Realm and that he is in all causes and over all persons supreame Repl. But some Lawyers will tell him That the Oath of Supremacy is either only against forraigne powers and namely the Pope having to doe here or against all particular persons having authority above the King within the Realme But that with all Law-books intimate a superiority in curia Comitum Baronum c. which is the two Houses of Parliament And secondly That he is supreame not to judge all persons and causes at his pleasure but as assisted according to Lawes with his Counsell and Judges and specially his great Councell and chiefe Judicature during their sitting the two Houses of Parliament His Supremacy then still appeares limited by and according to Law 3 But hee adds This is also acknowledgedged by the Petition of the two Houses addressed unto his Majesty wherein they stile themselves his Loyall Subjects Repl. True and right but still this is to be understood to be Subject according to Lawes and for the good of King and Kingdome neither of which is promoted or preserved by a restraint of a defensive Resistance of tyranny which restraint the Doctor so contends for Adde here what must elsewhere be further urged That the King himselfe in his answer to the 19 Propositions acknowledges that the two Houses have legall power more then sufficient to prevent or restraine Tyranny Which I would faine have any man shew me how it can bee done but by taking up Armes and then I will yeeld him the cause That all Armes taken up are unlawfull But till then the King hath granted the cause legall and just against the Doctors first maine Proposition and all his Arguments His next ground is That in the Text of the Apostle all persons under the higher Power are expressely forbidden to resist for Whosoever in the second verse must be as large as every soule in the first verse and the resistance forbidden here concrnes all upon whom the subjection is injoyned there or else we could not make these universals good against the Papists exempting the Pope and Clergy from subjection Repl. 1. He still runnes on in his errour to limit the higher power to the supreame But secondly I grant him that all other powers under the supreame are forbidden to resist in the Apostles sence A Constable Justice Major Sheriffe Judge of Assize nor the very Houses of Parliament may not resist the authority of the King commanding according to Lawes But yet it remaines to be prooved that they may not resist his violence when he is bent to subvert Lawes and Liberties and Religion and all Or the violence of his followers even though doing it by his warrant or in his presence Also because he doth so much insist upon the phrase of higher power let me put him a case A wicked Robber that hath committed twenty most bloudy murthers one after another in cold bloud is led away after legall condemnation by the Sheriffe to be put to death Suppose a King would come with armed souldiers and offer to take him violently and by force out of the hand of Justice Who resists damnably now that power which is the Ordinance of God and to whom the Sword is committed The Sheriffe and his men that resist the violence or the Kings followers or even himselfe that resist the due Execution of Justice Let him study on it and give an Answer at his leisure 3. He proceeds In those dayes there was a standing and continuall great Senate which not long before had the supreme power in the Roman State and might challenge more by the fundamentals of that State then our great Councell I thinke will or can But now the Emperour being supreame as S. Peter cals him or the higher power as S. Paul here there is no power of resistance left to any that are under him by the Apostle Thus for the persons that should resist all are forbidden Now consider the cause Rep. 1. Doubtlesse Saint Paul wrote not to the Roman Senate nor Saint Peter neither And if the Doctor will proove it unlawfull for them to resist he must proove it from the Law of nature or at least from some ancient Law of the old Testament given to the Ancestours of the Roman Senate Or else shew how this could concerne them who never heard any thing of it For any thing then â—e saith it was lawfull for the Roman Senate and the Heathen Subjects to resist though not for Christians 2. If he or any for him shall say that it suffices for his cause that it was forbidden to Christians and accordingly is now Rep. 2. If you reply that supposing it not forbidden to Heathens No more was it to Christians before S. Paul and S. Peter wrote And if so then belike as was formerly toucht the Apostles laid a yoake upon the necks of Christians worse then all the Jewish ceremonies which the Gentiles were ever freed from For whereas before the Romans might resist their tyrannous Emperours now by becoming Christians their hands must be tyed to have all their throats cut even though the whole Senate were Christians at one Neroes pleasure He that wisht that all Rome had but one neck that he might strike it off at a blow had done wisely to have endeavoured to have made them all Christians and then he and his Guard with him or his Army might by this Doctrine have struck off all their heads or runne them all through one after another as fast as they could deale blowes and so he should have his will in their destruction though there must have beene a little more paines taken about it Surely Christ who came to purchase liberty to his people never meant to enslave them to tyrants above all others of Man-kind The Doctor must goe prove resistance unlawfull from some other grounds of natures law or the ancient lawes of Scripture or else this Text of S. Paul will appeare to have another interpretation even that which hath beene given before in the explication of the Text and inference from it Thirdly I will not therefore trouble my selfe to compare the Authority of the Roman Senate with our Parliament much lesse argue for that power which they had lost about a 100 Yeares before S. Paul writ It suffices he hath not disproved at all their present power of resisting tyranny when S. Paul wrote and that by the same argument I have disproved that S. Paul forbids Christians to take any such power to themselves 4. But he adds was there ever more cause of resistance then in those dayes Were not the Kings then not only conceived to be enclined so and so but even actually were enemies to Religion had overthrown Laws and liberties Rep. If it had been before demonstratively proved that resisting the power or higher power did properly signifie taking Armes against the Supreame when he plays the tyrant This fourth step were a just illustration and confirmation of it But now he only beggs the
whether it be lawfull to resist the officers or souldiers of the King he being besides them and animating them with his commands to doe violence I will suppose for the present the Kings person is and shall be safe notwithstanding the resistance or that els the resistance must be forborne I onely aske whether his followers commanded by him standing by to doe murthers and rapes may be resisted with armes or not 4. If he will say that in all these cases resistance may be made so the Kings Person may be safe 1. The King may thanke him for the care of his Person but his Power and Authority is as much impugned by this as by many that plead for the defence now actually under-taken 2. The Cavaliers and Followers of the King will thanke him never a whit For they may all be knocked on the head or starved and yet the Kings Person be safe And they would soon desert the cause if this were beleeved or would be rooted-out if this were generally practised and that is all the Defendants desire who honour the Kings Person and authority as much as the Doctor or any of his fellows not to say more how ever they resist his Cavaliers 5. If he will deny resistance where the King is present because there his commands are certainly knowne to be his which may be doubted of in remote Countries Then 1. So should it have been exprest for cleare understanding and not coucht in uncertainty 2. Then all these Cavaliers are justly resisted where the King is not present which againe if it were believed and practised would soone end the businesse For even in the next Parish to the King they might be resisted though not where he appeares and speakes 3. What if it