other places passing vnto Tarrassone and then hee returned by Medina Celi ruining the forts and watch-towers which the Moores had built in those countries the which he did with lesse difficulty for that the Moores estate was in great confusion by reason of the seditions and tiranies which were practised amongst them An. 1047. They write that this Prince did also that yeere which was 1047 chase the Moores out of the mountaines of Ora and Ouan Sometime after continuing the warre against the Mahumetists hee past the mountaines with his army into the realme of Toledo he spoiled the country about Talamanca and Vzeda whereas the riuer of Henares passeth to Alcala and Guadalajara he entred the territory of Madrid and made such a general spoile of townes and people as the King of Toledo a Moore called Aly Maymon was aduised to pacifie him by presents yea to promise him tribute the which hee did sending home D. Fernand rich with gold and siluer and of all other spoiles into his countries of Leon and Castille This King Aly Maymon was the ninth of those which had rained at Toledo of the royall race of Aben Humeya Moores sonne to King Hizen and grand-child to Hayran Hee had one sonne amongst others carrying his grand-fathers name Hizen and one daughter called Casilda who was a Christian as you shall heare At that time there dwelt many Musarabes in Toledo whoÌ„ God left not vnfurnished of Pastors among the which Archiques the Arch-deacon is famous Arts florished among the Arabians in Spaine who incouraged the Christians of that city and instructed them in the grounds of their faith arts and liberal sciences were in like manner maintained and honored among the Arabians and in those daies their liued many learned men of that nation whereof the most renouned were Haly Albuacem and Aly Aben Ragel very learned in Astrology The occasion which drew the Princesse Calside to the Christian religion is thus related by the authors of the Spanish History She fel say they very sicke of a bloudy flix for whose recouery her father had in vaine imployed the skill of all the Arabian Phisitians and others that were expert in that faculty but in the end shee had a reuelation that if shee did wash her selfe in the waters of Saint Vincents Lake which is in the territory of Bureua nere vnto Biruiesca she should be cured Casâ—de a Princesse of the Moores baptized the which shee presently declared to the King her father who was very well pleased and hauing written to the King D. Fernand hee sent this Virgin well attended vnto him and presently set many Christian slaues at liberty vpon this occasion D. Fernand entertained her with great honor caused her to bee furnished with al things nenessary Being bathed in those waters she recouered her health wherevpon the Spaniards say she would returne no more to Toledo but caused her selfe to be baptized and built an Oratory with a little chamber vpon the Lake where shee made her aboad and there spent the remainder of her daies in praiers and other religious exercises and was there buried after her decease But the same author said that being at Toleda before she came into Castille she was full of charity and compassion to Christian captiues to whom she gaue great almes which was a signe that there were in her some good seeds of better instruction the which by the recouery of her health was confirmed There was also an other Prince of the Moores called Alay Maymon not he which was King of Toledo against whom D. Garcia King of Nauarre had a sharpe incounter at Ricorbasesca where the Moore was vanquished and slaine These Christian Kings Nauarre ambitious and treacherous one against an other not sparing their owne bloud thought to expiate all their offences in building of Churches and indowing them with great reuenues in enuy one of an other with this opinion D. Garcia gaue many guifts and granted many preuiledges to the Church of Saint Mary the Royal of Nageâ—a Donations to Churches which hee had caused to be built for his funerall declaring that these guifts were for the health of his soule of his fathers of the Queene his wiues and of his children with the approbation of the chiefe noblemen of his Realme which donations and preuiledges hee ment should continue vnto the end of the world vpon a penaltie to him that should breake them of a thousand tallents to bee applied to the Monasterie In these termes they are exprest in the letters which are found in the sayd Monasterie dated in the yeere of our Lord 1052. and seene by Garibay By the like perswasion Castiâ—le D. Fernand King of Castille built the Church of Saint Isidore in the city of Leon. And to make that place of more authority hee resolued to get his body which hee thought was yet in the city of Seuile where he had beene Bishop for this cause hee proclaimed warre Exploits of D. Fernand and the Moores against Almuncamus called by others Benabet Aben Amet who at that time was King there wasting and spoyling his country on this side the riuer of Guadiana towards Portugal where hee tooke the towne of Montmaior and pursuing his enemy he forst him to the like conditions as hee had done Aly Maymon King of Toledo and besides hee made him to deliuer Saint Ifidores bodie or some-thing in steed thereof the which was receiued by D. Auito Bishop of Leon and D. Ordogno Bishop of Astorga which relicke hee caused to bee carried to Leon. This King D. Fernand at the sute of his subiects of the Kingdome of Leon caused the towne of Zamora to bee new built which had remayned a heape of stones since the raigne of D. Ramir the third 1054. D. Garcia King of Nauarre did in like manner build the towne of Peralta Detention of D. Garcia King of Nauarre in Castille and other workes And to returne to the hatred which continued betwixt these two brethren it burst forth in the yeere 1054. so as the King D. Fernand beeing falne sicke at Burgos he requited D. Garcia in the like manner for D. Garcia being come vnto him to visit him and to take from him all suspition that hee had attempted against him he was seazed on and caried prisoner vnto Cea D. Garcia Nauarre wrought in such sort with good words and money as his gard suffred him to escape and so being full of wrath and indignation he returned into Nauarre where hee leuied a mighty army of his subiects of Gascons and of Moores allies or mercenaries the which he led by the mountaines of Oca vnto Atapuerca within foure leagues of Burgos VVarres betwixt Nauarre and Castille whereof the King D. Fernand being aduertised he had raysed great troupes in Castille Leon and Asturia to resist him Yet before they came to ioyne in battaile hee did sollicit the King D. Garcia by many messengers to retire intreating
