine other man either of that name or of some other time when the Churche began to be setled in more prosperitie and orders therein to bee taken for euery man to know his â—egâ—â—e and limits of his authoritie according as tâ— specified by the vj and vij Canon of Nicene Councell â—â—â—ceeing of the same matter The like 〈…〉 of the seuenth Canon of the said Epistle where he writeth and appointeth all causes iudiciarie to be decided determined within the precinct of their owne proper Prouince and not to passe ouer the boundes theron vnlesse saith he the appeaâ—e be made to the Apostolical sea of Rome which sanâ—reth in my nose rather of a â—â—acke of Popery then of the veine of Christianity especially in these times during this terrible persecution among the Byshops of Christ. And thus much of the second decretall Epistle of Stephanus although of the first Epistle also written to Hilarius some thing may be said as where he speaketh in the said Epistle of holy â—â—â—timentes and holy vessels and other ornaments of the aulter seruing to diuine worship and therfore not to be touched nor handled of any maÌ„ sauing of Priests alone Concerning all which implements my opinion is this that I thinke the Church of Rome not to haue beene in so good state theÌ„ that either Stephanus or Sixtus before him beyng occupied about other more earnest maters and scarce able to hide their owne heades had any minde or cogitation to studie vpon such vnnecessary inuentions seruing in
in effect were these Quid autem acciderit vt Theodorus sanctiss Archiepiscopus me superstite in sede quam licet indignus dispensabam absque consensu cuiuslibet Episcopi ex sua autoritate mea humilitate non acquiescente ordinauit tres Episcopos omittere magis quam vrgere pro eiusdem viri reuerentia * coÌ„decet Quem quide pro eo quod ab hac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est accusare non audeo c. In English Howe it chaunceth that Theodorus the most holy reuerend Archbishop my selfe being aliue in the sea which I though vnworthy did rule and dispose hath of his own authority without the coÌ„sent of any bishop neither hauing my simple voice agreing to the same ordained iij. Bishops I had rather passe ouer in silence then to stir any farther therin because of the reuerence of that man and no lesse thought I it my duetie so to doe The which man for that he hath beene dyrected by the authoritie of this sea Apostolicall I wyll not nor dare not here accuse c. Thus the cause of the sayd Wilfride albeit it was sufficiently knowne in the Court of Rome to be well allowed for iust and innocent yet it was not then redressed In such estimation was this Theodorus then among the Romaines Upon this controuersie of these two Bishops I may wel here inter the words of W. Malmelbury not vnworthy in my minde to be noted whiche be these in his Latine story Vbi videri doleri potest humana miseria quod videlicet quantum libet quis sanctitate polleat non ad plenum peruicaces mores exuat c. That is In the whiche Theodore saith hee the weake and miserable infirmitie of man may be sene and also lamented considering that although a maÌ„ be neuer so holy yet in the same man is some thing whereby it may be perceaued that hee hath not vtterly put of all his stubburne conditions c. In the time of this Theodorus and by the meanes of hym a prouincial Synode was holden at Thetford mentioned in the storye of Bede the principall contents wherof were these First that Easter day shoulde bee vniformely kept and obserued through the whole Realme vpon one certayne daye videlicet prima 14. Luna mensis primi Secondly that no Byshop should entermedle within the Dioces of an other Thirdly that monasteries consecrated vnto GOD should be exempt and free from the iurisdiction of the byshops Fourthly that the Monkes should not stray from one place that is from one Monastery to another without the license of his Abbot also to kepe the same obedience which they promised at their first entryng Fiftly that no Clergyman shoulde forsake his owne Byshop and to be receaued in any other place wyth out letters commendatory of his owne Byshop Sixtly that forraine Byshops Clergimen coÌ„ming into the Realme should be content onely with the benefite of such hospitality as should be offered theÌ„ neither should entermedle any further within the precinct of any bishop without his speciall permission Seuenthly that Synodes prouinciall should be kept within the Realme at least once a yeare Eightly that no Bishop shoulde preferre himselfe before an other but must obserue the time and order of hys consecration Ninthly that the number of Byshops should be augmented as the number of the people encreaseth Tenthly that no mariage should be admitted but that which was lawfull No incest to be suffered neyther any man to put away his wyse for any cause except onelye for fornication after the rule of the Gospell And these bee the principall chapters of that Synode c. In the next yere following was the sixt general councell kept at Constaunce whereat this Theodore was also present vnder Pope Agatho where Mariage was permitted to Greeke priests and forbidden to the Latin In this Councell the Latine Masse was first openly saide by Iohn Portuensis the Popes Legate before the Patriarche and Princes at Constantinople in the temple of S. Sophy After the decease of Alfride king of Northumberlande from whom he was digressed succeeded his sonne Osredus raigning xj yeares After whome raigned Kenredus 2. yeares And next Osricus after him .xj. yeares In the time and raigne of these 4. kings of Northumberland king Iua reigned in westsaxe who succeding after Cadwalder the last king of the Britaines began his reigne about the yeare of the Lorde 689. and raigned with great valiauntnes ouer the westsaxons the tearme of xxxvij yeares Concerning whose actes and wars mayntayned against the Kentish saxons and other kinges because I haue not to entermedie withal I referre the reader to other Chroniclers About the sixt yeare of the raigne of this Iua or Iue Polychronicon other make mentioÌ„n of one Cuthlacus whoÌ„ they call S. Cuthlake a confessour who about the 24. of hys age renouncing the pompe of the world professed himself a Monke in the abby of Repindon and the third yeare after went to Crowlande where he led the life of an Anker In the which Ile and place of his buriyng was builded a faire Abbey called afterward for the great resort and gentle entertainment of straungers Crowlande the courteous but why this Cuthlake should be saincted for his doinges I see no great cause as neither doe I thinke the fabulous miracles reported of him to be true as where the vulgare people are made to beleeue that he enclosed the deuill in a boyling pot and caused wicked spirits to erecte vp houses with such other fables and lying miracles c. Among which lying miracles also maye be reckened that which the stories mention in the xi yeare of the raigne of Iua to be done of one Brithwalde or Drithelmus who â—eing dead a long season was restored to lyfe againe told many wonders of straunge things that he had seene causing thereby great almes deedes of charitie to bee done of the people And so the disposing of his goods giuen in iij. partes went to the Abbey of Mailroos where he continued the rest of his life Moreouer about the xvj yeare of the saide Iua Etheldred king of Mercia after he had their raigned 30. yeares was made a Monke and after an Abbot of Bacducy And about the xviij yeare of the raigne of Iue died the worthy and learned bishop Aldelmus first Abbot of Malmesbery afterward bishop of Schirborn of whoÌ„ William Malmesbery writeth plenteously with great commendation and that not vnworthelye as I suppose especially for the notable praise of learning and vertue in him aboue the rest of that time nexte after Bede as the great number of bookes and Epistles and Poemes by him set forth will declare Although concerning the miracles which the sayd author ascribeth to him as first in causing an infant of ix daies old to speak at Rome to cleare pope Sergius which was then suspected the father of the said child Also in hanging his cauiule vpoÌ„ the
the porte of Southhampton But as Polydorus sayeth and Fabian affirmeth the same that it was by Thames side at London When his flatterers comming about him began to exalt him vp with high wordes calling him a king of all kings most mighty who had vnder his subiection both the people the land and also the sea Canutus reuoluing this matter in his minde whether for pride of his heart exalted or whether to trâ—e and refell their flattering words coÌ„maunded his chaire of estate to be brought to the sea side at what time it should begin to flowe Polydore sayth that no seate was brought but sitting vpon his garments being folded together vnder him there charged and commaunded the floudes arising comming toward his feete that they shoulde not touch neither him nor his clothes But the water keeping his ordinary course came nearer and nerer First to his feete and so growing higher began to wash him welfauoredly Wherewith the king abashed partly also afeard starte backe and looking to his Lordes Loe sayth he ye call me such a mighty king yet can I not commaunde backe this litle water to stay at my worde but it is ready to drowne me Wherfore all earthly kings may know that all their powers be but vaine and that none is worthy to haue the name of a king but he alone which hath all things subiect to the power authoritie of his word which is the Lord of heauen earth the creatour aboue of all thinges the father of our Christ and Lorde who with him for euer is to be glorified him let vs worship and extoll for our king for euer After this as histories witnes he neuer suffred the crowne to come vpon his head but went to Winchester or as some say to Canterbury but both those may be true for his going to CaÌ„terbury was to acknowledge that there was a Lorde much higher of more power then he himselfe was and therewithal to render vp his crowne for euer With that Egelnothes Archbyshop of Canterbury informed him of the image of the Crucifix before meÌ„tioned which dissolued the matter betweene maried Priests and life of Monkes and did many other myracles moe being then at Winchester Wherewith the King prouoked to go to Winchester to the roode there resigned vp hys regall Crowne and made the roode king ouer all the land Here is also to be noted in this Canutus that although as is said he coÌ„descended in the beginning of his raigne vpon king Edgares lawes yet after in proces of time hee set forth peculiar lawes of his own Among which diuers there be that concerne as well causes Ecclesiasticall as also temporal Whereby it may appeare that the gouernmeÌ„t of spirituall matters not to depende then of the Bishop of Rome but to appertaine to the lawfull authoritie of the temporall Prince no lesse then of matters and causes temporall As for example by these ordinaunces of the foresayd Canutus may be well considered as here folowe Pecunia sepulturae iustum est vt aperta terra reddatur Si aliquod corpus a sua parochia deferatur in aliam pecunia sepulturae c. In English It is mete and right that in funerals money be geuen for opening the earth If anybody or corse be caried from his owne Parishe into an other the money of the buriall shal pertaine by the law to his owne Parish Church All ordinaunces and ceremonies of God let them be obserued as neede in all things requireth Uppon the Sonday we forbid all publique â—ayres or markets all Synodes or conuenticles huntinges or any such seculare actions to be exercised vnlesse vrgent necessitie compell therunto Let euery ChristeÌ„ man prepare himself thrise a yere to approche to the receauing of the Lords body so to eate the same as not to his iudgemeÌ„t but to his wholsome remedy If a minister of the altare doe kill any man or haue intangled himselfe in any notorious crime let him be depriued both from his order and dignitie If any maried woman her husband being aliue haue committed adultery be proued with the same to her opeÌ„ shame in the world let her haue her nose and eares cut of Let euery widow after the death of her husband so remaine sole xij monethes or if shee marrye let her loose her ioynter And heere an ende of the Danish kyngs Nowe to the English kings againe whose right line coÌ„meth in againe in Edward here following King Edward called the Confessor FOr so much as God of his mercye and prouidence who is onely the maker of heires thought it so good after the wofull captiuitie of this Englishe nation to graunt now some respite of deliuerance in taking away the Danish kings without any issue left behind them who reigning here in EnglaÌ„d kept the english people in miserable subiection about the space of xxviij yeares and that from their firste landing in the time of King Brightricus wasting and vexing this land the terme of cc. â—v yeres Now their tiranny here comming to an ende the next election right of the crowne fell as appertained to Edwarde the yonger sonne of king Egelred and Emma a meere Englishman who had bene now long banished in Normandy as is aboue declared A man of gentle and soft spirite more appliable to other mens couÌ„sailes then able to trust to his owne of nature condition so geuen from al warre and bloudshed that being in his banishment he wished rather so to continue all his life long in that priuate estate then by warre or bloudshed to aspire to any kingdome This Edward after the death of Canutus the seconde or Hardecanute being sent for of the Lordes into NormaÌ„die to take possession of the Realme although he something mistrusted the vnconstant and fickle heads of EnglishmeÌ„ yet hauing sufficient pledges laid for him in Normandie came ouer with a few Normands accompanied and not long after was crowned at Winchester an 1043. by Edsius then Archbishop of Cant. And not long after that he maried Goditha or Editha daughter of Earle Godwyne whome he entreated after such sort that he neither put her from his bed nor yet delt with her fleshly Whether it 〈◊〉 for hate of her kin as most like it was or for loue of chastitie it remaineth vncertaine But most writers agree that he continued his lyfe without offence with women â—or the which he is highly exalted among our story writers and called holy king Edwarde After he had thus taken vpon him the gouernement of the realme he guided the same with much wisedome and iustice the space of 24. yeres lacking two monethes from whome issued as out of a fountaine much godlinesse mercy pitie and liberalitie towarde the poore gentlenes and iustice toward all men and in all honest life he gaue a vertuous example to his people He discharged the Englishmen of the great tribute called Dane gelt which before
the byshop of Salisbury and of Norwiche who for old matters indangered to the king long before came weeping lamēting to the archbishop desiring him to haue some cōpassion of them to remit this pertinacy to the king left if he so continued through his stoutnes to exasperate the kinges displeasure happely it might redound to no small daunger not onely of thē which were in ieoperdy already but also of himselfe to be imprisoned and the whole Clergy to be indaungered Besides these two byshops there wet to hym other two noble pieres of the realme labouring w e him to relent condiscend to the kings desire If not they should be inforced to vse violence as neither would stand with the kinges fame and much lesse with his quietnes But yet the stout stomack of the mā would not geue ouer After this came to him ij rulers of the temple called Templars one Richard de Hast an other Costans de Heuerio with their company lamenting bewayling their great peril which they declared vnto him to hang ouer his head yet neyther with their teares nor with their kneelinges would he be remoued At length came the last message from the kyng signifying vnto him with expresse wordes and also with teares what he should trust to if he woulde not geue ouer to the kinges request By reason of which message he either terrified or els perswaded was content to submit hymselfe Whereupon the king incontinent assembling the states together the Archbishop first before all other beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission vnto his custome and that Cum Bona fide leauing out of hys former addition Saluo ordine mentioned before in steede whereof he promised in Verbo veritatis to obserue and keep the kings customes and sweare to the same After him the other Byshoppes likewise gaue the like othe Whereupon the king commaunded incontinent certayne instruments obligatory to be drawne of the which the king should haue one the archbishop of Canterbury an other the Archbishop of Yorke the third requiring also the sayde Archbishop to set hys hand and seale To the whiche the Archbishop although not denying but that he was ready so to do yet desired respite in the matter while that he being but newly come to hys bishoppricke might better peruse with himselfe the foresayd customes and ordinaunces of the king This request as it seemed but reasonable so it was lightly graunted and so the day being well spent they departed for that season and brake vp Alanus one of the iiij writers of the life of this Thomas Becket recordeth that the archbishop in his viage toward Winchester begā greatly to repēt that he had done before partly through the instigation of certayne about him but chiefly of hys crossebearer who going before the Archbish. did sharply and earnestly expostulate with him for geuing ouer to the kings request agaynst the priuelege liberties of the Church polluting not onely his fame and consciēce but also geuing a pernitious example to them that should come after with many like wordes To make the matter short the Archbishop was so touched vpon the same with such repentaunce that keeping himselfe from al company lamenting with teares with fasting and with muche penaunce macerating and afflicting himself did suspend him selfe from all deuine seruice and would not receaue comfort before that word being sent to hys holy graundfather the pope he shoulde be assoild of him who tenderyng the teares of hys deare chicken directed to him letters agayne by the same messenger which Thomas had sent vp to hym before In whiche letters not onely he assoyled hym from hys trespasse but also with words of great consolation did incourage him to be stout in the quarrel he tooke in hand The copy of which letters consolatory sent from the Pope to Popish Becket here follow vnder written ALexander Byshop c. Your brotherhoode is not ignoraunt that it hath bene aduertised vs how that vpon the occasion of a certayne transgression or excesse of yours you haue determined to cease henceforth from saying of Masse and to abstayne from the consecration of the body and bloud of the Lord. Which thing to doe how daungerous it is especially in such a personage and also what inconuenience may rise thereof I will you aduisedly to consider and discreetly also to ponder Your wisedome ought not to forget what difference there is betwixt them which aduisedly and willingly doe offend and those whiche through ignoraunce and for necessitie sake do offend For as you reade so muche the more greater is wilfull sinne as the same not being voluntary is lesser sinne Therefore if you remember your selfe to haue done any thing that your owne cōscience doth accuse you of whatsoeuer it be we coūsell you as a prudent and wyse prelate to acknowledge the same Which thing done the mercifull and pittifull God who hath more respect to the hart of the doer then to the thing done will remit and forgeue you the same according to his accustomed great mercy And we trusting in the merites of the blessed Apostles S. Peter and Paule doe absolue you from the offence committed and by the authoritie Apostolicall we release you vnto your fraternitie counsailing you and commaunding you that henceforth you abstayne not for this cause from the celebration of the Masse Thys letter with other moe after like sort the pope thē wrote to him animating and comforting him in this quarrell so neerely pertaining to the popes profite By the occasion whereof Becket toke no small hart and consolation In so much that thereof seemeth to me to proceed al the occasiō the made him so stout malipart against his prince as hereafter followeth to be seene by his doynges What the other letters were that the pope wrote vnto hym shortly after when we come to the appellatiōs made to the pope shall appeare God willing In the meane season as he sat thus mourning at home the king hearing of hym howe be denyed to set hys seale to those sanctions which he condesceded to before tooke no little displeasure against him In so much that he threatning to him and hys banishmēt death began to call hym to reconinges and to burden hym with paymentes that all men might vnderstand that the kings minde was sore set agaynst him The Archbishop hereupon whether more for the loue of the pope or dread of hys prince thought to make an escape out of the realme and so wēt about in the night with two or three with hym stealing out of hys house to take the sea priuely Now amongest other the kinges ordinances and sanctions this was one that none of the prelacy or nobilitie without the kinges licence or of his iustices shoulde depart out of the realme So Becket twise attempted the sea to flee to the see of Rome but the wether not seruing was driuē home agayne and hys deuise for that tyme frustrated After his
