them But he sayes one greate hogge may doe as much mischiefe in a garden as many litle swine And it seemes that the like evill spirit as entred into the heard of swine hath possest this libeller and driven him on head long in his Rebellious impudence The King sayes he was some times prone to thinke that had he called this last Paâ—liament to any other place in England the sad consequences might have been prevented To shew that the place could have made noe change the libeller instances in his Majest first Parliament at oxford which was dissolved What doth that prove to contradict what his Majest sayes that if he had called the Parliament at another place these sad consequences might have been prevented Does the libeller thinke that because there was misvnderstanding betweene the King and some of his Parliaments that they would therefore have run to the same extreamities that the faction in this last did or that these factionists could have brought this mischeife vpon the kingdome by like Tumults in another place He goes on to say that the King called his last Parliament at Oxford a Mungrell Parliament consisting all of his friends Noe doubt there were in that Parliament many loyally affected to his Majest but it cannot be denyed for time hath tryed it that there were many among them that were spyes and disturbers corrupted by the Rebell faction at Westminster and their owne base inclinations who sought to disorder all Councells and consultations The libeller would comprehend the whole people of England within the Tumults interprett the Kings prayer against the tumults to be a prayer against his people Is it not God that stilleth the raging of the sea madnes of the people And is not a prayer for the people to pray they may be delivered from such madnes and yet this libeller sayes that the king praying to be delivered from the Tumults prayeth to be delivered from the people and blasphemously concludes God save the people from such intercessours And we cannot beleive that God is in his thoughts whose mouth soe often abuseth his name Vpon the Bill for TRIENNIALL PARLIAMENTS and for setling this c. HE sayes the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments was a good Bill and the other for setling this at that time very expedient And this he sayes in the kings owne words was noe more then what the world was fully confirmed he might in Iustice reason honour and conscience graunt them for to that end he affirmes to have done it This man hath a confirmed enmitie against truth cannot make a right recitall The kings words are that the world might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first to contribute what in Iustice reason honour and conscience I could to the happy succes of this Parliament I willingly past the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments The greatenes of the trust which his Majest put vpon the people by passing that Bill was a strong Argument that he would deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he might graunt not that the world was confirmed he might graunt that Bill in reason honour and conscience in respect of the matter of it for a greate part of the world was of opinion he might with better reason have denyed it had not his desire to shew his purposes of contributing what he could to the happy successe of the Parliament moved him And they might be confirmed thereby of his purposes to deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he could contribute to the happy successe of the Parliament It is the Kings manner to make vertues of his necessities and that neither prayse nor thankes are due to him for these beneficiall Acts. It cannot be expected that Rebells will retaine gratitude that have cast of loyaltie but let vs looke on his reasons and the first is that this first Bill graunts much lesse then two former statutes yet in force by Edw. the 3. that a Parliament should be called every yeare or oftner if neede were Either the libeller is vaine in producing this instance or in commending the Bill that gave much lesse then two former lawes in force and he must make the Parliament very inconsiderate that would soe much importune a law soe farr short of what former lawes had enacted His ancient law booke called the mirror and his late Treatise that Parliaments by our old lawes were to be twice a yeare at London carry as litle Authoritie as cleerenes what those Parliaments were they mention but neither the statutes nor law bookes did ever affirme the right of calling Parliaments in any other then the King or that he might not deferr the calling of them if he saw cause and these statutes were made to declare the subjects dutie to attend the King in his Parliament once a yeare or oftner if neede were and there was noe reason why oftner should have been inserted into the law if any obligation were intended thereby vpon the King And its contrary vnto the writt whereby Parliaments are called that the time of Parliaments should be defined for it is recited to be an Act of Councell to call a Parliament which needed not if it were necessary at a prefixed time The second Bill he sayes was soe necessary that nothing in the power of man more seemed to be the stay of all things from ruine then that Act. We are sure that nothing did more confirme the designes of the Traytours nor hasten that ruine of the Kingdome they have wrought then that Act. All men descerne the fraudulent artifices vsed to gaine that Bill by pretending publique debts which seditious faction had contracted and intended to encrease for the carrying on of their Rebellion and his Majest in graunting that Bill hoped to take of those occasions of it the Reports which they cast out among the people of his vnwillingnes to rayse money for discharge of the Armyes These charges were occasioned by the Kings ill stewardshipp but the world is satisfied it was from a trayterous conspiracie of the guides of this Rebellion He alleadges his needeles raysing of two Armies to withstand the Scotts which noe man but a profest Rebell can soe call for should he have raysed noe Army but left all to the mercy of the invader next he had beggerd both himselfe the publique When by this libellers owne confession the King had received noe supplies from the publique for raysing those Armies and these shameles Traytours blush not to talke of the Kings beggering of the people when the greate plentie his Government had enriched them with is soe visible in those vast leavies which the Rebells have since made vpon them The King left vs vpon the score of his needy Enemies If they had not been too much friends to the traytours of England there had been noe score to them for all men know whatever they received from England was by the contrivance of the Trayterous faction in Parliament to accomplish their ends To
subtill sense they were of another minde how thē could their dependence be a cause of their perswasion or was their sense subtill and grossely mistaken Thus those blattering devills that in the beginning of the Parliament charged the Bishopps to be Antimonarchicall thereby to conceale their malice against the king now make it their Cryme to favour Monarchy He hath found a very strong proofe as he would have it out of the Historie of the Councell of Trent that Bishopps are most potent when Princes are weakest that argues not their dependence vpon Princes nor that aversion to Bishopps is not aversion to Princes it was spoken of Bishopps depending on the Pope not on Princes and such Clergy men as have their dependence on Pope or people wil never wish that the king should be potent to master their dependencie From this the King sett himselfe to the removall of those men whose doctrine he feared would be the vndoing of Monarchy And needed he the Councells of Bishopps to provide for his safetie against such men And is that the evill interest of Tyrany and Episcopacie to prevent the designes of Traytours Who were Traytours if they were not that would vndoe Monarchy The doctrine and designes of the schismatickes are heereby apparent to be against Monarchy and yet the prevention of such conspiracies is the Tyrany and the corrupt Councells of Bishopps which the hipocrites cry out on Noe temporall law could touch the innocencie of their lives And had they innocency that plotted the vndoing of Monarchy vnder which they lived and could not the law touch it Their disobedience to lawes was a Cryme inconsistent with innocence and must necessarily be punished by the lawes they disobey and that which he calls persecution of their consciences and laying scandalls before them was only the requiring of their obedience to Acts of Parliament whose authoritie he soe frequently cryes vp and the inflicting of just penalties on their bodies and Estates according to the lawes was the dutie of the Magistrate to whome the execution of them belonged although the indulgence they found from his Majest in mitigating the penalties of law was a greate cause of their insolence and that Calamitie they have brought vpon the kingdome and if the lives of these men be sought into their pride impudence calumnie lying perjurie covetuousnes and crueltie declare their lives farr from innocent The man now breakes out into a thankesgiving for the successes of their Rebellion and though these hipocrites despise the thought of a Church and have noe Communion with any Church ancient or moderne yet the resistance of them is warr against the Church Noe Papist could speake more scandalously against reformation then that Episcopacie was the constant practice of all Christian Churches till of late yeares Tumult pride faction and covetuousnes invented new modells vnder the Title of Christs Government It neede not be observed againe how the Libeller is affected to the reformation that despises all but his owne Babell and Tumults factions pride and covetuousnes the causes of some new modells touches not soe many as he supposes there being soe many of the reformed Churches that receive not these new modells but whoever they be that obtrude them as Christs Government Scepter and Religion they will be marked with the same names that are heere mentioned by the greatest number if not all of the reformed Churches The Apostles were not properly Bishopps next Bishopps were not Successours of Apostles in the function of Apostleshipp If the Apostles were not properly Bishopps he should have told how they were improperly Bishopps for by his caution properly he admits they were someway Bishopps and the Bishopps therein their Successours though not in that part of the Apostleshipp which concerned speciall guifts and the Testimonie of Christs conversation on earth whereof they were eye wittnesses If they were Apostles they could not be precisely Bishopps and why not precisely if Bishopps They could not be Apostles his reason is because that of Apostle was vniversall extraordinary and immediate the other ordinary fixed and particular charge and inspection The calling of the seventie disciples was vniversall extraordinarie and immediate and yet they were noe Apostles and because callings were at first extraordinary must not they whose office it was to provide Successours to themselves and others in the Church of God ordaine others into their functions and is it an Argument that because when the Church was gathered men had particular care of certaine Churches therefore they were not of the same calling with others that preceeded them in gathering these Churches and the latitude of territorie in the exercise of a mans calling doth not make difference in the function It is against reason and Charitie to suppose an ignorance and deviation of the ancient Church taught by the Apostles in a point that destroyed the calling of such as were to reproach the gospell and the suddennesse is not imaginable in the introduction of Prelacy vnles by Apostolicall constitution in regard of the vniversalitie and the Author cannot name any manifest corruption so sudden and vniversall after the Apostles though he pretend many The Ecclesiasticall Historie proves it cleerely to be false that noe example since the first age for 1500 yeares can be produced of any setled Church wherein were many Ministers and congregations which had some Bishopps over them And his proofe is out of Sozomen who he sayes wrote above 1200 yeares agoe and his Testimony that in the Churches of Cyprus and Arabia they had Bishopps in every village what then he sayes what could these be more then Presbiters Yes they were Bishopps for doth any man doubt that Bishopps and Presbiters were not distinct in Sozomens time who soe frequently mentions it and the Libeller complaines of the corruption of introducing them in the ages foregoing there are many Councells before Sozomen which were vniversally received and in them subordinate of Presbiter to Bishopp is the vndeniable practice of the Church and the quantitie or quallitie of Townes or Territories wherein Bishopps were placed noe way proves the lessening of their order neither can it be collected because Bishopps were in small villages that therefore they were noe other then Presbiters but heerein the Libeller shewes his malicious opposition to truth in abusing Sozomen who having said that Churches had several customes instances that though there were many Citties in Scithia there was one Bishopp only over all and in other Countreyes Bishopps were in villages not every village he might aswell conclude noe Presbiters in Scithia as none but Presbiters in Arabia and Cyprus The same Author tells the like of other nations and that Episcopall Churches did not condemne them Wherefore should they condemne them It s like they would if they had taken vpon them to exercise the calling of Bishopps being but Presbiters for that was long before condemned by the Canons He makes a large leape from sozomen to fower hundred yeares agoe and then he sayes
a Title the constitution of that State being a Republique and their King noe other then a Consul of Rome or a Duke of venice The Decree in Rome is farr wide from the matter and what the Senate did against Nero was in vindication of their ancient power not acknowledging the Justice of his soveraigntie Though Theodosius decreed the law to be above the Emperour yet he decreed not any person to have power over the Emperour The law was above him in reguard it was his Rule but could not make any person or societie above him The law is the directive power to Kings but subject them not to any and it is a senseles deduction from the superioritie of the Rule to imagine an inferioritie of the Rulers to the people or a communitie in power by the Rule That Bracton or Cleta say the King is inferiour to the Court of Parliament is a manifest vntruth and Bracton sayes expressely the King hath not a superiour on earth to punish him and that only God is the avenger of his Actions soe farr were theis men from affirminge that he stands as liable to receive Iustice as the meanest of his subjects But this man thinkes that some of his Readers will believe that the name of an Author is sufficient Authoritie though he speake contrary to what he alleadges It is said in an ancient booke the King ought to be subject to the law by his oath Though the King be bound to performe the law by his oath is there any to judge him when all are his subjects and derive their power from him or is he subject to any person And who can judge another that is not subject to him Because Kings bound themselves to doe Justice therefore did they give other men power over them That the king permitted questions of his right to ordinary Iudicature is an vse of Counsell not subjection all Courts being his Counsells for decision of controversies but it s a sorry inference that Counsellours in his affaires should have power over his person As the Parliaments right is circumscribed by lawes in regarde of the subject soe it cannot be imagined absolute over the king By what the Libeller hath said he might well conclude that kings are oblidged to doe justice but that the people or particular persons may judge their king by any law divine or humane he hath not offred a colour soe barren is he in an Argument which he calls over copious Who should better vnderstand their owne lawes and when they are transgressed then they who are governed by them and whose consent at first made them Certenly he might very wel have answeared himselfe that they which governed by such lawes and whose consent at first made them better vnderstand them and when they are transgressed then they that are governed and it is a course very agreable to these mens confusion that the suiter should teach the judge The Libeller askes who have more right to take knowledge of things done within a free nation then they within themselves And surely they will not be free long from destroying one another where that 's the libertie for there wil be as many Transgressours and as many lawes as there are opinions He goes about to answeare the taking the oath of Alleagiance and supreamacy And to this his answeare is very ready that these oaths were to his person invested with his Authoritie and his Authoritie was by the people given him conditionally vnder law and oath And if his Authoritie had been conditionall their oaths could not be absolute as they are This guift and condition they imagine were engraven in Seths Pillars and they have been long enquiringe for a Cabballisticke Rabbyn to finde out the Characters How the kings hereditary succession is become a conditionall guift must have better evidence then Aphorismes of confusion never law contained either the guift or condition nor was there ever such impudence before theis Traytours that avowed because they swore faith to their kings person invested with his Authoritie they might take away his Authoritie and not breake their oath And it were a prophane oath aswell as vaine that should be voyde at the will of the taker The kings oath added nothing to his right being only an obligation of his conscience noe condition annexed to his right and if he never tooke the oath his subjects obedience is noe whit diminished and a king by inheritance needes not admittance the death of his predecessour puts him in possession this is the knowne law of England The Couquerour tooke on oath at his Crowninge and other times that made noe condition to his Government There is not only reason but absolute necessitie for the avoyding of confusion ruine of mankinde that the subject be bound to the king though the kinge faile in his dutie for the destruction of Government is more sinfull and inconvenient to humane societie then any evill that can come by a kings misgovernment He proceedes to answeare objections touchinge the Covenant wherein we shall not much insist but to detect the shifts of Malefactours to elude the evidence of truth They were accused by the King and his partie to pretend libertie and reformation but to have noe other end then to make themselves greate and to destroy his person and Authoritie for which reason sayes the Libeller they added the third Article to preserve the Kings person and Authoritie in defence of Religion priviledge of Parliament and liberties of the Kingdome And to shew with what ingenuitie he dealt in seeking to avoyde that just accusation the Libeller tells vs that they added that cause for a shew only and they intended not to preserve the Kings person further then it might consist with their opinions touchinge Reformation extirpatinge of Prelacy preservinge liberties of Parliament and Kingdome and in this very clause they called the world to be wittnes with their consciences of their loyaltie and yet made the preservation of their Kings person and Authoritie arbitrary by their owne opinions and while this Libeller would have their Rebellion a defensive warr he forbeares not to tell the world that they resolved the Kings destruction to attaine their ends The sixth Article gives asmuch preservation and defence to all that enter into the league as to him And it seemes more for they have dealt with none of them as with him and he sayes if the Covenant were made absolute without respect to these superiour things it was an vnlawfull vow and not to be kept It is agreed that vnlawfull vowes are not to be made nor kept but it is an vnlawfull vow to destroy the Kinge in order to his supposed ends yet they feare not to vow the destruction of any that oppose them though the honour and innocence of the persons were without the reach of lawes and they will exempt neither callings nor integritie from their lawles Injustice and that appeared by his glosse vpon the fourth Article of the Covenant to bring
popular insinuations never want ambition and arrogance The Bishopps eminent vertues and sufferings are soe conspicuous to all men as cannot be obscured by malicious detraction But such as make it their sin to preach passive obedience will judge Martirdome hipocrisie and patience worldlinesse His next cause he attributes to the factious inclination of most men divided from the publique by serveral ends and humours of their owne Factious inclinations carry men to Rebellion and disobedience and private ends divided from the publique are excentrique to lawfull Government All changes proceede from these ends and humours and submission to Rulers is inconsistent with them But the Author will have the resistance of parricide and Rebellion an effect of factious inclination as patience and passive obedience to be a worldly doctrine By his account Rebells only have care of the publique and all that oppose them have ends divided from it This humour of seditious Traytours hath been anciently discovered and yet by the peoples vnhappy credulitie never prevented thence it comes that they complaine of faction and innovation while they are busie in contrivinge it And it is noe wonder that they that have found soe many deceived by their dissembled passions will offer such palpable absurdities to the people that men oppose them for private ends that themselves seeke only the publique whē by blood and rapine they have got possession of all the wealth power of the Kingdome and treade all vnder foote that had right to rule They say truly they seeke the publique but all men see it is for their private ends and ambition At sirst noe man lesse beloved noe man more generally condemned then was the King from the time that it became his Custome to breake Parliaments at home and eyther willfully or weakely betray protestants abroade to the beginninge of those ◅ombustions He would prove the people inconstant who doubts it there hath been proofe enough of it in their wretched levitie tossed to and fro by these Rebells Bene facere male audire Regium est will not be denyed by Iconoclastes to be a knowne truth and that it is the common lot of good Princes to be misreported That his late Majest suffered by the privy whispes of ambitious seducers to the credulous vulgar is easily graunted but it was their ingratitude not his merit and the Authors lesse beloved and more generally condemned is a supposition voyde of truth as the Act it selfe was voyde of dutie the causes he would have to be his Custome in breaking Parliaments and betraying Protestants Let vs examine what ground there was for this aversion from the King vpon either of theis There were in the time of King James men that made ill vse of Parliaments and insteede of amending what was amisse strived to make the people beleive things were out of order which they felt not and to create discontents at the Government This caused the breach of some Parliaments in that Kings time his late Majest finding the people possest with greate jealosies of his match with spaine greate desires to breake the peace with that nation in order to the recovery of the Palatinate became the instrument of setling a right vnderstandinge betweene the King and his Parliament in the 21. th Yeare of his Raigne Then was the Treatie of the match and peace broken the session of Parliament concluded to the greate joy of the people and with their greate professions of affection to his late Majest for soe happy a worke King James was noe sooner dead and his late Majest by the Councell of the Parliament engaged in a dangerous warr but the seditious contrivers that had pretended such Zeale for the regaininge of the ◅alatinate cast about how they might ruine his Majest by that vndertaking and in his first Parliament without respect to their owne promises his Majest merit from them in procuringe their desires or the publique necessities ingratefully withdrew their assistance from him and spread abroade rumours against his Government and when he called a Parliament the private annimosities personall thirst of revenge in some men were entertained in the house of Commons to exclude the consideration of the pressing necessities of his Majest affaires and forreigne agents had their fingers with these leaders in Parliament to divert all supplies from his Majest that both Protestants and all other his allies might be disappointed and which by that meanes was effected It s well knowne with what industrie difficultie his Majest in the middest of his necessities advanct releife to the Protestants and if they were betrayed the Treason must lie on the Parliaments credulitie to those vnderminers that forsooke their King in the prosecution of that worke To betray Protestants theis Traytours know signifies much to the people therefore they make it a reproach to their King against the knowne evidence of the fact and all sense and though they hipocritically pretend affection to the Protestant Religion the world knowes they doe not asmuch as give it a toleration for the Protestants doe not account Iohn of Leidon and the mad men of Munsters Protestants there is noe Religion but theirs now current in England This Author sees the cleerenes of the proofe against their malitious allegations of betraying Protestants and therefore descends a little in his termes and sayes either wilfully or weakely Could he betray them by impotencie of force or Councell that 's a new found Treason that the minde intends not but it s too much respect to such an absurd Calumnie to give it an answeare He goes on all men inveighed against him all men except Court vassalls opposed him and his Tyranicall proceedings Inveighinge against the King was vnknowne in England before such Monsters as this Author were hatcht by Rebellion and made their words accord with their Actions when their lying and hipocrisie could noe longer serve turne Before this time malecontents muttered their censures of Government and people that beleived them thought it their sin and shame to inveigh against their King Though discontents were nourisht among many few or none were soe impudent to inveigh There is noe Courtier whose observance to his Prince or his flatterie of him can binde him to like vassallage as he is that serves Rebells by false and impudent detractions of Rulers Noe slave soe base as he that wil be hired to murther the fame and honour of others There are some Courtiers among his new Masters whose falshood to their true Master and base observance of the Traytours to him entitles them to the worst of vassallage This Author goes an ill way to prove Tyranicall proceedings when he sayes they were soe opposed It s strange a Tyrant should suffer himselfe to be opposed and how were those Tyranicall proceedings opposed he will say by disputes in Courts of Justice was this Tyrany to admit contestations in ordinary Courts There was never time wherein there were not questions of right betweene King and subject