be doubted whether the King be not forced by threatnings and feare of his life to command so and so Kings have been prisoners and have commanded so and by wise and good Subjects Castles and Townes have bin kept by force of Armes against such as they bad to assault it if not yeelded Our Law supposes The King can doe no wrong yet supposes wrong may be done in his name by his followers If he then command a notoriously wicked thing The Law will suppose him forced or the like And then resistance shall be as well lawfull as if he were absent Or even necessary to rescue him out of such wicked hands 4. What if it be doubted whether a King be bewitched by sorceries There have bin such things of old and the Devills power doth not seeme to be lessned now 5. What if it be doubted whether the King be distracted A thing that hath befallen Kings as well as meane men Are subjects bound from resisting the commands of a bewitched or distracted Person to the ruine of Religion Lawes and liberties still preserving his person safe 6. Suppose it be certaine he is not forced nor bewitched nor distracted Yet doing as bad as any forced bewitched or distracted person can possibly doe by commanding such tyrannicall Acts what reason can be imagined why such a command should tie subjects hands from resisting his followers offering to act his tyranny more then if he were forced bewitched or distracted Is the liberty of his body and mind from those violences an enslaving of his people to his lawlesse lusts of crueltie and mischiefe 6. If he say further that even his officers or souldiers if they have his Seale or warrant may not be resisted in the remotest Country Then besides the former inconveniences these are to be added 1. Any that come among ignorant common people may abuse them at their pleasure if they will but pretend the Kings Seale or Warrant It hath bin counterfeited for Briefes How ordinary would it be if it might not be resisted How would malicious men murther with it Robbers spoyle with it and who could remedy it 2. By this meanes any that had a designe to depose the King and usurpe the Kingdome might by a counterfeit Seale and Warrant kill all the Kings faithfullest Subjects and strengthen so himselfe and his party as the King should after have no power to save himselfe Lawes observed will secure sufficiently from this And liberty to resist illegall violences will appeare to be necessary to the Kings safety as well as the Subjects Kings have seldome or never bin murthered or deposed where Lawes have bin preserved in their vigour But often where illegall violences have had place Let this also not be forgotten 7. Well but thus the case I suppose is understood if not by the Doctor yet by the generall of those that take the Kings part against the Parliament that neither the King in Person nor any of his officers or souldiers that have commission from him may be resisted because that were to resist the King which say they all the Apostle forbids and threatens Rom. 13.2 But here again I blame the Doctors negligent handling of that place upon divers considerations further 1. Without doubt the first verse is to be regarded as being the foundation of the second as appeares by the word Therefore Yet that he hath greatly neglected Perhaps for feare the scanning of it would doe him an ill turne as I shall by and by endeavour to shew by comparing the subjection commanded with the resistance forbidden 2. In the first verse he doth very ill to reade alwayes except once by chance as I thinke higher power for higher powers and so never to tell us whether the other powers who are higher in relation to the common-people though inferiour in relation to the supreme S. Peters governours may be resisted or not even with Arms. Perhaps this fraudulently also 3. In the second verse he is very carelesse to tell us whether resistance which is three times in English but there are two Greeke words the first being different from the second and third signifie all kind of opposition though without Armes to the higher and supreme power at least but then much more with Arms Or whether it only signifie resisting with Armes and no other there forbidden and made damnable Yet this a needfull Question for a conscience to be resolved in and more ordinarily then about resisting And so would well have become the Doctors learning and pretended care of Conscience and even regard of Authority to have discoursed upon But since he hath not vouchsafed to doe any of these I shall take the paines to doe it for him and for the conscientious Readers as well as I can 1. The first verse begins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let every soule be subject to the higher Powers Here are two questions 1. What is meant by being subject 2. What by higher Powers By being subject is meant yeelding obedience either active or at least passive that is doing or forbearing acccording to command or submitting to suffering when one do's otherwise It cannot be denied but both these are parts of subjection and that so much is commanded by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
and Man Nor shall the Dr. bee ever able to speake Reason in Opposition to it himselfe grants straight way that salus Populi in a good Sence is suprema Lex And when a People neither seekes nor desires any thing of hurt to their Prince but onely safety to themselves It is good in no sence if not in this to allow I say more command a State that hath any considerable strength to doe it to defend it selfe and so procure its owne safety even by resisting if need be by force of Armes And though he jâ—ere at the Plea of necessity when as he saith Right and just will not defend a thing Yet if himselfe were assaulted on the high way by one that offered to kill him and in his house in the Night by Robbers would he say that either out of the case of Necessity he a private mâ—n or any Sâ—rvants of his might in right or justice kill another man or that Necessity would not be a sufficient Plea if in that Case any did kill such a Theef or Robber not onely before men but God also The Law among us allowes the Plea of se defendendo in such Cases And Gods Law expressely Against one that breaks a house in the night though not in the day as not admitting them a necessitie to kill the thiefe as the Text there plainely implies As for his saying Every thing must be honest which is Sparâ—ae utile imagined to conduce to the proposed End REPLY This is but a second calumny of which his Treatise is full every where neither profit nor Imagination is admitted or urged in this case but necessity apparent or judged imminent by Rules of prudence which commands endeavour of prevention of extreme evills such as the ruine of a States safety even by care and Power before hand as well as when it lies gasping under the pressure Counsell in prevention is indeed better then help out of trouble For by that lesse trouble is suffered and lesse offence acted in the defence But these are but the Drs flourishes for he will now stabbe this reason to the heart with diverse contrary Reasons against all the plea of Necessity of safety The first is that this among others is one of the many Weapons sharpned for Resistance at the Philistims Forge the Romish Schooles Reply First himselfe will not allow this to be reproach to him or his fellowes in any of their positions nor thinke it sufficient to make an Argument be rejected because the Romonists have either used it or abused it Secondly but he is deceived in paralelling the Cases They pleade for the Popes Power of curbing or deposing Kings in case of Heresie because else the Church hath not meanes for the maintenance oâ— the Catholicke Faith and its owne safety Reply The Argument is not good his Church is not a Civill State but the good of it is mainly spirituall and to be preserved by such spirituall meanes as GOD hath appointed who both instituted and constituted it himselfe and left not to it the ordering of its owne safety or good But our case is of a Civill State whose good is Civill and naturall and is to be preserved by civill and naturall meanes and so by Armes in case of danger even from its owne Prince bent or seduced to ruine it The Dr. himselfe straightwayes grants the State hath meanes of preservation such as the Law hath prescribed If he can shew us any true