appeare to your excellencie he hath assigned appointed to the furniture of this legacie not the least but the greatest not the worst but the best and chiefest of al his subiects both Archbishops Bishops Earles Barons with other potentates mo of such worthines and parentage that if he could haue found greater in all his Realm he would haue sēt thē both for the reuerence of your person and of the holy Church of Rome Ouer and besides this I might adde to more which your sanctitude hath sufficiently tried and proued already the true and hartie fidelitie of this our king and soueraigne toward you Who in his first entrance to his kingdome wholy submitted himselfe with all that is his besides to your will and pleasure And truely to testifie of his maiestie howe hee is disposed to the vnitie of the Catholike faith we beleue there is none more faithful in Christ then he nor more deuout to God nor yet more moderate in keeping the vnitie of peace whereunto he is called And as I may be bold this to protest for our king maister so neither do I denie the Archbishop of Caunterbury to be a man destitute or vnfurnished with gifts and ornaments in his kinde of calling but to be a man both sage and discrete in such things as to him appertaineth saue onely that he seemeth to some more quicke and sharpe then needeth This blotte alone if it were not and that the breach betweene our king and him had not so happened both the regiments together of the temporaltie spiritualtie might quietly haue flourished one with the other in much peace and concorde both vnder a prince so worthy and a pastor so vertuous Wherfore the case so standing as it doeth our message hether and our supplication to your vigilant prudence is that through your fauour wisedom the necke of this dissention may be broken and that reformation of vnitie and loue by some good meanes may be sought ¶ This oration of his although it was liked of them for the softnesse and moderation therof yet it could not so perswade the Romish Bishop to condescende to their sute and request Which sute was to haue two legates or arbiters to be sent from his Popish side into England to examine and take vp the controuersie betweene the king and the Archbyshop But the pope incensed as is sayd before would not graunt to their petition forasmuch as it shuld be sayeth he preiudiciall and tending to the oppression of the archbishop to graūt vnto it he being not present And therefore he willed them to tarrie his comming vp otherwise he being absent he would not he sayde in any case proceede against him But they alledging againe their time to be expired appointed them of the king hauing besides other lets and causes as they alledged sayd that they coulde not there waite for the comming of Becket but retourned backe their cause frustrated without the Popes blessing to the king Within iiij daies after Becket commeth to the Popes courte where he prostrating himselfe at his feete brought out of his bosome a scrolle conteining the customes and ordinances of the king afore mentioned fol. 207. The Pope receiuing the foresayd scrolle and reading it in the open hearing of his Cardinals condemned and cursed the most parte of the sayde decrees of the King which he called consuetudines auitas that is hys grandfathers ordinaunces Besides this the Pope moreouer blameth Becket for that he so much yelded to them at the beginning as he did yet notwithstanding because he was repentant for his vnaduised fact he was content to absoil him for the same and the rather because of his great troubles which he for the liberties of holy church did susteine and so with great fauour for that day dimissed him The next day Alexander the Pope assembling hys cardinals together in his secret chamber appeareth before them archbyshop Becket hauing this oration to the pope and his popelings which here I thought to set out in our vulgare English tongue translated out of Latine to the entent that the posteritie heereafter may vnderstand eyther the vaine superstition or vile slauery of the Churchmē in those dayes who being not content with their owne naturall Prince and king geuen them of God must secke further to the Pope thinking no ecclesiasticall liuing to be geuen which is not taken at his handes The wordes of his Oration be storied rightly thus ¶ The Oration of Becket resigning his Byshopricke to the Pope FAthers and Lordes I ought not to lie in any place much lesse before God and in your presence here Wherefore with much sighing and sorrowe of heart I graunt and confesse that these perturbations of the Church of England be raised through my miserable fault For I entred into the folde of Christ but not by the dore of Christ for that not the canonical election did cal me lawfully thereunto but terrour of publike power drone me in And albeit I against my will tooke this burden vpon mee yet not the will of God but mannes pleasure placed me in the rowme And therefore no maruell though all things haue gone contrary and backward with me And as for the resigning vp againe thereof if I had so done geuē vp to their hands the priuiledge of my byshoply authoritie which I had graunted to me at the commaundement of the king so as my fellow Byshoppes did instantly call vpon me to doe then had I left a pernicious and daungerous example to the whole catholike Church By reasō wherof I thought to deferre that vnto your presence And now therefore recognising with my selfe my ingresse not to be Canonicall and therefore fearing it to haue the worse end and againe pondering my strength and abilitie not to be sufficient for such a charge lest I should be found to susteine that roome to the ruine of the flock to whome I was appointed a pastor vnworthy I render vp to your fatherly handes the Archbishopprike here of Canterburie c. And so putting of his ring from his finger and offering it to the Pope desired a Byshop for the Church of Caunterburie to be prouided seeing he thought not himself meete to fulfil the same and so with teares as the storie sayth ended his oration This done the Archbyshop was bid to stande a parte The Pope conferring vpon this with his Cardinals about the resignation of Becket what was best to be done some thought it best to take the occasion offered thinking thereby the kinges wrathe might easely be swaged if the church of Cāterbury were assigned to some other person and yet the sayd Becket otherwise to be prouided for notwithstanding Cōtrary other againe thought otherwise whose reason was If hee which for the liberties of the church had ventred not onely his goodes dignitie and authority but also his life should now at the kings pleasure be depriued like as it might be a president heereafter to others in
resisting their king in like sort if hys cause were maintained so contrariwise if it quailed it shoulde be an example to all other heereafter none to resist his Prince in the like case And so might it redounde not onely to the weakening of the state of the Catholike Churche but also to the derogation of the Popes authoritie Briefly this sentence at length preuailed and so Becket receaueth hys pastorall office of the Popes hand againe with commendation and much fauour But for somuch as he coulde not be well placed in England in the meane while the Pope sendeth him with a monkes habite into the abbay Pontiniak in Fraunce where he remained 2. yeres from thence he remoued to Senon where he abode 5. yeares So the time of his exile continued a 7. yeares in all c. Uppon this the King being certified by his Ambassadours of the Popes aunswere howe his fauoure enclined more to Becket then to him was mooued and woorthely with wrathful displeasure Who vpon the same sailing frō England vnto Normandy directed ouer certain Inunctions against the Pope and the Archbishop of Canterburie as were recited aboue Fol. 207. The contents wherof were declared to be these If any person shal be found to bring from the Pope or from the Archbishop of Canterburie c. Of these and suche other iniunctions Becket specifieth partly in a certaine letter writing to a frend of his in this maner THomas Archbishop of Canterburie to his welbeloued frend c. Be it knowen to your brotherly goodnes that we with al ours heere by Gods grace are safe and in good health Hauing a good hope and trust to your faithfull amitie I charge you and require you that either by the bringer heereof or by some other whome ye know faithfull and trusty to our church of Canterburie and to vs you write with al spede what is done As touching the kings decrees here set out these they be that all hauens and portes shoulde be diligently kept that no letters of the Popes interdict or curse be brought in And if religious men bring them in they shall haue their feete cut off if he be a priest or clearke he shall lose his priuie members If he be a lay man let him be hanged If he be a leper let him be burned And if any bishoppe for feare of the Popes interdict will depart besides his staffe onely in his hand let him haue nothing els Also the kings will is that all scholers and students beyonde the seas shall repaire home or else lose their benefices And if they yet shall remaine still they shall lose the libertie of all returning Further if any such Priests shal be found that for the Popes suspense or interdict wil refuse to sing they shall lose their priuie members In summe all such Priests as shew themselues rebels to the king let them be depriued of their benefices c. Besides these and such like iniunctions it was also set forth by the Kings proclamation An. 1166. that all maner of persons both men and wemen who soeuer were foūd of the kindred of Thomas Becket should be exiled wythout taking any part of their goodes with them and sent to him where he was which was no litle vexatiō to Becket to behold them Moreouer for so much as he then was lying with Gwarine Abbot of Pontiniacke to whome the pope as is aforesaid had cōmended him therefore the king wryting to the same Abbote required him not to retaine the Archbishop of Canterbury in his house for if he did he would driue out of his realme all the monks of his order Whereupon Becket was enforced to remoue from thence and went to Lewes the French King by whome he was placed at Senon and there founde of him the space of fiue yeares as is aboue mentioned In the meane time messengers went daily with letters betwene the king and the pope betwene the Pope againe and him and so betwene the Archbishop and other whereof if the Reader peraduenture shal be desirous to see the copies I thought here to expresse certaine of them to satisfie his desire first beginning w e the Epistle of Becket complaining of his prince to the Pope in maner and forme as foloweth The copie of an Epistle sent of Thomas Becket to Pope Alexander TO your presence and audience I flee moste holy father that you who hath bought the libertie of the Churche with your so great daunger might the rather attend to the same either being the onely or chiefest cause of my persecution vsing and following therein the example of you It grieueth me that the state of the Church should fall to any decay and that the liberties therof should be infringed thorough the auarice of princes For the which cause I thought to resist betime that inconueniencie beginning so to grow And the more I thought my selfe obliged to the same my Prince vnto whome next vnder God I am moste chiefly bound the more boldnesse I tooke to me to withstand his vnrightfull attempts till such that were on the contrary part my aduersaries preuailed working my disquietnesse and incensing him against me Whereupon as the maner is amongst Princes they raised vp against me citations and slaunders to the occasion of my persecution but I had rather to be proscribed then to subscribe Besides this I was also called to iudgement and cited before the king to make answere there as a lay person to secular accomptes where as they whome I most trusted did most forsake me For I saw my fellow brethren the Bishops through the instigation of some ready to my condemnation Wherupon all being set against me I thus oppressed on euery side tooke my refuge to appeale to your goodnesse which casteth off none in their extremities being ready to make my declaration before you that I ought neither to be iudged there in that place nor yet of them For what were that father but to vsurpe to thēselues your right and to bring the spiritualtie vnder the temporaltie Which thing once begon may breede an example to many And therefore so much the more stouter I thought to be in withstanding this matter how much more prone and procliue I saw the way to hurt if they once might see vs to be faint and weake in the same But they will say to me here againe geue to Cesar that which belongeth to Cesar. c. But to answere againe therunto albeit we are boūd to obey our king in most things yet not in such maner of things whereby he is made to be no king neither were they then things belonging to Cesar but to a tyrāt Concerning the which points these Bishops should not for me onely but for themselues haue resisted the king For if the extreme iudgemēt be reserued to him which is able to iudge both body and soul is it not then extreme pride for men there to iudge which iudge but by themselues If the cause of
thereby to anger whose anger yet notwithstaÌ„ding had bene easily swaged if the other woulde haue submitted himselfe and acknowledged his default But he adding stubburnnesse to his trespasse through the quantitie and greatnesse of his excesse was the author of his owne punishment which nowe by the law ciuill he sustaineth and yet shameth to craue pardone for his desert at the kings hande whose anger he feared not to sturre vp in such a troublesome time of the persecution of the Church greatly against the profite of the same augmenting increasing therby the persecution which now the Church lieth vnder Much better it had bene for him to haue tempered himself with the bridle of moderation in the high estate of his dignitie least in exceeding too farre in straining the straite poyntes of things by ouer much presumption peraduenture through his presumption being not in meane and tollerable things might fall from higher And if the detriments of the Church woulde not moue him yet the greâ—t benefits and preforments of riches and honours ought to perswade him not to be so stubburn against the king But here peradueÌ„ture his friend and our aduersary wil obiect that his bearing and submitting to the king in this behalfe were preiudiciall against the authority and sea Apostolical as though he did not or might not vnderstand that although the dignity of the Church should suffer a little detriment in that iudgement yet he might ought to haue dissimuled for the time to obtaine peace into the Church He will obiect againe alleaging the name of father that it soundeth like a poynt of arrogancie for children to procede in iudgement of coÌ„demnation against the father which thing is not conuenient But he must vnderstand againe that it was necessary that the obedience and humilitie of the children shoulde temper the pride of the father least afterwarde the hatred of the father might redounde vpon the children Wherefore of these promises your fatherhoode may vnderstand that the action of this our aduersary ought to fall downe as void and of none effect who only vpon the affection of malice hath proceeded thus against vs hauing no iust cause nor reason to ground vpon And forsomuch as the care and charge of all churches as yeâ— knowe lieth vpon vs it standeth vs vpon to prouide concerning the state of the Churche of Canterbury by our diligence and circumspection so that the sayd Church of Canterbury through the excesse of his pastor be not driuen to ruine or decay By this Epistle it may appeare to the Reader therof that Becket being absent from Englande went about to worke some trouble against certaine of the Clergy and of the laitie belike in excommunicating such as he tooke to be his euill willers Now to vnderstand further what his working was or who they were whom he did excommunicate this letter sent to William Bishop of Norwitch shall better declare the matter A letter of Becket to the B. of Norwitch HE bindeth himselfe to the penalty of the crime whosoeuer receiuing power and authoritie of God vseth and exerciseth not the same with due seueritie in punishing vice but wincking diâ—simuling doth minister boldnesse to wicked doers maintaining them in their sinne For the bloud of the wicked is required at the hand of the Priest which is negligent or dissembleth And as the Scripture sayth thornes and brambles grow in the handes of the idle dronkard Wherfore least through our too much sufferance and dissembling the transgressions of manifest euil doers should also be laid to our charge and redound to the destruction of the Church through our giltie silence We therfore following the authoritie of the Popes commaundement haue laid our sentence of curse excommunication vpon the Earle Hugo commaunding you throughout all your Diocesse publickely to denounce the sayde Earle as accursed so that according to the discipline of the Church he be sequestred from the fellowship of all faithfull people Also it is not vnknowen to your brotherhoode how long we haue borne with the transgressions of the Bishop of London Who amongest other his factes I would to God were not a great doer and fautor of this schisme and subuerter of the right and liberties of holy Church Wherefore we being supported with the authoritie of the Apostolicke sea haue also excommunicated him besides also the Bishop of Salesbury because of his disobedience and contempt and others likewise vpon diuers and sundrie causes whose names here followe subscribed Hugo Bernardes sonne Radolph of Brocke Robert of Brocke a clearke Hugode of S Cleare and Letardus a clearke of Northfolke Nigellus of Scacauil and Richard Chapleine William of Hasting and the Frier which possesseth my Church of Monchote We therfore charge and commaunde you by the authoritie Apostolicall and ours and in the vertue of obedience and in the perill of saluation and of your order that yee cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate throughout all your Diocesse and to command all the faithful to auoide their companie Fare ye wel in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled nor feare for we stande sure thorough the assistance of the Apostolike sea God being oure borowe against the pretensed shiftes of the malignant sorte and against all their appellations Furthermore all such as haue bene solemnely cited of vs shall sustaine the like sentence of excommunication if God will in the Ascension day vnlesse they shall otherwise agree with me That is to witte Geffray Archdeacon of Canterburie and Robert his vicare Rice of Wilcester Richard of Lucie William Gifferd Adam of Cheringes with suche other moe which eyther at the commaundement of the king or vppon their own proper temeritie haue inuaded the goods and possessions either appertaining to vs or to our clearkes about vs. With these also we doe excommunicate all suche as be knowen eyther with aide or counsel to haue incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king against the liberties of the Churche and exiling of the innocents And such also as be knowen to Impeche or let by any maner of way the messengers sent either from the Pope or from vs for the necessities of the Churche Fare you well againe and euer Hetherto hast thou seene gentle reader diuers sundry letters of Thomas Becket whereby thou maist collect a sufficient historie of his doings demeanor though nothing els were said further of him concerning his lusty and hauty stomack aboue that beseemed either his degree or cause which he tooke in hand And here peraduenture I may seme in the story of this one man to tary tâ—o long hauing to write of so many others better then it yet for the weaker sort which haue couÌ„ted him and yet do count him for a Saint hauing in themselues little vnderstanding to iudge or discerne in the causes of men I thought to adde this letter more wherein he complaineth of his king to a forreine power doing what in him did lie to stirre for
perisheth in the Church of God for want of preachers all that shal be demaunded of them at the day of iudgement As Iacob confesseth to Laâ—an whose sheep he fedde Genesis 31 I did restore all thy losse and that which was stolne I made aunswere for I will demaund his bloud at thy handes Ezechiell 3. This is sayd to the Pastor or Prelate But if the other thinges which we haue spoken of before could not mooue the Prelates and Cardinals this at the least should mooue them Because that then the spirituall power which doth consist for the most part in the exercise of preaching in hearing confessions enioyning of penaunce shall be taken away froÌ„ them by litle little For by piece mele doth the wolfe dâ—nour the poore needy man 3. q. cap 1. when the authority Ecclesiasticall therfore shall be quite taken from them and disposed to other such as either by their order or Apostolicall grauÌ„t do challenge to haue the same Then doubtles shall neither the iurisdictioÌ„ of ciuile causes and pleadings nor any authority that such Prelates haue yet remaining neither yet the possessions of the temporall goodes of the Church any longer remayne amongest them Shall suche haue the temporall goods of the church which minister not the spirituall treasure thereof 1. Cor. 9. Know ye not that they which kill the sacrifice ought to eate of the sacrifice they that serue at the aultar are partakers of the aultar For as the body without the soule cannot stand so corporall thinges without spirituall things cannot continue 1. q. 1. if any shall take away the same Thus haue you had the 39 arguments for the which both he was coÌ„demned and his bookes burned In the dayes of this Guilielmus there was a most detestable and blasphemous booke set forth by the Friers mentioned also in Math. Parisiens which they called Euangelium aeternum or Euangelium spiritus sancti That is the euerlasting Gospell or the Gospell of the holy Ghost In which book many abhominable errors of the Friers were conteyned so that the Gospell of Iesus Christ was vtterly defaced which this booke sayd was not to be compared with this euerlasting Gospel no more then the shell is to be coÌ„pared with the carnell then darknes to light c. More ouer that the Gospell of Christ shal be preached no longer but fifty yeares and then this euerlasting Gospell should rule the Church c. Item yâ— whatsoeuer was in the whole Bible was in the saide Gospell contayned At length this Friers Gospell was accused to the Pope and so 6. persons chosen of the whole vniuersitye to peruse and iudge of the booke as Christianus Canonicus Baluacensis Odo de Doaco Nicholaus de Baro Ioannes de Sicca Vella Anglus Ioannes Belim Gallus Among whom this Guilielmus was one who mightely impugned this pestiferous and deuillish booke These 6. after the perusing of the booke were sent vp to Rome The Friers likewise sent their messengers withall where they were refuted and yâ— errors of the booke condemned but so that the Pope with the Cardinals commaunded the sayd booke to be abolished and condemned not publickly tendering the estimation of the religious orders as of his own most chiefe champions but that they should be burned in secret wise and the books of the foresayd â—uilielmus to be burnt with all Besides other his bookes 2. Sermons we haue of his yet remayning one vpon the Gospell of S. Luke of the Pharisy and the Publicane the other vpon the Epistle redde in the Church on May day where in the first he resembleth the Phariseis to our Monkes and that he proueth by all the properties of the Phariseis described in the Gospell The Publicane he resembleth to the Laity such as for because the sooner they are reduced to acknowledge their sinnes the more hope they haue of mercy The other because they stand confident in their own righteousnesse are therefore farther from their instification In the latter sermoÌ„ he setteth forth and declareth what perils and dauÌ„ders be like to fall vpon the Church by these religious orders of Monkes and Friers Among the other besides of that age which withstood the bishops of Rome his Antechristian errors was one LaureÌ„ce an Englishman and maister of Paris An other was Petrus Ioannes a Minorite Of whome the foresayde Laurence was about the yeare of our Lord. 1260. who in his teaching preaching writing did stoutly defeÌ„d yâ— part of the forsayd Guilielmus the rest of his side agaynst the Friers Against the which Friers he wrote 2. bookes One in the defence of William afore meÌ„tioned the other vpoÌ„ this argument and title To beware of false prophets c. Certayn other things also he wrote wherin by diuers proofes and testimonies he argued proued that Antichrist was not farre of to come The other Petrus Ioannes was about the yeare of our Lord. 1290. which taught and maintained many things agaynst the Pope prouing that he was Antichrist and that the sinagogue of Rome was great Babilon He wrot vpon Mathew vpon the Epistles and vpon the Apocalips Mention of this Petrus Ioannes is made in Nicholaus Emericus in Lib. Inquisitionum c. And sayth moreouer that Miâ—hael Cesenas of whoÌ„ Christ willing shall followe hereafter took of him a great part of his opinioÌ„s And because the pope could not burne him aliue after his death he caused his bones to be taken vp and burned To these and with these aboue specified is to be added Robertus Gallus who being borne of a right noble parentage for deuotion sake was made a Dominicke Frier about the same yeare of our Lord aboue touched an 1290 This man as appeareth by his writing had diuers and sundry visions whereof part is annexed with the visions and prophecy of Hildegardis His visions al tend against the spiritualty of Rome where in the fift chapter he calleth playnely the Pope an Idoll which hauing eyes seeth not neither lusteth to see the abhominatioÌ„s of his people nor the excessiue enormity of ther voluptuousnes But only to see to the heaping vp of his own treasure hauing a mouth speaketh not but sayth I hane set good men ouer them which is sufficieÌ„t for me to do them good either by my selfe or by some other And foloweth in the same chapter wo to that Idoll woe to the mighty and proud who shall be equall in all the earth to that Idoll He that exalted vp his name in earth saying who shall bring me vnder Is not my house compared with the mighty Potentates of the land I am higher then Dukes Knightes on their horsebacke do seruice vnto me That which my Fathers had not before me yâ— haue I done to me My house is strowed with siluer gold and pearle are the pauement of my palace c. Agayn in the 12. chapter and also in the first vnder the name of a SerpeÌ„t he paynteth out the Pope whom he