is it Tyrany in a Prince to be a partie in a Proces And doth this Author hold malicious reports and rumours notes of disgrace vpon King or any other Magistrate good Princes lives confute detraetours and though the people for a time may be deluded they will come to know a good King in his losse Rebellious humours are an Epidemicall pestilence whose violence cannot continue This full Parliament was at first vnanimous in their dislike and protestation against his evill Government This hath not the least colour of truth and as there was never time wherien somethinge was not to be amended soe in the beginninge of this Parliament there were things of that nature but not such as laid Cryme vpon his Majest Government nor did the Parliament judge soe but all corruptions of Courts Errours of Councell ill successes of Actions are charged by this Author as his Majest ill Government and every judgment of Parliament in a particular case made a protestation against it This Author cannot but know that the most vnamimous protestation that ever the Parliament made was to defend the Kings person honour and Estate and they that made this protestation could not be vnanimous in protesting against his evill Government nor in destroying both him and it They protested to defend the lawes of the land one of which they declared to be that the King could doe noe wrong and that if they should say his late Majest did they should speake against the law the affection of their owne hearts Can this Author finde any roome heere for an vnanimous protestation of the Parliament against the Kings ill Government And yet these were made long after the beginninge of the Parliament but they that have noe conscience of speaking truth have noe shame to be convinced of falshood But when they who sought themselves and not the publique began to doubt that all of them could not by one and the same way attaine to their ambitious purposes then was the King or his name at least as a fit propertie first made vse of his doings made the best of and by degrees justified He is very industrious to finde out causes why soe many would not be Traytours why could he not fall into the consideration of the oaths of Alleagiance supremacie that all members of Parliament take at their entrance why could he not thinke on the protestation themselves contrived to defend the King how did he forget the Commaunds of obedience from God If himselfe and his Masters had not preferred their ambitious ends before their dutie to God or man if they had not thought all oaths and vowes of noe obligation against their ends they would never have attributed other mens desertion of their courses to proceede from ambitious ends Could men that saw these Traytours making such oaths and protestations of loyaltie with a resolution to breake them run without remorse with them Could any that retained any sparke of Religion or morall honestie concurr with such persons in their lewde courses But all could not attaine their ambitious ends by the same way What way by destroying the King wee are sure some have attained their ambitious ends that way And doth this Author thinke that any men had higher ends of ambition then they that now have attained theirs if he doe he hath very few of his minde how ever there was a way to ambitious ends but it was not wide enough for all and who had these ambitious ends they that tooke the way or they that left it They that had obligations of honour and conscience for their wayes are vncharitably charged with ambitious ends and they that brake the bounds of dutie and oaths to attaine their ends are sottishly pretended to seeke the publique How the Kings name and office hath been made a propertie and all dutie and oaths to him a Ceremony by the Traytours is knowne to the world They have not spared any thing Religious or Civill They have made a propertie of the very name of God of fasts of thankesgiving of prayers of preaching They have made a propertie of Justice of Delinquents evill Councellours how often have they made the lords house a propertie calling it the Kings hereditary Councell how often of loyaltie And how frequently in this very libell doth he make a propertie of the name of Parliament All men see there hath been nothing reall with them but their ambition and crueltie Which begate him such a partie as after many wiles and struglings with his inward feares imboldened him at length to set vp his standard against the Parliament After many Messages to the Traytours that possest both houses of Parliament After many offers to relinquish his just rights to take away all jealosies and feares of his power which were then pretended After many Remostrances of the Calamities that attend Civill distractions After the vndutiful rejections of al his motions for peace After the discovery of the vnsatiable ambition and blood thirstie malice of the prevailing partie After the violation of all priviledges of Parliament After the compulsion of the better part of both houses to desert them After the seizing of his Majest forts and Navy and assuminge the Militia After the longest and most provokt patience that ever King reteined his Majest set vp his standard against those Rebells that tooke the name of Parliament But Iconoclastes remember you have heere vpbraided feares to the King when you come to deny he had any What wiles were vsed to seduce the people what jealosies ridiculous feares were blowne vp to disorder them is yet fresh in Memory and he well observes the Kings standard at length set vp for there was just cause to have done it long before and much disadvantage to his Majest by the delay When as before that time all his adherents consistinge most of dissolute swordmen and suburb roysters hardly amounted to the making vp of one ragged Regiment strong enough to assault the vnarmed house of Commons What time doth he meane the setting vp of the standard If his Majest had sooner declared against the Traytours he had not wanted a greater Regiment And if he had intended to assault the house of Commons those he had with him were enough to have done it though those that then sate had been armed otherwise those members would not have been absent when he eame For the qualitie of the Kings adherents as he Phrases it the persons that then waited on him were for the most part of better qualitie then their Rebell Generall whome now they adore It was the art of one of the guides of this Treason at that time to stile such as were about the King Cavileers as a name vnagreeable to the prickeard Puritan whose supersilious demurenes made wry faces at such a name it being the Custome of false Traytours to lay claime to those behaviours that may hide their inward wolvish disposition and defame others to geâ—… reputation to themselves and thence suburb Roysters
not agree in the redresse of greivances and supply of the necessities of the Kingdome their continuance would prove ignominious not their dissolving Sometimes chusing rather to misse of his subfidies or to rayse them by illegall courses then that the people should not still misse of their hopes to be releived by Parliaments Iconoclastes in his Preface talked of laying parallel actions to words and heere he vses words of actions that never were for among those Parliaments of his late Majest where can he finde a number to make vp his Sometimes vsing a language as if the King had called as many Parliaments as he had raigned yeares And where can he finde that the King chose to misse his subsidies that the people should not be releived by Parliaments Two of the Parliaments are already mentioned In the third where he had non he was so farr from chusing to misse of his subsidies if he might have had them that his reiterated Messages to the then house of Commons to prepare their greivances that he migh◅ apply just remedies to them sufficiently prove that nothing was wanting of his part to have received the subsidies and releived the people It s well knowne that his Majest had at that time a warr with Spaine and France and that nothing but inevitable necessitie on his part could have made him decline the obtainnig of subsidies from that Parliament And after the house of Commons had declared that they would supply him in such a way and in so ample a measure as should make him safe at home and feared abroade they agreed vpon the number of subsidies but voted that the Bill should not come into the house till their greivances were answeared His Majest sent them there vpon severall Messages to hasten them to present the greivances which nothing wrought on them but without any reason after long expectatiō they denyed to have the bil of subsidies brought into the house It s wel known that no Kingdome had lesse greivances then that of England vnder his late Majest And the people were perswaded into an opinion of greivances not by sence of Suffering but the disputes of Pragmaticall Incendiaries and they would have rested quiet had they not been seduced by such Craftsmen and there is no on thing that this breaker can name for a greivance which his Masters that now Lord it do not encrease The first he broke of at his coming to the Crowne for no other cause then to protect the Duke of Buckingham against them who had accused him besides other hainous Crymes of no lesse then poysoning the deceased King his Father This Author takes himselfe not concerned in speaking Truth for the publike Records of the Kingdome and some late declarations of the pretended Parliament would have held his hand from this false assertion if he had valued Truth at the rate of perusing them for the Duke of Buckingham was not at all accused by the first Parliament of the King nor in any Parliament for poysoning the deceased King He might have found that in the second Parliament of the King Among other Articles against the Duke of Buckingham he was accused for a Transcendent Presumption and of dangerous consequence touching Phisicke applyed to the deceased King but the malice of such as hated the Duke of Duckingham did not extend to an accusation of poysoning the deceased King yet the venome of Treason in this Author makes him madd and say that a fact of presumption and of dangerous consequence was a poysoning If such were the wisedome of a house of Parliament to call poysoning of a King a presumption of dangerous consequence neither King nor people neede be troubled to want their Councell This is the first instance though not the first falshood of Iconoclastes but to the matter of what he sajes in that second Parliament wherein the Duke of Buckingham was accused his Majest by Message to the lower house told them he was well pleased they should proceede against the Duke of Buckingham they did accordingly give vp their Articles to the Lords the Duke of Buckingham made his answeare which was sent down to the Commons who being vnable to reply to it such as then swayed the house contrary to the Councell of a greate number of the most experienced amongst them resolved to hinder al proceedings and necessitate the King to a Dissolution of the Parliament This is no secret the journall bookes of that house sufficiently ◅vince it Still the latter breaking was with more affront and indignitie put vpon the house and her worthyest members then the former This appeares not by his subsequent reason but if this breaker had thought either the dissolving of Parliaments or indignitie and affront to members any offence why does he take on him the defence of those that have Ignominiously excluded the whole house of Lords and so many of the Commons and among them some whome he termes the worthiest persons in the Parliament he speakes of but his reasons and narrations are of the same stuffe And if any man compare the affronts and indiginties offered his Majest by some persons in parliament and his proceedings against them he will judge that their provacations exceeded his passion and their owne sufferings In so much that in the fifth yeare of his Raigne in a Proclamation he seemes offended at the very Rumour of a Parliament divulg'd among the people as if he had taken it for a kinde of slander that men should thinke him that way exorable much lesse inclined What strawes this man pickes vp If the King did seeme offended at a factious Rumour doth it follow that he held it a Scandall to act that which was Rumoured Because a King doth forbid Rumours of his intended Actions doth he not therefore intend them And must his Councells be the subject of common Rumour It is a factious practice to spreade a Rumour of a parliament before the King please to declare it and tends to the precipitation of his Councells by sedition But as his premisses are he seemes so his conclusions are as if and men may as well beleive him on his bare word as such inferences he appearing inexorable to speake Truth or forbeare slander And forbidds it as a presumption to prescribe him any time for Parliaments that is to say eyther by perswasion or petition or so much as the reporting of such a Rumour for other manner of Prescribing was at that time not suspected His Majest therein forbad no more then the law forbidds and accounts it a presumption to Prescribe him any time for Parliaments But such as have destroyed King and Parliament would have it esteemed strange that they should not prescribe what they list and the breaker that would have the King Prescribed will allow non to Prescribe his now masters His explanation signifies nothing for doth he thinke that the King ought to be petitioned or perswaded by every on that will or that the spreading of a Rumour is a fit
that the interest of a King can have an opposition to that of his people which is vainely fancied hy him or that any thing by him alledged should worke such opposition And although there have been disputes in Courts and Parliaments touching the profitts and rights of the Crowne yet before this Rebell generation non were so shameles to pretend them causes of the subjects violence and necessarily destructive to the King or people which had the people imagined would have been the issue of a Parliament they would have had a greater aversion to it then Iconoclastes supposes in his late Mejest And as the preservation of the people is the Kings interest so his preservation is theirs which the people now finde to late and could not foresee that such as made vse of the pretence of their interest minded it least Till eight or nine yeares after proceeding with a high hand in these enormities having the second time levied an injurious warr against his native countrey Scotland and finding all those other shifts of raysing money which bore out his first expedition now to faile him not of his own choice and inclination as any childe may see but vrged by strong necessities and the very pangs of State which his owne violent proceedings had brought him to he calls a Parliament Iconoclastes is very industrious to shew that he can expresse the malice of his heart with his pen and can give false denominations to Actions with greater confidence then true where it may advantag his Masters The gentle hand wherewith his Majest governed during the nine yeares he mentions brands that high hand of slander and deâ—…action which this breaker stretches out against him and it will fill posteritie with amazement at the folly of the present age that should take such things for enormities as fines for knighthood Coate conduct and shipmony whereof some of them were scarce felt or observed and the rest easily borne And submit themselves to contributions excises loanes and taxes to which those which he calls enormities hold no proportion But not contented with the false appellations of his Majest Civill Actions he proceedes to defy and reproach his Actions for preservation and defence of his Kingdome and calls it an injurious warr to resist an invading Enemy That the Scotts were entred neere a hundred mile into the Kingdome at the time he mentions he cannot be ignorant and to call the warr injurious on his Majest part cannot come from any that thinkes any thing injurious that Rebells commit or any thing just that Governours commaund When any Actions are rehearsed of his Majest against the Scotts the Traytours call them vnjust and amplifie their slander with the Circumstance of his native Countrey When the Scotts offer obedience to the King or he concurr with them they decry such Actions in respect they are of his native Countrey thus shifting saying and gainsaying to deceive the people If there any yet remaine that will trust such common Cheates His collection that necessitie and not choice brought the King to call a Parliament followes not from any of his premisses His Majest doth not exclude the necessitie of his affaires from moving him to call the Parliament When he sayes that be called the Parliament not more by necessitie then his owne choice doth he exclude necessitie or affirme his owne choice only without consideration of Circumstances Parliaments ought not to be called but vpon greate occasions and their too often Convention is a burthen not an ease to the people and such was the judgment of the late Parliament at the beginning It is not new that necessities have caused Kings to call Parliaments which yet was never made an Argument to prove their owne vninclination to call a Parliament His descant vpon strong necessities and pangs of state layes open the Treason of these conspiratours that plotted how their Country might pine and languish that so vnnaturall Emperickes might exercise their bloody practice and a mercilesse Tyrany could only be exspected from such as sought their power by their Countreyes sufferings And if his Majest proceedings had been violent they had not produced that necessitie First in Ireland which only was to give him four subsidies and so to expire then in England where his first demaund was but twelue subsidies to maintaine a Scotch warr condemned and abominated by the whole Kingdome promising their greivances should be considered afâ—…erwards The Parliament in Ireland he might have knowne was not the first that was called in the nine yeares he mentions but falshood are so common that mistakes are not worth the observation and if the King had called that Parliament in Ireland to obtaine â—…ower subsidies where had been the fault May not a King call a Parliament to be supplyed But if Iconoclastes had patience to know truth or speake it he might eaâ—…ily have found a greate number of good lawes made in that Parliaâ—…ent to worke a conformitie of that nation to England and he vnseasonably produced this instance of the Parliament of Ireland which so mainely contradicts his assertion for the necessities alone he supposes could not worke the calling of that Parliament where Parliaments had been so frequent before In England where he sayes his Majest first demaund was but twelue subsidies he hath lost his expectation and his Ironicall but hath lost its mirth for he cannot thinke that the people now apprehend twelue subsidies so greate a demaund by the King when they see a farr greater proportion given the Scotch for invading the Kingdome and aftersuch an execrable warr and barbarous prodigalitie their greivance is increast and all that is effected or pretended to be done for them is the Destruction of King and Church and dividing the Estates of both among the Master Rebells vpon whose Arbitrary and vnlimited power they must now depend That those twelue subsidies were demaunded to maintaine Scotch warr hath no colour of truth it being not at al propounded And as it had been a sottish and perverse disposition to have condemned the warr against the Scotts when they were in preparation to invade England so it is as shamelesly said by Iconoclastes that it was condemned and abominated by the whole people Himselfe if a wicked obduration had not made him love lying must have conffessed that the late Earle of Essex though afterward in Rebellion against the King with greate demonstrations of Zeale and affection to his Majest went a Commaunder in that expedition And if we respect the qualitie or number of noble worthy persons that engaged themselves in that first warr our stories have rarely remembred an Army that went into Scotland of greater number of eminent persons so as Iconoclastes hath just cause to condemne and abominate himselfe for the Lewdenes and evidence of this vntruth and if the then Parliament had not been abused by some representing his Majest desires the designes of such as meant to make advantage of the breach of that Parliament had been