his brother Don Iames Earle of Vrgel and their Vncle Don Pedro Earle of Ribagorça into Majorca and there to detayne them prisoners vntill that he were released from the oath of fidelitie and acknowledgement of Soueraigntie which hee and his Predecessors had made vnto the Kings of Arragon and in this discontent and feare he sent him away retayning notwithstanding his wife Donna Constance who was his sister and without any long delay the King Don Pedro sent Arnanld Erillo and William Bellera to ouer-runne the County of Rossillon and other lands belonging to the King of Majorca lying neere vnto Cattelogne and to seaze vppon the places of strength the Princes and Princesses of his bloud and his allyes employing themselues in vaine to pacifie them But such was his hatred and insatiable desire of greatnesse as hee proclaimed open warre against this poore king of Majorca weake in meanes and it may be in courage to make head against so mighty a king and so obstinate an enemie And at that time Don Pedro of Moncado was recalled with his Gallies from the Streights as wee haue sayd who hauing increased his army with many other vessels rigged out vppon the coasts of Cattelogne and Valence hee came to Palomera a hauen in the Iland of Majorca with an hundred and sixe sayles where hee landed many horse and foote the king beeing there in person who before his departure had coloured this enterprise with a pretext of Fellonie and Rebellion pronouncing a sentence against the King Don Iames Maiorca conqacâ—ed by the king of Arragon in an assembly of Noblemen and Princes at Barcelona and confiscating his goods In this army was Don Pedro of Arragon Earle of Ampurias and Ribagorça the kings Vncle holding the place of Seneshall and chiefe of Armes Don Pedro of Arragon Lord of Xerica newly reconciled Don Blasco of Alagon who carried the Standard royall Don Iohn Ximenes of Vrreé Don Philip of Castro D. Alphonso Roger of Loria brother to Don Pedro of Xerica Galuan and Raymond Angleçole Acart Murio Arnauld Erillo Gonçal Diaz of Arenos Iohn Pernandes of Luna Artal of Fosses Michel Perez Zapate lourdain Vrries Sancho Peres Pomar with other Noblemen and Captaines Against these forces the king of Majorca had leauied three hundred horse and fifteene thousand foote but he was betrayed and abandoned and forced to flie and quit the Iland so as the king Don Pedro seazed thereon without fighting and was receiued into the city of Majorca whereof Don Arnold Erillo was made Gouernour and Gillebert Centilla Captaine of the souldiers that were there left in garrison The Iland of Minorca made no greater resistance and that of Yuiça lesse Minorca was giuen in gouernment to Gillebert Ceruera and Yuiça to Martin Arbes These Ilands subdued the king returned to Barcelona from whence he presently marched in to the Countie of Rossillon with his whole army whither the Cardinall of Rhodez the Popes Legat came vnto him to aduise him to desist from armes who could get no other answer but that the king of Majorca should come and yeeld himselfe to his will During this warre there was borne at Ceruera Monster borne in Cattelogne staine by the parents and they punished in the territorie of Lerida in Cattelogne a monstrous child hauing two heads and foure legges whose father and mother seeking to conceale it buried it aliue but beeing discouered in this attempt they were punished as murtherers of their child There were great tumults and seditions at that time in Arragon betwixt many Noblemen contending by armes for their possessions so as the king commanded that D. Athon of Fosses should be apprehended and punished to terrifie others he also caused his reuenues and lands to be seazed on from the which he did appeale vnto the Magistrate of the Iustice of Arragon which was then in the hands of Garci Fernandes of Castro wherupon there grew great contention for the kings learned Councel pretended that the authority of the Iustice of Arragon did not extend out of the assembly of the Estates and that this Magistrate was there onely a Iudge of controuersies which did rise against the king being not lawfull for him out of the Estates to make himselfe Iudge of any controuersie against his royall Maiesty but in sutes of state and condition of persons or in causes whereas the king is called for a warrant or in complaints which the people may make against the kings Officers The king therefore commanded for that Garti Fernandes of Castro Iustice of Arragon was allyed to Athon of Fosses that Michel Perez Zapate Lieutenant generall of Arragon in the kings absence should put Athon in prison but finding himselfe too weake Submission of the king of Maiorca dispossest for that Athon was supported by many seditious persons and had the countenance of diuers great men his kinsmen and friends he had recourse vnto the Iurates of Sarragossa according to the custome of his ancestors enioyning them to fore-see that the Estate receiued no preiudice and that Iustice should not be forced The warre of Rossillon continued neither would the king D. Pedro yeeld for any intercession the Pope could make persisting still that the king Don Iames who was dispossest of Majorca should come and submit himselfe vnto him without any condition The towne of the yeelded vnto him In the end Arnold Bishop of Aux the Popes Nuncio did mediate that the King of Majorca should come and yeeld himselfe into the hands of the king D. Pedro and deliuer him his forts vpon assurance that they should not attempt any thing against his person nor put him in prison the which beeing granted D. Iames king of Majorca vpon the assurance of D. Pedro of Xerica came to Elne and casting himselfe at the king of Arragons feet he submitted himselfe to his clemencie beseeching him to haue regard vnto his ranke and dignity to suffer him to iustifie himselfe and that he would be pleased to sue ciuilly against him and howsoeuer at the least preserue vnto his Nephewes children to his brother D. Fernand their right vnto the realme of Majorca and other lands and cause the towne of Perpignan to be deliuered vnto him The king D. Pedro blinded with hatred and choller reiected all these requests after a strange and insolent manner and being entred into perpignan he caused a Decree to be published by the which he did confiscate the Iland of Majorca and all the lands of the king Don Iames Decree against the king Don Iames. vniting them inseparably to the Crowne of Arragon which decree he caused to be set vp at euery corner This poore Prince being thus intreated he left the county of Rossillon and retired himselfe to Berga a place assigned him for his aboad vntill that his aduersary should giue order for his entertainment The king D. Pedro after these seuere and vniust proceedings returned to Barcelona where he entred armed as triumphing for a victory gotten of some great