the city by the Barons and Citizens for the space of 40. dayes And Octobonus the Legate who for feare was fled into the Tower they narowly layd for that he shoulde not escape At length by the intreaty of the Earle of Gloucester and other Earles that were his friendes both the Barons and Cittizens were pardoned and admitted to the kinges fauour And 4. Byshops and 8. other noble men were chosen such as were at Couentry first nominated that they should order and dispose all matters betweene the King and suche as had lost theyr inheritaunce as also the forme of theyr peace and raunsome And proclamation was made vppon the feast of all Sainctes of perfect peace and record throughout al the Realme The 52. yeare of this king Henries raigue 8. daies after the feast of S. Martin he held a parliament at Marlberge in the yeare of our Lord aboue recited where by the aduise of wise and discrete men with all the consentes of the nobles he ordeined and enacted diuers good and profitable statutes for the reformation and bettering of the state of the realme execution of common iustice which are called the statutes of Marleberge The same yeare vpon S. Gregoryes day Octobonus the Legate called a Councell at London where were fine Archbishops and a great number of Byshops Abbots other Prelates which Councell also within three dayes brake vp agayne The same yeare vpon S. Iohns day the Baptist Edward the kinges sonne diuers other noble men of England took vpon thē the crosse by the legates hands at Northhampton to the reliefe of the holy land and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ which done the legate that same yeare wēt out of England not purposing after that to returne agayne This holy Legate sayth mine author whiche might well bee resembled to Lynx the monstrous beast whose quicke sight penetrateth euery thing enrolled to perpetuall memorye the valuation of all the churches in the realme of England so narowly as by any meanes possible be might enquire the certainty thereof The same was he that made all the Cathedral Conuentuall Churches to pay pencions so that those Churches whiche gaue not the vacancie of their benefices to their Clerkes and straungers should pay vnto them a certein yearly pencion during the vacācy of the benefices which they should haue The same yeare died Pope Clement 4. after whose death the Church of Rome was two yeares vacant then was chosen an archdeacon Cardinall whose name was Theardus as hee was taking hys iourny into the holy lande and called hym Gregory the 10. Then also dyd Edmunde Earle of Lancaster and Leicester and seconde sonne of king Henry take to wife the Earle of Albemark his daughter and the Niece of y◠Earle of Gloucester at whiche maryage was the king and the Queene and all the Nobilitie of England The same yeare was the body of S. Edward the king Confessour by Walter Gifford Archbishop of Yorke and other Bishops intombed in a new rich Schrine of golde and siluer beset with precious stones in the presēce of Hēry the king of Englād In which yeare also fel great rayne and inundation of waters suche as hath not lightly bene seene which increased and continued the space of 40. dayes and more The same yeare died Walter de Lawile Bishop of Sarum the third day before the nones of Ianuary After whō succeeded Robert of Northampton the Deane of the same Church And because the see of Cant. was then vacant he was confirmed by the Chapter of Canterbury whiche Chapter had alwayes the iurisdiction in spirituall causes during the vacancy of that see in as ample maner as the Byshop hymselfe had beyng aliue After thys the Byshop elect comming thither thinking to haue had hys consecration was notwithstanding put backe for two causes one was for that there was present then no more but one Byshop the other was for that all the other Bishops had appealed that he might not be consecrated to their preiudice that is by the authoritie of the Chapter of Cant. saying that they would not be vnder the obedience of the monks After this solempne Messengers were for this cause sent to the Cardinals of Rome for that then that see of Rome was vacant who receiued aunswere that during the vacation of that see the confirmation and consecration of the Byshop elect pertayned to the foresayd Chapter of Caunterbury The same yeare also was the Lord Henry the sonne heyre of the Lord Richard king of Almayne and brother to king Henry 2. slayne at Uiterbium in a certayne Chappel hearing Masse by the Lord Simō and Buido the sonnes of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earle of Leister During this kinges raigne there was made a great generall expedition of diuers and sondry Christian princes to Ierusalem taking vpon them the Lords character that is the Crosse among whome was also Edward the kings sonne one to the which expeditiō was graunted him a subsidie throughout al the realme And the month of May the yeare of our Lord. 1270. or as sayth Florilogus an 1269. he set forward on his iourny About the time when Prince Edward was preparing his iourny toward Asia Boniface the Archbishop of Canterbury ended his life in the country of Sebaudia goyng belike to Rome or comming thence After whose death the Monks of Canterbury proceeding to a new election grāted by the king agreed vppon the Prior of their house named Adam Chelendene But the king his sonne Prince Edward consenting and speaking in the behalfe of Robert Burnell theyr Chauncellour did sollicite the matter with the Monkes partly intreating partly threatning them to chuse the said Robert to be Archbishop Notwithstanding the Monkes being stoute woulde neyther relent to their curteous request nor yet bow to theyr boystrous threates but constantly persisting in their former election appealed from the king and prince to the Pope Prince Edward being now on his iourny and seing himselfe thus frustrated of the Monkes writeth backe to the king his father deuoutly praying and beseching in no wise to admit the election of the foresayd Monks And so passing to Douer with Hēry the sonne of Rich. his vncle king of Romanes with their wiues tooke their passage in the month of August After this the Prior thus elected as is foretold but not admitted by the king to be Archbishop went vp to Rome In the meane tyme the Monkes in the absence of their elect ordayned one Geoffrey Pomenall to be theyr Official who seing himself aduaunced to that dignity bearing belike some old grudge agaynst the Prior of Douer caused him to be cited vp to appeare in the Chapter house of Canterbury The Prior of Douer seing this citation to be preiudiciall to him and to the Church of Douer whereas the Monkes of Cant. haue no such iurisdiction the see of
none of them whom he could there finde so he neuer ceased all hys life after to enquire out and to be reuenged of all suche as had bene in any part or consenting to that matter For the which his extreme and implacable tyranny he was in such hatred of all the people that as he sayd he could not fynde one of all the commons to take his part when need required Among all other which were for that matter troubled was one Adam Byshop of Hereford who being unpeached of treason with other moe was at length arested in the Parliament to appeare and answere to that should be to him obiected Many thinges there were layde agaynst him for taking part with them that rose agaynst the Kyng with matters moe and haynous rebukes c. Whereunto the Byshop a great while aunswered nothing At length the Byshop clayming the liberties and priuiledges of the Church answered to the king in thys form The due reuerence of your Princely maiesty euer saued Ego Sanctae Ecclesiae Dei minister humilis membrum eius Episcopus consecratus licèt indignus ad tam ardua nequeo respódere nee debeo absque D. Cant. Archiepiscopi post summum pontificem mei directi iudicis cuius etiam sum suffraganeus autoritate aliorum parium meorum Episcoporum consensu That is I an humble minister and member of the holy Churche of God and Byshop consecrate albeit vnworthy cannot neither ought to answere to these so hye matters without the authoritie of the Archbishop of Caunterbury my direct iudge next vnder the high Bishop of Rome whose suffâ—agane also I am and the consent likewise of the other my fellow Bishops After which wordes by him pronounced the Archbishop and other Byshops with him were ready to make humble intercession for hym to the king and did But when the king would not be wonne nor turned with any supplication the sayd Byshops together to the Archbishop and the Clergy comming with their crosses tooke him away challenging him for the Churche without any more answere making charging moreouer vnder the censures of the Churche and excommunication none to presume to lay any further handes vpon him The king moued with thys boldnes and stoutnes of the clergy coÌ„mandeth notwithstanding to proceede in iudgement and the iury of 12. men to go vppon the enquiry of his cause who finding and pronouncing the Bishop to be gilty the kyng caused immediately al his goods possessioÌ„s to be coÌ„fiscate vnto himselfe moreouer made hys plate and all his housholde prouision to be throwne out of his house into the streete but yet he remained so stil vnder the protection and defence of the Archbishop c. This Archb. was Walter Winchelsey after whom succeeded Simon Mepham in the same see of Caunterbury an 1327. Ex Thom. Walsingham After pope Clement the 5. by whose decease the Romish see stood vacant as ye heard two yeares and 3. moneths next was elected Pope Iohn 22. a Cistercian monke who fare in that papacy 18. yeares He was stout and inflexible geuen so much to the heaping of riches that he proclaymed them heretickes whiche taught that Christ and hys Apostles had no possessions of theyr owne in thys world At this time was Emperour Ludonicus Bauarus a worthy man who with this Pope and other that folowed hym had no lesse contention then had Fredericus before mentioned in the time of king Henry the thyrd Insomuch that this contention and variaunce continued the space of 24. yeares The cause and first origene of this tragical conflicte rose vpon the constitution of ClemeÌ„t the 5. predecessor to this pope by whom it was ordayned as is afore meÌ„tioned that Emperours by the Germayne Princes elected might be called kinges of the Romaynes but might not inioy the title or right of the Empyre to bee nominated Emperour without theyr confirmation geuen by the Pope Wherefore this foresayd Emperour because he vsed the emperiall dignitie in Italy before he was authorised by the pope the sayd Pope therefore excommunicated the Emperour And notwithstanding the Emperoure oftentimes did profer himself to make intreaty of peace and coÌ„corde yet the Pope inflexible woulde not bend The writinges of both partes yet be extant wherein the sayd Byshop doth make his auaunt that he had full power to treat and depose kinges and Emperours at his pleasure In the same time were diuers learned men which seeing the matter did greatly disalow the Bishop of Romes doynges among whome was Guillerne Ocham whose tractations were afterward condemned by the Pope for writing agaynst the temporall iurisdiction of theyr see And an other named Marselius Patauius which wrote the booke intituled Defensor pacis geuen vp to the handes of the sayd Emperour wherein the controuersie of the Popes vnlawful iuiurisdiction in things temporall is largely disputed the vsurped authoritie of that see set forth to the vttermost It is found in some wryters that a great cause of this variaunce first began for that one of the Emperours secretaries vnknowing to the Emperour in certayne of hys letters had likened the Papal see to the beast rising out of the sea in the Apocalips At length when the Emperour after much sute made to the pope at Auinion could not obtayne his coronation comming to Rome was there receaued with great honour where he with his wife were both crowned by the full consent of all the Lordes and Cardinals there and moreouer an other pope there set vp called Nicholas the fift After which thinges done the Pope not long after departed at Auinion in France after whom succeeded then Benedictus 12. a monke of Benedicts order and rayned 7. yeares Who by the counsayle of Phillip the French kyng confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursinges that Iohn his predecessour had published agaynst Lewes the Emperour Moreouer depriued him of his Emperiall Crowne and also of hys Dukedome of Bauaria The Emperour vpon this commeth to Germany and assembling the Princes electors Dukes Bishops Nobles and the learned in a councel at Francford there declared before them out of the auncient lawes and customes of the Empire how it standeth onely in the Princes Electours and in none other to elect the k. or the Emperors of the Romaines for in both these names was no difference so that the same Electors in chusing the king of the Romaynes did also elect and chuse the Emperour whiche Emperour so by them constitute had lawfull right without any information of the Apostolicall see to exercise the administration of the Empyre And if he were lawfully elect ought to be annoynted of the Romayne Byshop which if hee doe refuse then might hee be annoynted and declared Emperour and Augustus by any other Catholicke Bishoppe thereunto appoynted as by the olde maner and custome hath bene especially seeing these iniunctions are but certaine soleÌ„nities added and inuented by the bishops onely for a token of vnitie betweene the church
for that we had left so long vncorrected the insolencie of the byshops and other officers that if remedy in these cases were not had with spede they wold withdrawe themselues from our allegeance and the couenaunt which they had sworne vnto to the vtter subuersion of our kingdome our perpetuall ignominie and the euerlasting shame of our English nation which God our most mercifull father forbid shoulde come to passe in our daies in whom is fixed immoueably the anchor of our hope Whereuppon entending the due correction of our officers we remoued from offices as semed good to our wisdome diuers persons whom we suspected in causes euidēt of euil administration of iustice of subuersion and oppressiō of our subiects of corruption of bribes and other hainous offences Others also of inferiour degree offending in the premisses we caused to be deteined in safe custody least by their liberty iustice might be troden vnder foote and the inquisition of the trueth concerning the premisses not to come to light Forasmuche therefore as the knowledge of the trueth in these cases might of none more certainly be knowen then from the secrete brest of our sayd Archbishop for that nothing pertaining to our information ought to lie hid from him vnto whome of so long a time had bene committed the administration of our whole common weale and summe of our businesse Wee sent vnto him our faithfull subiect Nicholas de Cantilupe with special commandement from vs all delayes set a part that he should forthwith make his personall appearance before vs at our City of London But he as one alwaies timerous as wel in prosperity as in aduersity and fearing where no feare was vntruely alleageth that some of our assistents had threatned hym and laid wait for his life if at any time he departed frō the Church of Cant. which God wee take to witnesse and a pure conscience wee neuer meant nor any of our assistents Wee suppose he touched thereby our Cousin although to all other aswell of the cleargy as comminalty through his malicious misdemeanors he was become odious Wherfore intending the safegarde of our subiects by letters or otherwise called before vs we appoynted our trustie and welbeloued Rasse Stafforde our Harbynger to offer vnto hym safeconducte and moreouer to present vnto him our letters patentes vnder our seale willing and commanding him therby againe personally to come before vs that we might be enformed what of so long a time hee had done touching the affaires of the kyngdome Wherunto contemning our commanndement gentle request he answereth that neither he wold in person appeare neither yet in any matter conferre wyth vs except it were in a full Parliament which for diuers reasonable causes coulde not then be called Thus may you see this archb whom our royal benignity had amplified wyth large honours admitted into all familiarity receiued into the bonde of vnnimitie and frendship vpon whome as on a father our whole hope did consist who so long as wee accomplished his will in all things pretended towardes vs a face of counterfet loue cloaked wyth dissembling beneuolence euen as though he had bene a louing father howe cruelly against reason he hath now forsaken vs requiting benefits with ingratitude oppressing his benefactour wyth the arrogancie of feare and finally according to the vulgare prouerbe rewarded vs as a horse in a satchell a Snake in a mannes bosome and fire cherished next the skinne rewardeth their receiuers When we were first exalted vnto the throne of our kingdome descended vnto vs by right of inheritaunce Gods diuine prouidence so working we thought and alwayes thinke it a detestable thyng to abuse so high authoritie but rather desire to gouerne wyth clemencie leuitie and moderation of iustice that peace of all men desired might firmely take place Neuerthelesse our sayde Archbyshop hath gone about to defame our innocencie and the fidelitie and diligence our faithfull counsailers prosecutours of true iustice openly declaring in hys letters patent and publishing abroade in diuers places that hee was oppressed by the kings power contrary to iustice the Clergy and comminaltie confounded and the church ouer charged wyth diuers grieuous taxes exactions He subtilly vsurped the name of a good pastour when in deede he was nothing lesse but rather as it should seeme by his owne cōfession and the common opinion had of him a very hireling He cloked his craftie subtilnesse with the zeale of defending the Churche although he hymselfe in very deede was the onely cause by his euill counsaile and craftie deuises of the tribulations of the same Hee also fained that not long agoe certaine wrytings were brought vnto him to be sealed containing in effect the defence and excusation of all such in generall that were violaters of the liberties of the Churche hoping thereby to defame the opinion had of vs and our faythfull counsailours to stirre vp sedition amongst the people and finally to withdrawe from vs the hearts of our nobilitie Hee gaue commaundement by hys letters that these things shoulde be proclaimed in all places of great resorte by diuers speciall articles contrary to his former order in his prouinciall Councel Wherefore respecting the integritie of our fame entending to preuent the malice of the sayde Archbishoppe and also to decline from vs the snares prepared for vs and ours wee haue thought good at thys present ouer besides those which before are rehersed amongst so many which wee omitte to declare vnto you some of hys peruerse and wicked actes When in our minoritie wee were constituted ouer our dominions hee caused vs through hys vnaduised counsaile and rash perswasion therby to winne excesiue fauour to geue away so many wastfull giftes and so many vnlawfull alienations that nowe by meanes thereof our treasury is cleane consumed the reuenewes of our Exchequer without all order dimished and he corrupted with bribes innumerable Oftentimes also without cause why when neither necessitie nor vtilitie so required onely through his perswasion wee forgaue diuers men great summes of money due vnto vs yea and the rents and reuenewes which ought to haue bene conserued for our necessitie and profite we applied to the vse of his frendes largely bestowing vppon such as euill deserued it Moreouer accepting aswell persones as money contrary to our minde and hys othe of fidelitie made vnto vs he admitted vnto publique offices throughout our dominions persones vnworthy neglecting those that had well deserued Many other things he rashly tooke in hand to the detrimēt of our state the hurt of our dignitie royall and no smal dammage of our subiectes by abusing his authoritie office committed vnto him But if he persist in his proude obstinacie and stout rebellion wee shall heereafter in conuenient time and place cause it to be more openly knowen willing and commaunding you to publish and cause to be published all and singular the premisses openly and distinctly in places where you shall thinke it