meanes in the case stated by him but this power of resistance I yield him the cause If not he doth but abuse his Readers Consciencâ—s to blind them with words which are of no validity But I have shewed him before and must againe remember him that in our Parliament State by the Kings owne acknowledgement hath such Power by Law to punish even the Kings followers and Favourites as is more then sufficient to prevent or restraine Tyranny We aske no more for our safety But when they will resist the Parliament by Armes It hath no way to punish them or defend the State but by Armes Which therefore it may lawfully take up Secondly the Dr. addes If every state hath such Meanes to provide for its safety what meanes of safety had the Christian Religion in and after the Apostles Times Or the People then enslaved what meanes had they for their Liberties Tertullian in his Apologie saith the Christians had number and Force sufficient to withstand but they had no Warrant And the Apostle forbids them and all other under the higher Power to resist Reply This example of the Christians not resisting is counted a Capitall Argument we shall see what strength it hath First it is brought in this place for the Christians were neither a civill State of which the present Reason proceeds nor neere to the greater number in the The State They had the Lawes which is in some Sence the State against them and so they ever had beene and the greater part of the body of the Estate by farre were opposite even in Tertullians Time Though therefore the Church being properly onely a spirituall State have not of necessity civill meanes to provide for the outward safety of Christians yet a Civill State whether of Heathens or Christians may have and hath which is by taking Armes in case of necessity as before But the Dr. saith the Apostle forbids them and all under the Higher power to resist Reply I suppose what I have formerly said on this place Rom. 13.2 may and will satisfie most Readers for that place But the Drs. importunity forces me to repeate part of it here and apply it to the case of Christians even then and much more now And so I make bold to tell the Dr. that he doth most miserably wrest the Apostles words in this case of all others which to demonstrate I say to demonstrate I appeale to the context after and before and let all Christians and Consciences or even reasonable Men Iudge whether the Drs. Interpretation be not most absurd Thus the Dr. interprets v. 2. Whosoever shall take up Armes to resist Nero persecuting the Christian Religion resists the Ordinance of GOD Rebells against GOD in resisting the higher Power ordained by GOD and if hee kill any man in such resistance he commits murther incurres damnation for so doing This is the Drs. Sence plainely and his words here and there are fully so much Now marke St. Pauls Reason v. 3. and make Sence of it or Religion much lesse of it if you can to this purpose First for Rulers are not a terrour to good workes but to evill Nero is the Ruler here meant persecuting Nero Let the Dr. now tell me or any for him Is not persecution a Terrour to the Workes that are persecuted and then is Christianity a good worke or not Nero persecutes that and is a Terrour to that but so he is not to good Workes Then belike Christianity is not a good Workâ— Will St. Paul speak thus or doth
not to foresee that their very flying to Armes was and would be a great suffering and might prove if God should defeat them the meanes of extreame suffering A people so taught so enured to Passive obedience and no way enured to Warre could not be supposed willing or forward to engage themselves their purses or much lesse their Persons against the Name of their King and each day since the first Necessity hath continually sounded this out so that they had no reason to be forward to fly to Armes 3. By what I said on the former Section and added with the Petition by the E. of Holland even now mentioned It appeares they did not fly to Armes but fly from it as far as they could and durst 3. Wheras the Dr. often in this Section in the beginning middle and end insists mainly upon the breach of Charity in suspecting the King upon Remote feare and meere Jealousies causelesse Jealousies c. Repl. This may sufficiently be satisfied both in the behalfe of the Parliament and then of the People that adhere to them joyntly and singly For the Parliament and people both joyntly This may justly be said 1. The Dr. mistakes it is not simply a Jealousie of the King but rather of the Kings Councellors and Followers who find so much favour with him as they and others did before the Parliament against the Scots and us both and Ireland too witnesse all their heavy complaints against the Great Favourite Strafford that they are able to put him from time to time upon these Actions which his goodnesse of it selfe rightly informed and councelled would abhorre and hath so often declared against and yet Actions againe have discredited those declarations as the Memory of those that have been awake cannot forget both Referring to Religion and Liberties and the Parliament Remonstrances do amply set out besids other Books If therfore Security be once obtained against such persons I am perswaded the King will be no more suspected and in the meane time it must be a strange Charity that can chuse but suspect them 2. Where the danger is of much importance both for Greatnesse of Mischiefe and Inevitablenesse according to Man if not timely prevented Charity to ourselves and others will not onely allow but commend and even command to suspect and accordingly prevent such dangers by suspecting Persons and Actions which in lesser matters they would and might and should venture to trust Fire neere straw or Gunpowder is to be suspected more then neere hard wood Hedge-breakers and breakers of Houses are not equally to be suspected Religion Laws and Liberties are precious things and may be sooner lost then recovered And his Charity hath drunk of the water of Lethe that forgets these were lately attempted and endangered The Kings own Declarations acknowledge Laws and Liberties have been broken And how since the E. of Straffoâ—ds death all the old Projectors are become Converts is too hard a morsell for Charity to swallow when it must hazard such deare things to many of the same Persons againe Specially seeing still what they have done since the first sitting of the Parliam toward their old Projects as hath been partly noted already and somewhat more must be said by and by Next for the Parliament alone They are the great Councell of the Kingdome the publique Watch-men the Highest Court of Judicature it concerns them therfore to exercise their Charity for the safety of those that have trusted them Charity towards Attempters against a City is none of the Vertues of a Watchman nor toward Attempters of dangerous Treasons against a King and Kingdome the Vertue of a Judge Were they onely to loose their own Liberties or Lives their Charity might venture much further then now it may when they must Answer for Religion Laws and Liberties and so Lives and Consciences of a whole Kingdome of 2 Kingdomes England and Ireland as formerly of England and Scotland if not rather then and still of all 3. in a degree Who would not Curse their Charity detest their Folly if by their Credulity all this should be betrayed and ruined If Rhetorick needed in this cause no Subject could deserve it better then to cry down such a pernitious Charity as this would prove if they should be deceived with credulity And then for the People alone have they not a charity to exercise toward the Parliament as well as toward the Kings Followers whom have they trusted to be publike Watchmen the one or the other Whom hath the law trusted to be the great Councell and chief Judges the one or the other Who hath pleaded for their Liberties the one or the other 12. Subsidies were demanded with intent thereby to engage us in a bloody War against Scotland in the Parliament of Aprill 1640. Onely for taking away of Ship-money But this Parliament hath proved it so illegall and other things more that it was taken away without any cost at all by way of Exchange and many other happy Lawes hath the â—arliament passed and obtained for us But what one thing did the Kings former Counsellors move him to offer to his people by way