his father and withall he aduertised the King D. Pedro of all these practises who for these considerations was the more easily perswaded to make a peace with Arragon to the end hee might punish him of Granado against whom he beganne to raise an army in the yeere 1361. to which end he came to Seuile King Mahumet Aben Alhamar seeing these preparations did also prouide for his part but he was preuented by the King of Castile who hauing sent for the dispossessed King and drawne him to Seuile made an accord with him that whatsoeuer either of them should take in the Realme of Granado should remaine to the taker These two Princes D. Pedro of Castile and Mahumet the Old of Granado came and beseeged Antequera but they could not take it wherefore they began to ouerrunne the champian country of Granado thinking that many of the horsemen Moores would come and ioyne with them and take part with King Mahumet the Old but it succeded otherwise for the army of Granado stood firme at the bridge of Vilollos and came couragiously to incounter the Castillans yet with disaduantage and losse The Christians pursuing the victory came to the bridge of Pinos with the same hope that the Granadins would reuolt but they made no shew of it wherefore the King D. Pedro returned with his army to Alcala of Bencaide At this retreat the Moores of King Mahumet the Vermeil tooke courage so as there parted from their campe about six hundred horse and two thousand foot who did ouerrun the gouernment of Caçorla sackt Peal of Hesero tooke many prisoners and brought away a great number of cattel but as they returned with this prey they were incountred about Linueça by Diego Garcia of Padilla Maister of Calatraua The Moores defeated Don Henry Henriques Gouernor of the frontier and Men Roderiques of Biedma captaine of the Bishoprike or territory of Iaen who put them to rout killing and taking many of them the rest saued themselues in the rockes The yeere following 1362. An. 1362. the Christians incouraged which this victory entred the Moores country and presented themselues before Guadix where there were six hundred horse Moores and about foure thousand foot which King Vermeil had lodged there being aduertised of the Christians deseigne These Moores kept themselues close making no shew nor offring to sally forth so as the Christians thinking the garrison to be weake diuided their forces Christians defeated by the Moores leading a part of them towards the valley of Alhama which the Moores discouering they sallied forth vpon the remainder and defeated them easily where among others D. Diego Garcia of Padilla maister of Calatraua was taken prisoner who being led to Granado was not onely wel enertained by King Mahumet Aben Alhamar but also set at liberty without ransom and presented with many rich guifts the King desiring to make him his friend and by his meanes to purchase some fauor with the King of Castile and the Noblemen of his court among the which D. Diego Garcia as brother to Donna Maria of Padilla and vncle to the children which the King D. Pedro had had was in great credit and authority Being returned into Castile the King was glad of his liberty but he did not much esteeme the bounty of the Moorish King for D. Pedro was cruell and implacable by nature and reproched the maister that by his indiscretion he had beene the cause of the route of his men and of his owne imprisonment The King entred afterwards in person into the country of Granado and tooke Isnaiar Cisnaiar Ambra Benamexir and Zagra and then returned vnto Seuile but King Mahumet the Vermeil brought his army presently to Zagra and assaulted it in such sort as Fernand of Gadillo captaine of the garrison was forced to leaue it whereat the King D. Pedro was so moued as notwithstanding that he had defended it as much as he could and ought according to the reasons of warre he caused his head to bee cut off Rigour of the King D. Pedro. and to restraine the Moores he returned instantly into their country where he tooke Hardeles Turon Cueuas and other castles king Mahumet the old being also in field As this warre was long and hard for the Granadins to maintaine against so great a power as that of Castile so it began to be troublesome to most of the knights Moores so as in Granado and in the court there was nothing to be heard but murmuring words of discontent wherevpon King Vermeil grew very doubtful of his subiects who obiected continually that for the quarrel of two men the townes and forts of the realme were made a prey vnto the Christians King Vermeil being in this perplexity and fearing least they should recal his competitor Mahumet the old and that he should be ignominiously chased away or slaine was aduised by his chiefe and most confident friends especially by Ezdriz Alen Balua who had greatly fauored him in getting the crowne to quit Granado and to retire himselfe to his enemy the king of Castile thinking that hauing shewed himself liberal courteous vnto Diego Garcia of Padilla he should also finde some fauor in the court and at all euents that the King of Castile would be glad to be Iudge and arbitrator betwixt him and Mahumet the old and that this assurance and confidence which he shewed comming to yeeld himselfe vnto him would auaile him something This was a foolish and rash resolution of his knowing what a monster in nature the King D. Pedro was how greedy he was of reuenge and how glad to shed bloud This il-aduised king came to present himselfe with foure hundred horse and about twenty hundred foot before Baena where as D. Guttiere Gomes of Toledo Prior of Saint Iohn commanded who wondring much at this vnexpected chance did accompany him vnto the court at Seuile where as the king D. Pedro receiued him very gratiously at his arriual and heard the oration that was made vnto him in this kings behalfe quietly tending that hee would be pleased to take knowledge of affection which had moued him to come and yeeld himselfe vnto him grounded vpon the remembrance that his ancestors had beene vassals to the king of Castile the which he would neuer haue contradicted had not the fauour which he had seene done vnto his aduersary Mahumet Lagus or the old driuen him into distrust notwithstanding hauing in the end considered that hee should finde equity and iustice in the king D. Pedro not willing to persist for his part in any rebellion he had resolued to come and yeeld himselfe vnto him and to referre vnto his good iudgement the controuersies which were betwixt him and his aduersary to the end that hee might determine them according vnto reason That as for himselfe beeing of the bloud of the first Kings of Granado whose royall seat the race of Farrachen had vsurped he thought he had done nothing against the duty of a man of
much ballance their affaires by the succours he gaue by sea vnto the French hauing sent a good number of ships of warre vnder the command of Ambrose Becanegra a Genouois his Admirall who stopped the passage in such sort betwixt France and England as besides many small prizes which he had taken he defeated a fleet of English about that time and tooke sixe and thirty of their vessels neere vnto Rochel by which victorie Rochel came vnder the obedience of the French king Rochel yeelded to the French and the greatest part of the prey and prisoners were carried into Spaine among the which was the Earle of Pembrooke Generall of the army Besides which succours the king Don Henry being come from Burgos to Saint Ander he sent Don Ruy Diaz of Rojas into the Prouince of Guipuscoa to make ready a new army of 40. ships the which he sent soone after vnder the command of the same Ruy Diaz to the French K. who came to Rochel and hauing ioyned with a French Captaine called Iohn Calais who had about twenty Barkes all together came and set vpon another fleet of English whom they likewise put to rout and then Don Ruy Diaz returned a victor into Spaine so as the English had reason to seeke to diuide the king of Castile from him of France and to draw him vnto their partie Pope Gregorie the eleuenth presumed to interpose his authoritie in these Princes quarrels the which did not please them Hauing made an accord betwixt the Kings of Castile and Nauarre he would also reconcile the controuersies that were betwixt Castile and Arragon and to this end hee sent the Cardinall of Cominges into Spaine who prest the two Kings to send their