rooted out or otherwise punished by any that hath authoritie and the feare and loue of God And also they are not afrayd openlye to write the same articles and so being written to deliuer thē to your kinglye parliament and obstinately to affirme the same The venemous and disdainfull recitall of which articles vpon good aduisement at this present we passe ouer lest the sufferaunce of such sensualitie might fortune to renue the woūd that reason may heale Yet notwithstanding least so great and contagious an euil should escape vnpunished and that without deserued vexation and also that it might not get more hart and waxe stronger we therefore according to that our office and duetie is where such neglygence and sluggishnes of our prelates being present where this thing is do commit and geue in commaundemēt to our reuerend brethren Canterbury and Yorke Archbishops by other oure letters that they stand vp in the power of God agaynst this pestilent and cōtagious sect and that they liuely persecute the same in forme of lawe roote out and destroy those that aduisedly and obstinately refuse to withdraw their foote frō the same stumbling block any restraint to the contrary notwithstanding But because the assistance counsaile fauour and ayde of your kingly estate highnes are requisite to the execution of the premisses we require exhort and beseech the same your princely highnes by the bowels of the mercy of Iesus Christ by his holy fayth by your owne saluation by the benefit that to all men is common and by the prosperitie assured to euery man and woman that not onelye your kingly seueritie may readily shewe and cause to bee shewed vnto our Archbishops and their Commissaries in this behalfe requyring the foresayd due execution conuenient ayd and fauour as otherwise also to cause them to be assisted But that also you wil enioyne your Magistrates and Iustices of assise and peace more straightly that of their owne good wils they execute the authoritie committed vnto thē with al seueritie against such damned men according as they are boūd by the office which they are put in trust with Against those I mene which haue determyned obstinatly to defile thēselues in their malice and sinnes those to expell banish and imprison and there so long to keepe them til cōdigne sentence shall pronounce them worthye to suffer punyshment For your kingly wisedome seeth that such as they be do not only deceiue poore simple souls or at the least do what they can to deceiue thē but also bring their bodies to destructiō and further prepare confusion and ruinous fall vnto their temporall Lordes Go to therefore my sweete sonne and indeuour your self to worke so in this matter as vndoubtedly we trust you will that as this firebrand burning and flaming ouer sore beganne vnder your president or gouernment so vnder your seuere iudgement and vertuous diligence might fauour and ayde not one sparke remaine hid vnder the ashes but that it be vtterlye extinguyshed and spedely put out ¶ Geuen at our palace of S. Peter at Rome the xv Calendes of October in the sixt yere of our pontificalitie ¶ The Kynges Commission RIchard by the grace of God kyng of Englande Fraunce and Lorde of Irelande To all those vnto whom these present letters shall come greeting Know ye that where as lately at the instance of the reuerend father William Archbishop of Caunterbury Metropolitane of all England and Legate of the Apostolycal seate we for the redresse and amendement of all those whych would obstinately preach or maintaine publiquely or priuely any conclusions of the holy scripture repugnant to the determynatiō of our holy mother the church notoriously redounding to the subuersion of the Catholique faith or cōtaining any heresie or errour within the prouince or bishopricke of Cāterburie Haue by our special letters patents in the zeale of the fayth geuē authoritie and licence vnto the foresayd Archbishop to all and singular his suffraganes to arest all and euerye of them that will preach or maintaine any such cōclusions wheresoeuer they may be found and to cōmit them either to their owne prisons or any others at their owne pleasure and to kepe thē in the same vntill they repēt them of the errours prauities of those heresies or til that of such maner of arests by vs or by our counsayle it shoulde be otherwise determined that is to say to euery one of them and their ministers throughout their cities and dioces And nowe the reuerēd father in god Iohn B. of Herford hath for a certaintie informed vs that although the same B. hath accordinge to iustyce cōuinced a certain felow named W. Swinderby pretending himself to be a chaplaine one Stephē Bell a learned man and hath pronounced thē heretikes and excōmunicate false informers among the cōmon people and hath declared the same by the definitiue sentence of the aforesaid bishop for that they haue presumed to affirme and preach openly in diuers places within the dioces of Herford many conclusions or naughty opinions notoriously redounding to the subuersion of the Catholike sound faith and tranquilitie of our kingdome The same Bishop notwithstandinge neyther by the ecclesiasticall censures neyther yet by the force and strength of our cōmission was able to reuoke the foresaid William and Stephen nor yet to bridle the malice and indurate contumacie of them For that they after that they were vpon such heretical prauitie conuict by the same bishop to the intent they might delude his iudgement and iustice conueyed thēselues by and by vnto the borders of Wales with suche as were their factours and accomplices in keping themselues close vnto whō the force of our said letters doth in no wise extende Whereupon the sayde Bishop hath made supplycation vnto vs that wee will vouchsafe to prouide a sufficient remedye in that behalfe Wee therfore which alwayes by the helpe of almightie God are defēdours of the fayth willing to withstand suche presumptuous and peruerse enterprises by the most safest way and meanes we maye geue and cōmit full power and authoritie to the foresayd bishop and to his ministers by the tenour of these presents to arrest or take or cause to be arrested or taken the foresayde William and Sthephen in any place within the citie dioces of Hereford and our dominiō of Wales with al the speede that may be and to cōmit thē either to our prison or els to the prison of the same bishop or any other prison at their pleasure if such neede bee and there to keepe thē safe And afterwards vnles they will obey the commaundements of the Church with dilygence to bring them before vs and our coūsel or els cause them to be brought That we may determine for their further punishment as we shall thinke it requisite conuenient to be done by the aduise of our coūsell for the defence and preseruation of the Catholike faith And
sayd Archb. commaunded a copy of such articles or conclusions to be deliuered then and thereunto the sayd syr William assigning the Thursday then next ensiting to him to deliberate and make aunswere in When Thursday the sayd day of apparance was come Maister Nicholas Rishton auditour of the causes and busines belonging to the sayd archbishop then beyng in the Parliament house at Westminster otherwise let cōtinued the sayd conuocation with all matters rising depending and appartinent thereunto by commaundement of the sayd Byshop vntill the next morrow at eight of the clocke When the morow came being Friday The foresaid sir William Sautre in the chapter house before the sayd bishop and hys counsayle prouinciall then and there assembled making his personall appearaunce exhibited a certayne scrole contayning the aunsweres vnto certayne articles or conclusions geuen vnto him as is aforesaid by the said Bishop and sayd that vnto the foresayd Archbyshop he deliuered the same as his answere in that behalfe vnder the tenour of such wordes as follow I William Sautre priest vnworthy say and aunswere that I will not nor intend not to worship the crosse wheron Christ was crucified but onely Christ that suffered vpon the crosse so vnderstanding me that I will not worship the materiall crosse for the grosse corporall matter yet notwithstanding I will worship the same as a signe token and memoriall of the passion of Christ Adoratione vicaria And that I will rather worship a temporall Kyng then the foresayd wooden crosse as the materiall substance of the same And that I will rather worship the bodyes of Saintes then the very crosse of Christ whereon he hong with this addition that if the very same Crosse were afore me as touching the materiall substaunce And also that I will rather worship a man truely confessed and penitent then the crosse on which Christ hong as touching the materiall substaunce And that also I am bound and will rather worship him whom I know to be predestinate truly confessed and contrite then an angell of God for that the one is a man of the same nature with the humanitie of Christ and so is not a blessed aungell Notwithstanding I will worship both of them according as the will of God is I should Also that if any man hath made a vow to visite the shrines of the Apostles Peter and Paule or to goe on pilgrimage vnto S. Thomas tombe or anye whither els to obtayne any temporall benefite or commoditie he is not bound simply to keepe his vow vpon the necessitye of saluation But that he may geue the expences of his vowe in almes amongst the poore by the prudent counsayle of his superiour as I suppose And also I say that euery Deacon and Priest is more bound to preach the word of God then to say the canonicall houres according to the primitiue order of the church Also touching the interrogation of the sacrament of the aulter I say that after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes of the body of Christ there reaseth to be very bread simply but remaineth bread holy true and the bread of life ynd I beleue the sayd sacrament to be the very body of Christ after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes When all these aunsweres were throughly by Maister Robert Hall directly and publikely there read the foresaid Archb. of Cant. inquired of the sayd sir William whither he had abiured the foresayd herefies and errors obiected agaynst him as before is sayd before the Byshop of Norwich or not or els had reuoked and renounced the sayd or such like conclusions or articles or not To which he aunswered and affirmed that he had not And then consequētly all other articles conclusions and aunsweres aboue writen immediately omitted the sayd Archbishop examined the same sir W. Sautre especially vpon the sacrament of the aulter First whether in the sacrament of the aulter after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes remayneth very materiall bread or not Unto which interrogation the same sir W. somewhat waueringly sayd and answered that he knew not that Notwithstanding he sayd that there was very bread because it was the bread of life whiche came downe from heauen After that the sayd Archbishop demaunded of hym whither in the sacrament after the sacramentall woordes rightly pronounced of the Priest the same bread remayneth which did before the wordes pronounced or not And to this question the foresayde William aunswered in like maner as before saying that there was bread holy true and the bread of life c. After that the foresayd Archb. asked him whether the same naturall bread before consecration by the sacramentall woordes of the priest rightly pronounced be transubstantiated from the nature of bread into the very bodye of Christ or not Whereunto sir William sayd that he knewe not what that matter ment And then the sayde Archbish. assigned vnto the said sir William tyme to deliberate and more fully to make hys aunswere till the next day and continued this conuocation then and there till the morow Which morrow to wit the 19. day of February being come the foresayd Archbish. of Cant. in the sayd chapter house of S. Paule in London before hys counsayle prouincial then and there assembled specially asked and examined the same sir William Sautre there personally present vpon the sacramēt of the aulter as before And the same Sir William agayne in like maner as before aunswered After this amongst other thinges the sayd Byshop demaunded of the same William if the same materiall bread beyng vpon the aulter after the sacramentall words being of the priest rightly pronounced is transubstantiated into the very body of Christ or not And the sayd sir William sayd he vnderstoode not what he ment Then the sayd archbishop demaunded whether that materiall bread being round and white prepared and disposed for the sacrament of the body of Christ vpon the aulter wanting nothing that is meete and requisite thereunto by the vertue of the sacramentall wordes being of the priest rightly pronounced be altered and chaunged into the very body of Christ and ceaseth any more to be materiall and very bread or not Then the sayd syr William deredingly aunswering sayd he could not tell Then consequently the sayd Archbishop demaunded whether he would stand to the determination of the holye Church or not which affirmeth that in the Sacrament of the aulter after the wordes of consecration being rightly pronounced of the Priest the same bread whiche before in nature was bread ceaseth any more to be bread To this interrogation the sayd sir William sayd that he woulde stand to the determination of the church where such determination was not contrary to the will of God This done he demaunded of him agayne what hys iudgement was concerning the Sacrament of the aulter who sayd and affirmed that after the wordes of consecration by the priest duely pronounced remayned very bread and the same bread which was before the
temporall and nobilitie of the Realme and cheifly those that studied for the preseruatioÌ„ of the commonweale not â—casing as yet to coÌ„tinue his mischeuous enterprise if by Gods prouideÌ„ce it be not preuented that with speed Amongst all other of the Nobilitie these first he put to death the Earle of Salisbury the Earle of Huntington the Earle of Gloucester the Lord Roger Clarendon the kyngs brother with diuers other knights and Esquiers and afterwards the Lord Thomas Percy Earle of Worcester and the Lord Henry Percy sonne and heyre to the Earle of Northunberland the which Lord Henry he not onely slew but to the vttermost of his power againe and againe he caused hym to be slayne For after that he was once put to death and deliuered to the Lord of Furniuale to be buryed who committed his body to holy sepulture with as much honour as might be commending his soule to almighty God with the suffrages of the blessed masse other praiers the said Lord Henry most like a cruel beast still thirsting hys bloud caused his body to be exhumate brought forth againe and to be reposed betwene two milstones in the towne of Shreusbury there to be 〈◊〉 wyth armed men And afterwards to be beheaded anâ— quartered commanding his head and quarters to be caried vnto diuers cities of the kingdome Wherefore for so detestable a fact neuer heard of in any age before we pronounce him as in the former articles excommunicate 8. Eightly we depose c. agaynst the said Lord Henry for that after his atteining to the crowne he willingly ratified allowed and approued a most wicked statute set forth renued in yâ— parliament holden at Winchester The which statute is directly against yâ— Church of Rome the power principalitie therof giuen by our Lord Iesus Christ and vnto blessed S. Peter his successors Bishops of Rome vnto whom belongeth by full authoritie the free disposing of all spirituall promotions as wel superior as inferiour which wicked statute is the cause of many mischiefes vid. of simonie periurie adultery incest misorder disobedience for that many Bishops Abbots priors and prelats we will not say by vertue but rather by errour of this statute haue bestowed yâ— benefices vacant vpoÌ„ yong men rude and vnworthy persons which haue compacted with them for the same so that scarce no one prelate is found that hath not couenanted with the partie promoted for the halfe yearely or at the least the third part of the said benefice so bestowed And by this meanes the said statute is the destruction of the right of S. Peter the Church of Rome and England the Cleargie and vniuersities the mainteuance of wars and the whole common wealth c. 9. Ninthly we say and depose c. against the said Lord Henry that after he had tyrannously taken vpon him the gouernement of the Realme England neuer florished since nor prospered by reason of his continuall exactions of money and oppressions yearely of the cleargie and coÌ„minaltie neither is it knowen how this money so extorted is bestowed when as neither his souldiours nor his gentlemen are payed as yet their wages and fees for their charges and wonderfull toile and labour neither yet the poore countrey people are satisfied for the victuall taken of them And neuertheles the miserable clergie and more miserable comminaltie are forced still to pay by menaces and sharp threatnings Notwithstanding he sware when he first vsurped the crowne that hereafter there should be no such exactions nor vexations neither of the clergie nor lâ—â—tie Wherfore as afore we pronounce him periured c. 10. In the tenth and last article we depose say and openly protest by these presents for our selues all our assistents in the cause of the Church of Rome and England and in the cause of king Richard his heires the clergie and comminaltie of the whole Realme that neither our entention is was nor shall be in word nor deed to offend any state either of the prelats spirituall Lords temporall nor commons of the realme but rather foreseeing the perdition and destruction of this Realme to approch we haue here brought before you certeine articles concerning the destruction of the same to be circumspectlie considered of the whole assembly as well of the Lords spirituall as temporall and the faithfull commons of England beseeching you all in that bowels of Iesus Christ the righteous iudge and for the merits of our blessed Lady the mother of God and of S. George our defender vnder whose displayed banner we wish to liue and die and vnder paine of damnation that ye will be fauourable to vs and our causes which are three in number Wherof the first is that we exalt vnto the kingdome the true lawfull heire and him to crowne in kinglie throne with the diademe of England And secondly that we renoke the weshmen the Irishmen and all other our enimies vnto perpetuall peace and amitie Thirdly and finally that we deliuer and make free our natiue countrey from al exactions extortioÌ„s vniust paiments Beseeching our Lord Iesus Christ to graunt his blessing the remission of their sinnes life euerlasting to all that assist vs to their power in this godly and meritorious worke and vnto all those that are against vs we threaten the curse of almighty God by the authority committed vnto vs by Christ and his holy Church and by these presents we pronounce them excommunicate These Articles being seene and read much concourse of people daily resorted more and more to that archbishop The Earle of Westmerland being then not far off with Iohn the kings sonne hearing of this mustered his souldiours with all the power he was able to make bent toward the Archbishop but seeing his part too weake to encounter with him vseth practise of policie where strength would not serue And first comming to him vnder colour of frendship dissembled laboureth to seeke out the causes of that great stirre To whome the Archbyshop againe answering no hurt to be entended thereby but profit rather to the kyng and common wealth and maintenance of publicke peace but for so much as he stood in great scare and danger of the king he was therefore compelled so to doo And withall shewed vnto him the contents of the Articles aforesaid which when the Earle had read setting a faire face vpon it seemed highly to commend the purpose and doyngs of the Bishop promising moreouer that he would helpe also forward in that quarell to the vttermost of his power And required vpon the same a day to be set when they with equall number of men might meere together in some place appointed to haue farther talke of the matter The Archbishop easilie perswaded was content although much against the counsaile of the Earle Marshall and came Where the Articles being openly published and read the Earle of Westmerland with his companie pretended well to like vpon the same and to ioyne their