late Majest on whome malice it selfe hath not yet layd such a Cryme encreaseth the Libellers infamy not the weight of his charge To say therefore that he called this Parliament of his owne choice and inclination argues how little truth wee can expect from the sequell of this booke which ventures in the very first period to affront more then one nation with an vntruth so remarkeable If the venturing vpon an vntruth in the first period be an argument to expect little in the sequell of the booke what may we expect of this Author whose whole booke is a confutation of his first period not to descant on the Kings misfortunes That in seeking to disprove this first period adventured on so many palpable vntruths and stickes not to pervert the very period it selfe and affront not only more then one nation but all indifferent men For if his Majest had been necessitated either through the disorder of persons to dissolve Parliaments or for beare them he might yet call a Parliament by his owne choice considering that not the condition of Parliament but the male volence of some persons were cause both of the dissolution forbearance The often Parliaments in Ireland the precedent Parliaments in England to that which he mentions maintaine the truth of that first period against the many remarkeable falsities of this Image breaker And presumes a more implicit faith in the people of England then the Pope ever commaunded from the Romish laitie or els a naturall sottishnes fitt to be abused and ridden Kings may expect credit to their words from their people Rebells cannot though experience hath confirmed that if a greate part of the people of England had not followed them with a more blinde and obstinate beleife then ever Romish laitie did their Pope they could never have been ridden and jaded as now they are And Iconoclastes could never presume the beleife of his extravagant assertions if he thought not his readers of worse then naturall sottishnes to be abused for while they lye groveling vnder the Tyrany of their present oppressours and lament the losse of their happines vnder the Kingly Government this man will perswade them out of their sense and memory While in the judgment of wisemen by laying the foundation of his defence on the avouchment of that which is so manifestly vntrue he hath given a worse foyle to his own cause then when his whole sorces were at any time overthrowne Surely there wisemē shewed as little reason in judging an assertion as knowledge in military affaires that made by comparison of this period to the defeat of an army If his Maj have given so greate a foyle to his cause by the first period of his booke whence comes the danger that Iconoclastes would prevent Was this first period vnintelligible without his comment and what is it to the Kings cause whether he called the Parliament of his owne choice or not It s very likely his wife men heere are the same with his wel principled men he mentioned els where their principles or impiety being the same with his their judgment is as corrupt as their conscience and as farr from wisedome as the libeller from modestie and if any had such a judgment they might soone finde their errour which all others descerne and such a judgment were a greater foyle to their wisedome then to his Majest cause They therefore who thinke such greate service done to the Kings affaires in publishing this booke will finde themselves in the end mistaken of sense right minde or but any mediocritie of knowledge and remembrance hath not quite for saken men They will finde themselves no whit mistaken if sense right mi◅de and mediocritie of knowledge and remembrance have not quite for saken men but the libeller will finde himselfe very much mistaken if he expect that his sense shal be so received against apparent truth as to give a greater foyle then the defeate of Arimes and vnderstanding must have left the world where the Author of such a comparison findes credit He comes now to prosecute his Majest discourse in pursucance of that period and first to what his Majest affirmes of Parliaments to have allwayes thought the right way of them most safe to his Crowne and best pleasing to his people he sayes we felt from his Actions what he thought of Parliaments or of pleasing his people The people feele now that which makes them confesse that they had just cause by what they felt from his Majest Actions to be well pleased with them to beleive what he affirmes heere to be his judgment of Parliaments and if any people were pleased with the ill way of Parliaments they have seene their errour by the evill consequents and now thinke the right way of them only most safe for the Crowne them and that nothing but ruine to the Kingdome can be expected from disorderly Parliaments He goes on to that which his Majest adds that the cause of forbearing to Conveene Parliaments was the sparkes which some mens distempers there studied to kindle To this the libeller sayes they were not temperd to his temper for it neither was the law nor Rule by which all other tempers were to be tryed but they were chosen for sittest men in their Counties to quench those distampers which his inordinate doings had inflamed Is the choice in Counties the law and rule whereby rempers are to be tryed And would the libeller have it beleived that all such as are chosen in the Counties are of better temper then the King If choice be the law of temper why doth he justifie those men which have affronted scorn'd and punished such as have been chosen by the Counties If all a◅e so well temperd why are some so ill handled and excluded And if there may be distempers as he must confesse in despight of impudence why was it not a just reason of his Majest fo◅ebearance if he found it We know what fires small sparkes kindle in greate Assemblies and we have felt the flame of them like the sudden eruption of burning Mountaines when all was quiet and there were men that studyed to turne the Parliament into confusion having not the temper to quench but to enflame Were these men that were of the two Parliaments in the first yeare of his Majest Raigne The first called within two moneths after he begun the second within twelue chosen to allay those distempers which his inordinate doings had inflamed what were these inordinate doings that could inflame so suddenly We neede not argue this Authors credit from one vntruth but he would obtaine some credit if one entire truth could be found in him If that were his refusing to conveene till those men had been quallified to his will wee may easily conjecture what hope there was of Parliaments had not feare and his insatiate povertie in the middest of his excessive wealth constrained him His Majest might with reason exspect that many who through errour
sublimated their tempers as this mans Rebellion hath inflamed and besotted him In vaine was a Parliament thought fittest by the knowne lawes of our nation to advise and regulate vnruly Kings if they insteede of hearkning to advice should be permitted to turne it of and refuse it by vilifying and traducing their advisers or by accusing of a popular heate those that lawfully elected them If a Parliament were thought fittest by the knowne lawes of our Kingdome to regulate vnruly Kings it was certainly in vaine for such Kings as stories report most irregular were least regulated by Parliaments but on the contrary the Parliaments concurd to their desires and in such extravagant Actions as were the greatest blemishes of their Government â—…conoclastes doth well to make a supposition of knowne lawes for he knowes not any that thought his supposition true for the knowne lawes will not suppose an vnruly King and therefore cannot thinke of a way to regulate what they will not suppose but were it supposed that a Parliament were the fittest way to regulate vnruly Kings doth it follow that there wil be no heate in elections nor noe misadvice in persons elected Must the King take all for truth and reason that any of these advisers will tell him Or is a Major part of them so infallible as the whole Kingdome must stand or perish by the advantage of a few voyces perhaps one onely But this breaker hath broken out into this vnnaturall heate vpon the alone mention of heate in Elections a matter not only of possibilitie but knowne truth His owne his Childrens interest oblidged him to seeke preserve the love and welfare of his subjects To this of his Majest he sayes Who doubts it but the same interest common to all Kings was never yet availeable to make them all seeke that which was indeede best for themselves their posteritie But if it be the interest of Kings to preserve the love and welfare of their subjects in vaine doth Iconoclastes from the transgressions of particular persons defame the sacred office of Kings and endeavour to set vp vsurpers whose interest cannot so much oblidge them to the love welfare of the people He sayes all men are oblidged by their interest to honestie and Iustice but that consideration workes litle in private men It seemes by his writing it workes litle in him that so litle regards honestie and Iustice. But his interest is not to regard it for the interest of his profitt and esteeme with his Masters cannot be maintained by honestie and Iustice and that interest is more prevalent with him then the interest of a good conscience or heaven it selfe He might well have descerned that his Majest argued from the Humane or Civill interest which men are apt to judge strongest and the breaker impertinently diverts the sense to talke of mens fayling in the exercise of vertue when their temporall interests are the cause of their miscarriage and therefore his Majest reason was strong that since his interest as well as right carried him to the inclination he mentioned it might be more probable to others But the Image breaker admits no reasons nor gives any but magisterially layes downe his position that Kings have lesse consideration of honestie Iustice then other men It were an injury to that high calling to offer an answeare to such a barking detractour against the most approved most ancient and most sacred office for the preservation of Humane societie that will deprave that which God hath sanctified and will make those by whome God dispenseth the blessings of peace vnto men the greatest Enemies to God and goodnes He intended to oblidge both friends Enemies and to exceede their desires did they but pretend to any modest and sober sense To this he sayes mistaking the whole busines of a Parliament which meete not to receive from him obligations but Iustice nor he to expect from them their modestie but their grave advice vttered with Freedome in the publique cause This man mistakes the whole busines of a Parliament that would exclude modestie from the advice and libertie from the advised The freedome that the libeller intends is inconsistent with modestie aswell as Monarchy Trayterous dispositions having an Antipathy to morall vertues How often have Parliaments made petitions to their King for graces were they not oblidged when they were graunted But it cannot be expected that such as despiâ—…e dutie should willingly acknowledge the right of those to whome it belongs and such as vse no modestie will acknowledge no gratitude or obligation If their advice had been grave their behaviour would have been modest and they whose dutie was only to advise had no pretence to Commaund and dictate nor they that were to receive Justice from their King to snatch what they desired and become judges of their owne demaunds Such as wil not be oblidged by lawes nor oaths cannot by benefites favours and such as have robbed a King of his power grow quickely to that heigth of impudence to deny he had ever any as this Author that is so Brutish to affirme that Kings cannot oblidge their subjects thence it followes that they owe no thankes to God for a good King as they professe to owe him none for his good Government His talke of modestie in their desires of the common welfare argues him not much to have vnderstood what he had to graunt who misconceived so much the nature of what they had to desire His excepting at the talke of modestie shewes how little he vnderstands other modestie or the right or practice of Parliament Is not humilitie a word of larger signification then modestie and yet this breaker will make modestie contrary to the nature of the Parliaments desires and the Kings graunts when humilitie is the common expression of the Parliaments petitions to the King And he might well have said the King vnderstood not what he had to graunt if he had not expected his subjects desires to have a modest and sober sense Can there be desires of the common-welfare that exclude modest sober sense But the truth is the desires of the late faction in the name of Parliament had neither modest nor sober sense and thence the libeller would inferr it vnnecessary and it was very farr from the nature of what they had to desire to demaund their Kings Crowne And for sober sense the expression was too meane and recoiles with as much dishonour vpon himselfe to be a King where sober sense could possible be so wanting in a Parliament And must it be the Kings dishonour if an Assembly of Parliament want sober sense how does that recoile vpon him can he make them otherwise Iconoclastes lately reprehended his mention of heate in Elections and now it s the Kings dishonour if the Parliament want sober sense was there never experience of a Parliament that wanted sober sense or was any man so savage as to hold sober sense too meane
ourselves if wee could not judge those men that are proud-boasters despisers of Parents despisers of Dominion Traytours faith-breakers to be such as descerne not the things of the spirit though they pretend to them The Reformation they could expect from him must be some politique forme of an imposed Religion or perpetuall vexation to such as comply not with that forme And let all the Churches that professe the name of Christ through the world be produced and there is none of them but have a forme of Religion which this libeller heere calls politicke and an imposed Religion and the observation of such formes are in all Churches exacted with some penalties and heereby all men may see that wee have not to doe with a confined Rebell that hath only disaffection to the Government of the place where he lives but one that accuses all Churches but his owne Conventicle to have litle ore no judgment in Religion and not acquainted with a thing so spirituall for the ground of this reproach is from his Majest resolution to vse formes in the publique duties of Religion in the Church The like amendment he sayes he promises in state not a step further then his reason and conscience told him was fitt to be desired wishing he had kept with in those bounds and not suffered his owne judgment to have been overborne in some things And this he sayes is to set vp an Arbitrary Government all Brittany to be chained to the conscience judgment and reason of one man as if those guifts were entayled vpon him with his Fortune to be a King Wee know not the Misteriâ—…s of this mans Religion otherwise we might demaund of him why the King should goe further then his reason and conscience directed him and why the libeller his Mates should hould it lawfull for them to spurne at al lawes both in Church and state vpon pretence of their reason and conscience against them he cannot deny to have â—…oue this they should doe well to shew how the King may goe against his reason conscience Is it intayled vpon him with his Fortune as a King to have lesse priviledge then they must he renounce his owne reason and conscience to the advice of a Parliament And must they controll him and the Parliament Surely the King must give an account to God for the Talents he hath lent him But how can the breaker conclude from the Kings forhearance of Acts wherein he is vnsatisfied in his conscience that is to set vp an Arbitrary Government when as nothing is introduced And why must not all Brittaine be chained to the judgment reason and conscience of the King as well as all Israell Gods owne peouliar people and not only all Brittaine but the whole world are Chained to the reason judgment and conscience of their Rulers be they one or many And the seducers would perswade vs that Brittaine could not be happy vnles it were reduced to its 〈◊〉 and governed by a multitude of Kings Religions God had promised peculiar assistance to Kings and Commaunds the peoples obedience to them the miseries of the Kingdome many be imputed in a greate part to what his Majest observed that he had suffered his owne judgment to be overborne in some things A Tyrant may make this pretense and it were in vaine for any Parliament to have reason judgment or conscience if it thâ—…arted the Kings will It were much more tollerable for a Tyrant to pretend conscience in governing then for a people to pretend conscience in rebelling and this libeller hath reprehended the peoples levitie and violence so sharpely as he cannot if he pretend reason subject the reason judgment and conscience of the Rulers to the controll of the subjects Because Tyrants may pretend conscience therefore by good logicque no King may vse it and because some Kings may not rightly governe therefore he will have the right judgment in the people which he so much despises and which as it hath been the meanes of the Rebells present power so it hath been in all ages the cause of confusion and miserie to states and Kingdomes The reason judgment and conscience of a Parliament is not therefore in vaine because not infallible it is most probable that a King will follow the best Councell but it cannot be presumed that in Parliaments the greater part will continue subjects if they may be Kings by saying they wil be and it was the wisedome of our Ancestours that would have no lawes made without the will of their King and they never trusted such as they chose further then to present their desires and offer their Councell vnto him and consent to what should be ordeyned by him with advice of the Lords it were in vaine to have a King if he were not impowred to judge of Councells or if lawes might be obtruded vpon him and the people without him The present Calamities testifie how vnhappily and absurdly a Parliament seekes to Commaund whose office is to Councell and pretend Councell vseles vnles they may deprive him whome they advise of the benifit of Councell taking away his power to vse it To what end doe they Councell if there be none to be Councelled but all to be commaunded That thus these promises made vpon experience of hard sufferings and his most mortified retirements being thorowly sifted containe nothing much different from his former practices His Majest expressions being thorowly sifted containe nothing in them but pious and Princely considerations and from this libellers owne mouth all men may see that his Majest practices against which they maliciously exclaime were consonant to Religion and Justice and only opposite to Trayterous and schismaticall licence It was the libellers profession to parrallell his Majest faire spoken words as he calls them to his owne farr different Actions and now his words and deedes being sifted by malice it selfe are not much different the libeller is some what ingenuous to discover his owne vanitie and falshood He leaves it to prudent foresight what fruites in likelyhood his Majest restorement would have produced We have seene already the fruites of the inhumane cruelties exercised vpon him and the continuance and encrease of those abominable impieties that attend such Actions where of the libeller makes a large profession who confidently obtrudes lavish lyes for knowne truths petulant insolence for sober sense maximes of villany for sound Arguments which are the bitter fruites of disobedience and Rebellion To that part of the section which he calls the devout of it and modelled into the forme of a private Psalter he objects nothing but his spleene that it is not to be admired more then the Arch-Bishopps late Breviary and other manualls and handmaides of Devotion and these he calls the lip worke of every Prelaticall leiturgist quilted out of Scripture Phrase with as much ease and as litle neede of Christian diligence or judgment as belongs to the compiling of any ordinary saleable
next if they were whether the King himselfe did not cause them Doubtles he would not have it beleived that there could be any Tumults nor any Rebellion against him for if there could be any he knowes themselves have committed it The knowne lawes allow noe causes of Tumults from provocation for if soe tumults may judge of lawes and law makers as these defended tumults presumed to doe His first cause is the Kings vnwillingnes to call the Parliament but theis tumults were after a parliament called His not enduring to be overswayed by them Were this a cause of Tumult or Rebelliō ther would never be cause wanting of such disorders in any kingdome or state when the Councells of kings must be subject to vulgar appeales Tumults must reforme the kings Judgment His often repeated imposture of the Kings tempting the English or scotch Armyes is grossely introduced for a cause of the Tumults when the Tumults preceded these suppositions and we may see what causes this man will have of Tumults that will make subsequent Actions the grounds of them The profering the fower northerne Counties to the scotts was an invention as ridiculous as the Authors commendation of an honest discovery of a thing never acted He formerly spake of Timpanies and Queene Maries cushion which might have caused him to have forborne such a grosse and exploded a forgery That the Parliament or people descerned a malignant partie was no other then the artifice of the conspiratours in Parliament to devise names which the people vnderstood not and suggest terrours to them from things that had not entred into their thoughts and of that nature was this name of malignant-faction brought foorth by the Junto to amuse the people but he might well remember that not as much as the name of malignant partie was hatch'd when the Tumults begun The Rebellion in Ireland was then broken out which was not till neere fix moneths after the insolence of the Tumults began and that Rebellion in all probabilitie tooke example and encouragement from these Tumults The imaginary conspiracie of Scotland while the King was there is not of a peece the tumults having preceeded the Kings journey thither that conspiracie he knowes vanisht into ayre could give noe more occasion of Tumults then of this Authors remembrance That greate numbers of vnknowne persons resorted to the Citie was as vnknowne to such as were then there as the persons to this Author and as such resort is knowne to be noe cause of such Tumults The King being returned from Scotland dismisses that guard which the Parliament thought necessary in the middest of soe many dangers to have about them It s true the conspiratours in Parliament eyther from the guilt of their consciences or advantage to their plots pretended apprehension of danger that they might have a guard which they might make vse of to execute their designes and affront the members of the house ◅hat refused to cuncurr to their plotts and therefore noe guard pleased them but such as were composed cheifely of such persons as made vp the Tumults The King dismissed the guard which the Parliament thought necessary put in another contrary to the priviledge of that high Court and by such a one commaunded as made them noe lesse doubtfull of the guard it selfe It s very likely that they had as litle doubt of danger from any other as from the guard for they sought to create dangers to others feared none to themselves but from their owne guilt It s well knowne there was not the least appearance of danger but from what that faction intended and such desire of a guard was noe lesse vnknowne then ridiculous to all former Parliaments and it was soe farr from being a priviledge to that high Court that the leaders of the faction in the lower house procured a vote to desire it of the king And how could it be contrary to the priviledge of that high Court for him to change the guards that had first placed them The guard which the king appointed was commaunded by the cheife officer of that guard and because he gave commaund to keepe of the Tumults therefore the Rebell faction concluded their busnies could not be done by such a guard nor such a Commaunder Which they therefore sayes he discharge deeming it more safe to sitt free though without a guard in open danger then enclosed with a suspected safetie And in what safetie sate they that were threatned and abused by those Tumults every day The visible cause of a guard was the Tumults but the cause why guards were desired was to act the same for which the Tumults were raysed and the danger pretended was a deceite for they that desired a guard would rather be without one then not have a Commaunder of their owne faction and the houses found noe inconvenience in the want of a guard but in the insolencie of the Tumults which the seditious faction invited would not have them hindred by any guards The people therefore least their worthyest and most faithfull Patriotts who had exposed themselves for the publique and whome they saw now left naked should want aide or be deserted in the middest of these dangers came in multitudes though vnarm'd to wittnes their fidelitie and readines in case of any violence offred to the Parliament It hath been aldeady observed that these Tumults preceded the desire of guards and they were soe farr from being acceptable to the Parliament thar the house of Lords desired their restraint and invited the lower house to concurre with them to suppresse these Tumults and though the factious partie withstood the motion yet it was thought necessary by a greate part of that house to joyne with the Lords in that desire And how could they wittnes their fidelitie to the Parliament when soe greate a part thought them a greivance And why did they menace and assault the members of both houses Why did they prescribe resolutions to the Parliament and in case their demaunds were not graunted denounce terrour to the opposers Is this fidelitie to the Parliament This Author neede not seeke such blinde excuses for Tumults that justifies open Treason noe doubt those his faithfull Patriots well vnderstood that their greatest danger was from the law which they had violated and they would be secure by subverting it and engaging multitudes in their owne guilt The king had reason to send into the Citie to forbid such resorts and nothing but sedition could encourage or permitt them The supposition of the kings envying to see the peoples love devolved on another object shewes that Rebellious inclinations were the desire and strength of the leaders in the lower house the envying may be properly changed into indignation that subjects should breake their dutie and become workers of their owne miserie such Tnmultuous licence had not soe much probabilitie to hinder any action of the King towards the Parliament as to ruine the Parliament kingdome The faction feared