Deputies to debate their cause before him Don Henry named for his part the bishop of Burgos and Don Aluar Garcia of Albornoz Lord Steward of his house the king of Arragon deputed the bishop of Lerida and Don Râ—â—mond Alamâ—n Ceruillon who agreed that thâ— Colledge of Cardinals should determine this controuersie But these Princes beeing better aduised that it was not fit their quarels should be decided by the Court of Rome they tooke a better course to agree betwixt themselues The towne of Tuy which had for many mâ—â—eths refused to obey D. Henry now submitted about this peace of Arragon But the warre was renewed betwixt Castile and Portugal by reason of many prizes taken in the port of Lisbone Portugal and at sea of ships and merchants of Biscay Guipuscoa and Asturia and also for that the King Don Fernand gaue a retreat vnto the banished men of Castile concerning matters of State and also that hee had contemned the marriage concluded betwixt him and Donna Leonora of Castile to marrie Donna Leonora Telles of Meneses Neece to the Earle of Barcelos a Lady of great beautie but much inferiour in qualitie to the Infanta Donna Leonora of Castile and Donna Leonora of Arragon whom he might haue had with great profit to his Realme and to himselfe honour Hee contemned these marriages Marriage vnlawful of the king of Poâ—tugal taking away his subiects wise which had beene very beneficiall to himselfe and to his Realme of Portugall to marrie this Ladie offending God and all good lawes for he tooke her violently from her husband Laurence Vasques of Acugna forcing him to flie into Castile where he past the remainder of his dayes in exile carrying commonly hornes of siluer on his hat to witnesse the lust and infamy of his Prince yet some to excuse this fact write that the king caused this marriage to be dissolued by the Popes authoritie as vnlawfull by reason of the neerenesse of consanguinitie of the which notwithstanding there was issued one sonne called Aluaro of Acugna The king was made sure vnto her in the presence of the Earle of Barcelos and a â—â—ster of hers called Don Mary who had mannaged this marriage and to whom the king had imparted his loues When this marriage was published in Lisbone the inhabitants incensed that the king had left so profitable and honorable a marriage Tumult at Lisbon for the kings mariage as that of Castile began to mutine and hauing taken Fernand Vasques of Acugna for their Captaine they sent 300. armed men about the kings pallace and gaue the king to vnderstand in the behalfe of the citty that hee should leaue this woman else they would take her and do vnto her as their Predecessors had done to the king D. Sancho Capello in the like case The king fearing the furie of this multitude answered them mildly that in what they did they were good subiects being iealous of his honour and thanked them for their good will but he let them vnderstand that D. Leonora Telles was not his married wife and intreated them to retire vntill the next day when he would talke to them more amply of that businesse in the Monasterie of S. Dominicke This blast being blowne ouer the king parted by night out of Lisbone and carried D. Leonora Telles with him into the countrie betwixt Duero and Minio and retiring towards Porto he lodged neere vnto it in the Monasterie of Leza where he married this Lady publikely not caring how his subiects tooke it He commanded that all men should acknowledge her and call her Queene and gaue her the townes of Almadra Sintra Torresuedras Atognia Ouiedos Alanguer Abrantes Villa viciosa and many other places All in the end yeelded to it without murmuring seing it was the kings pleasure and D. Leonora had the title of Queene giuen her by all men but by D. Denis the kings brother who would neuer kisse her hand saying That it was her duty to kisse his whereat the King D. Fernand was so incensed as if Don Denis had not retired presently by the meanes of those that were then present he had stab'd him with his dagger for this cause the Infant retired himselfe for euer after into Castile When as D. Leonora Telles saw her selfe installed Queene shee made a diligent search who had bin the chiefe motiues of the mutiny at Lisbon and vnderstanding that they were of the family of Vasques of Acugna she ceased not to pursue them with a deadly hatred vntill she had forced many of them to flie into Castile Of this marriage betwixt the king D. Fernand and D. Leonora Telles issued D. Beatrix Genealogie of Portugal who was married to D. Iohn the first King of Castile borne at Coimbra and afterwards a son and a daughter who died yong some Authors hold that they were borne in adulterie committed by the Queene with D. Iohn Fernandes of Andeiro a knight of Gallicia borne at Corunua Moreouer the king before this marriage had a daughter called D. Izabel The king D. Henry hauing these causes of discontent against the king of Portugall he gaue him to vnderstand by his ambassadors that he could not take it in good part that he had retired his rebellious subiects of which he demanded
vntill he hath giuen sentence vpon the appeale or oppositions In the meane time the Earle of Ampurias who had fledde to Auignon and had employed all his meanes and friends to leauie men in France arriued in the Countie of Rossillon with eight hundred horse whereof Iohn Earle of Boullen was the Leader But the King beeing aduertised of his desseins had so well prouided for all things as the French seeing that all exploites of warre would be very difficult returned and abandoned the Earle of Ampurias This King D. Pedro being in peace with Castile and other potentats of Spaine he ws then to contend for the Island of Majorca Pretension of Iewis Duke of Aniou the country of Rostillon and Cerdagne Colibre and Valisper with Lewis Duke of Aniou sonne to Iohn the French King who pretended a right to those Estates by vertue of a cession made vnto him by the Marquesse of Montferat sister and heire to Don Iames the last King of Majorca but they came not to armes for these things the Duke of Aniou being diuerted by the affaires of Italy hauing being adopted by Ieanne Queene of Naples and crowned King of Naples by Pope Clement the seuenth in Auignon Who passing into Italy with an army died there So as Don Pedro King in Arragon was freed from the feare of warre which hee expected from France About that time or little before Frederic the third King of Sicile whom they surnamed the Simple his sonne in law died without any heires male who leauing but one onely daughter Pretensions of the King of Arragon to the realme of Sicile called Donna Maria hee pretended that the Realme belonged to the crowne of Arragon according to the testament of Frederic the second King of Sicile who was of the house of Arragon and also for other rights which he pretended By ths Testators will if there were no issue male of the direct line the women were excluded from the succession of the Realme willing that it should be vnited to the crowne of Arragon vpon these pretensions the King Don Pedro made great instance in the court of Rome and in the end made Cession of the right which hee pretended to his sonne Don Martin of Arragon Earle of Xerica and of Luna and afterwards duke of Momblane The quarrels and troubles which threatned Sicile were afterwards