to the relation of these foresayd coÌ„stitutious of that clergy meÌ„ here coÌ„meth in more to be said and noted touching yâ— foresayd Statute ex Officio to proue the same not onely to be cruell and impious but also to be of it selfe of no force and validitie for the burning of anye person for cause of Religion for the disprofe of whiche statute we haue sufficient authoritie remayning as yet in the parliament Rolles to be seene in her maiesties Courte of Recordes which here were to be debated at large but that vpon speciall occasioÌ„ we haue differed the ampâ—e discourse therof to the cruell persecution of the Lord Cobhame hereafter ensuing as may appeare in the defence of the sayd lord Cobham agaynst Nicholas Happeffield vnder the title and name of Alanus Copus And thus referring them for the examination of this statute to the place aforesaid let vs now returne to Thomas Arundel and his bloudy constitutions aboue mentioned The stile and tenour wherof to the intent the rigour of the same may appeare to all men I thought hereunder to adioyne in wordes as followeth * The constitution of Thomas Arundell agaynst the followers of Gods truth Thomas by the permission of God Archbishop of Canterbury Primate of all Englande and Legate of the see Apostolicke To all and singuler our reuerend brethren fellow Bishops and our Suffraganes And to Abbots Priours Deanes of Cathedrall Churches Archdeacons Prouostes and Canons also to all persons vicares chaplaynes Clerkes in Parish Churches and to all lay meÌ„ whome and where so euer dwelling win our prouince of Canterbury greeting grace to stand firmely in the doctrine of the holy mother Church It is a manifest playne case that he doth wrong and iniury to the most reuerend councell who so reuolteth from the thinges being in the sayd Councell once discussed and decided And whosoeuer dare presume to dispute of the supreme or principall iudgment here in earth in so doing incurreth the payne of sacrilege according to the authoritie of ciuill wisedome and and manifest tradition of humayne law Much more then they who trusting to theyr own wittes are so bold to violate and with contrary doctrine to resist and in word and deede to contemne the preceptes of lawes and Canons rightly made and proceeding from the kaybearer and porter of eternall life and death bearing the rowme and person not of pure man but of true God here in earth which also haue bene abserued hitherto and of yâ— holy father 's our predecessoures vnto the glorious effusion of theyr bloud voluntary sprinkling out of theyr braynes Are worthy of greater punishmeÌ„t deseruing quickly to be cut off as rotten members from the body of the Church militent For such ought to consider what is in the old testament written Moses and Aaron among hys Priestes that is were chiefe heads amongst them And in the new Testament among the Apostles there was a certayne difference And though they were all Apostles yet was it graunted of the Lord to Peter that he should beare preeminence aboue the other Apostles And also the Apostles themselues woulde the same that he shoulde be the chiefetayn ouer all the rest And being called Cephas that is head shold be as Prince ouer the Apostles Unto whome it was sayd Thou beyng once conuerted confirme thy brethren as though he wold say If there happen any doubt among them or if anye of them chaunce to erre and stray out of the way of fayth of iust liuing or right conuersation Doe thou confirme and reduce him in the right way againe Which thing no doubt the Lord would neuer haue sayd vnto him if he had not so minded that the rest should be obedient vnto him And yet al this notwithstanding we know and dayly proue that we are sory to speake howe the olde Sophister the enemy of mankinde foreseeing and fearing left that sound doctrine of the church determined from ancient times by the holy forefathers should withstand his malices if it might keep the people of god in vnitie of faith vnder one head of yâ— church doth therfore endeuour by al meanes possible to extirp the sayd doctrine feyning vices to be vertues And so vnder false pretences of veritie dissimuled soweth discorde in catholike people to the intent that some goyng one way some an other He in the meane time may gather to himselfe a Church of the malignant differing wickedly from the vniuersall mother holy church In the which Satan transforming hymselfe into an Angell of light bearing a lying and deceitfull ballaunce in hys haÌ„d pretendeth great righteousnes in contrarying the ancient doctrine of the holye mother church and refusing the traditions of the same determined and appoynted by holy fathers perswading meÌ„ by fayned forgeries the same to be nought and so inducing other new kindes of doctrine leading to more goodnes as he by his lying perswasions pretendeth although he in very truth neither willeth nor mindeth any goodnes but rather that he may sow schismes wherby diuers opinions contrary to themselues being raysed in that Church fayth thereby may be diminished and also the reuerend holy misteries through the same contention of words may be prophaned with Paganes Iewes and other infidels and wicked miscreantes And so that figure in the Apos 6. is well verified speaking of him that sate on the blacke horse bearing a payre of balaunce in hys hand by that which heretiques are vnderstand Who at the first appearaunce lyke to weightes or ballance make as though they would set forth right and iust thinges to allure the hartes of the hearers But afterward appeareth the blacke horse that is to say their intention full of cursed speaking For they vnder a diuers shew and colour of a iust ballance with the tayle of a blacke horse sprinkling abroad heresies and erroures do strike And beyng poysoned themselues vnder colour of good rayse vp infinite slaunders and by certayn persons fitte to doe mischiefe do publish abroad as it were the sugred tast of hony mixt with poyson therby the sooner to be taken working and causing through their slight and subtiltyes that errour shoulde be taken for veritye wickednes for holines and for the true will of Christ. Yea and moreouer the foresayd persons thus picked out do preach before they be sent and presume to sow the seede before the seede discreetely be seperate from the chaffe Who not pondering the constitutions and decrees of the Canons prouided for the same purpose agaynst suche pestilent sowers do preferre sacrifice Diabolicall so to terme it before obedience be geuen to the holy Church militant We therfore considering and weying that error which is not resisted seemeth to be allowed and hee that openeth hys bosome to wyde whiche resisteth not the viper thinking there to thrust out her venome And willing moreouer to shake off the dust from our feete and to see to the honor of our holy mother Church whereby one
for els as this Doctor saith priests take now tithes wrongfully ¶ And the archb said to his clarkes Heard ye euer Losell speake thus Certaine this is the learning of them all that whersoeuer they come and they may be suffered they enforce them to expugne the freedome of holy Church ☞ And I said Sir why call you the taking of tithes and of such other duties that priests chalenge now wrongfullie the freedome of holy church Since neither Christ nor his apostles chalenge nor tooke such duties Herefore these takings of priests now are not called iustly the freedome of holy church but all such geuing and taking ought to be called and holden the slanderous couetousnes of men of the holy church ¶ And the archb said to me Why Losell wilt not thou and other that are consedered with thee seeke out of holy scripture of the sence of doctors al sharpe authorities against lords knights and squiers against other secular men as thou doest against priests ☞ And I said Sir whatsoeuer men or women lords of ladies or any other that are present in our preaching specially or in our cōmoning after our cūning we tell out to thē their office their charges But sir since Chrisostome sayth that priests are the stomack of the people it is nedeful in preaching also in commoning to be most busy about this priesthode Since by the viciousnes of priestes both Lordes cōmons are most sinfully infected led into the worst And because y◠the couetousnes of priests pride the boast that they haue make of their dignity and power destroyeth not onely the vertues of priesthod in priests thēselues but also ouer this it stirreth God to take great vengeance both vpon the Lords vpon cōmons whych suffer these priests charitably ¶ And the Archb. said to me Thou iudgest euery priest proud y◠wil not go arayed as thou doest By god I deme him to be more meke y◠goeth euery day in a scarlet gown thā thou in thy threed bare blew gown Wherby knowest thou a proud man ☞ And I said Sir a proud priest may be known when he denieth to follow Christ his Apostles in wylfull pouerty and other vertues coueteth worldly worship and taketh it gladly gathereth together with pleding manasing or with flattering or with simony any worldly goodes And most if a priest busy him not chiefly in himselfe after in all other men and women after his cunning power to withstand sinne ¶ And the Archb. sayd to mee Though thou knewest a priest to haue al these vices though thou sawest a pryest louely lye now by a womā knowing her fleshly wouldst thou therfore deme this priest dānable I say to thee that in the turning about of thy hand such a sinner may be verily repented ☞ And I sayd Sir I wil not damne any man for any sinne that I know done or may be done so that the sinner leaueth his sinne But by authoritie of holy Scripture he that sinneth thus openly as ye shew here is damnable for doing of such a sinne and most specially a priest the shoulde be example to al other for to hate flye sinne And in how short time that euer ye say the such a sinner may be repēted he ought not of him the knoweth his sinning to bee iudged verily repentant without open euidence of great shame harty sorow for his sinne For whosoeuer and specially a priest that vseth pride enuy couetousnes lechery simony or any other vices sheweth not as open euidēce of repentance as he hath geuen euil exāple occasion of sinning if he cōtinue in any such sinne as long as he may it is likely that sinne leaneth him he not sinne And as I vnderstād such a one sinneth vnto death for whō no bodye oweth to pray as S. Iohn sayth ¶ And a Clerke saide then to the Archb. Sir the lenger that ye appose him the worse he is and the more ye busye you to amend him the waywarder he is For he is of so shrewd a kinde that he shameth not onely to be himselfe a soule nest but withou shame he busyeth him to make his nest souler ☞ And the Archbishop saide to hys Clerke Suffer a while for I am at an ende with him for there is an other poynt certyfyed agaynst hym and I will heare what hee sayth thereto ¶ And so thā he said to me Lo it is here certified against thee that thou preachedst opēly at Shrewsbury that it is not lawful to sweare in any case ☞ And I said Sir I preached neuer so openlye nor I haue taught in this wise in any place But sir as I preached in Shrewsbury with my protestation I say to you now here that by the authoritie of the Gospell of S. Iames by witnes of diuers Saints doctours I haue preached opēly in one place or other that it is not leful in any cause to sweare by any creature And ouer this Sir I haue also preached and taught by the foresaid authorities the no body should sweare in any case if that without othe in any wise he that is charged to sweare might excuse him to them that haue power to compel him to sweare in leful thing lawful But if a man may not excuse him without oth to them that haue power to cōpel him to sweare than he ought to sweare onely by God taking him onely that is southfastnesse for to witnes the southfastnes And then a Clarke asked me if it were not leful to a subiect at the bidding of his Prelate for to kneele downe and touch the holy Gospel booke and kisse it saying So helpe me God and this holydome for he should after hys cunninge and power doe all thynges that hys Prelate commaundeth hym ☞ And I said to them Sirs ye speake here full generally or largely What if a prelate commaūded hys subiect to do an vnlawful thing should he obey therto ¶ And the Archb. said to me A subiect ought not to suppose that his prelate wil bid him do an vnlawfull thinge For a subiect ought to thinke that his prelate wil bid him do nothing but that he wil aunswer for before God that it is leful And then though the bidding of the prelate bee vnleful the subiect hath no peril to fulfil it since that he thinketh iudgeth that whatsoeuer thing his prelate byddeth him do that it is leful to him for to do it ☞ And I sayd sir I trust not thereto But to our purpose Sir I tel you that I was once in a gentlemās house and there were then two Clarkes there a maister of diuinity and a man of law which man of law was also communing in diuinitie And among other things these men soake of othes the man of law sayd at the bidding of his soueraigne which had power to charge him to sweare he would lay his
Christenmasse what condites were made what Maiors and shirifes were in London what battails were fought what triumphs and great feasts were holdē when kings began their raigne and when they ended c. In such vulgare and popular affairs the narration of the Chronicler serueth to good purpose may haue his credite wherein the matter forceth not much whether it be true or false or whether any listeth to beleue them But where as a thyng is denied and in cases of iudgement and in controuersies doubtfull which are to be decided and boulted out by euidence of iust demonstration I take them neither for Iudges of the bench not for arbiters of the cause nor as witnesses of themselues sufficient necessarily to be sticked vnto Albeit I deny not but hystories are takē many times and so termed for witnesses of times and glasses of antiquitie c. yet not such witnesses as whose testimony beareth alwaies a necessary truth and bindeth beliefe The two witnesses whych came against Susanna being seniours both of auncient yeares bare a great countenance of a most euidēt testimony wherby they almost both deceiued the people oppressed the innocent had not yōg Daniel by the holy spirite of God haue take thē aside and seuerally examining them one from the other found them to be falsliers both leauing to vs therby a lesson of wholsome circumspection not rashly to beleeue euery one that commeth and also teaching vs how to try thē out Wherfore M. Cope following here the like example of Daniel in trying these your records whom ye inferre against these men we wil in like maner examine them seuerally one frō an other and see how their testimonie agreeth first beginning wyth your Robert Fabian Which Robert Fabian being neither in the same age nor at the deede doing can of himselfe geue no credite herein without due proofe and euidence conuenient Now thē doth Rob. Fabian proue this matter of treason true what probation doeth he bring what authoritie doth he alleage And doth Rob. Fabian thinke if he were not disposed to conceiue of the L. Cobham and those men a better opinion but to be traitors that men are bounde to beleue him only at his word without any ground or cause declared why they shuld so do but only because he so saith and pleased him so to write And if yee thinke M. Cope the word only of this witnes sufficient to make authority speaking against the Lord Cobham and prouing nothing which followed so many yeres after him why may not I as well and much rather take the worde and testimonie of Richard Belward a Northfolke man and of the towne of Crisam who liuing both in his time possible knowing the party punished also for the like trueth is not reported but recorded also in the registers of the church of Norwich to geue this testimonie among other his articles for the foresaid L. Cobham that is that sir Iohn Oldcastle was a true Catholike man and falsely condemned and put to death wythout a reasonable cause c. Ex Regist. Noruic Agaynst this man if you take exception say that one hereticke will hold with an other why may not I with the like exception reply to you agayne say as well one Papist hold with an other and both cōiure together to make and say the worst agaynst a true Protestant Further yet to examine this foresayd Fabian witnes agaynst Sir Iohn Oldcastle as Daniell examined that witnesses agaynst Susanna I will not here aske vnder what tree these adherentes of sir I. Oldcastle conspired agaynst the king subuersion of that land but in what time in what yeare and moneth this conspiracie was wrought Fabian witnesseth that it was in the moneth of Ianuary Cōtrary Edward Hall other our Abridgementers followyng him doe affirme that they were condemned in the Guild hall the xij of December and that their executiō vpon the same was in Ianuary followyng so that by their sentence the fact was done either in the moneth of Decēber or els before so Fabianus mentitus est in caput suum vt cū Daniele dicam or if it were in the moneth of Ianuary as Fabian sayth then is Hall and his followers deceiued testifying the fact to be done in the moneth of December And yet to obiect moreouer against the sayd Fabiā for so much as he is such a rash witnes agaynst these burned persons whom he calleth traytors it would be demaūded further of him or in his absence of Maister Cope in what yeare this treason was conspired If it were in the same yeare as he cōfesseth himselfe in which yeare Iohn Cleidon the Skinner Richard Turmine Baker were burned then was it neither in the moneth of Ianuary nor in the first yeare of kyng Henry the fift For in the register of Cāterbury it appeareth playne that Iohn Claydon was condemned neither in the tyme of Thom. Arundell Archbyshop nor yet in the first nor second yeare of kyng Henry the v. but was cōdemned in the second yeare of the translation of Henry Chichesly Archbyshop of Canterbury the. 17. day of August which was the yeare of our Lord. 1415. So that if this conspiracie was in the same yeare after the witnesse of Fabiā in which yeare I. Cleydon was burned then doth the testimony of Fabian neither accord with other witnesses nor with him selfe nor yet with truth And thus much concerning the witnes of Rob. Fabian Let vs next proceede to Polidore Uirgill whose partiall and vntrue handling of our history in other places of of his bookes doth offer vnto vs sufficient exception not to admit his credite in this And yet because we will rather examine him then exclude him let vs heare a little what he sayth how he fayleth in how many pointes numbring the same vpon my fiue fingers First ending with the life of king Henry 4. hee sayeth that hee raigned 14. 14. yeares and 6. moneths and 2. dayes Angl. hist. lib. 21. whyche is an vntruth worthy to be punyshed wyth a whole yeares banishment to speake after the maner of Apulenis when as truth is he raigned by the testimony of the story of S. Albones of Fabian of Hall of our old English Chronicle and of Scala mundi but 13. 6. moneths lacking as some say 5. dayes Hal saieth he raigned but 12. yeares The second vntruth of Polydore is this where as hee speaking of this sedition of sir Iohn Oldcastle and his adherents affirmeth the same to be done after the burning of Iohn Hus and of Hierome of Prage whych was sayeth he An. 1415. in which yere sayth he Thomas Arundell died Hys wordes be these In eodem concilio damnata est Ioh. Wicliffi haeresis ac Ioan. Hus Hieronymus Pragensis in ea vrbe combusti sunt Quod vbi reliquis consocijs qui etiam tunc in Anglia erant patefit tanquam furijs agitati primùm
the king Wenselaus who thē fauored that pope gaue cōmaundement that no man should attēpt any thing against the sayd Popes indulgēces But Hus with his folowers not able to abide the impiety of those pardōs began manifestly to speake agaynst them of the which cōpany were 3. certayn artificers who hearing the priest preaching of these iudulgences did opēly speak against them called the pope Antichrist which would set vp the crosse to fight agaynst his euenchristened Wherefore they were brought before the Senate and committed to warde But the people ioyning thēselues together in armes came to the magistrates requiring thē to be let loose The magistrates with gētle wordes and fayre promises satisfied the people so that euery man returning home to his own house the tumult was asswaged But the captiues being in prison not withstanding were there beheaded whose names were Iohn Martin and Stascon The death and martirdome of these three being knowne vuto the people they took the bodies of them that were slaine and with great solemnitye brought them vnto the church of Bethlem At whose funerall diuers priestes fauoring that side did sing in this wise These be the Sayntes whiche for the testament of God gaue their bodies c. And so their bodyes were sumptuously interred in the church of Bethlem I. Hus preaching at the same funerall much commending them for theyr constancye and blessing God the father of our Lord Iesus Christ whyche had hidde the way of his verity so from the prudent of this world and had reuealed it to the simple lay people and inferior priestes which chose rather to please God then men Thus this City of Prage was deuided The prelates with the greatest part of the clergy most of the Barons which had any thing to lose did hold with the pope especially Steuen Paletz being the chiefest doer on that side On the contrary part the commons with part of the clergy studentes of the vniuersity went with Iohn Hus. Wenslaus the king fearing least this would grow to a tumult being moued by the doctors and prelates and councell of his barons thought best to remoue Iohn Husse out of the Citty who had bene excommunicated before by the Pope And further to cease this dissention risen in the church committed the matter to the disposition of the doctors and the clergy They cōsulting together among thēselues did set forth a decree ratified and confirmed by the sentēce of the king contayning the summe of 18. articles for the maynteynance of the Pope and the see of Rome agaynst the doctrine of Wickeliffe and Iohn Husse The names of the Doctors of Diuinity were these Steuen Paletz Stanislaus de Znoyma Petrus de Ikoyma Ioannes Heliae Andreas Broda Iohannes Hildesen Mattheus Monachus Hermannus Heremita Georgius Bota Simon Wenda c. Iohn Hus thus departing out of Prage went to his coūtry where he being protected by the Lord of the Soile continued there preaching to whom resorted a great concourse of people neither yet was he so expelled out of Prage but that sometimes he resorted to his church of Bethleem and there also preached vnto the people Moreouer agaynst the sayde decree of the doctours I. Hus with his companye replied agayne and aunswered to their articles with cōtrary articles agayn as foloweth The obiections of Iohn Hus and of his part agaynst the decree of the Doctors FIrst the foūdation of the Doctors wherupon they foūd all their writings and counsels is false which foūdatiō is this where as they say that part of the clergy in the kingdome of Boheme is pestilent and erroneous and holdeth falsely of the Sacramentes 2. The Doctors hereby do defame the kingdome of Boheme and do rayse vp new discordes 3. Let them shew therefore those persons of the Clergye whom they call pestilent so let them verify theyr report binding themselues to suffer the like paine if they be not able to proue it 4. False it is that they say the Pope the cardinals to be the true manifest successors of Peter of the Apostles neyther that any other successors of Peter or the Apostles can be foūd vpon earth besides thē Whē as no man knoweth whether he be worthy of hatred or of fauour And all Byshops and priests be successors of Peter of the Apostles 5. Not the pope but Christ onely is the head and not the Cardinals but all Christes faythfull people be the body of the Catholick church as all holy Scripture and decrees of the holy fathers do testify and affirme 6. And as touching the pope if he be a reprobate it is plain that he is no head no nor member also of the holy Church of God but of the deuill and of his sinagogue 7. The clergy of the gospellers agreeing with the saying of S. Austen which they alledge and according to the sanctions of the fathers and determinations of the holy mother church do say and affirme laudably that the condēnation and prohibition of the 45. articles is vnlawful and vniust and rashly done for that not onely because the doctors but also all Bishops and Archbishops in suche great causes namely touching faith as these articles doe haue no authority at all as appeareth◠De baptismo et eius effectu cap. Maiores Et in Can. 17. dist cap. Hinc sedi c. 8. The second cause of the discord which they alledge also is most false seing the fayth of whole Christendome cōcerning the church of Rome is deuided in 3. parts by the reason of 3. popes which now together do raigne And the 4. part is newtrall Neither is it true that we ought to stand in all things to the determination of the pope of the cardinals but so farr forth as they do agree with the holy scripture of the old and new Testament from whence the sanctions of the fathers did first spring as is euident De accusationibus cap. qualiter c. 9. In the 4. Article they brast out into a certayne dotage are contrary to themselues By reason that they doitishly haue reprehēded the gospellers who in all their doings receiue the holy scripture whith is the law of God the way of trueth and life for their iudge and measure and afterward they themselues doe alleadge the scripture Deut. 17. where all iudges both popes and Cardinals are taught to iudge discern betwene leaper leaper in euery ecclesiasticall cause only after the rule of gods law And so are they cōtrary vnto their secōd article wherin they say that in euery catholicke matter we must runne to the pope which is cōtrary to the foolish condemnation of the Articles aforesaid 10 Consequently like idiots they doe most fasly alledge for their purpose the Canon vnder the name and authority of Ierome written 24. q. 1. Haec est fides papa c. where they do apply the wordes of Ierome most impertinentlye to the pope of Rome which he writeth to S.