of prevention for State or Religion in a whole yeer together To whom then must the People exercise their charity Must they condemn their watchmen as scaring them needlessely with Old Enemies discredit the law that saith No dishonourable thing ought to be thought of such a great Councell such a high Judicature And that when they more then ever any Parliament before give account to all men of all their Actions and the grounds of them Well shall that People deserve a ruine that believe Old Wolves rather then their faithfull Dogs then their Councell of Shepheards That shall thinke themselves bound to be charitable to those that have attempted their ruine and uncharitable to those that under God have hitherto saved them In a word let those that love Religion and Laws and Liberties compare the best actions on the one side with the best on the other and the worst on the one side with the worst on the other and then let charity judge if it dare or can the Parliament Fooles or Traytors to GOD and the KING and the STATE and the Kings followers the only wise men that have discovered their cunning Treachery and the only faithfull men to Religion his Majesty and Kingdome Take in then the Declarations and Protestations on the one side and on the other and remember is is not a single charity whether I shall suspect the King but first mixt whether I shall or may suspect the Kings followers who can doe any thing with him so farre as that they may doe contrary to what he saith and then a distinguishing charity whether I shall suspect them who were once most of them apparently Delinquents against Religion and the Laws Or the Publike Watchmen and the great Councell an Judicature of the Kingdom who have done so much and with such diligence to save and restore
or Priest or Jesuit according to his place even sentence of death if he could not avoidâ— it Onely with two cautions 1. That he should be as favourable as was possible 2. That he should give timely Intelligence of any severe sentence Let now charity judge what circumspection almost can suffice against such a generation of Men Or what jealousie can be too much of them that still professe this treacherous Religion And yet all this notwithstanding at last to have even professed Papists taken in against the Parliament Can this be without a designe in them that have counselled the King to it Was it not in a prudent fore-sight that they should be cal'd and admitted to helpe that the Papists have no where been plundered by the Kings Army though others have who held not with the Parliament 8. As for Ziba David knew not his treachery at the first and his lyes had so blasted honest-hearted Mephibosheth that it appeares David did scarcely beleeve his apology for himselfe Otherwise what ever may now be said of his credulous charity to Ziba to the prejudice of one that was not present to answer for himselfe it was none of Davids good deeds to be imitated to recompence a flattering Sycophant that had brought him a present in a hard time indeed with so large a share in Mephibosheths estate When by the Law of God he was to dye for his false accusation of Treason as Mephibosheth had deserved death had it been true But now our Papists are knowne to be Enemies to the Parliament as was said before and some of their Party in the Country sticke not to say that the Parliaments Intentions of rigour against them already shewed by the executing of so many Priests and Jesuites Men of tender consciences is one part of the Court-quarrell against them They are more like Doeg then Ziba who first accused the Priests and then readily undertooke the execution of a most cruell sentence and executed it with all cruelty But Psal 52. Reades their doome And Psal 54.4 Sutes the Ziphims too those of Davids owne Tribe that came and discovered him to Saul 1 Sa. 23.26 once and againe and so incensed him afresh against him Though Saul blesses them 1 Sa. 23.21 as his speciall good subjects that had compassion of him Conscience must now judge whether the Papists being favoured were any cause of the resistance now made or only the resistance now â—â—de was the cause that they were admitted to helpe the King in his distresse 9. But for the D â— to honour them with the Title of good subjects preferring them before the Parliament and so great a part of the Kingdome as visibly adhere to them is one of the highest reproaches that ever was belcht out against them enough for a Jesuite or a Pope to have said But the Dr. how ever he pretend modesty oft-times and respect to the Parliament stabbs them as desperately as any enemy could doe now and then While he seemes also resolved to justifie all that hath been done against them else he would have been silent in this peece and the next that followes about Ireland 10. In the meane time because he upbraids with a scandall that this resistance brings on our Religion which saith he would not be easily wiped of were it to stand or fall by the doctrines of this giddy age I must needs make bold to tell him that he forgets himselfe strangely and the Doctrines and practises of our Religion when he can scarce name that Country where there are any Protestants that have not taken Armes to defend Laws and Liberties and with them Religion even though not before allowed by Laws Sweden Germany France The low Countries Bohemiah Scotland And did not Q. Elizabeth of blessed memory assist them in France Holland and Scotland and K. James Holland and at least owned the cause of the French though he only sent Ambassadours and K. Charles did send to aide Rochel as I noted before and ownes the Prince of Orange sufficiently who yet is Rebell Generall against the K. of Spain if our Parliaments resistance be Rebellion Indeed we in England are the last and above all other Nations have been by the Court Doctors within this 40 Yeares much prepared to suffer any thing rather then resist Yet Bishop Bilson in the Queens time was suffered to averre that the States of a Kingdome might resist vide But it now above all other times greeves that we offer to doe what all others have done before us upon a great deale lesse Authority considering our Parliament continued by Act and its power granted by the King as I have noted before against all delinquents For if they could have subdued and swallowed us up the other Protestants in other Countreyes would much more easily have been devoured 4. The last Allegation is concerning the businesses of Ireland Of which because the Dr. saith the King hath written enough he had done wisely to have written nothing but that word Though I have not yet been so happy who would be glad to see it to meet with any Answer to the last Peece of the House of Commons which reckons so many particulars of wrong done to that poore Kingdomâ— Therefore till I meete with that I must needs tell the Dr. he saith not enough to cleare the businesse nor the Kings Councellours in that businesse For whereas his whole defence is â—in a word that the Kings necessity made it lawfull to make use of any thing intended for their releefe which he parallels by the Necessity that excused the Scots comming in hither To this divers things may and must be replyed 1. The Scots are no parallell for this carriage toward Ireland Their coming what ever the Dr. affirmes brought no such great detriment to the Inhabitants there if you except their professed enemies Papists and Prelates as the poore Souldiers and other Protestants of Ireland have suffered by the actions done concerning them 2. The King and Parliament have justified by Act of Parliament their coming as necessitated Yet they were proclaimed Traitours againe and againe and it was counted necessary to make War against them one yeare and a second as now against the Parliament The necessity then that is now pretended by the Kings party wants a great deale of the justification that the Scots have had before all the world specially remembring all that was noted before of the doings of the Kings followers before ever the Parliament did any thing but Petition 3. Which necessity by them pretended if it appeare a necessity by themselves made will it not make their actions concerning Ireland more horrid and proclaime the designe to be more rooted 4. But it must by no means be forgotten what hath been pretended for Ireland to which these actions are most contrary 1. When the King rode Northward and the Parliament more then once represented that it would greatly prejudice Ireland The King protested still it should not but he would be as