ended by accord in the time of King Iohn his sonne vpon condition that Donna Maria heire of the realme should marry the sonne of Don Martin called also Don Martin This D. Martin the father was Constable of Arragon King Frederic had had diuerse quarrels with Ioane Queene of Naples who pretended the realme of Sicile to belong vnto her but there was an accord made in the yeere of our Lord 1372. and since their accords were ratefied and confirmed by Pope Gregory the eleuenth in Auignon by whose authority the two realmes did for many yeeres after continue diuided The King D. Pedro being come to the fiftith yere of his raign Exactions vp the Clergie in the yeere of our Lord 1386. for the which there were great feasts and ioy at Barcelona hee would also giue the prelats and churchmen cause to remember it for contrary to all custome hee exacted throughout his realme great summes of money vpon the Clergy Afterwards this King being afflicted with griefe by reason of the seditions of his owne beeing charged with yeeres and wholy gouerned by his wife Queene Sibile hee died wherevpon the Clergy to the end they might terrefie Kings Death of D. Pedro King of Arragon that should that should attempt to impaire their reuenues said that he hauing violently vsurped the patrimony of Santa Tecla of Tarragone by the perswasion of Queene Sibile he ws cited by the proctors of that church to appeere before the Tribunall seat of God within three score daies after to giue an account for that fact and that the last day of the assignation hee died But it is to bee presumed that it ws time for him to leaue this world for hee was aboue three score and twelue yeeres old and had raigned fifty one Hee died at Barcelona in the yeere of our Lord 1387. where he was laied in the Cathedral church and was afterwards transported to the royall Monastery of Santa Maria of Poblete D. Iohn the first of that name and foureteenth King of Arragon TO the Realmes and soueraigne Estates of the deceased King succeeded his sonne D. Iohn D. Iohn King of Arragon acknowledgeth the Pope at Auignon the first of that name the eldest of his brethren the which Queene Sibile his mother in law sought by all meanes to hinder and had almost perswaded the King Don Pedro her husband to reiect him from the crowne but beeing giuen to vnderstand that such an iniustice procured by a mother in law against his eldest sonne might cause great troubles after his death he gaue way to the Order of nature and Don Iohn was King of Arragon It is remarkable that at the same time both in Castile and Portugal there were Kings raigning of the same name The King Don Pedro his father was a louer of learning he entertained the vniuersity of Lerida and erected one in Huesca Hauing giuen to his sonne Iohn the towne of Girone with the title of Dutchy then beganne the custome that the eldest of Arragon are called Dukes of Girone as the eldest sonne of France is called Daulphin of Vienne The new King Don Iohn beganne his raigne with the persecution of his mother in law who like vnto Donna Leonora of Castile was retired from Barcelona seeing the death of the King D. Pedro approch and had put her selfe into Zaroca where shee was soone beseeged and taken by Don Martin of Arragon the Kings brother And for that the King Don Iohn lay languishing in his bed and could not be eased by the art of Physicke this widow Queene was accused to haue caused him to bee poisoned wherevpon she was strictly examined and all those of her houshold All the goods the deceased King had bestowed on her wer made for faite and giuen to the Queene raigning Donna Violant The Regency or Gouernment of the realme was giuen to don Martin who also was made duke of Montblanc by letters giuen at Grenoillez neere to Barcelona The preuiledges lawes and statutes of that city were confirmed by him at his comming to the crowne Pope Clement at Auignon acknowledged in Arragon and hee did advow Pope Clement at Auignon by the councell of the Cardinall Don Pedro de Luna and the perswasion of the Queene D. Iolant or Violant and he of Rome was declared vnlawfull as made by force All grants made by the King D. Pedro since the yeere 1365. were reuoaked Such were the first acts of this King a Prince weake both in body and minde giuen to idlenesse hunting dauncing musicke and poesie with so violent an affection as they say hauing at his comming to the crowne
of D. Henry the vnable king of Castile playes and shewes where the Arch-bishop of Seuill Don Alphonso de Fonsecs hauing feasted the King Queene and the Ladies among other singularities there was serued in after dinner for the banquet two plates filled with rings of gold set with rich and pretious stones for the Ladies amongst whom Donna Guiomar was held next the Queene to be the fayrest and most beautifull Ladie of Spaine without compare to her the king shewed many amorous fauours at this feast which the Queene perceiuing grew very iealous and euer after vsed the Ladie vnkindly and rigorously by reason whereof the King shewed himselfe strange to her and appoynted her a Court and trayne apart not suffering her to come neere his Court by two leagues Whereunto the Arch-bishop of Seuille who was well seene and experienced in such businesses did willingly employ his best endeauours in the behalâ—e of Guiomar for whatsoeuer the king did was but fayned and imaginarie shewes who was so farre from beeing offended and displeased with his friends in such affaires as hee was content to spare them his owne wife for the common rumor was that not beeing able to endure that men should esteeme him vnapt for venereall acts which he reputed a great and ignominious disgrace Basenesse of K. Henry the vnable hee dealt with the Queene his wife to receiue Don Bertrand de la Cueua into her bed his base and degenerate mind desiring and consenting that this Knight should lye with her to the end shee might prooue with child by him and so by that meanes suppose an heire to the kingdome in his owne name though vnlawfully begotten by another It was credibly reported that at the first the Queene would by no possible meanes bee drawne to agree and giue her consent to so vile detestable and dishonorable a deede but yet afterwards shee had more neede to haue beene curbed in with raines and bridle then of spurres Now don Bertrand de la Cuena was a gallant and most accomplished Knight in all points belonging to an excellent Courtier and so esteemed and beloued of the King as for his sake because he so valiantly and with such an vndaunted courage defended a passage at the arriuall of an Ambassadour of Brittayne hee builded a Monasterie on the high way from Madrid to Pard which for him was named the Monasterie of Pas. The King the better to couer his owne naturall weaknesse made shew of loue to diuers Gentlewomen in sundry places for before he made loue to Ladie Guiomâ—â— he had professed himselfe seruant to another Ladie named Catherina de Sandouall whom he had oftentimes entertained prâ—â—atly but she not contented with his vaine embraces and beeing desirous to furnish her selfe with a more able Knight shee grew familiarly acquainted with a young Gentleman named Alphonso de Cordoua whom she kept companie with a long time secretly which turned to his destruction for the King hauing notice thereof commanded