and graunts to that I say that this safeconduct stood not only vpon the Emperour but also vpon the consent of the Pope himselfe vide infr page And admit that to be true that the councell had power to make this decree to breake promise wyth hereticks yet this can not be denied but that Iohn Hus was condemned and iudged before that decree in the xix Session was made Finally when Cope hath prooued by what scripture the councels haue power to defeat the authoritie of their Emperours in such secular causes touching safeconductes and outward safetie then will I answere him more fully heerein But to the purpose againe of the story Iohn Hus seeing so many faire promises and the assurance which the Emperour had geuen vnto him sent answere vnto the Emperour that he would come vnto the Councell But before hee departed out of the Realme of Boheme and specially out of the towne of Prage he did write certaine billes long inough afore as well in Latine as in the Bohemian language and Almaine and caused them to be set and fastened vpon the gates of the Cathedrall Churches and parish Churches Cloysters and Abbayes signifieng vnto them all that he would go to the generall Councell at Constance wherof if any man haue any suspition of his doctrine that he should declare it before the Lord Conrade or Bishop of Prage or if he had rather at the generall Councell for there he would render and giue vp vnto euery one and before them all an accompt and reason of his fayth The example of his letters and intimations set vp were these the copie where of here followeth ¶ The Letters of Iohn Hus set vp in common places of the Citie of Prage MAister Iohn Hus Bacheler of Diuinitie will appeare before the most reuerend father the Lord Conrade Archbyshop of Prage and Legate of the Apostolicke seate in the next conuocation of all the Prelates and Cleargy of the kyngdome of Boheme being ready alwayes to satisfie all men which shall require him to giue a reason of hys fayth and hope that he holdeth And to heare and see all such as will lay vnto his charge either any stubburnes of errour or heresie that they should write in their names there as is required both by Gods law and mans And if so be that they could not lawfully prooue any stubbornes of errour or heresie against him that then they should suffer the like punishmentes that he should haue had vnto whome altogether he will aunswer at the next generall Councell at Constance before the Archbyshop and the Prelates and according to the decrees and Canons of the holy Fathers shew foorth his innocencie in the name of Christ. Dated the Sonday next after the feast of Sainct Bartholomew ¶ The Intimations folowing were drawne out of the Bohemian tongue I Maister Iohn Husnerz do signifie vnto all men that I am ready to come and stand before the face of my Lorde the Archbishop and to aunswere to all things whereof I am falsely accused in the next conuocation of Bachelers and chefly to this point that in many places they doo report me an hereticke not hauing respect vnto iustice or to law neither yet to my merits or deserts Therefore since that you which do neuer cease to selaunder and backebite me with your words doo vnderstand and knowe these things come foorth openly before the face and presence of the Lord Archbyshop and with an open mouth declare and shew foorth what false doctrine or other things you haue heard me teach contrary to Catholicke fayth and if that I shall be found faultie in neuer so small a matter contrary or against the faith of Christ or in any false doctrine and that I do choose that or other things contrary to the faith of Christ then I will hold my peace and suffer punishment as an hereticke And if there be no man that will resist against me or accuse me in this point once againe I say vnto you that I am ready to appeare at Constance in the famous congregation to the end that I may stand in the company of the Diuines euen before the face of the Pope Therefore whosoeuer knoweth any false doctrine contrary to the faith of Christ in me let him come thether and shew it forth boldly if he haue any thing to lay against me and for my part I will not be slacke if I may vnderstand or knowe it to answere as well to small as great as touching the truth which I haue receiued of God and desire to be defended All you good men therefore which loue the truth say now whether by these my words I do thinke or go about any thing either contrary to the law of God or man If I be not admitted then to be heard be it knowne and manfest vnto all men that it hapneth not thorough my fault the same day This Epistle which followeth was set vpon the gates of the Kings Palace translated into Latin out of the Bohemian tongue VNto the Kings maiestie the Queene and to all such as are of his Councell and to all other Rulers and Magistrates which now are in the Kings Court I Iohn Hus doo signifie and publish that I haue vnderstand not by any vayne rumor or tale that there be letters brought from the Pope to the Kings Maiestie the contents whereof is this That the Kyngs Maiestie shoulde bring to passe that the heretickes which were now lately sprong vp in hys kyngdome and dominions should not take any firme or strong roote For so much as without any desert as I trust by Gods grace the fame or noise is sproong and blowne abroade it shall bee our part to foresee and take heed that neyther the Kyngs Maiestie neyther the noble Kyngdome of Boheme should bee driuen to beare or suffer anye reproche on slaunder for mee Wherefore now of late I haue sent my letters too and fro whych I haue with great labour and diligence caused to be openly set vp to thys intent that I myght thereby cause the Archbyshop to be carefull and diligent about the matter signifyeng openly that if there were any man in all Boheme which did knowe mee to be a follower of anye false or corrupt doctrine that he should professe hys name in the Archbyshop hys Court and there to shew foorth and declare what he thought And for asmuch as there would none be found or come foorth which would accuse me the Archbyshop commaunded me and my procurers to depart in peace Wherefore I require and desire the Kings Maiestie which is the defender of the truth also the Queene and theyr Counsellers and all other Rulers and Magistrates that they woud geue me a faithfull testimoniall of this matter For somuch as I haue oftentimes willed and attempted this and no man hath eyther accused mee or troubled mee I doo it moreouer to bee knowne vnto all Boheme and to all nations that I wil bee present euen at the
For in that that euery one that worketh more meritoriously to the profite of the Church he hath so much the more greater authoritie from God 25. There is not so muche as one sparke of appearaunce that there ought to be one head ruling and gouerning the church in spirituall causes which should alwayes be conuersaunt in the church millitaâ—â— For Christ without anye such monstrous heds by his â—â—ue disciples sparsed through the whole world could better a great deale rule his church 26. The Apostles and faythfull priests of God haue right worthily in al thinges necessary to saluation gouerned the church before the popes office tooke place and so might they doe agayne by like possibilitie vntill Christ came to iudgement if the popes office should fayle Let euery one that is suspected in the foresayd articles or els otherwise found with assertion of them Be examined in maner and forme as followeth IN primis whether he knew Iohn Wicleffe of Englande Iohn Hus of Bohemia and Hierome of Prage or anye of them and how he came by the knowledge of them whither that during the liues of them or any of them they had eyther bene conuersant with them or found any frendship at their handes 2. Item whether he knowing them or any of them to be excommunicate did willingly participate with them esteming affirming the same their participacioÌ„ to be no sin 3. Item whither that after their deathes he euer prayed for them or any of them openly or priuily doing any work of mercy for them affirming them to be either saintes or els to be saued 4. Item whether he thought them or anye of them to be Saintes or whether that euer he spake such wordes and whether euer he did exhibite any worshippe vnto them as vnto saintes 5. Item whether he beleue hold and affirme that euery generall councell as also the Councell of Constance doth represent the vniuersall Church 6. Item whether he doth beleue that that which the holy Councell of Constance representing the vniuersall church hath and doth alow in the fauour of the fayth and saluatioÌ„ of soules is to be approued and allowed of all the faythfull Christians and that whatsoeuer the same Councell hath condemned and doth condemne to be contrary both to the fayth and to all good men is to beleued holden and affirmed for condemned or not 7. Item whether he beleueth that the condemnations of Iohn Hus Iohn Wickleffe and Hierome of Prage made as well vpon their persons as their bookes and doctrine by the holy generall Councelll of Constance be rightly iustly made and of euery good Catholicke man are so to be holden and affirmed or not 8. Item whether he beleue hold and affirme that Iohn Wickleffe of England Iohn Hus of Bohemia and Hierome of Prage were heretickes or not and for heretickes to be nominated preached yea or not and whether theyr bookes and doctrines were and be peruerse or not for the which together with their pertinacie they wre condemned by the holye sacred Councell of Constaunce for heretiques 9. IteÌ„ whether he haue in his custody any treatises smal workes Epistles or other writinges in what language or tongue soeuer set forth and translated by any of these heretickes Iohn Wickleffe Iohn Hus and Hierome or any other of their false Disciples and followers that he may deliuer them to the ordinaries of that place or his commissary or to the inquisitours vpon hys othe And if he say that he hath no such writing about him but that they are in some other place that then you sweare him to bring the same before his Ordinary or other aforenamed within a certayne time to him prefixed 10. Item whether he knoweth any that hath the treatises works Epistles or anye other writinges of the aforesayd Iohn Wickleffe Iohn Hus and Hierome in whatsouer tong they are made or translated and that he detect manifest the same for the purgation of their fayth and execution of iustice 11. Item especially let the learned be examined whether he beleueth that the sentence of the holy Councell of Constance vpon the 45. articles of Iohn Wickleffe and the 30. Articles of Iohn Hus be not Catholicke which sayth that some of them are notorious hereticall some erroneous other some blasphemous some slaunderous some rash and seditious some offensiue to godly eares 12. Item whether he beleeueth and affirmeth that in no case it is lawfull for a man to sweare 13. Item whether he beleueth that at the commaundement of a iudge or any other it is lawfull to take an oth to tell the truth in anye conuenient cause although it be but purging of an infamy or not 14. Item whether he beleueth that periury wittingly coÌ„mitted vppon what cause soeuer whether it be for yâ— safegard of hys owne life or of any other mans lyfe yea although it be in the cause and defence of the fayth be a sinne or not 14. Item whether a man contemning purposedly the rites of the Churche and the ceremonies of exorcisme of Cathechisme and the consecration of the water of Baptisme be deadly sinne or not 16 Item whether he beleue that after the consecration of the priest in the sacrament of the aultar vnder the figure of bread and wyne be no materiall bread and wyne but in al poyntes the same very Christ which was crucified vppon the Crosse and sitteth vpon the right hand of the father 17. Item whether he beleeue that after the consecration made by the priest vnder the onely forme of bread and besides the forme of wyne be the very flesh of Christ and hys bloud hys soule and hys deitie and so whole Christ as he is and in likewise vnder the forme of wine without the forme of bread bee the very fleshe of Christ and hys very bloud his soule and deitie and so whole Christ the same body absolutely vnder euery one of those kinds singularly 18. Item whether he doth beleue that the custome of houseling of the lay people vnder the forme of bread only obserued of the vniuersall Church and allowed by the onely Councell of Constance be to be vsed and not without the authoritie of the Churche at mens pleasures to be altered and that they that obstinately affirme the contrary to this are to be punished as heretickes or not 19. Item whether he beleue that those whiche contemne the receiuing of the sacramentes of confirmation or extreme vnction or els the solemnisation of matrimony coÌ„mit deadly sinne or not 20. Item whether he beleeue that a Christian man ouer and besides the contrition of hart being licensed of a conuenient priest is bound to confesse himselfe only to a priest and not to any lay man be he neuer so deuout or good vpon the necessitie of saluation 21. Item whether he beleue that in the cases before put a priest may absolue a sinner confessing himself and being contrite from all sinnes and enioyne him penaunce for the same
22. Item whether he beleueth that an euill Priest with due maner and forme and with the intentiō of doing doth verily consecrate doth verily absolue doth verily baptise and doth verily dispose all other sacramentes euen as the Church doth 23. Item whether he beleeue that Saint Peter was the Uicar of Christ hauing power to bynde and to lose vppon the earth 24. Item whether he beleue that the Pope being canonically elect whiche for the tyme shall be by that name expresly be the successor of Peter or not hauing supreme authoritie in the Church of God 25. Item whether he beleue that the authoritie of iurisdiction of the Pope an archbishop or a Bishop in binding loosing be more then the authorititie of a simple priest or not although he haue charge of soules 26. Item whether he beleue that the pope may vpon a iust and good cause geue indulgēces and remission of sins to all Christian men being verily contrite and confessed especially to those that go on pilgrimage to holy places and good deedes 27 Item whether he beleue that by such graunt the pilgrimes that visite those Churches and geue thē any thing may obtayne remission of sinnes or not 28. Item whether he beleue that all Bishops may graūt vnto their subiectes according as the holy Canons doe limit such indulgences or not 29. Item whether he beleue and affirme that it is lawfull for faythfull Christians to worship Images and the reliques of sayntes or not 30. Item whether he beleue that those religions whiche the Churche hath allowed were lawfully and reasonably brought in of the holy fathers or not 31. Item whether he beleueth that the pope or any other Prelate for the time being or their vicars may excommunicate their subiect Ecclesiasticall or secular for disobediēce or contumacie so that such a one is to be holden and taken for excommunicate or not 32. Item whether ye beleue that for the disobediēce and contumacie of persons excommunicate increasing the prelates or their vicares in spirituall thinges haue power to agrauate and to reagrauate to put vpon men the interdict and to call for the secular arme and that the same secular arme or power ought to be obedient to the censures by their inferiors called for 33. Item whether he beleue that the pope and other prelates or els their vicares haue power in spirituall things to excommunicate priestes and lay men that are stubberne and disobedient from theyr office benefice or entrance into the church and from the administration of the sacraments of the Church also to suspend them 34. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull for ecclesiasticall persons without committing sinne to haue anye possessions temporall goodes and whether he beleeue that it is not lawfull for lay men to take away the same from thē by their authoritie but rather that such takers away incrochers vpō ecclesiasticall goods are to be punished as committers of sacriledge yea although such Ecclesiasticall persons liue naughtely that haue such goodes 35. Item whether any such taking away or incrochyng vpō any priest rashly or violently made although the priest be an euill liuer be sacriledge or not 36. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull for lay mē of whether sexe soeuer that is men and women to preache the word of God or not 37. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull to al priestes freely to preach the word of God whersoeuer whensoeuer and to whom soeuer it shal please them althogh they be not sent at all 38. Item whether he beleue that all mortall sinnes and especiall such as be manifest and publike are to be corrected and to be extirpate or not Furthermore wee will commaunde and decree that if any by secrete information by you or any other to be receiued shall be founde either enfamed or suspected of anye kind of the pestiferous sect heresie doctrine of the most pestilence men I. Wickleffe I. Hus and Hierome of Prage the archheretickes aforesaid or of fauoring receiuing or defending the foresayd damned men whilest they liued on the earth their false followers and disciples or any that beleeueth their errours or any that after their death pray for thē or any of them or that nominateth them to be amongst the number of catholick men or that defendeth them to be placed amongst the number of y◠saintes either by their preaching worshipping or otherwaies wherin they deserue to be suspected y◠then they by you or some of you may be cited personally to appeare before you or some of you wtout either Proctor or Doctor to answere for them an oth being opēly taken by them as is aforesayd to speak the plain mere veritie of the articles aboue written and euery of them or other oportune as case and circumstance shall require according to your discretion as you or anye of you shall see expediēt to proceed against them or any of them according to these presentes or otherwise canonically as you shall thinke good Also that you do publish solemnly cause to be published these present letters omitting the articles interrogatories herein contayned in the citties other places of your dioces where conueniently you may vnder our authoritie there to denounce and cause to be denounced all singular such hereticks with their abbetters fauorers of their heresies erroures of what sexe or kinde soeuer that do hold defend the sayd erroures or doe participate any maner of way with heretickes priuely or apertly of what state dignitie or condition soeuer he or they be Patriarche Archbishop king Queene Duke or of what other dignitie either Ecclesiasticall or seculare he be also with their aduocates and procurators whosoeuer whiche are beleuers followers fauourers defenders or receiuers of such heretickes or suspected to be beleuers followers fautors defenders or receiuers of them to be excommunicate euery sonday and festiuall day in the presence of the people Furthermore that you dilligently do to be inquired by the sayd our authoritie vpon all and singular such persons both men and women that mayntayne approue defend teach such erroures or that be fauourers receauers and defenders of them whether exempt or not exempt of what dignitie state preeminence degree order or condition soeuer And such as you shal finde in the sayd your inquisition either by their own confession or by any other meane to be diffamed or otherwise infected with the spot of suche heresie or errour you through the sentence of excommunication suspension interdict and priuation of their dignities personages offices or other benefices of the Church and fees which they hold of any church monastery and other Ecclesiastical places also of honours and secular dignities and degrees of sciences or other faculties as also by other paynes and censures of the Church or by wayes and meanes whatsoeuer els shall seeme to you expedient by taking and imprisoning of their bodies and other corporall punishmentes