theis disorderly absurd pretences are fit Apologies for a tumultuous rowt These petitioning people needed not have been so formidable to any but to such whose consciences misgave them how il they had deserved of the people and doe non forbid such petitioning people but those wose consciences misgave them how il they had deserved of the people why then were the kentish petitioners and others soe roughly handled comming vnarmed more peaceably then these Tumults And doe the libellers Masters permitt such petitioning people at present vnles it be some of their owne suborning And are the people which he soe lately described to to be exorbitant and excessive in their motions become such exact judges of al mens meritt and determine of punishment without respect to their Rulers If the libeller would have shewen what these Tumults wanted to make them Cryminall and wherefore other Tumults were condemned he would have found meanes to have come to himselfe have sayd that Tumults were necessary Preparations to Rebellion That the King was soe Empha◅icall and elaborate on this Theame will redound lesse perhaps then he was aware to the commendation of h◅ Government for in good Governments they happen seldomest and rise not without cause It is more then perhapps that this libellers commendation of the Tumults will condemne his defence If Tumults never happen without cause we must accuse the best Governments of giving that cause we are sure Davids Government wanted them not but Absolon and Sheba shall condemne the man after Gods owne heart Did this libeller thinke any truth in scripture or was he at all acquainted with it that will have a just cause for all Tumul s when we reade soe many against Moyses by the children of Israell And if he had pleased to have perused the Roman story he must acknowledge many causses Tumults in that state It s like he holds that Demetrius and his Craftsmen had a cause for their Tumults and surely it was not soe violent as the Tumult he defends And if all Tumults and Rebellions be caused by ill Government we may reasonably conclude that the people needed not Governours that knew soe well how to governe themselves and did never judge a misse of the Actions or Councells of their Governours The libeller at first said he tooke vp the gantlet for libertie and the Commonwealth which he hath now expounded to be for destruction of libertie and Kingdome by Tumults If they prove extreame pernicious that is the Tumults they were never counted so to Monarchy but to Monarchical Tyrany Who doubts but Rebels wil pretend Tyrany oppression Did ever reasonable man befor this vnreasonable creature pretend that Tumults were not pernicious to all governments can any mā conceive that they wil not grow extream if not prevented but left to their owne violence what is become now of his judgment of the peoples excessive and extravagant motions are there none in Tumults Can any Rebellion want a pretence if the extreamitie of it be a proofe of Tyrany in the Rulers There can hardly be supposed an assertion more vo◅de of truth modestie What publique wickednes was there ever acted to the subversion of Kingdomes but by Tumults How many vsurpations how many murthers of most vertuous Princes have been acted by Tumults But this libellet glories in those exploites of the rabble and makes the Calamities they have brought on others the matter of his mirth Extreames he sayes are at most Antipathy If then the King soe extreamely stood in feare of Tumults the inference will endanger him to be the olliert extreame Where doth he finde in his learning that Tumults and Tyrany are at any Antipathy which are but one and the same thing for was there ever greater Tyrany exercised then by Tumults And are not the lawes of all states most severe against Tumults And can there be any inference from thence that the Government is Tyrany are not Government and Tumults at most Antipathy It s a certen Rule that all watchfull Governours wil feare Tu◅ults The King had just cause to fea◅e the Calamities ensuing the violence of Tumults and this trifler vainely infers his fancied extreames from a prudent foresight and if there were noe other example of causeles and mischeivous Tumults then those the King complained of they only were sufficient to instruct the world vpon what mistaken rumours they are raysed and vnto what desperate impieties they proceede He never thought any thing more to presage the mischeifes that ensued then those Tumults To this sayes the libeller Those Tumults were but the milde effects of an evill and injurious Raigne Tumults the prodigious and pestilentiall raignes get vp in a milde and gracious Government wherein seditious and trayterous factionists take libertie to defuse their venom among the people and milde tumults and loyall Rebellion are phrases agreable to this mans modestie Those signes were to be read more apparent in his rage and purposed revenge of those clamours of the people That those tumults might overcome the patience of any King the severitie vsed vpon lesse provocations by others is a full evidence but his Majest moderation was constant rage and revenge being only legible in his Enemies That tumults did presage the mischeifes ensuing al knowing men concurr with his Majest and descerne the libellers servile defence of popular clamours Not any thing portends more Gods displeasure against a nation then when be suffers the clamours of the vulgar to passe all bounds of law and reverence to Authoritie to this he sayes it portends rather his displeasure against a Tyranous King As God sometimes gives an evilKing to a people soe whenever he destroyes that King by the contemptible vulgar it is a signe of the encrease of his displeasure and seldome or never was any King good or evill soe destroyed but the peoples sufferings were encreased That those whome he calls a supplicating people and that did noe hurt to law or authoritie but stood for it in the Parliament were a Rebell rabble cannot be doubted since the libeller defends them and he cannot be beleived they did noe hurt to law in as much as he defends the subversion of law and the attempts of this supplicating people that were in order to that end This supplicating is one of his abolisht Ceremonies The libeller tells that they ought to have stood for law the world knownes they did the contrary and he is wittnes both of their guilt and his owne falshood That they invaded the honour and freedome of the two houses To this he sayes It is his officious accusation not seconded by the Parliament who had they seene cause were best able to complaine And how were they able when they were threatned if they did complaine and because the Parliament is overawed by Tumults that they cannot complaine therefore their fredome is not invaded But how shamelesly he charges the King with the officious accusation he tells vs in the next words for
diseng age him greate summs were borrowed Which its well knowne was not to disengage the King but to advance the designes of the Traytours who dealt vnder hand with some of the Scotts to protract the Treatie that the charges might be encreast The errours of his Government had brought the Kingdomes to such extreames as were incapable of recovery without the absolute continuance of this Parliament They never did one act after that Bill but in order to the Kingdomes confusion and all men saw there were noe extreames to be recovered at the time of passing that Bill but the returne of the Scotts and the disbanding the faction in Parliament and the only recovery had been by setting an end to the Parliament which they that made it their propertie could not endure The King past these Acts vnâ—…illingly It cannot be doubted but the King foresaw the danger of both and the libeller might have seene in the first section of this Chapter that his Maj was not without doubt that what he intended for a remedy might prove a disease beyound all remedy and though to avoyde a Civill warr he made some concessions in hope to bring the people to see their owne good which might turne to his and their greater mischeife if by them ill applyed yet his Majest deserves prayse and thankes for such Acts of grace and the necessitie which this libeller soe impudently vrges to take of his Majest just thankes was the danger of a Civill warr which his Majest sought by these Acts to prevent and might have entred into with lesse hazard before the passing of these Bills then after The libeller only encreases the infamy of the Rebells ingratitude and his owne impudence by obtâ—…ding necessities to take of the Kings grace in passing those Bills and it had not the shape of a Masterly brow but gracious aspect in his Majest saying the greatnes of the obligation above their deserts that he had put vpon them by passing the first Bill and the Masterly brow suites not with the following scurrilous conceite that the kings recital of the obligation he had putt vpon them by that Act was as if he had beggd an office to a sort of his desertles groomes and these desertles groomes now Rule the new Republique there being none that had the least desert that would accept such a Traytorous office That the King passed the latter Bill to prevent the oncroase of the present disorders not out of consideration of the fittnes of that Bill he neede not spend time to prove and his consent was moved from the reason of the time not the matter and the â—…ller hath well observed that they had offended him much more after the passing of the former Bill which is not to their creditt but shame It was feare made him passe the Bill least the Parliament and people â—…neenfed by his conspiracies should resent his doings if he had added the deâ—…all of this only meanes to secure themselves Either his memory is short or his absurditie vnnaturall that soe lately said the kings feares were pretences and does he thinke that his Majest could feare their resenting more at that time then afterward besides his supposed fantasticall conspiracies were not as much as named or spoken of to Parliament or people at the time of passing that Bill and there cannot be imagined any cause of his Majest passing that Bill but his earnest desire to avoyde a Civil warr and assure his people of his purpose by committing so greate a trust vnto them neither can there be imagined other cause why the passing of that Bill was soe much importun'd by the Rebells but to secure themselves for being conscious of their owne guilt they knew themselves vnsecure vnles they gained a power over King and lawes The libeller cannot excuse neither the ingratitude nor disloyaltie of the Rebel partie in Parliament from the Kings consent to these lawes to present disorders and mischeifes which in themselves had not been fitt for his consent at another time and their insolence in binding him first of all his Predecessours shewes their corruption and guilt that would vse soe much violence difloyalite to a Prince whose gratious Government had least of all his Predecessours provoked it The King taxes them with vndoing what they found well done The libeller sayes They vndid nothing in the Church but Lord Bishopps Liturgies Ceremonies high Commission judged worthy by all true Protestants to be throwne out of the Church These Protestants which are true only to him will judge the like of all Kings and Rulers of State and all orders of the Church that are not of their Bedlem patterne These false Sectaries talke of Church true Protestants just as they doe of Parliament as long as it consists of their owne limbs it must be obeyed but if it dissent from their Commaunds then they are worse then Ceremonies in Religion Doubtles al true Protestants abhorre this den of Schismatickes that boast of their Rebellious defacing of the Church and hate their societie there having not been yet any true Protestant Church that ever pretended that Lord Bishopps Leiturgies Ceremonies or high Commission were worthy to be throwne out of the Church the greatest part of Protestants retaining the like They vndid nothing in the state but irregular and grinding Courts The Courts they tooke away were judged by al wisemen to have been profitable to the Kingdome and fitt to be continved and the best Governours sometimes graunt that to the peoples irregularities thereby to preserve them from proceeding to their owne ruine which were sitt to deny at another time it s their Zeale to publique safetie not feare and dissimulation as the libeller calls it It was a greater confidence of the people to put into one mans hand a power to Summon and dissolve Parliaments then the King put in the people by the Act of continuance of the Parliament And if the libeller could shew the Act whereby the people put that power in the King he had said some thing But how had they put it into his hands or what confidence was it if they might take it away when they list This man cannot see truth through his owne contradictions while he acknowledges the Kingly power to Summon and dissolve Parliaments forthwith adds that Kings could not dissolve Parliaments till all greivances were redressed and then where was the kings power to dissolve or the peoples confidence This is he sayes not only the assertion of this Parliament a strong proofe but of our ancient lawe bookes that noe man ever read which averr it to be an vnwritten law of Common right soe engraven in the hearts of our Ancestours and by them soe constantly enjoyed and claimed as that it needed not enrolling this is pretty poetry that because a law is no where to be found therefore it was engraven in the hearts of our Ancestours where are those law bookes But how many hundred yeares since was this engraving worne
libeller most reasonles and vnconscionable is the vtmost that any Tyrant ever pretended over his vassalls Tyrants were never esteemed by their pretences but by their Actions it shewes that these men knew not what Tyrany was who make a just right of all Governours the vse of reason Tyrany and that which never king was thought fitt to be denyed though Tyrants abused it Tyrany is in the abuse of power not in the rule of Government In all wise nations the Legislative power and the judiciall execution of that power have been distinct But never devided being allwayes subordinate one to the other the judiciall execution depending on the Legislative He makes an assumption If then the king be only sett vp to execute the law he ought noe more to make or forbidd the making of any law then other inferiour Iudges But if the king be set vp to make law by the advice of his Councell the Parliament can they make lawes without him but this Libeller that would be thought soe strong at Arguments talkes himselfe into contradictions and allowes the king neither the one power nor the other for he affirmes the king cannot judge and make lawes he must not and what will he conclude sure that his owne nation is not wise nor himselfe honest or rationall He cannot reject a law offred him by the Commons no more then make a law which they reject And hath it sense that because a man cannot doe an Act without the advice of another therefore he must doe what that other advises The man dictates and would be beleived though the Commons never did nor could offer a law to the king for he wel knowes it must passe the Lords before it come to the king but he was loath to mention the Lords least it should cry downe the noyse he hath made of the kings single judgment for the Lords house may not have a negative in his judgment notwithstanding their number But why is it offred the king if he may not reject it and whence hath it been that so many Bils have been rejected in al ages without any complaint When Kings come soe low as to fall vpon Philosophy which before he neither valued nor vnderstood is a figne they are then put to their last trump If the king had not valued nor vnderstood Philosophy he could not have made soe pertinent vse of it and if the Libeller had vnderstood Philosophy or valued truth he would have given better signes of it Could not his Majest discourse of his reason and will but it must be out of the way or above his abilitie But why is this a signe that kings are then put to their trump why the vse of Philosophy more then other learning Though kings come low Rebells will come to seeke corners to hide themselves He shewes not how Philosophy breakes the necke of their cause or how he hath made advantage of Philosophy against the king but we finde how his elaborate contradictions have broken the necke of his owne cause through out all his discourses The king sayes he cannot thinke the Majest of the Crowne of England to be bound by any Coronation oath in a blinde and brutish formalitie to consent to whatever its subjects in Parliament shall require And sayes the Libeller What Tyrant could presume to say more And the law it selfe Religion and reason never said lesse It cannot but be yeilded that the oath which bindes him to performance of his trust ought in reason to containe the summe of what his cheife trust and office is But what if it doe not is there an argument to be drawne from what the oath ought to be but is not The oath may containe the generall dutie of Justice right but it neither did nor could comprehend all the wayes of effecting it The libeller sayes that the Kings negative voyce is not contained in that oath But that oath oblidges him to governe by just lawes which comprehends a negative to all vnjust lawes and can it impose an obligation vpon the king of doing Justice and not give him a libertie of judging what is just or vnjust The Libeller sayes that his oath requires only his assent to those lawes which the people have already chosen or shall chuse there is noe such word in that oath and his mention of the Lattine and old English of that oath are of another sense that the libeller was conscious of therefore he sayes All reason admits that the people should not loose vnder a new king what freedome they had before but their freedome consists not in an exemption from soveraigne power It is the custome of Rebels to contradict corrupt al lawes vpō pretence of their private reason allow no reason but what concludes against just authoritie he wel knew there was not that double sense he assignes but we wil make his sens the kings oath if the peoples choise be referred to the time past it implies not that their choise was or ought to be a law though they had a choise in the laws made as stil they have they could not loose what they never had the Parliament which at first mētioned the kings oath acknowledged that as they did not determine the questiō how far foorth the king is obliged to follow the judgmēt of his parliament so as to conclude that a new law might be mad without his consent so they acknowledge that the contrary may be truly inferred out of al they had said That if the King deny what the Parliament hath chosen he makes himselfe superiour to his whole Kingdome And who doubts but he is doe not they which take the oath of supreamacie acknowledge it The libeller sayes the generall maximes of Policie gainsay it The general maximes of Rebellion doe but Policy cannot It is impossible in Policy that he to whome every soule must be subject should not be superiour to them all Our owne standing lawes gainsay it as hath been cited in Remonstrances that the King hath two superiours the law and his Court of Parliament The merit of those remonstrances are neere the rate of this libell though as yet they never mentioned such standing lawes if there had been such standing lawes the Author would have found them enrolled but that he doth not how absurdly such a pretence is obtruded whē the superiotie of persōs places is in quesstiō to name the superiority of law which holds comparisō with sciences not with persōs that the Parliament should be above the king who is the head of the Parliament without whom a Parliament hath no being is as Monstrous to reasō as law it is impossible that the law cā say that the king hath no superiour but God say that the Parliament is his superiour the king might wel say that this was blinde brutish formalitie and no part of the law his oath or dutie but such brutish formalities Rebells vse to blinde the people The
would they have done if he had denyed their demaunds shall we beleive they intended noe violence or shall wee beleive that they who had seised the forts and navy and vsurpt the Government would have vsed noe violence to his person when they had him if he plyed not with them It s true many were not wholy vnshamed at the first but the malice and ambition of others was sufficiently confirmed and the multitude easily falls by Example The King complaines that Civill warr must be the fruites of his seventeene yeares raigning with such a measure of Iustice peace plentie and Religion as all nations either admired or envyed The Libeller sayes for Iustice let the Councell table starr Chamber and high Commission speake the prayse of it Wee may be assured that malefactours will never prayse Court of justice we know Sectaries and seducers hated the high Commission and seditious Libellers the starr chamber conspiratours incendiaries the councells of Kings and there were noe Acts past in these places of such exception as the measure of justice which he enjoyed was not admired or envyed by all nations His mention of abolishing Parliaments detracts not from the measure of justice peace plentie and Religion we have found what injustice hath succeeded The displacing of honest Iudges he hath misplaced to detract from the justice of his Majest Goverment and as the placing of judges was in his Majest choise soe he might take notice whether their places might not be better supplyed by others and the change of two judges for that 's the number in seventeene yeares is beneath an exception his rayling declamation against corrupt Government being only in generall deserves not an answeare and the knowne prosperitie peace and plentie of the Kingdome are a sufficient confutation of such imaginary oppressions He sayes what peace was that which drew out the English to a needeles and dishonourable voyage against the spaniards at Cades It was that peace the Parliament desired and if the voyage proved successels his Majest by preventing further danger and preserving peace notwithstanding the miscarriage which must be the dishonour only of the managers sufficiently testifies how wel he deserved of his people for the continuance of their peace and safetie He askes next what that was which lent our shipping to a Treacherous and Antichristian warr against the poore Protestants of Rochell What is this against our peace at home and though there were shipps of ours vsed against Rochel t is sufficiently knowne they were not lent against Rochell and the Dutch shipps which were vsed as ours were not lent to a Treacherous and Antichristian warr He askes what peace was that which fell to robb the french by sea to the imbarring all our marchants in that Kingdome Is not this man madd that will charge the vse of the shipping against Rochell for a Cryme and call it a Treacherous and Antichristian warr and presently charge the King for making warr against the french vpon the ground of vsing his shipps against Rochell and call it a robbing of the french by sea and is it possible to avoyde the losse of Marchants in case of hostilitie He proceedes to cry out on that vnblest expedition to the Isle of Ree doubtfull whether more calamitous in the succes or designe Was not the designe in the favour of Rochell did they not desire it and yet he calls the ill successe of that Action the betraying all the flower of our military youth and best Commaunders to a shamefull surprisall all and execution And who betrayed them and to what purpose what advantage could his Majest have by such a losse And was the warr against Rochell Treacherous and Antichristian and the releife too But this Libeller is resolute to defie sence and reason now he hath spoken against the peace we enjoyed whereto doth it amount was there any interruption of our peace at home and was there not cause for these expeditions abroade If there were not the Parliament failed in their Councell to the King in advising the warr with spaine and complaining of the french for the misimployment of the shipps against Rochell If peace were intended vs at home what meant these billetted souldiers in all parts of the Kingdome Dot noth he know the meaning that mentions Cades and the Isle of Ree where they were imployed surely he is soe intent on words as he looses his Memory aswell as his other faculties But he hath found out a designe of German horse to subdue vs in our peacefull houses These German horse have made much noyse yet were never discovered and the King who was advised to make a warr in Germany and other places by the Parliament could not vse German horse but against England But what is all this to the greate measure of peace we enjoyed above other nations Can any man that reades this Libellers willfull impertinency judge other then that he fights blindfold who would extend these forraigne voyages which had not the face of warr at home and continved not beyound the fower first yeares of his Majest Raigne to diminish the measure of our peace soe long enjoyed and that in the middest of soe many miscarriages and conspiracies both at home and abroade For our Religion he sayes where was there a more ignorant prophane and vitious Clergie learned only in the antiquitie of their pride The pride of these Sectaries contemnes all learning antiquitie which condemnes their fantasticall presumptuous novelezing The learning of the English Clergie is too well knowne to the world to receive any disreput from the Streechinge of night oules and of Kats Noe wise man could see what was left for other nations to admire or envie but to pittie Other nations saw who had enough to cause them to admire our happines not to pittie our condition and of this there is a large Testimony But sayes the libeller wealth and plentie in a land where Iustice Raignes not is no Argument of a florishing state but of neerenes rather to ruine commotion The blessings of God peace and plentie are often turned into wantonnesse and wickednes by the people and are often a signe by the peoples abuse of ensuing ruine or commotion and of this the present condition of England is a greate Testimonie but it was never denyed to be the florishing state of any nation and he will finde litle creditt to his supposition that Justice Raignes not where there is wealth and plentie in a land There were not some miscarriages only of Government which might escape And of that nature are all the particulars gathred by him if they had been true but an viniversall distemper and reducement to arbitrary Government There was a distemper and disaffection to Government in many seditious seducers but an viniversall distemper and reducement to Arbitrary Government could not consist with the oppression of that tranquillitie and securitie of the people which was visible to all men the losse whereof brought on