Alphonso to be beheaded at Medina del campo In this sort did this King behaue himselfe in his most priuate affaires giuing occasion to all men to speake euill and vncharitably of him which beeing reported vnto him hee entred into distrust and hatred against the great persons of his Realme and oftentimes for sleight occasions he would rayse great troubles And not beeing pleased that Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoça Marquis of Santillana should hold the cittie of Guadalajara where hee did not onely commaund the towne and castle as Gouernour both in matters of State and warre but also had authoritie and preheminence to bestow publike Offices hee caused him to bee taken by the Commander Iohn Fernandes Galindo who entred into the towne with sixe hundred men at armes by meanes of intelligence that he had with one of the Marquis his Captaines called Alphonso de Gaona who was corrupted with money and the Marquis was compelled to leaue that Gouernement to the Kings dispose hauing giuen him no iust nor lawfull cause of offence or iniurie and so hee retired and with-drew himselfe to Hita Soone after the King and the Queene came thither and left Alphonso de Gaona Gouernour there Don Iohn the second of that name and the eighteenth King of Arragon WHilest these affaires continued in Castile the King Don Iohn of Nauarre took quiet possession of the kingdome of Arragon Nauaâ—re and Arragon fallen vnto him by the death of his brother vnto whome came Ambassadours from the Prince Don Charles his sonne to beseech him that all faults past might be forgotten and that it might please him to receiue him into grace and fauour the which request the father easily graunted for he was very kind and gentle to his children but especially to the Prince Don Charles who beeing daily sollicited by those of the faction of Beaumont who continued and maintayned the warres in certaine sorts and strong holds in Nauarre not beeing able without him to bring their businesse to effect hee desired to returne into Spayne either to helpe them to make their peace or to defend them by force of armes Hauing then had a pleasing answer from the King his father hee departed that yeare 1459. from Sicill beeing accompanied with a great number of Sicillian Lords and Gentlemen and landed at Barcelona where beeing welcommed and receiued with great pompe Agreement betweene the King D. Iohn of Arragon his sonne Don Charles magnificence and honour by the Barcelonois hee dealt so wisely that for his sake the King pardoned those of Beaumont and declared that his pleasure was that all former matters of what kind soeuer should be buried in perpetuall obliuion those of Cattelogna beeing sureties for the sonnes faith and obedience to his father and for the fathers loue and good-will to his sonne This reconciliation beeing made to the great ioy and contentment of the whole kingdom the King D. Iohn knowing himself to be a mightie Prince thought vpon fit and conuenient meanes how to recouer his lands which were confiscate in Castile for the effecting whereof hee entred into league and confederacie with Don Alphonso King of Portugall and agreed vppon a marriage betweene the Prince his sonne and the Ladie Catherine of Portugall New desseignes to troble Castil sister to King Alphonso and to Donna Ioane Queene of Castile into the which league entred Don Alphonso Carillo Arch-bishop of Toledo the Admirall Don Frederic father-in-law to King Iohn Don Pedro Giron Master of Calatraua and all the Manriques of Castile with others whereof when the king of Castile Don Henry had notice by the aduertisement of D. 〈◊〉 de Fonfeca Arch-bishop of Seuill he was aduised by his councell to send the bishop of Cité Rodrigo and Diego de Ribera Ambassadours into Arragon vnder pretence of congratulating in his name the welcome-home of Prince Charles and his reconcilement with the king his father but they had commission to deale vnder-hand secretly with Prince Charles to offer him all friendship
new elected Cardinall to Segobia to take out of the Castle such summes as hee appointed but the Captaine Andrew de Cabrera delayed them many dayes saying that hee would cause the money to bee told out but yet they did it not for indeed hee was seruant to the Princes and wholy contrary to the Kings will as concerning Donna Ioanes marriage and besides that hee would haue nothing to doe with the Maister whom hee deadly hated fearing that all that hee went about tended to no other end but to dispossesse him of his Gouernment In the meane time the Earle of Benauent who was coosin Germaine to to Don Henry perceiuing that chiefly by the practises of the Maister the mariage was delayed and incensed with an old hatred against him about the Maistership of Saint Iames had bitter words with him telling him that hee should better haue considered of matters and not to haue procured the Infant Don Henry to haue come into Spaine in a manner to deride him and vnder colour of lyes to abuse the King the Realme and the great Lords with many other bitter words which the Maister endured with patience The death of Don Alphonso of Fonseca Archbishoppe of Siuill did promote Pero Goncales of Mendoça Bishop of Siguença to that dignity vnto whom almost at the same time that his Bulls were dispatcht from Rome was the Cardinals Hatte presented And the King beeing solicited to prouide for the troubles and miseries of his kingdome hee did the same yeare one thousand foure hundered seuenty and three call the Estates to Saint Mary de Nieua whether came the Deputies of the Communalties and citties of Castile and Regions annexed to the same There were sundry exactions abolished which had beene leuied vppon the poore people by the Kings officers Taxes leuied by vsurpation vpon the poore people abolished and by subalterne Lords following his example as paiments for the Portes bridges taxes watching and warding and other such like impositions leuied without any lawfull cause vpon wayfaring men passengers and the inhabitants of places There was also granted to the King a certaine Subsidie of money At this parlament the Infant Don Henry and his mother Donna Beatrice Pimentell were present And then the Maister of Saint Iames bethinking himselfe of another pollicy by meanes whereof hee might get the citty of Segobia into his hands hee counselled the King to remooue the assembly of the estates to Segobia where more commodiously the affaires of the kingdome might bee managed The Maister of S. Iames his couetousnesse cut short and Donna Ioanes marriage concluded vpon the which assembly should bee there in safety vnder the faith and safeguard of the Marquis of Santillana whom hee perswaded to demand for the same purpose the Keyes of the gates of Saint Iohn and Saint Martin of the same citty of Andrew de Cabrera but Cabrera perceiuing very well wherevnto it tended and beeing resolued couragiouslie to oppose himselfe against the Maister of Saint Iames found many probable excuses and delayed the matter till some other determination was taken wherein hee was supported and fauoured by the new Archbishop of Siuill and Cardinall of Spaine who had secretly vnited himselfe to the Princes and was wholy against Donna Ioane In this manner the Maister was disappointed of his purposes to his great greefe who in like manner