though helping them in and having promise of all favour and then at Marlborow and great cruelties to those that were led away Prisoners and this since the Kings Proclamation against plundring and since that Newbury and many other Townes formerly and of late in Bark shiere Oxford shiere Surrey Buckingham shiere will have little cause to believe the Doctors intelligences or assurances that all protestations that come in the Kings name may be trusted And whereas he urges that we may not raise an evill thought against the King Eccl. 10. What shall we say to those men unlesse that of David concerning Sauls Councellours 1 Sam. 24. That at least they deserve to be accursed that force men either to distrust or to suffer ruine because they have power and will to breake that which we would trust the King in most gladly and desiredly if he had no such men about him I have no desire nor will to prosecute particulars further But the Doctor abuses his Readers to cast an oblique aspersion as if the Parliament had any thoughts of contending for a new frame of Religion which deserves no answer so grosse a slander it is And then 2dly to insinuate plainly that the 19. Propositions were urged as so necessary as unles they were granted the Kingdom must be imbroyled in a civill warr and the reliefe of Ireland neglected The fore-named Petition by the Earle of Holland clears that sufficiently and the Petition too that the Earle of Essex should have presented or sent but the King would receive none from him The rest of the Doctors book is but recapitulations Rhetoricall of what he hath said before and an Answer to the instance of Libna's revolt which I will be no justifier of because so little is said of it in Scripture To which I have only these things to adde 1. Though Absalom which he mentioned before and I slipt did falsly calumniate David what ever petty neglect might be in some officers as appears by 2 Sam. 8. 1 Ch. so being a comly person which takes much with the multitude a strange fâ—atterer of all that came for Justice what ever their cause were 2 Sa. 15. and the heire apparant of the Crown might invegle the people into a Rebellion Yet neither is this any thing like to the causes of complaint or suspitions that we have had and have still nor yet is there any probability that a people justly governed should by Parliamentary Declarations be armed against their King As besides all other Arguments appeares by the small assistance of armed men any Country hath yeelded to the Parliament even where they think them in the right in the cause and themselves too in danger to be plundered 2. If the Parliaments actions in all things about their defence cannot be excused or justified specially by those that see not the whole of their actions and much lesse the reasons of them yet their consciences that see the justnes of the action for the main of defence and grounds to believe their Protestations of their intentions in the defence are not bound to be Neuters much lesse to assist the King against them because they are not or cannot be satisfied in this or that particular For then scarce any warre might lawfully be joyned in 3. In speciall for the sufferance of so many Sects to vent their doctrins with such liberty and to commit unsufferable out-rages upon the worship of God 1 Hath not the Parliament declared against Brownists Anabaptists in the first Remonstrance 2. Have not some Sectaries bin punished as he that made the new Creed was he not imprisoned 3. How many scandalous and innovating Ministers have bin complained of and yet few of them questioned and those not fully censured scarce one by both Houses the Doctor will not lay to their charge the suffering of such which yet he may with more reason as being offendors of longer continuance and more danger 4. The truth is partly the multitude of offendors at first complained of and partly for neare a yeare and an halfe of late their owne extreame danger by the Malignant parties getting strength since the Irish rebellion broke out and so multitude of businesses over-whelming them have hindred that Justice which else those Sects and out-rages the Doctor mentions would have found and may yet in due time if legally proved 5. And if he will say some speciall men favoured them in the very Houses he cannot say more then may be made good of others favouring Superstitions Arminianisme Socianisme and even Popery it selfe Yet this were most unjustly charged upon the Body of either House and much lesse on both And when it shall please God that the Consultation of Divines shall meet for which they have more then once passed the Bill for his Majesty to confirm it will I doubt not appeare to all the world that they never ment to suffer any such opinions or practises as are truly dishonourable to the true Reformed Protestant Religion as even in the mean time the Orthodoxisme and Moderation of the Members of that Assembly generally known to all that know the persons may be a sufficient pledge among them all there being very few that are liable to any pretence of exception for Sects and perhaps none at all for countenancing any such out-rage as the Doctor cryes out upon 6. In fine the worst of the Parliament charged upon them with any shadow in matter of Religion is but omissions or delayes which are but Moats to the beames which the Doctor overlooks in their Adversaries of old and still Who have made stables of Churches but they Who have burned and troden under foot Bibles but their Partisans of Ireland Not to insist on their horrid blasphemies which if Gods word be true as they will one day find it makes our Land groane and mourne under them If a conscience comes to weigh these in the ballance with the Parliament let it if it dare be charitable to the Cavaliers and their Army so as to believe Religion is like to be defended by them when the Parliament intends to ruine it I will say no more to the Doctor but this one thing that a sober conscience that peruses his whole Treatise will wonder what kind of conscience his is that Rhetorizes so for charity on the one side and wholly neglects it on the other telling us more then once that though we lay downe our lives for our Religion it is nothing if we have not the charity he cals While himselfe with all confidence charges the Parliament with many grievous faults against Religion Allegiance Lawes and Liberties and Liberties and discredits all their Protestations and Declarations to the contrary as if he thought that as his great Text Rom. 13. speaks only in his conceit of Monarchs so 1 Cor 13. related also to them only No resisting that higher power but all charity to him what ever he doe or say But as for the Parliament their power is of no regard
Vniverse To apply this in a word the safetie of the whole is the undoubted generaâ— Fundamentall of all States and so of the particular Lawes toward this and among them of the Kings being intrusted with the Militia But it is not limited by this particulaâ— Lâ—w which in case of necessitie when the Prince cannot or will not discharge â—is Tâ—ust for the safety of the whole must in Reason needs give way to the Fundamentall the safetie of the Whole and so quo ad hoc for so much and so long till this necessiâ—y ceases falls into other hand those that are next entrusted or rather then faile to the whole communitie it selfe But to câ—me to the fundamentall by him instanced in power originally in and from the People and this to be reassumed when the King intrusted will not discharge his Trust Concerning which let it be remembâ—ed that there seemes to lie a caâ—umniating Fallacy in two of these phâ—ases First in thaâ— of not discharging the Trust which here sounds as if it might be but some ordinary Omissiâ—n of Câ—re whereas the State of the Qâ—estâ— by himselfe layde is such a not discharging the Trust as proceeds from his being bent of himsâ—lfe or seduced by others which is all one for the danger and so necessity of using what power may be for resistance to subvert Religion Lawes and Liberties In this case only Power of resistance is here pleaded for not in others And indeed the very phrase of Power of Resistance observed