by these Rebells is too late lamemted That his Majeest owned the Actions and protected the persons of men in highest favour with him is noe argument of this vinversall distemper no more then the vulgar cryes against rulers is an Argument of their miscarriage or the peoples moderation who will have persons removed from Government and yet not agree who shall succeede them It was an Argument of greate distemper in a people that cryed out against the Kings evill Councellours that could not judge of their Actions but of noe vinversall distemper in the Government neither could the king with pietie justice leave his Ministers to the malice of conspiratours and barbaritie of Tumults The king sayes whose innocent blood hath he shedd what widdowes or orphans teares can wittnes against him The Libeller thinkes he hath given an answeare by saying the suspected poysonnig of his Father not enquired into and he advanced who was aceused by Parliament to be Author of the fact and many yeares of cruell warr on his people in three Kingdomes It is a wonder to amazement that such whose language hath noe Limits of truth or modestie should not be able to forge a probable Calumnie the Records of the Parliament shew that noe man was accused for the poysoninge of the kings Father nor poysoninge named ct the fact was fully enquired into and all wittnesses examined that had any knowledge of Circumstances touching it and must this be the particular to prove the king guiltie of shedding blood We may see vpon what grounds they will draw blood that offer such pretences for taking the blood of their king Is it possible that a Tyrant in seventeene yeares Raigne could not be proved guiltie of the blood of one man And can a Rebellion be more apparently convinced then by the seeking a cause for it from the resistance that is made against it and the endeavour to suppresse it Was ever a cause soe barren of excuse that had nothing but it s owne guilt for defence But he hath found out a scotchman not vnacquainted he sayes with the affaires who affirmes that there hath been more Christian blood shed by the Commission approbation and connivance of King Charles and his Father Iames in the latter end of their Raigne then in the ten Roman Persecutions And is not this a doughtie authoritie what could he say more to prove himselfe a false varlett Whoever saw or heard of this shedding of Christian blood is it possible that soe much blood should be shed and noe man know it but this Scotchman Was all the world soe negligent to take notice of it and did the Scotchman and this Author thinke that the blood of the late warr made vp this number they may then expect vengeance vpon themselves and their bloody crew for it either heere or heereafter They value such as suffred in the ten persecutions at the same rate they doe their King and their conscience and if they thought persecution odious why doe they exercise a persecution vppon Christians as cruell as these persecuting Emperours He sayes not to speake of those many whippings and other corporall inflictions wherewith his Raigne alsoe before this warr was not vnbloody And is a Raigne bloody by inflicting death vpon robbers and murtherers or whipping and the Pillory vpon Cheates Infamous Libellers and seditious disturbers of Government but of these latter the number was very small not exceeding fower in seventeene yeares and these merited the punishment they had an higher had not exceeded their crymes Is the execution of law a bloody Raigne he findes none that suffred banishment nor any that died in prison but such as were restrained by ordinary Justice He cannot pretend an arbitrary power in any of this that the King infested the true Church is noe other language then what good Princes allwayes received from Sectaries who accuse allwayes for their restraint infesting the true Church but all men now see they are the malignant Compamy that infest the true Church the seducers of simple soules But he hath a proofe of blood above exception where no blood was drawne and that is the six members whome all men judged to have escaped no lesse then Capitall danger Doubtles they had merited Capitall punishment in the judgment of all knowing men That a just King may be offended for the escape of malefactours is easily beleived but that saying the birds are flowne argues much trouble is a secret to all men and a proverbe as often applyed in jest as earnest The libeller sayes that if some vulter in the mountaines could have spake he could not have vttered fitter words at the losse of his prey The excesses in blood and crueltie of theis Rebells cannot be expressed to the full by the savage nature of any Creature The grinning of doggs howling of wolves and hissing of Serpents are not more hideous to nature then the petulence of vile persons against kings are abominable to Religion and pietie Because Nero was vnwilling to sett his hand to the execution of a Common Malefactour and wishing he had not knowne letters he would prove the King prosecuting Traytours to have noe greate aversation to blood but it strongly proves a bloody conspiracie when the contrivers are held innocent and the King made the offender for seeking just punishment and the Triumphs of such as protected those persons and their impudent braving the King at his very doores argued their haste to the shedding of that blood which since hath covered the Land Touching the cause of the warr the King sayes It was not my withdrawing from whitehall for noe account in reason could be given of those Tumults where an orderly guard was graunted The libeller sayes that if it be a most certaine truth that the Parliament could never obtaine any guard fit to be confided in then some account of these pretended Tumults may in reason be given But if they be not only pretended but apparently Tumults there can be noe account given of them at least the libeller vndertakes it not and that they could not obtaine a guard fit to be confided in is false for they had a guard and Commaunder of their owne nomination though not the Earle of Essex The King askes whome did he protect against the Iustice of Parliament The Libeller sayes he endeavoured to rescue Strafford that was from their injustice if he had done soe But sayes the Libeller he endeavoured it though with the destruction of them and the Cittie commaunding admittance of new souldiers into the Tower And is it a necessary consequent that the admittance of new souldiers into the Tower were to the destruction of Parliament and Citie But did not such as like blood hounds wolves hunted the Earle of Strafford that they might not loose their prey and the sweetenes of their revenge in drinking his blood stirr vp the Tumults to the destruction of King Parliament and Kingdome What can be disputed with such a King in whose mouth
Authors descant vpon the Kings words of the incommunicable Iewell of his conscience discovers how he hath exposed his owne to the flatterie and slaverie of his Masters and had he thoughts of conscience he would not have valued it at the basest price The breeding of Most kings hath ever been sensuall and most humoured He speakes it of his owne sense and inclination to such base offices Kings have greatest cause to avoyde such breeding and persons of such condition The kings dissent from his whole kingdome is a supposition of that which never was and were impossible ever to happen but should it happen they that are governed must submitt to the governour and that by all the Rules of divine and humane law The Libeller saying the king preferrs his love of truth before the love of his people the Kings words are the love I have of my peoples place hath greate influence vpon me but the love of truth and inward peace hath more And who thinkes not that it ought to have soe For his search of truth he had gone amisse if he had rested on those propounders which the Libeller prescribes him And that vnaccountable Prerogative which the Libeller sayes is the truth he loves would have been judged a truth by the Libeller if he had reteined either feare of God or love to his Countrey It is our ill hap that three kingdomes should be pestred with one conscience which scrupled to graunt what the Parliament advised him But it was the miserie of the three kingdomes that a faction of depraved men that had cast away conscience should oversway the Parliament and demaund graunts for their owne ambition against the kingdome These scruples to many he sayes seeme pretended to others vpon as good grounds may seeme reall And to this it seemes the Libeller inclines for noe reason wil permitt that he should suffer soe much vpon a pretence of conscience It was the just judgment of God that he who was soe cruell and remorseles to other mens consciences should have a conscience soe cruell to himselfe And were not they that were soe cruell to his conscience condemned by their owne being heerein the instruments of hell to afflict the consciences of others but these miscreants can sport themselves with their owne siâ—…s and others sufferings Hath he made asmuch as a pretence of the Kings crueltie to any mans innocencie The Libeller recites that the King said he thought fit to deny some things in honour Policie though he could approve them which is not at al said by the King but that some things which a King might approve yet in honour Policie might be denyed at some time to some men And who doubts it can there be a want of such considerations in a King Good Princes thought it their happines to be allwayes graunting How could that be if it be true which he sayes they had nothing to graunt But good subjects never demaunded that which should make their King vnable to graunt any more He remembers himselfe now that good things were to be graunted for the things sake indifferent things for the peoples sake and he hath made it his continued Theame that the King could graunt nothing in favour but all was necessary in Justice and it is apparent that the kings large concessions invited these ingratefull Rebells to make those shameles demaunds which themselves knew noe king in honour Policie and Justice could graunt Vndoubtedly his Coronation oath bindes him to a generall and implicite consent to whatever the Parliament desired And then vndoubtedly the king must be in worse condition then any subject for noe man but he is bound to such a blinde obedience and it is a strange blindenes in this man to offer such a thing to be beleived which himselfe holds incredible for he sayes the Kings oath cannot binde him against necessary reformation And can it then binde him to make wicked lawes which must be reformed Is the Parliament infallible may they not make ill lawes What is the reason that the Libeller and his Sectaries would not give obedience to Acts of Parliament vpon pretence of conscience ought the king to consent to such lawes as the subjects ought not to obey The King ought not to vie wisedome with the Parliament and why then doe the Libeller and his Sectaries vie wisedome with all former Parliaments Any of the Parliament may as farr excell him in the guift of wisedome as he them in place and dignitie But it s very vnlike and neere to impossible especially if we looke to the experience of all times and it is often found that a King is wiser then all his Councell And though the libeller say sure it was not he meaning the King as wise men as any of his Councell or Parliament thought it was he never good subjects contended with their King for that comparison The king sayes that that were as if Sampson should have consented to put out his eyes that the Philistins might with more safetie mocke and abuse him And this sayes the Libeller out of an vnwise or pretended feare of scorne for yeilding to his Parliament he gives cause of suspition that he made a scorne of his Regall oath Could any man suspect that his Regall oath bound him to such a dispicable slavery that a king should be in greater bondage to his Parliament then any vassall to a Lord a king might justly scorne such an oath that would make him scorned by all when he had taken it but the Libeller had noe better answeare and therefore retreates to his Common refuge of insignificant repetition The King sayes to exclude him from all power of denyall seemes an arrogance The Libeller adds in the Parliament he meanes and askes what in him then to deny against the Parliament It is no arrogance to deny in him that is asked but arrogance in him that askes to receive noe denyall The king sayes its least of all becomminge those that make their addresses in a humble and loyall way of petitioning who by that confesse their inferioritie which oblidgeth them to rest if not satisfied yet quieted with such an answeare as the will and reason of the superiour thinkes fitt to give To this the Libeller sayes petitioning in better English is noe more then requesting or requiring And is it not good English to call our prayers pititions and is it better English to say wee require when we pray and is requesting and requiring the same in good English Is the petitioning of his new Masters requesting or requiring Men require not favours only but their due and that not only from superiours but equalls and inferiours It s the first time that such requiring of favours was heard of and a sorry inference that because men require of â—…qualls they may of superiours and that there is noe difference betweene superioritie of Government and superioritie in fortune or Title It was called petitio consulatus when the noblest Romans went about and
Libeller to call to his aide the petitions and addresses composed by the faction in Parliament when himselfe accuses them for want of wisedome and integritie and whoever reades these addresses will easily finde not only cause to suspect the truth of what they say but plaine proofe of fals hood and hipocrisie That the whole Parliament conspired against the King he never said and the author well knowes that it was a potent faction only to whome the King imputes this injurie though their being elected to that place is no exemption from a possibilitie of errour Cryme and we have seene it beyound doubt that this faction conspired to blow vp the peoples affâ—…ions towards him and batter downe their loyaltie by the Engnies of fowle aspersions and have acted what the powder plot intended The King offers not to purge himselfe by any other Arguments then such whose proofe is visible to all the world and the silliest people see how they were cheated by factious Artists The Kings Arguments are not only demonstrable to the best but obvious to common vnderstandings and it cannot be expected that such as are resolute in wicked courses will aske forgivenes or have it The world knowes the King when he wrote this expected the Rebells crueltie but feared it not and there was not cause to vse insinuations which were not to be divulged till his death Tyrants and vsurpers are forced to flatter but it s a wicked slander to charge him with flatterie that is feareles of crueltie This Libeller prophanely descants on Scripture as he doth apparently vpon the Kings misfortunes for â—…pon the Kings saying that he could willingly be the â—…nah for restoring his peoples 〈◊〉 if he did not foresee that by the diâ—…erests of their and his Enemies as by contrary windes the storme of thâ—…ir miseries would rather be encreased then allayed The Libeller sayes these windes were neâ—…heard heard of in the compasse And it s very likely never regarded by those who never guided themselves by other compasse then sea robbers that make prey only their compasse But were not these divided mindâ—… heard of when he spake of Arch presbitery and other subdivisions And these windes he sayes were pretended to be foreseene 〈◊〉 he should be taken at his 〈◊〉 The King foresaw their intended murther and though he feared it not his word never was to be taken to make himselfe accessory to his Enemies impietie But that controversie he sayes divine lot hath ended Suffering and Martirdome hath been the lot of the righteous but Gods controversie with their persecutors is not thereby ended and the Libeller râ—…kons too soone the end of his controversie that entitles God with such Actions The Kings knowledge is sufficiently evident and he hath distinguished the venerable gray hâ—…ires of ancient Religion from the old scurfe of superstition and the vertigo of novell prophanes And the whole some heate of his well governing shewes his judgment in state Phisike and while Emperickes and horse leaches tooke vpon them to amend the body they turned the equall temper of it into the feaverous rage of Tâ—…ing There neede noe oracle to tell who heated the furnace of this obloquy it is sufficiently confessed and they that endured Nobuchadnezars furnace might have warned this Libeller to have abstained from that allusion for if the oracle of truth God himselfe commaunded the Jewes to be subject to Nebuchadnezar notwithstanding his golden Image and madnes The libeller might see his litle witt ill applyed in making the question who deserved to be throwne in Nebuchadnezar or his three Kingdomes And this high conceite of his deserves the fieric furnace that would perswade three Kingdomes they might cast in their King If his greate seale were not sufficient without the Parliament to create Lords his parole must be vnable to create learned and Religious men Surely this man doth not see what he sayes for it is a confessed truth that the kings greate seale without Parliament was sufficient to create Lords and though his judgment could not create men yet by the choise he made men are satisfied he descerned them better then they that would vndertake to point them out The opposition proceeded from heads farr wiser and spiritts of a nobler straine then â—…pular preachers And are not their buffe and sword preachers popular preachers And are those wiser heads and nobler spiritts the Creatours of preachers And hath the tub overturned the pulpitt The Priest led herodians with their blinde guides are in the ditch already These are the constant Testimonies of the Libelleâ—… reverence to Scripture and things sacred what 's become now of the advice of the Parliament and three Kingdomes He was very much â—…verseene that would have divided interests such vnknowne windes and heere blowes away his brother Presbiterian for a Priest-led herodian and blinde guide travelling as he thought to sion but moor'd in the Isle of weight And we see that these who began first with the Bishopps will at last have noe Presbiters at all but pretend with the Rebells against Moses that all the congregation is holy and will sayle by the winde of their owne braines without Card or Compasse Factions are not only like Mathematicall Lines allwayes divisible but perpetually dividing The Kingdome of England cannot acknowledge the wisedome of those heads from whome the designe of destroying King and Kingdome proceeded men willfull for mischeife are farr from wise heads nor is insolence or inhumanitie a Testimony of noble spirits Popular preachers now see they were deceived in their owne judgments and abilities to governe aswell as of the goodnes of the lawes they were governed by and the persons to whome they owed subjection and that their planting of disaffection to the Church of England in the people could not attract reverence to them but an attendance vpon vsurpers who made vse of such preaching to improve the peoples disobedience to their lawfull Rulers and they may now see that aversion to the Church is a false measure of sinceritie and that their followers after the shaking of their lawfull governours call them by whose ill principles they were misledd blinde guides and while this Libeller would seeme to be a Christian he not only seekes to make the name a reproach but the miseries thereof a scorne whence comes his allusion of Priest-led herodians but from the passage touching the place of our saviours nativitie enquired of the Priests by herod travelling to sion is not the subjects of common pasquils The Kings letter to the Pope imports nothing to his purpose and all men now see that Religion is not at all in their thoughts and that these repetitions are vulgar scare crowes The innovations alledged by professed schismatickes that innovate at vnquestionably demonstrate their owne confutation His vsing the assistance of some Papists in setling protestantisme was vnseemely and suspicious But the vse of them against such as would vnsetle the Civill Government and destroy the King vnder pretence of