sought to surprise the castle of Toledo and raised such a tumult there as the King was faine to goe thither in person to appease it Impunity the nurse of all disorders but hee caused no enquirie to bee made for the ringleaders to that mischiefe to punish them according to their deserts by reason wherof euery man almost committed what mischiefe hee pleased without any feare of the lawes Whilest the king remained at Toledo the Marquis of Villena sonne to the Maister of Saint Iames came to doe him reuerence whom hee receiued with extraordinary kindnesse the Maister beeing then at Pignafiell with his wife the Dutchesse of Escalona And when the King returned to Segobia the Marquis of Villena followed him but he lodged without the city at the Monastery of Parrall because of the quarrels betwixt his father and Andrew de Cabrera the King went often to heare masse at this Monastery and to visit the Marquis As these matters passed the Princesse D. Isabella hauing intelligence with the Inhabitants of Aranda de Duero tooke that place which belonged to the Queene whereat the King merueilously storming Andrew de Cabrera put him in minde of the great tirannies of the Maister of Saint Iames and of his insatiable couetousnesse in getting of townes and cities and how hee had continually without any respect hurried and tired his royall person as hee himselfe very well knew and therefore hee perswaded him to be pleased that the Princesse his sister might safely come to the castle of Segobia where they might see one an other and conferre together which could not choose but bee exceeding profitable for the Kingdome and for all good men The King who was tender hearted and easie to bee carried away was pleased therewith and after that hee had heard the opinion of the Cardinall of Spaine and of the Earle of Benauent hee was more desirous of it and Donna Beatrice of Bouadilla wife to Andrew of Cabrera disguised in the habit of a country-man and riding vpon an asse went her selfe to Aranda to cause the Princesse to come to the castle of Segobia who beeing accompanied with the Archbishop of Toledo Enterview of King Henry and the Princesse Isabella his sister and others came thither and entred the castle in a morning before day where she was courteously entertained Her comming was on the sodaine the King beeing absent at that time from Segobia hunting in the forrest of Balsain who was hastned by Cabrera who did greatly suspect the stay of the Marquis of Villena at the Monastery of Parrall fearing that hee remained there to make some practise vpon him Now as soone as the Marquis of Villena knew that the Princesse was come to the castle of Segobia he dislodged in all hast and neuer left galloping till he was arriued at Aillon fearing to be taken The Earle of Benauent and Cabrera rode forthwith to the forrest to giue the King notice that his sister was come who returned to Segobia and after that hee had dined he came to the castle to see the Princesse to whom he vsed all signes of loue and friendship and sitting downe one neere to an other they talked a long while togither and at last the King tooke his leaue of her with many curteous ceremonies seeming to bee highly pleased The Maister of Saint Iames hauing intelligence of all these matters thought to prouide for his owne safety whatsoeuer should happen and therefore hee went to Cuellar to talke with D. Bertrand de la Cueua Duke of Albuquerque whether at his intreaty came the new Constable Don Pedro de Velasco Earle of Haro his father in
attended the affaires of his kingdome but his minde was aboue all other matters set on this nauigation the which hee did set downe according to the opinions which hee had receiued from diuerse places which did confirme and verifie the discourse which Pedro de Cobanilla had sent him who remained in Prester Iohns Countrey Emperour of Aethiopia from whence there arriued at Lisbone a little before the Kings death a learned and discreete Monke who informed the king more particularly of diuers matters which serued afterwards to great purpose Now king Iohn feeling himselfe neere his end made his Will and hauing no lawfull children hee knew that the kingdome was to fall to Don Manuell Duke of Beja Hee was therefore desirous to giue Don George his base sonne a portion vnto whome hee gaue the Cittie of Coimbra with the title of Duke and Montmajor the old and the lands of the Infantasgo in the same forme as his Grandfather the Infant Don Pedro father to Queen Izabella his mother had possessed them hee gaue him moreouer the Isle of Madera Beja and Viseo which was not performed afterward This will and Testament was signed by Don Manuel and D. George and by fiue other personages of great place who made vp the number of seuen witnesses After this hee went into Algarbe to the Bathes of Monchiz in the moneth of October the season beeing cold and vnfit for his disease and hunting the wild Bore vppon a wet rainie day hee got a fluxe Wherefore as soone as he came to Albor assured tokens of death beganne to appeare vpon him wherof he was admonished by D. Diego Ortiz Bishop of Tanger and Don Diego Almeyda Prior of Saint Iohns who was Gouernour to Don George then disposing himselfe to dye hee appoynted certaine things out of a little Booke to be read and accomplished at such time as he was readie to giue vp the ghost First hee craued pardon of the Dutchesse Donna Beatrix his mother-in-law of Queene Leonora his wife and of the Cardinal Don George of Acosta who then was at Rome he likewise craued pardon of the whole Estates of his Kingdome in generall And to the end that his sonne Don George should not grieue and trouble his mind hee caused him to bee ledde foorth of his chamber and there stood round about his bed Don George of Almeyda Bishop of Coimbra and his brother Don Diego of Almeyda Prior of Saint Iohns Don Iohn de Silua Bishop of Silues Don Diego Ortiz Bishop of Tanger and Don Iohn de Vasconcellos Earle of Penela with certaine Chaplens who exhorted him for his soules health In this manner this King died hauing held the scepter of Portugall foureteene yeares and two moneths in the yeare 1495. and in the sixe and fortieth of his age Death of king Iohn of Portugal his bodie by his owne appointment was layd in the Cathedrall church of Silues and was afterwards transported by the commaundement of the King his successor to the Monasterie of Battaile 1495. beeing the last king that was buried there and it is reported that yet to this day his bodie lyes whole and vnconsumed He was an excellent King and esteemed to be so by the other Princes of Christendome Returning to the affaires of Castile King Ferdinand and Queene Izabella departing from Tordesillas Castile went to Areualo to visite the old Queene Izabella mother to Queene Izabella then raigning from whence they came to Segouia and afterward to Madrid where by the aduice of their Councell it was decreed that the king should take the Master-ship of Alcantara into his owne hands as well as those of Saint Iames and Calatraua for to be perpetuall Administrator thereof and to the end that there might bee no more masters in Castile then the King and Queene the which was approued by authoritie Apostolicall Don Iohn of Estuniga beeing bereft of his Mastership was otherwaies recompenced This yeare also the new