can beare no other Construction For it Imports a violence offered a danger presented which needs to be resisted not a sleight or ordinary failing to discharge a Trust But his phrase of re-assuming the power seemes more to sound a taking away all Power henceforth from the Prince which the Parliament nor those that have rationally pleaded their Cause never mention but with Protestation to detest the thought And I for my part wholy disclaime the pleading for any such reassuming of Power by the People or Parliament I onely maintaine a Right to use so much of it and so long as is of necessitie of the safety of the whole Of which now let us argue wheâ—her this Government of ours cannot as rhe Doctor sayes be built upon this fundamentall but confusion and Anarchy be raised He makes his discourse upon two particulars as it must be first of the Originall of power Secondly of the Power of reassuming it In the first I will not tye my selfe to the phrases of the Observatour or any else but examine the Drâ— Assertion and proofes by what Scripture and religious Reason declares aboue it To cleare which I will propound a briefe Schema of the maine things considerarable in Government which in the prosecution of the discourse I shall make use of more then once I say that in Government foure things are considerable 1. The Nature Authority of Commanding to doe â—orbeare by making Lawes calling for obedience to them Constraint to obedience by punishment Verball Reall 2. The end Chief GODS Glory Good of the Whole Society Secondary speciall Comfort of the Governours 3. The Efficient Supreame GOD. Subordinate Man 1. By Nature Parents 2. By Accident in which is considerable 1. The moving Cause the will or consent of the Parties be Governed which is either Altogether free and by Châ—ise partly forced by Occasion oâ— Violence 2. The persons Governing 1. In a Family Husband Mr. Mrs. 2. In a State one Monarch Many in Aristocracy of Chiefe Men. Democracy of people Soveraignty Subordinately Officers 4. The Extent Absolute Limited For Commands Constraints the Kind Degree He that hath not all these in his Eye I meane not in this Forme or Phrase but in sense shal never discern cleerly nor discourse rationally of this subiect of government our Dr. though he once occasionally mention the Peoples good as an End upon which Rulers ought to attend Yet he speakes so little oâ— it as it had need be a little more rememembred then it is and Gods glorie also which is the chiefest End of all But indeede the thought and mention of those Ends much would be too crosse to his purpose and therefore hee is wise in his Generation as I may say if without offence to forbeare it Therefore on the other side I must make bold to tell him that though the physicall end of things may be silenced or sleighted in a Discourse or Definition Yeâ— in moâ—all things such as Governmâ—nâ— the End at least the chief End is a necessary ingredient of both Dâ—finition and discourse and an Essentiall part of it if a man will consider it as he ought practically Let me therefore adde iâ— to his Definition oâ— Description of Power or Government and then it will râ—â— tâ—â—s It is a sufficiency of authority for Command and Coerciâ—n in the Governing of a People for Gods glory and the good of the Society And all the lawfull Power hath this Effect in part even Hâ—athen Authority redouâ—â—s to Gods Glory as the conservatour oâ— Mankind and effects also the Civill good of the Common-wealth Now the Dr. saith this power it selfe not naming the end is to be distinguisht from the designing of the person to beare that Power and the qualification of that power this I grant him and accepting his grant of the two latter being from men and after their consent ratified by Gods permissive Approbation I defiâ—â— a little to examine how farre that may be granted him which he earnestly contends for that the Power it selfe is from God and what may be inferred from thence for him or us His meaning is that All Men are as he saith bound to set up and live under Government This being the Ordiâ—ance and Appointment of God unto men as they are Reasonable Creatures If he meane this of Parentall Government That is set up to their hands by God in Nature as long as the Parents and Children live together and bind the Children to live with their Parents and under them till either necessity drive them away or their Parents dismisse them But â—f he meane this of Politicall Government of a People of many Families as it is pâ—aâ—â—e he doth and must if he will speake ad rem then I cannot absolutely grant it him neither will his text or Reasons prove it My Reasons of Denyall are first that all Mankind whose Parents are dead and were not by them while they lived Subjected to a Government are naturally free so not bound to part with that free some as even a Monarch doth part with much freedome when he takes the Rule unlâ—sse they see a necessitie or at least a great advantage for Gods Honour and their owne and others Good which is not alwayes to be found in setting up a politick Government 2. Wherein I am confirmed by the consideration of the three great Patriarkes Abraham Isaac and Iacob who while they lived in Canaan were not within any government but onely Domesticall and neither did
by Reassuming as I said before a taking of the whole power from him to themselves but onely for the particular Case in hazard and for the present necessity And now to begin with what he first mentions the Derivation of power I must tell him that he forges what he before complained of in others that they confounded the power it selfe with the person and the Qualification I am sure he doth so here if ever man did Hee before granted the Person and Qualification from men and then they approved of God and more then that no man pleads to be derived nor more to be forfeited plead not for so much nor he Paâ—liament neither But only the Qualification for he particular Case of danger and till that danger may be sufficiâ—ntly secured Yet here now at first to oppose the Forfeiture but of this particular which is only in question now before us he denies the power to be from the People and appeales to what he hath cleared which is onely by his owne saying but not altogether as hath beene shewed that the Power it selfe is from God But for all that if no more can be said against the persons forfeiting his reigning Power and specially in the Qualifications of it even for ever it may undoubtedly be forfeited and so re-assumed all of it which is more then I say Secondly but he will prove that though the People have this Power absolutely which himselfe hath more then once granted of the Designation of the Person and Qualification yet could they not have right to take it away REPL. The King will have no cause to thank him for his undertaking as well because he doth it not with any great strength as also because hee hath hereby provoked men to dispute even this Case which no way needed since the Parliament never pretended to this Right in generall but rather disclaimed it First he saith Many things which are altogether in our disposing before we part with them are not afterward in our power to recall REPL. True but some things are and that both if conditions be not observed and even at our owne pleasure A King makes some Officers for terme of life others quamdin se bene gesserint others aâ—â— ante bene placite To the latter hee may send a Writ of Ease at his pleasure and every day it s in his power to recall their Authority To the second their offices are sure without power of recalling till they are legally convicted of misbehaviour To the third as long as they live their Authority is firme and no power of recalling it wholly Yet even such may bee hindred from some Administrations by Accusations by and apparency of Crimes making it unfit for them to be trusted in the particular We imagine not the People to have power to recall that Regall Authority at their pleasure we argue not that they have power to recall it wholly upon any Case of Mal-administration All that we plead for is power to administer a part of it upon necessity which he will not administer for good but rather for evill And there are not many things that were altogether ours and in our disposing before we part with them but are still so farre ours as to use them againe in