vnder Episcopacie the extent of the Christian Religion over soe greate a part of the world doth sufficiently testifie the corruption of many in that order doth not take away the benifitt of it which acrewed vnto the Church by the labours of others and all ages have recorded persons of greate learning and holines of life in that order He talkes againe of the Kings Coronation oath to give vs such lawes as our selves should chuse when he knoweth that the clause which he pretends to be in that oath imports noe such thing nor was that oath wherein the clause is pretended ever ministred to the King nor diverse other Kings nor ordeined to be soe In likelihood they were neerer amendment that sought a stricter forme of Church discipline then that of Episcopacie But they that sought to remove Episcopacy would have the Church discipline in their owne hands that it might be loose and in likelyhood they would not be strict to themselves his boasting of what the Scotts could worke by power shewes that he regards nothing right but power and soe he can prevayle despises all Justice and conscience Vpon the VXBRIDGE TREATIE THat men may treate like beasts aswell as fight noe way opposes his Majest Aphorisme which affirmes Treaties a retiring from fighting like beasts to agreeing like men Treaties being managed only by the vse of reason fighting by force and his Majest spake of the nature of Treaties not the abuses of men in them and though some fighting may be manlike yet the Act is common to beasts rationall Treaties cannot The Kings march and fight at Brainford the Libeller would make a thirst of warr though in the rigour of Marshall law it might have been excused in a naturall Enemy that makes a trade of warr And may as justly be defended in the King whome that faction which proferred a Treatie to him at Cole-brooke intended to surprize him having disposed their forces in such places as must have effected it if he had not speedily prevented it by that onset What he intimates touching Oxford Bristow and scarborrow naming noe particulars he can expect no answeare whoever lookes over the memoriall of passages touching Treaties will finde that the Kings offers were soe large as nothing but desire of peace could have moved him to it and nothing but guiltines and ambition could be the cause of their refusall That the faction in Parliament would have compelled him to part with his honour as a King the Libeller denyes not but askes what honour he had but the peoples guift yet he seekes to defend the Actions of theis villaines as defending themselves and resorts to his common principles that Kings are but the servants of the people who may dispose of their Kings and their honour as they thinke best And by his doctrine the King and people must be the prey of every powerfull Traytour It neede not be repeated that the peoples welfare consists in supporting the rights of their King and that it is their miserie to deprive themselves of him and turne into confusion and slavery to vsurpers And it is Monstrous that a kings highest Court sitting by his regall authoritie should bandie themselves against their soveraigne and like vipers eate out the bowells of their parent fighting against that power which gives them being and by an vnnaturall malice of the members to the head cast the whole body into an incureable consumption This insolence and presumption of the pretended Parliament hath brought the loose rabble and lawles Army to despise the representation which they soe much magnifie and doe that vnto them which they did vnto their king It cannot be doubted that subjects cannot with dutie treate on equal termes with their king and the practice of all times makes it manifest that none but Traytours attempted it and it was a sufficient proofe of the kings desire of peace that he sought a Treatie where a submission was due to him The Kings instructions were to bribe their Commissioners with promise of securitie rewards and places How he proves such instructions he tells vs not but we are sure that the demaunds of their Commissioners were securitie rewards and places for they would have all in their power There were but three heads of the Treatie Ireland Episcopacie and the Militia the first was forestalled by a peace that the King might pretend 〈◊〉 word against the Parliaments Arguments And if there had not been a peace made it was a most detestable Rebellion and blood thirstie crueltie to continue an intestine warr against the King and his people of England vnles a few Tribunes might have the management of that warr in Ireland and exclude the King from any interest in that kingdome and yet this must be a defensive warr on the Rebells part The King bids the Queene be confident he will never quit Episcopacy which informes vs by what patronage it stood And how could that informe you even as well as the Kings telling her that Religion was the sole difference betweene them informes you that the Queene directed him in matters of Religion The sword he resolves sayes the Libeller to clutch as fast as if God with his owne hand had put it into his And there is noe doubt but he had and it was a Rebellious wickednes in that faction which sought to wrest it from him in despite of Gods ordinance and their owne sworne subjection In all these the King had reason honour and conscience on his side and his pretence that the Queene was Regent in all these is farr from credible when causes to the contrary are soe obvious to every vnderstanding The Libeller himselfe professes their intentions to take away the Kings right and would suggest to the world that it was only the Queenes Councell that he would preserve his Crowne Wise men could judge the composure likely to be more miserable then happy But these wise men were taught by their guilt never to thinke themselves secure and to preferre their power before their conscience and the Kingdomes peace The English were called Rebells during the Treatie And why not till the Treatie had made an abolition of their offence for did they forbe are any of their reproachfull termes or Rebellious actions against the king and his partie during the Treatie The Irish were called good and Catholique subjects And that some of them might be though the Libeller cannot produce the instance of it The Parliament was called a Parliament for fashions 〈◊〉 and in the Counsell bookes enrolled noe Parliament That it was no Parliament all knowing men agree and the enrolling of their opinions that held it noe Parliament was noe injury to the Treatie and the Kings appellation of them a Parliament because they would not be treated with otherwise gives them noe right nor shutts vp him from that opinion of their condition which was true and reall Christians treate with the Turke by those appellations he will be called by though they doe not
advise the Legislatour and when the two houses desire the King that it may be made a law by the King with their consent is it not absurd that one house should say all the Legislative power is in them But there neede noe proofe of their transgressing old establishments when they confesse it It s like the Rebells thinke their heaven heere and they doe not much value the losse of the other and noe man is troubled with his censure to whome Charitie and truth are alike despicable The Libeller that scoffes at the seeking of heaven in forma pauperis shewes his value of heaven and seekes none but that which is to be found in forma proditoris He thinkes to take of the horror of their death that dyed in willfull perjury and Rebellion against the king by raving against the kings partie who he sayes died most frequently with oaths and other damning words in their mouths And is soe impotent to hope that the Calumnies of a perjured wretch will finde creditt for were he not distempered by hellish delusion or sottishly drunken he would not soe stupidly affirme that it was notorious that they who were hottest in his cause the most part of them were men oftner drunke then by their good will sober it being a knowne truth that men of most eminent sobrietie were hottest in the kings cause theis traytours never forbare any wickednes by their will but for their ends The king neede not a discovery to the state of their consciences more then by their Actions that fought against him and he might justly beleive they had never the better of him in their owne consciences where they were more affraid to encounter those many reasons from law alleagiance and Christian grounds then in a desperate bravery to fight And is it to presume more then a Pope to say this But he that will not sticke at open falsification will not sticke to slander thoughts and offer conjectures for convertions such as were most zealous in his Majest cause had a sobrietie vnblemishable by a Traytours malice and were not only free from druken distemper but brutish insolence and brazen impudence which the Rebells rather affect then repent of And is there not a just cause that the consciences of many should grow suspitious and corrected by the pretentions of the misnamed Parliament now proved false and vnintended What 's become of their making a glorious King lawes of the land priviledges of Parliament Doth not every man see they are all in the dirt among the Libellers Ceremonies But they never pretended to establish his Throne without our Libertie and Religion nor Religion without the word of God ◅or to judge of lawes by their being established but to establish them by their being Good and necessary They never pretended that his throne was inconsistent with libertie or Religion nor to judge of lawes otherwise then by being established But who must be the Dictatours the Parliament which is crumbled into a close Committee and state Counsell or any rabble that shall say this or that law is not good and therefore to be repealed though established he ought to have concluded that they never pretended priviledge of Parliament further then the subterranean junto or the Tumults should judge necessary To pray and not to governe is for a Monke not a King But is prayer inconsistent with Government Those men will accuse the King for being a Christian and have as litle love to prayer as obedience a monke will better governe then such a man pray who is constant to malice falshood and this man that sayes to governe by Parliament justisies his Rebellion to take away Kinglie Government His legislative Parliament and oppressed lawes cannot be admitted where other answeare is wanting but the Libeller hath long since thrust the force of them out of doores by his many prevarications confining them all in the Cabinet of his owne braine which must determine whether they be good and necessary He is constant to Iohn of Leidens principles that must take away other mens goods for doubt of ill vsing them and because the King sayes he feared the temptation of an absolute Conquest therefore it was pious and friendly in the Parliament to resist him Their pietie and friendshipp were much alike and the Libellers Riligion might come in for a share It s very probable that this warr had never been if the Act for continuance of the Parliament had not been consented to by the King and that Act might stopp the mouth of any reasonable man from saying there was such a power in the two houses as the Libeller dreames of that desired that Act from the King and it was never heard in our story that ever Parliaments made warr against Kings as Tyrants or otherwise for how could they make awarr that neither could nor ever did pretēd to sit longer then their King pleased the immodestie ingratitude of the present Rebells have farr exceeded the worst Examples He is obstinate to his principles and feares to attribute anything to the Kings concessions or denyall and had he graunted lesse in all probabilitie himselfe and the Kingdome had suffred lesse It cannot be doubted but the Libeller will invert whatever the King sayes and it is a greate adventure that he sayes the sins of their lives not seldome fought against them and wee have greate cause to beleive their prosperitie did noe lesse that continue hardned in soe execrable a cause The King sayes he desires not any man should be further subject to him then all of vs should be subject to God And this Mountebanke holds this a sacriledge worse then Bishopps lands for he sayes he desires asmuch subjection as is due to God and so desires noe lesse then to be a god And is subjection to Princes in the Lord subjection to them as God And doth the King desire otherwise that would have them noe otherwise obey him then that they might obey God renouncing all obedience that consists not with obeying God but sale worke must be slight and the Libeller would not exceede his hire The Rebells desiring the Kings acquittall of them for the blood of the warr confirmes their guilt not their innocence Though God impute not to any man the blood shedd in a just cause in respect of the ground and reason of doing it yet there may be temptations vnto naturall infirmitie in acting a just cause and the King was not without a sense of such danger therefore the Libeller wretchedly beggs an argument of his guilt from his prayer not to have blood imputed to him Vpon the REFORMATION Of the Times Noveltie and perturbation are justly condemned not only by Christians but morall men and it is a noveltie taken vp only by Sectaries that would confine all Religion to their owne frensy and reject the vniversall consent of all times and places and not only boasting of the truth of their owne delusions but obtruding them vpon the world threatning fire
reasonable and askes why they should feare it and such as intend not reconciliation with God thinke they have noe neede to be reconciled to men Their fact is not parallell to Chams revealing his fathers nakednes for the King at that time could not be esteemed the father of his Countrey nor had ever merited that Title And might not Cham have said soe to his father aswell as doe what he did But they who acknowledged that Title due to him as the Parliament did and gave it him as their King cannot excuse themselves from a sin parallell to Chams nor from the merit of his curse The Libeller professes aversenes to all reconciliation vpon pretence of Justice to the lives of them that dyed for the freedome of their Countrey and yet he will not professe to want Charitie and why then is it mockery with God for the King to pray that God will judge his cause and that the evill they intended returne on their owne heads that they may be ashamed and covered with their owne confusion as with a cloake the King forgave his Enemies but still prayed vnto God for the vindication of his innocencie by the conviction of those false accusers and this is not to wish them that evill which hinders Charitie but prayer for that favour of God which protects innocencie and that livery of detraction and confusion the Libeller will rather weare then exchange it for the robe of righteousnes whose malice to the living not Justice to the dead drawes theis hipocriticall pretences from him Vpon his GOING to the SCOTTS IT was not an excuse but a reall intelligence that the King had of their consultations at London designing mischeife to his person if he came there The junto did not vse to proclaime their Councells neither was it pretended they did and though necessitie Counselled the King to adventure vpon their loyaltie who first begun his troubles yet the rigour of the English Rebells drew on that necessitie and the Kings comming to the Scotts might worke if there were any remainders of loyaltie to devide those who were only joyned by an vnlawfull and dissembled confederacie and it had not been an Act of malice but prudence to resolve vpon such an hope for friends they could not be that are contemned for an hireling Army paid not in Scotch coine but English silver jeered with their Brotherly assistance and monthly pay and a right vnderstanding os the disaffection to the English Rebells towards them might recall them to their dutie to the king and withdraw them from their disloyall combination The scotts needed not armies to defend their libertie conscience which were never invaded the charges were not out of charity to them but for the necessitie of those who sent for the scotch assist̄ace he il pretēds a cause for the scotts mistrust of the king in that case where a ground of suspitiō could not be imagined judges others by his own obduratiō that loyaltie once broken is rather tempted to a finall shipwracke then preserved by an opportunitie to recover it Providence doubtles is never cousened but deceivers though they falsifie their faith to others must expect that as their falshood was permitted soe it will receive its detection and demeritts The man thinkes much that their profest loyaltie who fought against their King should be called a riddle and as it was a very darke one to generall vnderstanding soe if they had preserved the Kings person being in their power they had given some solution doing what they said of their loyaltie not what their former Actions imported And doth not the Libeller say its ridiculous that they whose profest loyaltie led them to direct armes against the Kings person should thinke him violated by theit murther of him which he calls Justice who vnderstands not that so necessitous may be the state of Princes that their greatest danger may be in their supposed safetie and their safetie in their supposed danger But he would have that the only way for the Kings preservation was to sacrifise his reason honour conscience not to have run such hazards though his Majest left his force he resolved not to leave his conscience and change an outward for an intestine warr and Rebells desist not from their violence whether he strive or yeilde If he contend he is bloody if he yeilde he is wily if he offer reason he is obstinate If he acknowledge he is guilty and thus the players of a Rebell game having irrecoverably lost honour conscience play on still to gaine power increase guilt The words of a King are full of power by the law and that law is not like the Nazarites locke of sampson but an anointing they have from God which is inseperable though Rebells like the faithles harlot cut of his force and Armies yet the right of his power is inseperable and if these Traytours had looked to precept or Example they might have found that a Kings word had power and their persons reverence without respect to the merit of their Actions David pretended not that Saul had not authoritie of law when he persecuted him without a cause when Sauls life was in his power The King appeales not vnto Libellers and common pasquills to judge of his reason such ' as are offended at the name or estimation of reason are likely to have a small part in it Monuments of his reason appeare as thinly in his Actions and writting as could be expected from the meanest parts bred vp in the middest of soe many wayes extarordinary to know something Surely the Monuments of the Libellers irrationall assertions appeare very thicke in this whole discourse and men may be amazed at his folly that makes him run into soe many absurdities to avoyde the confession of truth how often hath he objected to the King that his breeding could not enable him to judge of matters and heere would advance his breeding to abase his parts but such as reade the Kings booke and his will see Monuments enough of his Majest reason and the Libellers absurditie and impudence The Kings deliberations touching his leaving Oxford though mature yet foreseene to be of doubtfull event and therefore vainely observed by the Libeller to contradict his prayer Though I know not what to doe yet mine eyes are towards thee Wicked men contemne Princes and God causeth them to wander in the wildernes where their is noe way The punishments vpon Princes are most frequent for the wickednes of the people whereby they come to confusion and have many rulers but it was a willfull falsification of the Libellers to cite a Text as spoken of Princes that was altogeather applyed to the people Psalme 107. Vpon the SCOTTS Delivering the KING to the ENGLISH THis objecting of selling the King by the Scotts is soe fowle an infamy as befitts none to vindicate but themselves In the meane time the Libeller thinkes he may say with the high Priests to Judas confessing
murder to take away his life whome the king had pardoned and we finde that though Jacob curst the rage of his two sons yet he put them not to death for the murder of the Sichemites A law must be founded in vnrighteousnes if the people doe not punish their Rulers as the Rulers them And such a law is contrary to those Rules of righteousnes God hath prescribed and is the destruction of mankinde not any law at tall and this man feares not to charge God with vnrighteousnes that forbidds evill speakinge of their Rulers though wicked and vnjust and scoffes at his ordinance calling anointinge a Charme Can any man of Common reason imagine that a people wil be obedient vnto any whome they have power to punish or that subjection can consist with such a condition The anointinge of Abiathar to be a Priest did not exempt him from the power of the King And can any reasonable man thinke that any but the King could have vsed that power vpon Abiathar or that because the King who was anointed to that office over the Priest was subject to the like from his people or any private man as this Atheist will have it David as a private man and in his owne cause feared to lift vp his hand against the Lords anointed but this Cannot forbidd the law nor disarme Iustice from havinge legall power against any King This sheweth that divine law forbadd all men to take the Armes of justice without or against the King who is referred to Gods justice and justice hath noe Armes but his power What David feared he judged all others had cause to feare who can touch the Lords anointed and be innocent If David were a private man being anointed King who was a publique man But what David feared these wretches despise and Count this forbearance of David a ceremony which he might have forborne If David feared in his owne cause to lift vp his hand against the Lords anointed the Libeller is his owne judge and must be his tormenter that makes an impious defence of those that lifted vp their hand against the Lords anointed in their owne cause and were by his owne confession but private men and he would have their exorbitance and disobedience to law vnblameable Was David a more private man then they All supreame Counsells in other formes of Government that have not a Monarch claime this priviledge of exemptiō from their subjects Judicature b◅t those gracelesse Rebells hold nothinge sacred the place of Gods vicegerent they wil have to be an enormous priviledge and blow away Religion justice like Chaffe with the blast of their fancie though they pretend the strength of it above that of Kings He hath done with Scripture he descends now to saint Ambrose excommunicatinge Theodosius he will allow the Bishopp to be a saint for this fact though his calling were Prelaticall and vnlawfull in his judgment But what is spirituall excommunication to the puttinge of a King to death This fact of saint Ambrose is noe Rule Though Christian Bishopps refused to give the holy misteries to Princes in cases of sins they did not presume to make a Civill seperation betweene them and their people and will the Libeller allow the Bishopps to be more publique persons then Christ and his Apostles and to doe what they would not He that makes such outcryes against Popery heere takes vp the most scandalous doctrine that any of them maintaine and which the most sober disclaime and takes vp those Arguments which the Jesuites vse for the Clergies and Popes power over Princes yet the man would be accounted a zealous Protestant The examples of excommunication by the brittish Bishopps saint Germaine Oudeceus the clergy of Morcant might be al true but nothing to the purpose nor are their excommunications Rules for Christian practice neither can there be any inference of deposing or murderinge Kings from such Actions But sor the greater Credit he sayes the facts of theis Brittish Bishopps were before we had Communion with the Church of Rome And may not he looke on himselfe and his crew with horrour for vilysying and reproaching the calling of Bishopps as Papell and Antichristian and yet confesse it to be before we had any Communion with the Church of Rome What power of deposinge Kings and consequently of putting them to death was assumed and practised by the Canon law he sayes he omitts as a thing generally knowne Why would he not tell by whome it was practised would that discredit the Authoritie What power the Popes practised in deposinge Kings is generally knowne and detested by all good men being Actions contrary to all lawes but of their owne making But did the people of England expect that all the promises of Reformation made by the late Parliament would end only in approvinge the Tyrany and vsurpation of the Pope over Kings and justifying of the powder plot and are all the complaints of the Protestant Divines against the practice of the Popes become impertinent Clamours But such a defence is suteable to the cause Whole Councells have decreed that a Counsell is above the Pope though by them not denyed the vicar of Christ and wee may be ashamed in our cleerer light not to descerne further that a Parliament is above a King It were a shame to vs if we should not descerne the difference betweene the independent power of Kings and the vsurped power of the Pope and this breaker wants shame that pretends cleerer light and opposition to Rome and yet begg Examples from it Such as preferred the authoritie of Counsells above the Pope had their warrant from the ancient Counsells which knew not the vicarshipp of the Pope different from his brethren And had these Counsells thought him Christs vicar and infallible as the Romanists now maintaine their conclusion of the Counsells superioritie could not consist with their premisses being much alike this Authors ordinary Arguments But what resemblance has a Counsell of the whole Church to the Parliament or Counsell of a particular kingdome By the lawes of some kingdomes there are noe Parliaments at all and in Counsells they are not subjects but brethren to to the Pope as they anciently stiled themselves and they anciently convened and departed without any leave from him but in the English Parliament they are all subjects to the king and their places were by his institution and the kings calling any convention for advice doth not alter the qualitie of subjection He comes now to humane lawes and by them he will prove a divine truth The judgment given against Orestes either at Athens whose king he was not or in any other Countrey where he was but a Titular proves nothing though the story were Authenticke and the proceedings legall but popular furies though occasioned by their Governours Crymes are not Examples of imitation Solons lawes belonged not to kingly Government neither were the kings of Sparta Monarchs nor Licurgus a King indeede though he had