1420. also Henry Radtgeber Priest in the same Citie an 1423. Iohn Draendorfe of noble birth and a Priest was burned at Wormes an 1424. Peter Thoraw at Spyre an 1426. Math. Hager also suffered at Berline in Germany not long after Ex Balei Centur. sept After the death of Pope Martine who reigned foureteene yeares succeeded Eugenius the fourth of that name about the yeare of our Lord 1431. Of whome Antoninus thus writeth that he was much geuen to wars as may well declare his conflictes and fighting with the Romaines also the battailes betweene the Venetians and the Florentians This Pope began first to celebrate the Councell of Basill which Councell Martin his predecessour had before intended according to the institution of the Councell of Constance Notwithstanding the said Eugenius perceauing afterward this Councell of Basill not to fauour him and his doings and fearing some detriment to come to him by the same afterward laboured by all subtill practise to dissolue and interrupt the saide Councell and from Basill to translate it first to Ferraria then to Florentia more neere to his owne sea of Rome Concerning the which Councell of Basill forsomuch as we haue begon heere to make mention it shall be no great digression out of the way to discourse something thereof the Lorde so permitting more at large so much as for the most principall matters thereof shall seeme sufficient or necessary to be knowne ¶ Heere foloweth the order and maner of the Councell of Basill touching the principall matters concluded therein briefly collected and abridged heere in this present booke The rest whereof we haue referred vnto our former edition wherein the full discourse of the whole disputation is to be seene more at large for suche as haue list and leisure to see more thereof IN the 39. session of the Councell of Constance as is before mentioned page 594. it was decreed and prouided concerning the order and tunes of such generall Councels as should heereafter followe The first that shoulde next ensue to be kept the fift yeare after the said Councell of Constance the second to be holden the seauenth yeare after that and so orderly all other to follow successiuely from ten yeare to ten yeare Wherefore according to this decree followed a generall Councell fiue yeares after the Councell of Constance celebrate and holden at Sene vnder Pope Martine an 1424. but it soone broke vp After the which Councell the tearme of seauen yeares being expired another Councell was holden at Basill in the yere of our Lord 1431. The which Councell is noted to haue bene the most troublesome and to haue endured longer then any other Councell beforetime celebrate and holden in the Church This Councell continued almost the space of seauenteene yeares wherein it was concluded as before in the Councel of Constance that the generall Councels were aboue the Pope and both of these two Councels did attribute the chiefe authoritie in decreeing and determining vnto the generall Councell which is the cause that the contrary part doth derogate so much from the authoritie of this present Councell When as Pope Martine the first had appointed Iulian Cardinall and Deacon of S. Angell his Legate to celebrate and holde a generall Councell at Basill for the reformation of the Churche and rooting out of heresies within short space after Pope Martin died in whose seate Eugenius the fourth succeeded who confirmed vnto the said Cardinall Iulian the same authoritie which his predecessor before had giuen him Vnto this Councell of Basill beeing begon came the Emperour Sigismund who during his life time with his presence and authoritie did protect and defend the said Synode After the Emperours death Pope Eugenius altering his former minde purpose would transport the Councell vnto Bononie and thereby hindred the successe of the Councell of Basill And first he helde a contrary Councell at Ferraria and afterward at Florence For after the death of the Emperour Sigismund there was no Princes or noble men that had any care or regard of the Councell Eugenius the Pope pretended causes as touching the Greekes which should come vnto the Councell and the vniting of their Church vnto the West Church the which Greekes woulde in no wise passe the Alpes Also as touching his owne incommoditie that he could not come vnto Basill being so long a iourney and that all his men might haue easie accesse vnto Bononia and that amongst the Germaines which in their owne countrey are so intractable nothing can be attempted for their reformation whereupon he cited Cardinall Iulian and the fathers of the Councel vnto Bononia vnder great penaltie vnder great penaltie They againe cited the Pope that either he should come himselfe vnto the Councell or send Ambassadors vnder the like penaltie For this cause the Ambassadours of Albert King of the Romaines and of the other Princes of Germany assembled together first at Norenberge and when as they coulde determine nothing there they assembled againe at Frankford to appease the dissention betweene the Councell and the Pope for it was thought that the Electors of the Empire might best assemble and meete in that place In the meane time the Emperours Ambassadours and the Ambassadours of the Electors went vnto Basill and hauing conference with the Ambassadours of the other Princes which were there they did earnestly exhort the fathers of the Councell that they would embrace and receiue the vnitie which they would offer The request of the Princes was that the fathers would transport the Councell and go vnto another place the which onely thing Pope Eugenius seemed alwaies to seeke and desire that therby he might either diuide the fathers of the Councell or take away their libertie Notwithstanding this sacred Synode thought good neither to deny the princes request nor to graunt that which Pope Eugenius required During this doubt the Emperours Ambassadours the Bishops of Patauia and Augusta being much required and stirred thereunto appointed a noble and valiant Baron called Conrad Weinsperge by the Kings commandement to be Protector and defender of the Councell and the fathers Whereby as the enemies perceiued the Emperours minde to be alienate from the Pope so the Fathers of the Councell vnderstood his good will towards them forsomuch as he would not haue sent them a protector if he had not iudged it a lawfull Councell neither againe would he haue iudged it a Coūcell in Basill if he had geuen credit to Pope Eugenius But by meanes of a great pestilēce which began to grow the assembly that should haue bene holden at Frankford was transported vnto Mentz The Ambassadours of the princes also thought good to go thether if they might find any meanes of vnity whereby they might vnite and knit the Pope againe vnto the Councell The assembly was very famous for there were present the Archbishops of Mentz Colen Treuers Electours of the sacred Empire and all the Ambassadours of the other Electours
listed These thinges thus being done and the tumult ceased after three dayes Mahometes the Turke entreth into the Citie and first calling for the heades and auncientes of theÌ„ Citie such as he found to be left aliue he commaunded the to be mangled and â—ut in peeces It is also sayth my author reported that in the feastes of the Turks honest matrones and virgins and such as were of the kinges stocke after other coâ—umeties were he 〈◊〉 and cut in peeces for their disport And this was the end of that princely and famous 〈◊〉 of Constantinople beginning first by Constantinus and ending also with ConstaÌ„tinus which for the princely royalty therof was named and euer honoured from the time of the first Constantine equally with the City of Rome called also by the name thereof new Rome so continued the space of 1120. yeares I pray God that olde Rome may learne of new Rome to take heed and beware by tyme. This terrible destruction of the Citty of Constantinople the Queene of Cittyes I thought here to describe not so much to set forth the barbarous cruelty of these filthy rake hels and mercilesse murtherers as specially for this that we being admonished by the dolefull ruine and misery of these our euen christened may call to minde the plagues miseryes deserued whiche seeme to hang no lesse ouer our owne heades and thereby may learne betime to inuocate and call more earnestly vpon the name of our terrible and mercifull God that he for his sonnes sake will keepe vs preserue his church among vs and mitigate those plagues and sorrowes whiche we no lesse haue deserued then these aboue minded before vs. Christ graunt it Amen Ex hist. Wittenbergica Peucer The history of Reynold Peeocke Byshop of Chichester afflicted and imprisoned for the Gospell of Christ. AFter the death of Henry Chichisley before mentioned pag. 657. next succeeded Iohn Stafford an 1445. who continued 8. yeares After hym came Iohn Kempe ann 1453. who sate but three yeares Then succeeded Thomas Burschere In the time of which Archbishop fell the trouble of Reynold Pecocke Bishop of Chichester afflicted by the Popes Prelates for hys fayth and profession of the Gospell Of this Byshoppe Halle also in his Chronology toucheth a little mention declaring that an ouerthwart iudgement as he termeth it was geuen by the Fathers of the spiritualty agaynst him Thys man sayth he beganne to moue questions not priuatly but openly in the Uniuersityes concerning the Annates Peter pence and other iurisdictions and authorities perteyning to the sea of Rome and not onely put forth the questioÌ„s but declared his mind and opinion in the same wherefore he was for thys cause absured at Paules Crosse. Thus muche of hym wryteth Hall Of whom also recordeth Polychronycon but in few wordes This bishop first of S. Assaphe then of Chichester so long as Duke Humfrey lyued by whome he was promoted and much made of was quiet and safe and also bolde to dispute and to write hys mynde and wrote as Leland recordeth diuers bookes and treatises But after that good Duke was thus as ye haue heard made away this good man lacking his backstay was open to his enemies and matter soone found agaynst hym Wherupon he being complayned of and accused by priuy and malignant promoters vnto the Archbishop letters first were directed downe from the Archbishop to cite al men to appeare that could say any thing agaynst hym The forme of which citation here ensueth The copy of the Citation sent by the Archbyshoppe THomas by the permission of God Archb. of Canterbury primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke Sea to all and singuler Parsons Vicares Chaplaynes Curates not Curates Clerkes and learned men whatsoeuer they be constitute ordeined in any place throughout our prouince of Caunterbury health grace and benediction We haue receiued a greeuous complaint of our reuerend felow brother Reynold Pecocke Byshop of Chichester conteyning in it that albeit our sayd reuerend felow brother the Byshop deliuered vnto vs certayne bookes written by him in the English tongue by vs and our authority to be examined corrected reformed and allowed notwithstanding many the examination and reformation of the sayde bookes depending and remayning before vs vndiscussed haue openly preached and taught at Paules crosse in London and in diuers other places of our prouince of Canterbury that our sayd felow brother the Byshop hath propouÌ„ded made and written or caused to be writen in the sayde bookes certayne conclusions repugnaunt to the true fayth and that he doth obstynately hold and defend the same By the pretence of which preaching and teaching the state good name and fame of the sayd Lord Reynolde the Byshoppe are greeuously offended and hurt and he and his opinion maruellously burdened Wherefore we charge you all together and seuerally apart do commaund you firmely enioyning you that openly and generally you doe warne or cause to bee warned all and singular such persons whiche will obiect any thing contrary and agaynst the conclusions of our sayd reuereÌ„d felow brother the Bishop had or conteined in his bookes or writings that the 20. day after such monition or warning had they do freely of theyr own accord appeare before vs and our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted wheresoeuer we shall then be in our Citty Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to speake propound alledge and affirme fully sufficiently in writinge whatsoeuer hereticall or erroneous matter they wil speak propound or obiect agaynst the sayde conclusions conteyned in his sayde bookes and both to satisfye and receiue whatsoeuer shall seeme meete and right in this behalfe by the holy institutions and ordinaunces And for so muche as this matter depending yet vndetermined and vndiscussed nothing ought to be attempted or renewed we charge you that by this our authority you inhibite and forbid all and euery one so to preach and teach hereafter Vnto whom also we by the the tenour of these presents do likewise forbid that during the examination of the conclusions and bookes aforesayde depending before vs and our Commissaryes vndiscussed they do not presume by any meanes without good aduise and iudgemeÌ„t to preach iudge and affirme any thing to the preiudice or offeÌ„ce of the sayd Lord Reynold the Byshop and if so be you do finde any in this behalfe gayne saying or not obeying this our inhibitioÌ„ that you do cite or cause theÌ„ peremptorily to be cited to appeare before vs or our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted the 10 day after theyr citation if it be a courte day or els the next courte day following wheresoeuer we shall then be in our City Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to make further declaration by form of law of the cause of their disobedieÌ„ce to receiue such punishment as iustice and equity shall determine in that behalfe that by your leters you do duely certify vs or our Commissaries what you haue
Of this processe mention is made before pag. 465. 2. Conclusion Declaration Euery 〈◊〉 vpon 〈◊〉 is 〈…〉 the brea◠〈◊〉 uery such coâ— dition If the pope may take from the Friers to cause them keepe S. Fraunces rule may not the Emperour take from the pope to cause hym keepe Christes rule 3. Conclusion Declaration A priest admitted ought to preach though the prince bishop forbyd so that he preach the word 4. Conclusion Declaration 5. Conclusion Declaratioâ— Remission double 6. Conclusion Declaratioâ— Either there is purgatory or els the pope is cruel and vncharitable The Popes power can keepe none from bodely paine Ergo much lesse from spirituall If the Martyrs being dead be not assured froÌ„ grief of tarying much lesse caÌ„ they assoile other from paynes of purgatorie The Pope hath no power grounded vpon scripture to bring from pain of purgatory 7. Conclusion The Pope maketh him selfe euen with Christ Declaration The Bishop of Norwich Hea. Spenser the popes warriour set vp of the pope to slay his enemies page 428. The Pope contrarie to Christ. The pope againe prooued Antichrist 2. Swordes neuer giuen to the pope Two sortes of annoyntinges in Scripture A defection in Antichristes time Mention was made of this schedule before in the first dayes Acte pag. 471. The sentence giuen agaynst hym The appeale of W. Swinderby from the B. to the king and his counsayle * Some thyng there lacketh 〈◊〉 the copie The kyngs court aboue the Byshops court What is an heretike The Byshops law of condemnation full of heresies and errours The contrarietie betwene the pope Christ. The cause why Swinderby forsooke the pope A fruitful letter to the Lords Burgesies of the Parliament * Reckened Daniel 14. Psal. 119. Leuit. 26. The saythfull request of W. Swinderby The story of Walter Bruce a Britton Ex Registro Epis Herford Murdring harts lurking vnder louing wordes Articles denouÌ„ced against W. Brute by priests and Friers The first article 2. Article 3. Article 4. Article 5. Article 6. Article 7. Article Otherwise bloudie promoters These conclusions and articles of W. Swinderby here repeated obiected to Walt. Brute are to be founde before pag. 466. and 467. 1. Conclusion Infanâ—um facinussciâ— licet A perilous doore to open A foule falt fâ—rsooth Walter Pride promoters or rather a proud promoter The first instrumeÌ„t exhibited by certain Cha â—â—s of Herford against Walter Bruce B. of Herford vniustly condemned the articles of sir W. Swinderby Matters obiected against Walter Brute The P. Antichrist Witnesses against Wal-Brute Richard Lee Register writer hereof The forme of the second instrument Matters coâ—clusions ministred against Walter Brute This conclusion seemeth to be falsly collected as were before the articles of W. Swinderby This conclusion also is not â—ightly gathered Witnesses against W. Brute Benedict Come Register witnes and writer of this instrument against William Bruite Certaine exhibites of Walter Brute in wryting presented to the B. for his defence Walter Brute a Britone borne Protestation made No writer odoctor without his errour the Scripture onely excepted Errour in the Apostles Errour in the Doctours Errours and coÌ„trarieties amoÌ„g the popish wryters Brate modestly excuseth his learning The first case or 〈◊〉 position The second case or assertion The first conclusion The pope an idole of desolation sitting in the temple of God The pope if his lawes be contrarie to Christ is the pestiferous mountaine infecting the whole earth Ierem. 31. The Pope the sinfull captained Israel spoken of â—â—â—chiel 21. Antichrist described Ezech. 28. The Pope an idle shepheard Zach. 11. The beast horned lyke the lambe The Pope signifieth the beast ascending out of the earth Terrible scriptures against the Pope Apoc. 13. Rome Babylon Apoc. 17. 1290. dayes figured in Dan. 12. The fall of Babylon Apoc. 14. Esay 13. Ierem. 15. An other declaration of the same maner before alter a more ample tractation exhibited by Walterbrute to the B. They that so humblye iudge of themselues and do not so carelesly coÌ„tinue are of God Esay 6. Esay 29. Esay 2â— Libanus and Charmel two hils the one in Phoenicia fruitfull pleasants the other in the borders of Iewry barren vnpleasant which is Charmel Daniel 2. Daniel 1â— * In Signo Gemini Marke heere good Reader by this astronomicall coniunction of these two planets in Gemini hee meaneth couertly the schisme betweene the two Popes which lasted 39. yeares by the which coniunction his meaning is that God wold haue Antichrist to be disclosed and his church to be reformed By this perfection I suppose he meaneth the reformation of the church being out of the way Esay 11. The reueling of Antechrist The abhomination of desolation Luke 21. Destruction of the Iewes temple 1390. dayes in Daniel expounded For these 42. monethes looke page 397. Why rather at this time then any other the matter of Antichrist iâ— moued and why rather in this kingdome then in an other The first receiuing the faith in thys realme by the Britons Britaines by the speciall election of God called to fayth The callyng of the Gentiles to faith Apoc. 12. The woman fed in the desert 1260. dayes This place of the desert in the scripture seemeth here something hardly expounded Faith came into Britanny froÌ„ the East not from Italy or Rome A time 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 a time 〈◊〉 unded Persecution of Dioclesians â—â—â—â—walo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 page â—â— Aâ—â—â—nd to 〈◊〉 Welchâ—â—â— The strong â—â—â—th of the Britons Tales of Antichrist A false imagination of Antichrist The scripture Prophetes not rightly vnderstaÌ„deâ— touching Antichrist Touching these 42. monethes see aboue pag. 397. The old imagination touching Antichrist confuted Antichrist commeth not so grosely as the papists imagine Esay cap. 2. Esay 2. Esay 9. Zach. 9. Antichrist cannot come of the tribe of Dan. Daniel 9. The abhomination or Idoll of desolation standing in the holy place Antichrist to raigne onely 3. yeares and a halfe is false Looke before in the story of the x. first persecutions Apoc. 13. The beast in the 13. of the Apoc. expounded The purple beast in the Apoc meaneth Rome For these 42. moneths looke before pag. 397. Apoc. 1. Apocalips 9. The begâ—ning a 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 an t beggaâ— Friers 〈◊〉 of in the Apoc expâ—â—ded of A◠〈◊〉 look◠〈◊〉 pag. 41. Non conâ—â—dat Psaâ—â—rium cum cithara Whether Antichriâ—â— be already come The Pope proued Antichrist Annointing double in scripture Kinges and Priestes annointed The Popeâ— make themselues priests and kynges The Pope maketh himselfe christ The Pope commeth is the name of Christ. Popes proued principal Antichristes The pope an outward frend and a priui enemy to Christ. Whether the Pope doth maintayne any lawes against the lawes of Christ. The law of 〈◊〉 commaunded in the Gospel Iohn 13. Iohn 15. â— Pet. 4. â— Iacob 2. 1. Iohn 3. 1. Iohn 4. Rom. 13. 1. Cor. 5. Galatians 5. Ephes. 4. Ephes. 5. Philip. 1â— Colos. 3. Thes. 4. Many thinges obserued in
Henr. Coldyron answereth to the 3. article Iohn Pollomarius answereth to the 4. article Certayne chosen on both sides to determine the matter The oration of Cardinal 〈◊〉 Nicolas the 2. propounder charged by the Cardinall for the commeÌ„cing of Ioh. Wickliffe A prudent answere of the Bohemians to the Cardinall Iulian. The Ambassadours of the Bohemians return without agreement The coÌ„ming of the Legates to Prage Ioh. Rochezanus speaketh Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7. Polomas answereth to the Bohemians The Bohemians reply againe to Polomar Polomar extolleth the Councelles Generall councelles may erre and haue erred Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7. The Ambassadours of the councel and the Bohemians could not agree A declaration of 3. articles promised to the Bohemians by the Councell A declaration of the Councell to the Bohemians concernyng the first 3. articles The 2. proposition propounded by the Bohemians with the declaration from the Councell Punishing of publicke offences how and by whom Note here the popes addition The 3. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the councell Liberty of preaching how farre and to whom at extendeth The 4. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the Councell Temporal possessions in the clergie mens handes The papists staÌ„d hard for their temporal Lordships The Bohemians take a deliberatioÌ„ of the fourth article A declaration of the councel touching the fourth article of the communion Consecrat dist 2 quia pissus This is to set vp the church aboue the scripture The holie communion requireth amendment of lyfe Holy things nothing profit the wicked The reuereÌ„t receiuing of the sacraments Receiuing vnder one kinde for auoiding two perils Error grounded vpon errour Causes why to minister vnder one kinde Receiuing in both kindes permitted to the Bohemians The condition annexed Doubtes or questions of the Bohemians Aunswere Permission of both kindes granted to the Bohemians not of sufferance but by full authoritie Punishing of offences considered How and by whom offeÌ„ders ought to be punished To doe that God commaundeth is obedience and no sin though it be extraordinary The Israelites dyd steale from the Egyptians without sinne Sampson killed himselfe without sinne Of extraordinary commaundementes no generall lawes to be made Obiection Aunswere How the laitie hath power ouer the clergie and wherin The Pope wil be iudged by his own law Obiection Aunswere Obiection Aunswere Abuse of prelates in inhibiting true preachers Remedie of appeale Obiection Aunswere Actes of secular dominion to be exercised of the clergie after a double respecte â—el per se â—el per alium Obiection Aunswere Coactiue power whether in belongeth to the clergie and how The goods of the church in whose possession they be properly 12. q. 1 cap. expedit The clergie be administratours not Lordes of the temporalties of the Church The agreement betweene the Bohemians and the Councell Anno. 1438. Certaine petitions of the Bohemians put vp to the CouÌ„cell Anno. 1438. The communioÌ„ in both kindes to be generally graunted To haue a good and lawfull pastor and Bishop Free communioÌ„ vnder both kindes to be permitted to all princes The Gospells Epistles to be read in the vulgare tongue The scriptures read in the Slauons tongue of olde time Incorporations to be graunted to vniuersities an vnlawfull request A request for necessary reformation discipline The coÌ„ception of our Lady brought into the Church The visitation of our Lady brought in Vowsons giftes of benefices before they were voide debarred by the couÌ„cell which vowsons here ar called expectatiue graces IncoÌ„uenieÌ„ces that rise by vowsons of benefices No controuersies to be brought to Rome beyond 4. daies iourney from thence No fâ—â—uolous appeales to be made to the Pope Against the superfluous number of errours Against the popes first fruites Pragmatica Sanctiâ— per Carolum 7. An Acte made for the conuersion of the Iewes An Acte for studying the Hebrue Latine and Chaldey Against priestes that kept Concubines An Epistle of Martin Meyr to Aeneas Siluius translated into Englishe the â—atine wher of inextant in the former edition of this booke Ex Orth. Grat. The corruption of the Church of Rome detected The authoritie of the councell of Basill expended The epistle of the Cardinall Iulian to the Pope in the commendation of the councell of Basill Thambassadors of the Councell are returned from Egra What the church is Eugenius prouoketh the Church A strong argument against Eugenius The cause of the long delay of the Prelates The councel of Sene. An epistle of Eneas Siluius in defence of the councell of Basill The tâ—â—â—nal seate standeth not in one Bishop The authoritie of the Councell of Basill maintained by the Emperour and the French king so long as they liued The practise of Pope Eugenius to vndoe the Councell of Basill The Pope stirreth vp warre The Dolphin driueâ— away by a few Germaines The dissolution of tho Councell of Basill Fredericke of Austrich crowned Emperour great grand father to this Ferdinando The Legaâ— of the Greekes coÌ„descend first to the popes law The Greeke Churches refuse the Popes doctrine The inconuenience of discorde Ex Cochleo lib. 8. hist. Hussit Ex Antonin 3. part tit Ex hist. Cas pari Peucer lib. 5. Maruelous feare fallen vpon the popes army Gods holy angels pitch their tentes about them which feare him Psal. The cruell deceite and wicked facte of Mainardus against the souldiours of Boheme Certaine thousandes of the BohemiaÌ„ souldiors brent Ex Aenea Silu. lib. de hist. Boem cap. 51. England noÌ„ted of crueltie Burning slaying in England Anno 1439. R. Wiche Priest Martir Ex Fabian part 7. Ex antiquo alio Chronico Ex Regist. Hen. Chicheslei The bishops coÌ„sult to abolish the lawe of Premuniri facias The king aunswere to the bill of the Clergy touching the law of Premuniri A briefe aunswere to Cope concerning Lady Eleanor Cobham To the third obiection Vid. Centu. 8. Ral. ca. 4. To the 4. obiection M. Coperay leth without a cause See the former edition pag. 371. The 5. obiection The story of the Ladie Eleanor and Rog. Onley here pretermitted A question whether Eleanor the Duches was culpable in treason agaynst the king Certaine coniectures of the crime not to bee true 1. Coniecture 2 Coniecture 3 Coniecture 4 Coniecture 5. Coniecture 6. Coniecture 7 Coniecture 8. Coniecture 9. Coniecture 10. Coniecture A briefe aunswer to Maister Copes cauillations concerning Duke Humfreyes wyfe The contention betwene the Cardinall of Wint. Duke Humfrey Lorde protectour Anno. 1440. Eâ— Polycâ—ra Wint. presumeth to be Cardinall against the minde of his king Wint. incurreth the law of premuniâ—i Wint. intrudeth himselfe to be the kings gouernour The Cardinall defraudeth the king of his iewels The Cardinall deliuereth the K. of Scottes vpon his owne authoritie The Cardinall playeth the marchant The Cardinall a defrauder of the king The Cardinall taketh vpon him like a king The Cardinall traytour to the crowne The Card. a purchaser of of the kingâ— landes Peruerse counsaâ—le of