our necessity for that turne at least though there are some Secondly But he will prove this to be one of those that are not after in our power to recall especially saith he such in which there redounds to God an interest by the Donation as in things devoted though after they come to be abused REPL. 1. Grant this true in referrence to the Power of recalling them wholly which yet is not universally true as will appeare straight yet may there be power enough to administer so much as is of necessity A Wife is tyed to her Husband by the Covenant of God so called Prov. 2. by the Ordinance of God more ancient and no lesse strong then that of Politick Government She cannot recall wholly her Husbands Authority over her though shee was once altogether at her disposing to choose or another or none to be her head All the goods of the Family are his in Law and not here but by his leave and order Yet for her necessity she may by the Law of God and conscience administer so much of the goods as is fit and secure her Person from his violence by absence though that ordinarily be against the Law of Marriage and the end of it or any other meanes of nccessary defence But secondly it is not altogether true that there is no power or recalling any thing devoted to God Hezekiah took off the gold from the Doores of the Temple and the Pillars which he had overlaid and all the silver in the house of the Lord to pay the King of Assyria his demanded Ransome 2. Kings 18.14 15 16. If the Doctor will not owne this Act of Hezekiah I am sure he will that of David taking the hallowed Bread which was not for any by Gods Law to eate but onely the Priests This was devoted to God and not so much as abused and by him assigned to a speciall use yet from that diverted and lawfully without question And now I appeale to all Consciences Whether the necessity of saving a Kingdome from the subversion of Religion Lawes and Liberties be not greater then Davids necessitie was And if I will have mercy and not sacrifice did justifie Davids act will it not theirs who in a necessity use or administer the power of the Militia or Armes which ordinarily is only to be admieistred by the King Neither will Abimelech the Priests consenting to David alter the Case for it was devoted to God and but in necessity he might not have consented nor David accepted Necessity then recalled that particular Bread through devoted So necessity may recall this parcell of power in question Thus the Doctors ground failes him for our Case yet 3. see what he adds so although it were as they would have it that they give the power and God approves himselfe oft hath said and cannot deny but they give the Person his power and if they take it from his person yet they may leave it to his Heire but wee argue not for so much yet because the Lords hand and his oyle also is upon the Person elected to the Crowne and then he is the Lords Annointed and the Minister of God those hands of the People which were used in lifting him up to the Crowne may not againe be lift up against him either to take the Crowne from his head or the Sword out of his hand this true inform'd Conscience will not dare to doe REPL. 1. Is not Gods hand upon a Judge Is not hee the Minister of God Is not a King bound to God and to his People to appoint Judges who may lesse be spared in their Power then the Monarch himselfe for what is his Power when an Infant Is not the Kingdome then administred
tell shewed the Kings hand for to have had Hull and the Magazine delivered up to him And all this before the setling of the Militia by an Ordinance or Sir Iohn Hothams taking in Forces to keep Hull safe Let Conscience now judge whether all this gave not just occasion for a preparation for Defence and of a long time after this nothing more was done the Militia setled in very â—ew Countries till the Kings proceedings hath further warned them â—o stand upon their guard in other places besides London It is true the King for a time had nothing but Proclamations and Declarations to oppose them But after he was once gone Northward and the Qu. beyond Sea what did hee ever doe or say but in opposition to them and while his Declarations renounced all thoughts of Warre notes were sent over into Holland for Armes and a beginning of an Army raised at Yorke under the name of a Guard When first the Houses having petitioned the Removing the Magazine at Hull to London Upon a counter-Petition of a very few Gentlemen of Yorkshire pretending the name of the whole County that it might be kept cleare still the King goes instantly to Hull and demands entrance intending as he declares to the Parliament after that he meant so to doe to take possession of the Towne and Magazine and dispose of it and being denyed proclaimes Sir Iohn Hotham Traitor without any processe of Law or sending first to the House to know if they would owne it and after demands justice so peremptorily as to deny before hand all other businesses but that of Ireland and how well that was done we must remember anon and then was the Army raised under Colour of a Guard the Yorkshire men not comming in readily enough to make it appeare a great Army And all this before ever it was declared by the Houses that the King seduced by wicked Councell intended to make war against his Parliament and so before ever they set out the Propositions for Money Plate Horses and therefore certainly before any one man was listed In all which the event hath shewed that they were rather in wisdome too slow then in conscience too quick in their Preparations for defence Remembring also that as soone as the Ship Providence was come to them a provdence indeed to discover what was before intended the Siege was straight â—aid to Huâ— and the Declarations then spoke another Language then common men understood them to speake before For after all the Lords present with the King had subscribâ—d about Iune 16. that they saw in the pretented Guard c. no intention of Warre against the Parliament within few dayes the King tels them that if to seeke to recover Hull and the Magazine then at London and suppresse the Militia in all which the Parliament was engaged as much as could be were to make Warre against the Parliament he ever meant to doe these things and had ever declared so though I beleeve none that beleeved him did or could so understand Let Conscience now judge who began first As touching the cause of these Armes the Doctor would perswade us that it is for somthing which the King hath right to Deny To evince which he first affirmes that it cannot be for Religion or Priviledges and ancient Rights and Liberties for these the King doth not deny REPL. But now sufficient verball promises with such actions done as were noted even now are to secure Religion or the State Conscience must judge and it may a little the better when we come to consider them againe in the proper place for them for here they outrunne their season like Abortives in the next Section Secondly he saith it must then be for denying the Militia the disposing offices of State and such like also the government of the Church and the revenue of it and for not denying his power of denying in Parliament REPL. 1. For the Militia I referre to what hath beene said how just reason the Parliament had to petition the securing it and after to settle it as in case of necessity by Ordinance Of which their Declarations have given more full account 2. For disposing Offices of State it was never desired till the difference was very farre advanced and Hull attempted and Sir Iohn Hotham proclaimed Traitour and the Army raised at Yorke called a Guard And so onely desired as a Security after such a breach and no way a cause of the breach Thirdly For the Kings power of denying it was never in question betweene him and them till the Militia was absolutely and peremptorily denyed And in all their Declarations they never take it away but contrarily in the defence of that May 26. they grant that though the King be bound by Oath and care of his people not to deny any Bill for generall safety and good for in ordinary matters they yeeld he may deny Yet if he doe deny it is no Law without him Onely in case of the common safety they say the two Houses may doe what is necessary and it binds the Subjects for that necessity though he doe deny The denyall then of the Militia only