controversie but his very devotions and instructions to his son seeme a Challenge Evidence of worth in the sufferer torments the persecutour and they cannot rest while the vertues live though the bodies are laid in the dust by their wicked hands But he wil take vp the gantlet that no man threw downe though a Kings He lately said Kings were puny Antagomists and no honour to begotten by writing against them and now he will take vp the gantlet though a Kings it seemes he reckons it a condescention to stoope to take vp a Kings gantlet those todes that thus swell wil breake with their owne venom This Authors pen shewes what libertie he loves to endure no justice towards the living or Charitie to the dead and to breake those fetters of modestie and truth wherein a Christians libertie consists Those pests of Government allwayes talke of libertie but it s only a licence to exercise their own inperious Tyrany over the people and when fire breakes out of the bramble to consume the Cedars nothing can be expected but insolence and crueltie wee have seene the libertie vnder the Rebells in England which is to rayle and Rebell against the King and destroy such as are loyall He saies its the drift of a factious and defeated partie to make the same advantage of his booke as before of his name authoritie and intend not so much the defence of his former Actions as promoting future designes Those whome he calls a defeated partie in so great contempt are never the neerer a faction for the successe that confessed Rebells have gained over them Though Armyes have been defeated a good cause can never and though he would have his Trayterous faction believe them that followed the king a defeated partie yet it seemes by his jealosie him selfe doth not Tyrants cannot sleepe while lawfull heires survive and the guilt of their consciences and vsurped power make their Enemies as terrible after they have lost Armyes as before When Rebells prevaile they declaime against Treason and in contempt of God and their consciences reproach such with their Crymes that most oppose them in their first Actions they made vse of the Kings name and authoritie their declarations cannot be retracted wherein they profest to be for King and Parliament that they fought not against the king but his evil councell The Cryme offighting against the king was a Treason so knowne that shame as well as feare would have lessened their partie had they not made vse of the kings name pretended his authoritie and vnles they thinke that their assertions of apparent vntruths will have the same power over the reasons of men as their Armes have gotten 〈◊〉 their persons they would not patch vp discourses 〈◊〉 such incongruities objecting that the kings partie 〈◊〉 his name and authoritie which vndoudtedly they 〈◊〉 and which those men professe to destroy and which had been vseles to any had it not been the acknowledged power of the kingdome and a confessed Cryme to oppose it and which those Traytours would never have pretended had not the evidence of its right been so apparent nor have destroyed after so much vse of it had they not exceeded all former Traytours as farr as he did his Predecessours of whom the spirit of God saies there was none like him that sold himselfe to worke wickednes It s the drift of the Rebell partie to confirme and continue their power by the same Arts they have gained it deny justice to the memory of his Majest as before obedience to his Government Those whose power hath been gottē by the peoples credulitie would willingly deprive them of reason whereby they might see their errour which is the cause that the Rebells having misled many into the present mischeyfe by Calumnies of insufficiencie in his Majest and disaffection to the established Religion account anyproofe published to the contrary the plot of a faction against their Rebell Common-wealth and although their often accesses to him and debates with him during his restraint and the observation of his devotion gave such proofe of both as diverse of their followers were vndeceived both in him and the cause they had prosecuted yet this they would have an effect of faction any relation of his Maj afflictions a designe His Maj actions neede no defence the Rebells impious actions against him are incapable of any this Author hath some reason to coniecture that all mention of the sufferings of his late Maj tends to the ruine of the Rebell power True narrations of the horrid Actions of Traytours though they recount the greatenes glory of theyr triumphs sting them with an expectation of vengeance destruction of their power There are a great number that since they have seene that booke thinke it had been a great losse to the world if it had perished yet they are farr from designe by it and if it were published with any designe it was an innocent one to publish what a murthered King had left written of himselfe for the reason of his Actions and cleering of mistakes The designe is now the third time to corrupt the people to the dishonour of the present Government retarde a generall peace so needeful to this afflicted nation They cannot say any were corrupted that followed their King vnles the lawes their legall oaths and Scripture it selfe corrupted them for theis were the guides they followed and the Rebells may rest assured that if there were not these bonds vpon the loyall English humane Treatises though never so excellent would little move them to the losse of life and fortunes For the dishonour of that which he calls the present Government themselves have written enough though the King and his partie were silent Their power was gotten by often repeated propositions protestations of affection and loyaltie to his late Majest which they never meant to performe many false pretences to the people to defend the King and established lawes and Religion breach of oaths murther of the King and of theis nothing can be denyed by themselves and there is nothing can be said of any to dishonour beyound swearing and fore swearing Treason and Murther And can they thinke their peace is retarded by the Kings partie when themselves have so often sworne by the name af God in hipocrisie to deceive made Religion the Maske of sacriledge and murther and pretend pittie to the afflicted nation while they afflict it continue the same wickednes where by they brought the miserie vpon it They may be sure though they destroy the King and his partie God will raise them Enemies they thinke not of and prepare destroyers they feare not It s a Good deede he sajes to the living by remembring men of the truth of what they know to he misaffirmed to keepe them from entring into warr But it is wickednes to oppose truth and offer that to be beleived by men which they know to be false If this Author would remember men
cannot cure nor prayers profit declares his prayers noe other then Charmes and himselfe a man that can neither cure nor pray and sets prayer among those things he scoffes at aswell as the Titles of him that is only to be prayed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vpon the KINGS Calling this last PARLIAMENT THat which the King lajes downe as his foundation that he called this last Parliament not more by others advice and the necessitie of his affaires then by his owne choice and inclination is to all knowing men so apparently vntrue that a more inauspicious Sentence could hardly have come into his minde That his Majest intention could be apparent to all knowing men must have better Authoritie then this Authors word to be beleived His Majest best knew his own intentions and ought to be credited against the Malicious conjectures of such as seeke matter of slander against him to shelter their owne impieties never King of England shewed greater affection to Parliaments then his Majest and never King found greater ingratitude His frequent coming to Parliaments in his Fathers Raigne His many good offices done the houses and the larg acknowledgments of their obligations to him are vpon the Records of both houses Vpon the death of his Father he instantly called a Parliament seeking to continue the same vnderstanding betweene him and his houses as there had been in the time of his Father He had then entred into a dangerous warr with Spaine vpon the Parliaments Councell was in preparation of a greate fleete stood charged with a greate debt left on him by his Father besides deepe engagements to his Allies abroade the supplies the then Parliament gave him were two Subsidies he then desired an addition only of fortie thousand pound which was refused him If any man shall say now that the King called not that Parliament of his owne inclination because he was discontented to be so dealt with by them knowing men wil hardly beleive him such men as are justly displeased with factions in Parliament might truly affect them when they are rightly disposed and this Sentence which I conoclastes holds so inauspicious imports not that which his false Augurie Prognosticates for though his Majest received provocations and causes of dislike from severall Parliaments it followes not that he could have no intention to call one when there was a probabilitie of removing the causes of former disorders which his Majest expresses in his ensuing discourse The inclination of a Prince is best knowne by those next about him or by the current of his Actions These neerest this King were Courtiers and Prelates and it was their Continuall exercise to dispute and preach against them For the Actions of others Iconoclastes would thinke them a weake proofe of his intentions though the persons were very neere him and though there were preaching and disputes against the proceedings of some Parliaments it s no proofe of the Kings intentions nor theirs that vsed them against the right vse of Parliaments and the proceedings of some Parliaments might give just occasion to men to say the King they hoped would have no more neede of them and it is a very greate happinesse of any state not to neede them the necessitie of them proceeding from want and danger and there was a time when people held Parliaments a burthen to hem and those in Parliament claimed it that they were not bound to attend the Parliament above fortie dayes and our owne stories tells vs of an indoctum Parliamentum and insanum Parliamentum And doth Iconoclastes thinke that all such as were out of love with such Parlaments had no affection to any This was he sajes but the Coppy which his Parasites had industriously taken from his owne words and Actions who never called a Parliament but to supply his necessities Such as have observed the inclinations of persons neere his Majest finde non greater Parasites then such as proved Traytours to him and Parasites are not wanting to other powers as wel as Kings for we finde by this Author what men will do to please their Masters eyther by offitiousnes to their persons or the performance of villanie against others This Author spends his mouth in vaine following his common place of Parafites and Courtiers when the Actions he mentions are so farr from reflecting vpon his Majest as they leave the blemish vpon the Relatour That his Majest had necessities when he called a Parliament is knowne to all the causes of them but that he was ready all wayes to heare and redresse the just greivances of his people could never yet be contradicted by the experience in any Parliament al though the Author say having Supplied these he suddenly and nominiously dissolved it without redressing any one greivance of the people But if the Parliaments never presented to him on greivance to be redressed which he denyed where lies the ignominie It seemes the Author takes not the petition of right to be of that nature for that was graunted by the King and that concession of his was then judged as greate an Act to the redresse of greivances as ever King of England graunted his people His Majest summoned three Parliaments before the short Parliament at the beginning of these troubles and in non of these were there any greivances presented by the Parliament to the King to be redressed but that petition of right vnles a Remonstrance against the Duke of Buckingham be reckned in that number and if the people had just greivances to be redressed they had just cause of complaint against those Conventions and of late repentance for their credulitie that depended so much on them that so little regarded their Sufferings If we looke vpon the length of time wherein these Parliaments sate wee shal finde sessions concluded diverse good lawes made in the like space of time in the Raignes of former Kings and whoever lookes to the journalls of the houses in these Parliaments of his late Majest or whoever was present in them must confesse that those that governed in the lower house minded nothing lesse then the redresse of greivances or making of lawes which were formally talked of to entertaine time while private annimosities and personall revenges were made the sole busines of importance in the space of fower moneths no one greivance was prepared to be presented to his Majest and Iconoclastes heapes vp vntruths without respect to the apparence of their detection for this first Parliament was so far from being suddenly dissolved after the King was supplyed that the greate Plague not permitting them to sit longer at west minster his Majest adiourned them to Oxford and in anoâ—…her Parliament after the supply given him there was a second meeting which might have had a longer continuance if it had insisted on the redresse of greivances but whence takes he the occasion to say Ignominiously dissolved Where was the Ignominie Had not his Majest a legall right to do it And if the houses would
meaâ—…es to induce him to call a Parliament He endeavours to defame the King for restrayning popular licence and Sedition and when he seekes to confirme the Tyranny of his Masters he reproaches the people with Levitie and violence And the wayes of Prescribing by him mentioned were vnorderly and by him particularised as Plausible not sound other manner of Prescribing was then not Suspected he intends the force of a scotts Army and though he commend that way of Prescribing and attribute the calling of the Parliament to it and accuse the King for resisting it yet he will charge the King with beginning the warr By which feirce Edict the people forbidden to complaine as well as forced to suffer began from thence foorth to despaire of Parliaments The people have now greater cause to dispaire of Parliaments then ever they had in the time of his late Majest for if these men prevaile they are sure never to have more for they professe to introduce a new form of Government which hath nothing of the Parliament of England however the people by seditious practices or false apprehensions despaired of Parliaments that proves nothing of his Majest inclination or aversenes to Parliaments How an edict can be called feirce where no punishment of the breach of it appeares to be denounced nor any severitie ensuing it cannot be imagined but it s well knowne what Titles this Author wil give to any of his Majest Actions respecting only the reproachfullnes of the Termes not their proportion or 〈◊〉 to what they are applyed and whoever lookes on the time while Parliaments were intermitted the sufferings of the people were lesse then when Parliaments were frequent they neede not be forbidden to complaine when their peace plentie were a reason strong enough to restraine them however querulous murmurings wrought by seditious contrivers may happeÌ„ ought to be forbiddeÌ„ in al just Governments Where vpon such illegall Actions and especially to get vast summs of mony were put in Practice by the King and his new Officers as Monopolies compulsive knighthoods Coate Conduct and Shipmony the seezing not of on Nabaoths Vineyard but of whole inheritances vnder the pretence of forrest or Crowne lands Corruption bribery compounded for with impunities graunted for the future as gave evident proofe that the King never meant nor could it stand with the Reason of his affaires ever to recall Parliaments All the pretences of Tyranny and oppression wherewith the Rebells have sought to maske their disloyaltie are reduced to this on summe to get money That Princes must have supplies from their people for support of the Kingdome cannot be doubted and where the lawes have given the King a richt to demaund money of particular persons in certanie cases or of the whole people theis are no illegall exactions but due debts The King of England is entitled by law to diverse dues from his subjects and of such things his learned Councell and his Judges have the care that he loose not his rights and they are bound by oath to preserve them if in any cases they saile in their judgment their King cannot be guiltie of illegall exactions in following their Councell and of such nature are the particulars he mentions vnles Coate and Conduct money which had been disbursed by the Counties for the present where souldiers were raysed and was of inconsiderable value and to be repayed and only of practice in case of warr when necessitie requires greater contributions and such Actions as theis the best Governments could never avoyde and those formes of Government which theis Rebells Preferr before Monarchy ordinairly practis but they must supply with exclamations what they want of matter and having broken all bounds of dutie Justice and humanitie they seeke to make the common meanes which necessitie compells Governnours to vse for publique support the height of oppression and Tyranny The vast summs received by all the wayes were farr short of that greate charge which the Kingdome required and of what former Kings had received in the like space but inconsiderable in regard of the present exactions He resembles the legal proceedings in cases of civil right to Nabaoths vineyard so as al suites for recovery of deteined rights is the getting of Nabaoths vineyard but they that by the blood of many Naboaths have gotten their inheritances would have Civill Controversies not bloody murther the sin of Ahab Corruption and bribery compounded for with impunitie for the future is a denomination which cannot be fixt to any Actions of Majest That his Majest hath a power to pardon was never denyed and therefore no act of grace in that kinde can be illegall but this which they call corruption and bribery was no other then the fees which some officers received and were questioned to be above their due had they been convict their mulct was pecuniary and due to the King They vrged long Custome in their defence and in a case of that nature where only errour not corruption or bribery can be admitted it was neerer to justice then favour to forbeare prosecution And as the fact was not illegal so had it been it was only theirs by whose Councell it was done and theis men that professe such zeale against corruption and bribery pretend that it was necessary to take away the starr chamber where such Crymes were punisht and from whence comes it that it could not stand with his majest affaires te recall Parliaments when his Majest desired to continue nothing but what was necessary for the Kingdome Having brought by theis irregular courses the peoples interest and his owne 〈◊〉 so direct an opposition that he might foresee plainely if nothing but a Parliament could save the people it must necessarily be his vndoing The King had no interest but that which was common to the people with him and nothing that was their interest could be opposite to his The people were very farr from any such apprehensions of being Destroyed or that they might not be saved without the Kings vndoing And wherein could the King foresee his vndoing by Parliament must he necessarily foresee that a Parliament would follow Traytours against him Or must he necessarily foresee that a Parliament would vndertake an illegall and vn just power Must he necessarily foresee that a Parliament would produce a Rebellion when no Action was desired to be continued by him which was not according to law nor any greivance duely proved vnredressed But because in the Parliament which he called a faction destroyed him and hath vndone the Kingdome therefore Iconoclastes would have it plainely to be foreseene Such as know the difference of the last from former Parliaments know likewise that it was not from the condition of the Parliament but the conjuncture of affaires at the time of calling it that produced those wicked effects filling the mindes of many with ambitious thoughts and desire to lay the foundation of their private greatenes in the publique ruines It is impossible