the Cardinall The Card. a deceauer of the king a briber The Card. purchaseth a pardon against his premuniri Prelates holde one with an other Malice burst out Paules steepleset on fire by lightning Anno. 1445 The death of Henry Chichesley Archb. of Cant. The builâ—ing of Alsolne Colledge and Barnard Colledge in Oxforde Anno. 1447 The storie death of Humfrey Duke of Gloucester Duke Humfrey coÌ„mâ—nded for his learning Petrus de Monte. De Virtutum et Vitrorum differentia ad D. Humfredum Lapiscastellius De compatatione Audiorum etrei militarus ad D. D. Humfredum A false miracle espied Dissimulatâ—on wel punished Commen-dation of Duke Hum-frey The good Duke of Glocester Polyd. Hist lib. 23 Halâ— in 25. Hâ—n 6. The enemies to the Duke of Glocester The malicious working of the cardinall against the Duke of Glocester W. De la Pole Duke of Suffolke the cause of the Duke of Glocesters death The vnprofitable mariage betweene K. Hen. 6. and Queene Margaret Queene Margaret mortall enemy to the Duke of Glocester The malice of a woman A snare to catch the innocent Anno. 1447. A parliament at Bery The cruel death or martyrdome of the good Duke of Glocester The iudgement of god vpon theÌ„ which persecuted the Duke of Glocester Anno. 1448. The death of the Cardinall and maner of the same The wordes of the Cardinall of Winchester at his deâ—th Will. Wanflet Bishop of Wint. Magdalen Colledge in Oxford builded Gods punishment vpon the Marques of Suffolke The 〈◊〉 glory of mans 〈◊〉 foâ—gethâ—â—g himselfe in honour The commons vncoÌ„ stant The Duke of Suffolke accuâ—ed by the coÌ„monâ— The Duke of Suffolke againe accused Example of Gods iudgement and of bloud reuenged The Duke of Suffolke beheaded Publicam instâ—umentum nomine Regis An instru ment by the thing against the admitting the Popes legate Anno. 1450. The arte of printing inuented Ex Tipographia per Matsheum Iudiâ—em Carmen Anâ— Campani Printing camâ— of God Printing likened to the giftes of tongues The time considered when Printing was founde Double confusiâ—â— vpon the Pope by printing The fruit profite of printing Good counsaile to the Pope So preached the vicar of CroydeÌ„ in K. Henry the 8. dayes at Paules crosse saying that either we must roote out printing or else printing will roote out v 8. Triple commodity by printing When Gunnes were first inuented Anno. 1458. The losing of Constantinople The tirannie of the Turke toward his owne men The cowardnes of Duke Iustinian The Emperour of CoÌ„stantinople flaine CoÌ„staÌ„tinople wonne of the Turkes The bloudy victory of the Turkes The horrible in aÌ„ny of the Turkes Constantinople called new Rome A warning to all Christendome by Constantinople The story of Reinold Pecocke The citatioÌ„ of the Arch. Tho. Bowcher alias Bourâ—chet Pecocke appeareth at Lambeth before the Archb. Great labour to reduce Pecocke from his opinioÌ„s The retractation of B. Pecocke Ex regist His Articles The articles of Reynolde Pecocke mentioned by Thomas Gascoigne Ex Tho. Gascoig lib. De Dictionario Theolog part 3. B. Pecocke deteyned in prison Polydoâ—e noted Eugenius warred against Sâ—ortia and diuers other Pope Fâ—â—â—x Pope Nicholas 5. Emperours are but kinges of Romaines before they be crowned by the Pope Ex Platina de vitis The example of Idolatrie punished The fruit of Idolatry Mat. Palmerius a Florentine martyr Toling of Aues S. Edmund of Cant. canonised Pope Pius 2. Promotion choketh religion The Prouerbes of Pius Mariage of priestes allowed by Aeneas Syluius Ex epist. 54. Pii sâ—cund ad Gasparum Schlick The way to exclude schisme is concord of princâ—s The Popes Clergie wil not abyde the fyre eyther for prince or pope The breath of this pestilent seate corrupteth all that sit in it whatsoeuer they were before Aeneas Syluius now puffed vp with worldly pompe and glorie impugneth the trueth whiche he did before both know and professe Dâ—scord betwene Pope Pius the Archbishop of Mentz Anno. 1458. Pope Paulus 2. Ex Stanislao Rutheno Vide Cent. 8. Bal. The feast of the conception and presentation of our Lady Beades brought in Wesellus Groningensis The pope licenseth the whole familie of a certaine Cardinall to play the Sodomites three monethes in the yeare Pope Innocentius 8. 8. men and 6. we men condemned of heresie by Pope Innocentius 8. George king of Boheme condemned of heresie Mischieues to England after the death of the Duke of Glocester Angeow Main Normandy and Gascoyne recoueâ—ed of the Frenchmen Iacke Cade The Duke of Yorke agaâ—â—st kyng Henry Anno. 1459. The Northern men intended the subuersion of London Ex historia manuscripta cui titulus Scala mundi London rescued by prince Edw. Anno. 1461. The title of Edward to the crowne proued at Paules crosse K. Edward taketh possession of the crown The fierce and cruell battaile betweene king Henry 6. K. Edward 4. King Henry 6. conquered Barwicke geuen to the Scottes by K. Henry 6. The title of the house of Yorke Rich. Plantagenet Ex Scala mundi Leaden Hall bilded The Standard in Chepe The Conduite in Fletstrete New gate builded The Colledge of Eton and the kings Colledge in Cambridge founded The king reiecteth the popes Bulles Ex Getuslo codic cuâ— initium Nomâ—na custodum c. et ex Fabiano Example of Gods rodde and iudgement Anno. 1461. King Edward 4. Queene Margaret fledde the lande Anno. 1462. K. Edward sitteth his own person in the kings bench iudging Anno. 1463. K. Henry 6. againe repulsed in the battaile of Exham K. Henry 6. taken arested committed to the Tower Anno. 1465. The kyngs lodeine mariage with Queene Elizabeth The first falling out betweene K. Edwarde the Earle of Warwick Conspiracie against king Edward K. Edward take prisoner by the Earle of Warwicke The rebellion in Lincolnshire repressed The Earle of Warwicke and the Duke of Clarence fly into Fraunce The Earle of Warwick the Duke of Clarence returne into England The receiuing of the Earle of Warwicke into England K. Henry againe proclaymed kyng The inconstant leuitie of the people of England The constant hart and â—â—nth of the Lord Hastinges K. Edward forsaken of his people in his neede The weake state of king Edward Whether godly simplicitie or mans policie be stronger The double case of these two kings considered K. Edward taketh the Washes God prouideth K. Edward taketh shipping K. Edward near taken of the Esterlings God againe prouideth K. Edward deliuered from the Esterlinges Charles Duke of Burgoyne K. Edwardes brother in law Queene Elizabeth taketh sanctuary Prince Edward borne in sanctuary K. Henry 6. brought out of the tower K. Henry restored again to his kingdome K. Edward returneth againe into England K. Edward onely with 2000. souldiours commeth to Rauenspurre alias Rauensport The dissembling policy of king Edward K. Edward commeth to Yorke K. Edward repelled by the citizens of Yorke K. Edward chaungeth his title The gentle and fayre wordes of K. Edward Two conditions put to K.
be seen after For he sayd that the warres in Fraunce shoulde not be ended till the Realme were vtterly wasted exiled in euery part The which saying was well sene after for the noble realme of Fraunce was sore wasted and exiled specially in the terme that the sayd Fryer had set The which was in the yeares of our Lord. 1356. 57. 58. 59. He sayd in those yeares the Princes and Gentlemen of the Realme should not for feare shew themselues agaynst the people of low estate assembled of all countries without head or captayne and they shoulde doe as they list in the Realme of Fraunce the which fell after as ye haue heard how the coÌ„panions assembled them together and by reason of theyr robbery and pillage waxed rich became great captains About the same time happened in Fraunce a certayne contention betwene the French Prelates and the Fryers of Paris testified and recorded by Godfridus de Fontanis the briefe effect of which story is this The Prelates of France conuenting and assembling together in the Citty of Paris after a long deliberation among themselues caused by the Bedels to be called together all the Studentes maisters Bachelers of euery facultie with the chiefe heads also of al the Religious houses and Friers in the vniuersitie of Paris who being al there congregated together in the bishop of paris his house where there were preseÌ„t 4. archbishops and 20 Bishops first stood vp the Bishop of Biturecense who there making his Sermon tooke for his theame the place of S. Paule to the Ephesians Fratres vt sciatis quae sit longitudo latitudo altitudo profunditas charitatis c. and concluded therupon first that true charity would compell them to see and prouide for their flockes Secondly that the vigore of charity would arme them to withstand errors Thirdly he concluded that by duety of charity they were bound to geue theyr liues for the soules of theyr flock committed to their charge Fourthly that by the same charity euery man to holde himselfe content with that which was his owne and not to intevineddle or busye himselfe further then to him appertayned or belonged to his office For there sayth he all order ecclesiasticall is dissolued where as men not concerning themselues in their owne precincts presume in othermes charges where they haue nothing to doe But this charity sayth he now a dayes waxeth colde and all Ecclesiasticall order is confounded and vtterly out of order For many there be which nowe a dayes presume to thrust in themselues where they haue nothing to do so that now the Church may seeme a monster For as in a natural body appeareth a monster where one meÌ„ber doth the office of an other so in the spirituall body which is the church may be thought likewise As wheÌ„ our learned and prudent brethren to wit the Friers maiors and minors do take vpon them to vsurpe and occupye the office to vs specially apperteining namely where as the scripture warneth vs all none to take vpoÌ„ him any office except he be called thereunto of the Lord as Aaron was Wherfore we haue heretofore oftentimes caused the sayd Friers both by the king himselfe in his owne person also by other nobles to be spoken to and desired to furcease from doing and intermedling in our office yet they would not but haue preached agaynst our willes through all our diocesses haue heard confessioÌ„s saying that they haue the Popes priuiledge to beare them out therein For the which cause we come to you and not we here present onely but also we haue the handwriting and the full consent of all other our fellow Bishops throughout the kingdome of Fraunce to complaâ—ne to you of this so great insolency and presumptioÌ„ of the Friers For that as we are you shall be Neither do I thinke to be any of vs prelates here now which haue not sometime bene taken out of this vniuersity of yours We haue desired moreouer and caused to be desired the foresayd Friers to send their priuilegies to the Apostolicke see to be interpreted and expounded more playnely by the Lord Pope which they refused also to do Wherefore to the intent you may the better vnderstand and see what their priuiledges be and how farre they do extend we haue appoynted the said priuilege here openly to be read vnto you Then stood vp an other in the publicke place and there read the priuileges of both the orders and afterward read also the constitution of Pope Innocent 3. written in the 5 of the decretals and beginneth Omnis vtriusque sexus c. which constitution was repugnant and contrary to the foresayd priuilegies as he there manifestly proued declaring how both the said priuiliges were derogatory to that constitution This done then rose vp the Bishop Ambianensis a great Lawyer who discoursing froÌ„ article to article there proued by good law that the sayd constitution stood in hys full force and vigore and ought not to be infringed by the friers priuilegies in no part And therfore by the vertue of that constitution that the Friers ought not so misorderly to intrude themselues in hearing confessioÌ„s in inioyning of penaunce and in preaching in Churches and Diocesses without speciall licence of the Bishop of the Dioces curate of the parish vnto whose words neuer a Frier at that time replyed againe And so the Bishop proceeding to his conclusion desired the vniuersity to assist them in that case wherin they were all determined saith he to stand firmely to the shedding of theyr bloud in resisting that misorder and iniuries of the Friers This happened the 6. day of December which they dedicate to S. Nicholas The next day being sonday one of the order of the minorites or Franciscanes went to the Church of the maiorites or preaching Friers where he made a sermon whiche was neuer sene before the one order to come and resort with the other beginning in the forsayd matter to reply to expound in order through euery article as well as he could adding moreouer and saying that they went not so farre in their priuilegies as they lawfully might And said moreouer that what time the sayd priuileges were in obteining in Rome the Bishop Ambianensis was there present himselfe resisting the same with all his power yea all the Prelates also of Fraunce sent and wrote vp to the Court agaynst the same and yet did not preuaile For wheÌ„ the Friers there presently declared opened to the Pope in what maner and how farr they had vsed priuileges the Pope the same time sayd Placet That is agreed vnto the same And now sayth he the Prelates require demaund of vs to send vp our priuiledges to the Court which were great folly in vs For in so doing what should we els but geue place occasioÌ„ to reuoke agayn the authority which is geuen in our handes already Furthermore our wardeÌ„ and maister
is now lately dead and the maister here of the Dominike Friers is not now present Wherfore we dare not determine in such a weighty cause touching the priuileges of our order without the presence of them And ther fore we desire you of the Uniuersity to holde vs therin excused and not to be so lightly stirred against vs for we are not the worst and vilest part of the Uniuersity c. The next day being the 8. day of the same moneth whithe is also dedicate to the conception of our Ladye vpon which day it was determined likewise that one of the dominicke Friers should preach in the Church of the Franciscane or gray Friers and so he did tending to the same end as the other frier in the other church had done before Whereby it may seeme the prouerb well aunswered vnto whereof we read in the Gospell Facti sunt amici Herodes Pilatus in ipsa die It was not long after that the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle folowed in whose Uigile all the heads of the Uniuersity againe were warned the third day after to congregate together in the Church of S. Bernard at the sermon time Which being done and the assembly meeting together an other Sermō was made by a Diuine of the Uniuersity whose theame was Prope est Dominus omnibus inuocantibus eum in veritate c. Wherein he with many words and great authorities argued agaynst them that woulde not be obedient vnto theyr Prelats c. The sermon being ended then rose vp againe the Bishop Ambianensis who prosecuting the rest of the Theame and comming to the word in veritate deuided it in three parts according to the common glose of the decretals Est verum vitae doctrinae iusticiaeque Primum semper habe duo propter scandala linque Shewing and declaring by many authorities both of canonicall scriptures and out of the law and by euidēt demonstratiō of experience that the Friers first had no verity of life because they were full of hypocrisy neither had they verity of doctrine because in their hart they bare gall and in theyr toung hony neither verity of iustice because they vsurped other mens offices And thus concluding with the same caused agayn to be read the sayd priuileges with the constitution aboue specified And so expoūding place by place did argue and proue that the sayd constitution in no part was euacuat or infringed by that priuilegies aforesayd Which thing being declared he added moreouer that where as the Friers say sayd he that I should be present in the obteining of the priuileges I graunt it to be true when word came to me thrise thereof I went to the Pope reclayming requiring the sayd priuileges to be renoked But the next day after it so pleased the Pope to send me out abroad vpon weighty affayres so that then the matter had no end After that we sent also other messengers with our letters for the same cause vnto the Court of Rome whom the Friers say not to haue preuailed but they lye therein For the sayd messengers agayne brought vs letters from the chief of the court of Rome sealed with their seales which letters we haue diuers times presented to our king wil shortly shew them vnto you all In the which letters the Lord Pope hath promised the sayd priuiledges either to be vtterly abrogate or els to be mitigated with some more playnely interpretation of the which we trust shortly to haue the publicke Bulle or writ from the Pope At last the sayd Bishop required desired of all there of what Dioces or countrey so euer they were that they would copy out the foresayd priuiledges and send them abroad into their coūtries that all men might see what they were and how far they did extēd In fine the matter comming into open disputation it was cōcluded by M. Giles one of the Austine Friers who was thought to be most reasonable of all the other Friers in this wise that after his sentence the Prelates were in the truer part c. Haec ex Godfrido de Fontanis ¶ Concerning this wrangling contention betwene the Uniuersity and Friers of Fraunce heretofore mentioned whereof partly the original cause there may be vnderstand by that which hath bene sayd to rise vpon certaine priuilegies graūted by popes to the Friers to intermedle in matters of Parish churches As to heare confessiōs to preach and teach with power there to annexed to gather for theyr labor to bury within their houses and to receiue impropriations c. because it were long here to describe the full circumstances therof also because the sayd contention dyd endure a long time not onely in fraūce but also came ouer to englād The whole discourse therof more ample Christ willing shal be declared in the beginning of the next booke folowing when we come to the story of Armachanus About what time yere this brawle was in the Uniniuersity of Paris betwene the Friers and Prelats there as hath bene declared the like contētion happened also in the vniuersity of Oxford in the yeare aboue prefixed 1354. saue onely that the strife amōg the maisters of Paris as it rose vpon Frierly ceremonies so it went no farther then brawling wordes and matter of excōmunication but this tumult rising of a dronken cause proceeded further vnto bloudy stripes The first originall wherof began in a tauerne betwene a scholer the good man of the house Who falling together in altercatiō grew to such heat of words that the student contra ius hospitij poured the wine vpon the head of the host and brake his head with the quart pot Upon this occasion geuen estsoones parts began to be taken betwene townes men the scholers In somuch that a grieuous sedition conflict folowed vpō the same wherin many of the townes men were wounded to the number of 20. slayn Diuers also of the scolers grieuously hurt The space of 2. dayes this hurly burly continued Vpon the second day certain religious and deuout persōs ordeined a solemne processiō general to pray for peace Yet notwithstanding all that procession as holy as it was it would not bring peace In the which procession the skirmish stil waxing hoat one of the studentes being hardly pursued by the townesmen for succour in his flight came running to the Priest or Frier which caried about as the maner was the pixe thinking to finde refuge at the presēce of the transubstātiated God of the aultar there caried inboxed Notwithstanding the God there not presēt or els not seing him or els peraduēture being a sleepe the scholer foūd there small helpe For the townesmen in the heate of the chase forgetting belike the vertue of the popes transubstātiation folowed him so hard that in the presēce of the pixe they brake his head woūded him greuously This done at length some peace or truce for that day was taken The