in the case of necessity with other things noted before forced them to doe what they did toward Armes and not any difference about a power of deniall in generall 4. For the government and Revenue of the Church I beleeve indeed it was a part of the cause of taking Armes but not on the Parliaments part the major part of whom in either House never till very lately declared nor shewed any purpose of taking either away quite but only reforming which the Doctor saith his Majesty is alway ready to agree as may appeare even by the great agitations for so long in the House of Commons of the Bill against Episcopacy root and branch and at last it was wholly laid aside which shewes the major part never owned it as their delight Else they would first have absolutely concluded the destructive part and then consulted what to have in the roome Bâ—t to consult first for Successours was Pacuvius his Policy to preserve the Senatours of Capua though he made shew to condemne them all And had the Commons past the Bill against them yet did the Lords never shew any such intendment who were not easily wonne to take away their Votes till their Protestation against both Houses in their absence helped to perswade them to it It can then no way appeare to Conscience that ever the Parliament had thoughts of Armes to obtaine their taking away But I am verily perswaded by all I could ever heare from the Episcopall Party that their feare of this made them who had still enough of the Kings eare and heart urge the King to many Actions which have helped the Warre forward Among the rest I cannot but note one not a weeke passed betweene the 12. Bishops for their Protestation before the King first accused of high Treason the L. Kimbolâ—on and the other five
both and then let Conscience exercise charity as it will answer to GOD to it selfe to all it's Fellow English men and Christians and even to the whole World Thus in generall now we must examine some particulars The Dr. names 4 grounds of feares and jealousie with which the people have been possessed All which he first rejects with a gentle comparing of the Parliamont who hath set them forth to the Devill the Arch-accuser This is his charity In stead of rataliating I will onely say the Lord forgive thee His first ground is Reports of Forraign Power to be brought in This he saith was given out before the setting up of the MILITIA to keepe the People amused the easier to draw them into such a posture of defence as was pretended and they are all discovered by time to have been vaine REPL. 1. why will he perpetually forget that the King himself granted the Militia necessary to be setled 2 It was not meerely Forraigne Forces to bee brought in but Papists and Delinquents rising at home that was insinuated a cause of the desire to have the Kingdom put in a posture of defence 3. Who knows not of the billeting of many thousands of Irish upon us even during the fitting of a former Parliament The Project of Germane Horse in the Dukes time is it quite forgotten The Earle of Staffords Councell not only to bring in his Irish Army consisting most of Papists wherewith to reduce this Kingdome was it not proved by the Oath of a Privy Counsellor present and confirmed by his own Notes taken at the time and did not the rest of the advise then given by that Politician that the King being now deserted by his Parliament might doe any act of power Quaere the words in his charge amount to Counselling the bringing in of any forces from any place And why must all intelligences after these prevented bee counted vaine 4. For is all suspition vaine because the thing suspected comes not to passe when mean are used to prevent it Is all preventing Physicke Vaine Is all feare of Pyrates in a Sea voyage vaine if none assault a well man'd and provided Ship Was not such a Navy being secured in safe hands as would under God have made great Forraign Forces repent their comming against the Kingdomee competent reason why those that did mean to come if they might have had no resistance on the Sea now thought it too hot a service 5. But besides the Navy they had no Landing place Hull being contrary to the Court-expectation and attempt as was Noted before secured by the Parliament and so might well be the more discouraged 6. Which is the more considerable because no sooner had they got a Port-Town namely Newcastle but though no Forraign Forces came who could not be so soon ready yet Forraign Ammunition came not a little and Forces of our Country-men who served in Forraign Countries and money too from Forraigne Princes or People And what more is comming if our unhappinesse continue till the Spring who can be secure But for this if it prove so the Dr. hath a defence ready All Christian Kings he saith cannot but thinke themselves concerned in the cause and it will be as just for the King to use them against subjects now in arms as it was unjust in the Barons to call in the French against their naturall King REPL. 1. The Dr. bestirres himself to make the King strong to maintain the Prelacy among other things as himself hath told us before in the former Section he said that they that assist him doe it according to their Allegiance So that he intends that all his Subjects are bound by their Allegiance to assist him and fight against the Parliament even though their Consciences judge them to intend the conservation of Religion Laws and liberties and his followers to intend their subversion And here hee calls all Christian Kings iâ— as themselves concerned in the Cause 2. When the Rochellers took Arms according to their Priviledges and Edicts of the Kingdome to defend themselves And our Protestant or Popish Councellors got 8. Ships to be sent to assist the King of France against them and in the Low-Country they did the like too what will the Dr. say were all the Christian Princes concerned to assist against the Rochellers If hee doe the very souldiers and marriners that went into Ships shall rise up in judgment against him who when they knew what they went for utterly refused to fight against their Religion and so the greatest part of them were set a Shore againe and the rest went on their voyage and did the mischief to help beat the Rochell Fleet and give the King possession of the Haven so as he afterward with the help of the King of Spaine so still Princes are concerned against the Protestant made a Barricado so strong as when a Fleet from hence after re-Voyage attempted to relieve Rochell by Sea being then actually besieged by Land it could not be done 3. What will the Dr. say to that Voyage to Rey and that to releeve Rochell when it proved too late Why was not the King still concerned to helpe the King of France or was he 4 Will it be Just for the King to use Forraign Forces when to the understanding of Common Readers hee hath utterly disclaimed it in more then one Declaration 5 What Counsell would an Enemy to the King and Kingdome that hath read Stories and ours in speciall as the Dr. seemes to have done give but the using of Forraign Forces was not the Kingdome Conquered by this very meanes by the Saxons when King Vorteger was in debate with his Lords and People call'd them in to assist him Did not the Turkes so come into Europe and oft the like hath hapened 6. He counts it damnable to resist for defence meerly much more then as the Barons in K. Iohns time to call in a Stranger to make him King if then to call in other Kings to assist against the Parliament be as just as that was unjust it is a high vertue though to the utter endangering of the whole Kingdom whose Counsellour surely it were pity the Dr. should ever be who hath no more judgment or more Conscience or charity toward the publique good then to advise and commend such a practise 2. Next he propounds the Queens Religion as a matter which is urged to cause feares and jelousies Of which he saith It is no new cause REPL. 1. It is true to the great grief of all that truly love Religion or wish well to her Majestie but had others wish't it otherwise as the Dr. speakes for himselfe who have had accesse unto her She had not bin told by a great man in the Church in the worst season that could be when it is said shee had some Pangs about Her Religion and asked of it that Shee might well be saved in her Religion Or if any give no credit to this passage yet it is notorious