disappointed and the Calamities ensuing had been prevented And as there were no greivances then in the Kingdome but might admit longer delay of redresse then the publique necessities of supply so his Majest might justly demaund subsidies in the first place with promise to redresle their greivances afterwards And Iconoclastes too late observes the order of that demaund of his late Majest to be amisse when the late Parliament graunted so many subsidies for the Scotts without expectation of any such promise Which when the Parliament who judged that warr it selfe on of their maine greivances made no haste to graunt not enduring the delay of his impatient will or els fearing the conditions of their graunt he breakes of the whole session and dismisses them and their greivances with scorne and frustration That the Parliament judged that warr any of their greivances that never mentioned it in their debates or resolutions is fit for the affirmation of this Author only But if the Parliament had judged that warr one of their maine greivances the rest whereof so greate noyse hath been made will hardly be thought weightie This warr was then newly begun the King had received no fupply from the people for the charge past and could this be a maine greivance Wee see at what rate this man makes greivances and to what ordinary accidents he applies his exorbitant expressions The then Parliament would not have been slow in his Majest supply if some false Ministers had not interposed and some seditious persons had not plotted to impose a necessitie vpon his Majest to dissolue the Parliament They had not presented him any greivances and therefore there could be no such dismission with scorne and frustration as he Phrases it There were evident tokens of greife and discontent in his late Majest that he was necessitated to that act but there was reioycing and insolence amongst the turbulent Sectaries for it Much lesse therefore did he call this last Parliament by his owne choice and inclination but having first tryed in vaine all vndue wayes to procure mony his Army of their owne accord being beaten in the north the Lords petitioning and the generall voyce of the people all most hissing him and his ill acted Regalitie of the Stage compelled at length both by his want and by his feares vpon meere extreamitie he summoned this last Parliament This man acts the part of a Lord of misrule to stirre the passions of the people with taunts and abuses and for his over acted petulant scurrilitie fitt to be whipped of the stage If he had ever given proofe of his owne courage hee would not thus barbarously reproach his late Majest with feares who was so well knowne to have hazarded his person in so many perills and these Phrases are the froth of a base insultation not the censure of a just Ennemy But why for feare should the King summon a Parliament if he fore saw as the libeller sayes it would be his vndoing Could he have greater feares then that He hath not instanced one vndue way of his late Majest to get money for the warr against Scotland therefore his repetitions import his impertinence as well as his malice but gaine no credit by their frequency The peoples hissing which the Traytours desired had been as inconsiderable and vndutifull as his assertions are false but as it no way contradicts what his Majest sayes if the allaying of popular discontents rectifying mistakes were one end of calling the Parliament so the petitioning of the Lords instructs all reasonable men to thinke that feares and wants were not the sole cause of summoning that Parliament and that his Majest choice was not excluded And as the beating of his Majest Army had not so disabled him but that they were in number and courage superiour to their Enemies so if his Majest choice had not guided him he might with lesse hazard in common appearance have tryed the successe of a battell at that time then he did at diverse tymes afterwards That which he sayes of the Armyes being beaten of their owne accord is little to their honour if it were true but infamous to this Author being false if there were any so perfidious to betray their own and their nations honour vnto strangers they could not be many for its a knowne truth that the most eminent persons in that service and the greatest number of common souldiers served his Majest afterward in his warrs not only against the English Rebells but the Scotts And how is it possible that he should willingly incline to Parliaments who never was perceived to call them but for the greedy hopes of a whole nationall bribe his subsidies and never loved never fulfilled never promoted the true ends of Parliaments the redresse of greivances but still putt them of and prolonged them whether gratifyed or not gratifyed and was indeede the Author of all those greivances It hath been already shewed how his Majest was perceived to call Parliaments out of his owne choice and inclination and it was not only in his Majest time but in the time of Queene Elisabeth that Parliaments were said to be only called to give subsidies there never wanting malecontents and slanderers of the Actions of Princes and the case may be such that subsidies may be the cheife motive to call Parliaments considering the sufficiency of the lawes in force and the small number of greivances complained of Malitious detraction is accompanied with absurditie and Iconoclastes becoming a Champion of Rebellion reckons Tributes and supplies of the soveraigne by subjects which is their duty among the number of scandalous sins and that which was practised by our saviour and commaunded by his Apostles he calls nationall bribes This braine sicke and prophane Libelling can be acceptable to none but such as are delighted with the vnhappy distempers of Bedlam He hath not so much passion to have greivances redrest as love to the word because as he thinkes it imports matter displeasing to the people who yet are now satisfied that those which abused them by the frequent vse of the word greivances never intended the remedy but by multiplying complaints sought to leade them into discontents against the Government whereby they might become Captive to ambitious vsurpers That which he sayeth is the true end of Parliaments to reforme greivances justly condemnes those he now calls a Parliament who he well knowes sitt to no other end but to encrease greivances and in eight yeares time never redressed one Though Kings take notice of greivances in Parliament and take order to redresse them yet that cannot be called the true end of calling Parliaments for there are often occasions of calling Parliaments in respect of publique safetie against Enemies and conspiratours addition alteration of lawes publique supplyes the redresse of greivances is accidentall to the Parliament and the pretence of greivances hath proved the greatest greivance that ever the people suffered and his scurrilous objection of greedy hope to his
which he deserved noe thankes because he did them for feare of the Tumults and is now soe shameles to call them false and frivolous excuses The King formerly exprest that valour is not to be questioned for not scufling with the sea or an vndisciplined rabble And though he had not a base feare he could not be vnapprehensive of violence intended by that rabble and it cannot be doubted but that a King must have a greater measure of shame then feare to see such insolencies and if this libeller had any shame he would not have argued from that expression of his Majest a contradiction of what he said of danger from these Tumults But he thinkes his readers have a short memory as well as sense and therefore he reguards not the repugnancie of his owne Periods He magnifies the courage and severitie of Zeale to Iustice in Rebells of former times and calls them our fore Fathers and that their folly wickednes may have some excuse in following subtile conspiratours against their King he calls it courage and severitie of Zeale and that he may authorize their lewdnes he sayes their courage was against the proud contempt and misrule of their Kings He sayes that when Rich. the 2. departed but from a Committee of Lords who sate preparing matter for the Parliament not yet assembled to the removal of his evill Councellours they first vanquished and put to flight Robert de Vere his cheife favorite and then comming vp to London with a huge Army required the King then withdrawne for feare but noe further of then the Tower to come to Westminster which he refusing they told him flatly that vnles he came they would chuse another And who can reade this relation but must judge that it was a Trayterous conspiracie of these Lords and a giddy wicked Rebellion in the people By what law was the king bound to attend these Lords or what authoritie had they to prepare matter for the Parliament more then any others of the Kingdome Is it not a knowne Treason to endeavour to depose the King and did not the late Parliament professe to abhorre the thought of it And how comes it to passe that these Lords have a power to threaten the King with deposing him What Rebells can be convicted by any law if this Action be not Treason The libeller getts nothing by this example but an evidence against his Masters for these Lords and their assistants had their pardon for that Rebellion And wherein did this Rebellion of these Lords differ from that of Jach straw and other Traytours mentioned by Mr. Sollicitour against the Earle of Strafford His folly in seeking to draw an Argument from the Actions of Rebells to prove a Cryme in the King is ridiculous to any reasonable man and it s not imaginable that the king should be bound to attend any meeting of his Peeres and Councellours which did tend towards a Parliament for by that Rule he must attend in as many places as there are factions noe sober time ever pretended that the king was bound to attend the Parliament which was to be called and dissolved by him and our Ancestours would be esteemed as voyde of reason as loyaltie if their Parliaments were governed by a Tumultuous rabble and the king were oblidged to doe what they would have though the whole kingdome were bleeding to death of those wounds which their impious and inconsiderate violence and fury had inflicted The king sayes the shame was to see the barbarous Rudenes of those Tumulte to demaund any thing And this the libeller believes was the truest cause of his deserting the Parliament And was it not a just cause for him to desert the Parliament or faction in it when either they could not or would not restrayne that barbarous rudenes The worst and strangest of that any thing they demaunded was but the vnlording of Bishopps and expelling them the house and the reducing of Church discipline to a conformitie with other Protestant Churches And this the libeller would have noe Barbarisme What did the Parliament there if the Tumults may demaund the alteration of the Government of Church or state Can it be presumed that a rowte of Mechannicks could determine what was conformitie to other Protestant Churches The libeller at first remembred Mr. Solicitours discourse against the Earle of Strafford there he might have found that it was Treason to goe about assemble a multitude to alter the Government of Church or state And to seeke the vnlording of Bishopps by force in that manner they did was Treason by the law and we have seene that this desperate rabble whose demaunds the libeller sayes were but the vnlording of Bishopps and the like thinke the murther of the king and destruction of his family noe other then a but. They were demaunded by the Parliament which is vntrue but they were demaunded by a factton who suborned these Tumults to overaw and drive away the greatest part of the members of both houses The King in a most tempestuous season forsooke the helme and steerage of the Common wealth He withdrew himselfe from that storme which the Traytours had raysed against him and admitted not any steerage when all was whirled by tempestuous Tumults The libeller would willingly mince the causes of his Majest departure and therefore he catches hold of the mention of shame to exclude feare from the barbarous rudenes of the Tumults to demaund any thing he would conclude there were only demaunds noe barbarous rudenes and would make the last word to exclude all that went before To be importuned the removing of evill Councellours and other greivances was to him an intollerable oppression To offer violence to him for his protection of faithful Councellours the support of Government in Church and state was intollerable and though the libeller doe commend the violence of the Tumults yet heere he calls it only importunitie and the Kings denyall of the impetuous demaunds of a rabble to change the Government in Church and state denyall and delay of Justice If violence be lawful as he oftē affirmes why doth he mince his defence and soe often fly to these termes of importunitie and petitioning The advice of his Parliament was esteemed a bondage because the the King sayes of them whose agreeing votes were not by any law conclusive to his judgment for sayes the libeller the law ordaines a Parliament to advise him in his greate affaires but if it ordaine also that the single judgment of a King shall outballance all the wisedome of his Parliament it ordaines that which frustrates the end of its owne ordaining There is no doubt but in a Monarchy the dependence of the people is vpon the King the greatenes of whose interest in the prosperitie of the Kingdome is more likely to oblidge him to their preservation then any number of private men can be encleined to and as the law ordained a Parliament to advise him soe it forbidds them to commaund or
referred to another farr fetcht cause soe many yeares before But the Cittie that raysed Tumults for the Parliament many yeares before is now punisht for Tumults for that same pretended Parliament by that Army raysed out of them and is it not evident heere that the first inventers of mischeife are scourged with the whipps themselves had prepared for others The fact of Manlius defending the Capitoll against the Gaules and afterward throwne headlong from the Capitoll for sedition might restraine the Libellers wicked application of their murdering the King at the gate of whitehall to the merit of his actions done there but the Cittie suffred by an Action which they had done for them who now punish them for it and they that did a wickednes with applause are punisht for it by those that applauded it the Actions of Manlius were opposite one to another heere the same It was a mercy they had a victorious Army soe neere to fly to But it was a judgment that Tumults which they had vsed to drive away the King should drive away them and the Libellers Logickes serves him to as litle purpose as his historie He would have that the latter were reall Tumults the first but pretended and why will he beleive the Parliament for the first and not for the latter And why doth he call them those few of both houses that withdrew from the first tumults and those many from the latter when it is most apparent that they which withdrew at first were three times the number of them that forsoake at last It is not the place but the end and cause that makes a Parliament And then all they that say they have a good cause and a good end are a Parliament and what neede is there then of a writ or Elections And Tumults are as good as Parliaments and the end and the cause make them Tumults and noe Tumults Parliament and noe Parliament and an Assembly at the beare garden is as good as the house of Commons he hath found the event to salve all for they returned soone to their places that fled from these latter Tumults and that is the finall decision of all controversie The King brings in an inconvenient and obnoxious Comparision of vengeance as the Mice and Ratts overtooke a german Bishopp And the inconvenience is that the Libeller will from the name of Bishopp wish the same evill to all Bishopps that befell that evill Bishopp Is the comparision obnoxious because he is impertinent in following his owne ◅haddow and cursing those that are innocent Is it obnoxious that the King supporting the order of Bishopps should produce the Example of an evill Bishopp followed by divine vengeance Is not the Libellers mentioning the seditious tongues of his false preachers more obnoxious then the naming of the German Bishopp And is it not as easy to wish the Ratts and mice had pursued theis false and seditious preachers till they had driven them out of the land as the Bishopps Sorrow and pittie in an overmastred Enemy are looked vpon as the ashes of his revenge burnt out vpon it selfe An over mastred Enemy may be more then Conquerour and may have cause and affection to pittie the victor and they most neede pittie that least feele the want The Triump◅s of Rebells are vnnaturall Prodigies and the dances of devills The pittie of innocent Martirs which they expressed for proud persecutours was lookt on as the Kings by these villaines and the wicked Jewes despised our saviours bidding them not weepe for him but for themselves and for their Children Although the Libeller soe lately justified chastning of the Parliament yet he will have it an injury in the King to perswade men against the Parliament and soe he ties the end and the cause to what he pleases and as long as he can bring noe better evidence then the successe of vsurpation he washes not of any guilt from himselfe nor his rowte The just prayses of an Enemy are esteemed honourable knowne truths cannot proceede from Craft being soe obvious to all and it were neerer to madnes then reason to suppose that there were not among those which acted against the king such as knew not what they did and had as greate ignorance as the Libeller impudence that censures the Charitie of a prayer for such persons Intitled to the PRINCE OF VVALES THe Libeller vndertakes to shew that although the King had been reinstalled to his desire or his sonne admitted should observe all his fathers precepts yet that would be soe farr from conducing to our happines that it would inevitably throw vs backe againe into all our past and fulfilled miseries There is noe doubt but Traytours will tell the people soe and that there is noe happines but vnder their vsurpation and though they engage them in endles warrs which the rebelling against just right must produce yet they perswade the people that the condition of warr and blood is more eligible then those blessings of peace the Kingdome enjoyed vnder all their Princes By our happines he intends doubtles his Rebell partie whose happines is to raigne and Tyranize over the people and that cannot continue with reinstalling the King But the people of England expect not any end of their miserie but by restoring the just rights of their lawfull King and they now descerne that the successe of a wicked cause was a judgment of God vpon the nation whose vnthankefullnes for their long prosperitie had justly provoked his wrath He goes on to his proofes that the king beares wittnes in his owne words that the corrupt education of his youth was not vntruly charged vpon him or his Sonne and that he gathers from these words of the Kings Court delights are prone either to roote vp all true vertue and honour or to be contented only with some leaves and withering formalities of them without any reall fruites tending to the publique good And is it a proofe that because Court delights are prone to produce such fruites therefore all that live in Princes Courts must necessarily have a corrupt education might not this Libeller have cleerely observed that his Majest was free from such a corrupt education that had soe cleere a sight of the ill consequences of Court delights Though there be these pleasures at the Court it is not the education of Princes whose youth is seasoned by instruction against the corruption of these baites There are dangers to mens manners from abundance and high places and thence the Libeller would inferr that there must neither be wealth nor power but in the hands of his Pharisaicall Sectaries who never complaine of such corruption The desperate hipocrisie of these traytours is laid opē by their owne words and Actions and the Libeller from the Kings caution to his Sonne by the example of Rehoboam frames an expression as if the King affirmed it to be his owne case with such faithlesse dealing he addresses himselfe to his heedeles readers and tells all that he sayes
a truth should be incredible from any hand Was not Jeroboams new Religion the foundation of a Tyrany and have not all vsurpers in the Civill state pretended some false Religion Was not Mahometts wicked imposture and Tyraniall vsurpation bredd togeather and have not the present Tyrants introduced a false Religion to support their power Hath not schisme been joyned with the Rebellion We may have learnt both from sacred story and times of reformation that the Kings of this world have ever hated and instinctively feared the Church of God It s manifest Sectaries hate King and Church malefactours will compliane that Judges hate them for their vertues We finde in the ancient Church that Kings were the greate protectours and reformers of the Church and its strange that the Libeller if he had looked backe at all had not seene David Solomon Hezechiah Josiah and others The Kings of Israell politiquely opposed the true Church for feare the people should returne to the house of David and if we looke vpon Pagan Kings we finde Cyrus and Artaxerxes helping the establishment of the true Church This Libeller hath discovered a greate Misterie of Rebellion that having made such outcryes of Tyrany against his late Maj heere tells vs the Tyrany was Monarchy they would not be subject to the Kings of this world to such impostors is England now subject that kill Kings and make Tyrants and this blaspheamer stickes not to charge the Church of God and the Doctrines thereof with opposition to Civill Government and to commaund the destruction of Kings Because the doctrine seemes to favour Libertie and equalitie And are there not Republiques that oppose the true Religion True Religion presseth obedience faâ—…hood and imposture allwayes hold foorth licence to the people Is there through all the booke of God one word in favour of this Rebell libertie and equallitie And did not God plant his Church at first in an apparent inequallitie and subjection both in the state Civill Ecclesiasticall And this broode of Sectaries have heeretofore complained that their doctrines were traduced as opposite to Monarchy And neither Libertie nor equallitie is sought for to the people but to betray them to the power of these deceivers who are growne to that impudence to pretend doctrines of confusion and Rebellion to be the true Religion The Church as ancient prophesies foretold should dissolve all their power Dominion Few sects professing Christ have appeared more Turkish then these present of England they fancie an earthly Kingdome for the Church as Mahomett his Paradise and then that themselves are the true Church and shall have Dominion over all and avow their intention to destroy all Kings and whoever submitt not to them But certenly Kings vnderstood not any such prophesies nor feared such pretenders who make prophesies to agree with their owne wicked Actions and ambitious desires His first instance is in Pharaohs oppressing of the Israelites And doth he beleive that Pharaoh knew their doctrines or prophesies the man might have learnt more from the Text that being strangers they might over power him and thence grew his persecution not from the libellers imaginary doctrine He makes a strange leape that passes by all stories els and would prove his position by his owne authoritie and expects that his libell against the King shall make good his position that Kings ever feared and hated the true Church a strong way of disputing to prove that kings hated and feared the true Church because the King did soe and to prove the King did soe because kings did soe this is a stout Champion There neede no answeare to his bawling of the kings suspition of men most Religious for time hath tryed that they were Rebellious and wicked Traytours vnder the Masque of Religion He could not vse violence as Pharaoh did and therefore chuses a more misticall way of Antichristian fraude and like Balak to hire against a nation of Prophetts other esteemed Propheâ—…s and to weare out the Church by a false Ecclasiasticall Policie The Summe is to supresse Sectaries and prevent Traytours is this Ecclesiasticall Policie but where is this Mistâ—… of Kings hating the true Church is there noe true Church of God where there is Government And what proportion hath this supposition of his to the kings proceedings Did he erect Bishopps or was there any Religion established or publiquely profest which he opposed but only false and hipocriticall factionists which outwaâ—…lly professing the established Religion sought for gaine and pride seâ—…retly to draw disciples after them to the disturbance subversion of the Church There needes not any thing be said to his rayling his corruption being apparent by objecting it to the calling of Bishopps and hates it for the remedy against schisme which the Church had by them The King bestowed livings according to the law and the Policie was not his but the ancient constitution of the Church and this Monster that reproaches the retaining any thing in Leiturgie or Government practised by the ancient Church is not ashamed to charge the king with breach of Canons and the ancient practice of the Church in conferring Ecclesiasticall dignities and the peoples right in Elections was never pretended in England and justly and anciently forbidden in the Church neither doe any Canons in force support that pretence That influence which the king sayes is necessarie for the Prince to have vpon Churchmen noe man that beleives the Scripture will thinke vnfitt but how can the Libeller make good that the many Emperours and Kings that imbraced the Christian Religion hated and feared it for soe they must by his grounds And how can he conclude from Pagans hatred to Religion that it was only from their kings when as the stories are soe plentifull in setting downe the madd rage of the multitude the truth is seditious innovatours know that their hopes and strength lie to seduce the silly people and that it is the interest of governours to prevent their lewde endeavours and thence proceede their declamations against Rulers and their proclamations of Libertie and that which they cal the Bishopps Tyrany is only their office to take away schisme and schisme is the way to Rebellion The Libellers judgment touching callings founded on Scripture reformation or graces of the Bishopps and others is of the same authoritie as the determinations of Traytours touching loyaltie and heretickes touching sound doctrine and his end never agrees with his beginning but in rayling and incongruitie for but now he made it the Kings Policie to hire the Bishopps now it is the Bishopps Policie to worke that perswasion in the King of noe Bishopp noe King the man well knowes that noe Bishopp noe king was the perswasion of King James who found it true by his owne experience without the helpe of Bishopps and yet soe sottish doth this Libeller presume his readers that makes the dependence which Bishopps have only of the king the cause of such perswasions yet in their owne