Chancerie and royall audience at Cité reall was erected for pleas and causes depending beyond Tayo this riuer separating the bounds of the two Chanceries namely of this and of that at Vailiodolit from this Spring in the mountaine of Cuenca where it enters into the lands of Portugall Don Alphonso Carillo Bishop of Catania and afterwards of Auilla was the first President thereof Now the King and Queene had sent some few dayes before Antonio Fonseca Ambassadour to the French king Charles the eight to the end to diuer him from the warre of Naples enterprized against King Alphonso their Newphew and to declare plainely to him now that they had gotten the Earledome of Rossillon their meaning And king Charles beeing alreadie come into Italy with a mightie armie the Ambassadour metre him at Vilitri neere to Rome where he deliuered his Ambassage and did protest notwithstanding the agreement and promises made at the restitution of the Earledome of Rossillon that if he did persist to poursue by armes his pretended right to the kingdome of Naples king Fernand his master could do no lesse then shew himselfe his enemie and take vpon him his Nephewes defence and therefore he entreated him to thinke of it and to referre all their differences to the Popes iudgement who could very well iudge whither the kingdome of Naples did belong to the French or to the Arragonois The Ambassador wold haue sayd more but he was interrupted in his speech by certain hotte and fierie French Lords who made him hold his peace and told him that he spake too arrogantly and impertinently Peace betwixt Fâ—ance and Castile broken therefore the Ambassador following his instruction tooke the Articles of the last agreement betwixt King Charles and King Ferdinand which he brought with him and tare them in peeces in the presence of the King Lords and Knights of his Armie and hee warned at the same instant Charles de Areillan and Iohn Petit Ceruillon Spanish Captaines who serued in King Charles his Armie that as subiects to King Ferdinand they should depart thence within three dayes and giue ouer the French Kings seruice on paine of being held rebels to their Prince From the same time was the friendship betwixt those two Kings broken and warre in a manner denounced King Charles pursued his destenie and without any difficulty made himselfe maister of the Realme of Naples King Alphonso before hee had fully raigned a yeare hauing giuen ouer the kingdome to his sonne Ferdinand went into Sicill and there ledde a monastick life but not long after the Kings of Castile beeing at Tortosa in Cattalonia did openly and by effect declare themselues enemies to the French as well for feare least they being already Maisters of Naples should seaze vpon Sicill where they pretended like right as also at the entreaty of Pope Alexander and other Potentates of Italy being in the same feare of their owne estates and would not permit the power of the French to grow so great in Italy therefore they set forth a Nauie of
well our dueties we will doe him the honour and reuerence that belongs vnto him that we haue no other king but Cesar The prince Charles was not yet chosen emperor but that 〈◊〉 was taken as a presage of his future election The first care of cardinall Ximeâ—â—s was to make an agreement with doctor Adrian who had brought letters and authoritie from prince Charles by the which he declared him his lieutenant in case that the king D. Ferdinand should die during his legation in 〈◊〉 The accord was thus made Accord for the gouernement of Spaine that vntill they had other newes from prince Charles they should ioyntly signe all dispatches After which they were to pacifie a trouble that was of no small consequence for D. 〈…〉 called the Deafe brother to the duke of Escalona the stemme of the Marquesse of Villeneâ—â—â— at this day had obtained after the decease of the great captaine who aspired to the mastership of S. Ieams bulls and prouision from the pope of that mastership did sollicite the commanders of the Ordâ—â— to assemble togither to recieue him Contention for the mastership of S. Ieams but prince Charles during his grandfâ—â—hers life had also obtained a later prouision by the â—eans of D. Bernâ—rdin of 〈◊〉 of all these three masterships in his person and it is most certaine that king Ferdinand was not 〈…〉 that he would haue giuen them to the infant D. Ferdinand The cardinall being advertised of these things he sent with the aduise of doctor Adriâ—â— and the Councel 〈◊〉 one of the Alcaides of the court with letters 〈…〉 this assembly of the commaunders whereunto they obeyed euen 〈◊〉 himselfe who desisted from his enterprise This Cardinall had a watchfull eie upon the actions of the Infant D. Ferdinand and of those which did gouerne him lâ—â—ing alwayes neere vnto his person Prouidence of Cardinal Ximenes for the a peace of Spaine for he feared lest the noblemen of Castille who desired som alteration in the state would corrunt him and make vse of his name He prouided in such sort for queene Germaine in this beginning to whom all things were difficult that shee might not want money for the entertainment of her house and royall dignities The place of residence for the councel was chosen at Madrid for that it was commodiâ—â—â— for the 〈◊〉 being not farre from his archbishopricke of Toledo from whence they 〈◊〉 Peter of Câ—mpreal Rengifo of Auila to carrie news vnto prince Charles of the 〈…〉 of the king his grandfather and of all that past since The prince was 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 where he had 〈…〉 bred vp and his brother D. 〈◊〉 in Spainâ— the one instructed in the 〈◊〉 fashions of the Flemings the other in thoâ—â— of Spaine which 〈◊〉 the Spaniard◠〈◊〉 cheâ—â—â—â— the yonger more and did much trouble the Cardinall 〈◊〉 The chiefeâ—â—â— which at that time did gouern the person of prince Charles 〈…〉 of Bourgondie and afterwards Chauncellour the Lord of Cheures and Laxatâ—â— Chamberlaines Laurence Gorrebot great master and Charles of Lannoy Master of the Horse Hee had a Phisition of Milâ—n called Peter Marlian a learned man and of great experience who was the inuentor of that Mott Plâ—â— vltra the which prince Charles vsed betwixt Hercules pillers hee was afterwards bishop of Tuy but against the will of cardinall Ximenes The lord of Cheures was of greatest authority about the prince hauing bred him vp hee was so hated of King Ferdinand as a little before his death in a certaine treaty made with doctour Adrian hee would haue it expresly reserued that Cheures should be chased away Cheures gouernour to prince Charles the which did much discontent him who for that cause conceiued a great hatred against doctor Adrian but hee was forced to yeeld that to the King that hee might winne his loue to prince Charles for hee sawe his intent was to debase him to aduaunce the Infant D. Ferdinand if hee could Of Spaniards D. Iohn Manuel was in some credite in the court of Flaunders a flatterer and breeder of debate betwixt King Ferdinand and Philip of Austria his sonne in lawe for the which hee was put in prison by the lady Marguerite gouernesse of Flaunders but after the kings death hee was presently set at libertie by prince Charles D. Antonio of Estuniga brother to the duke of Bejar was also honoured in that Court D. Pedro Portocarrero sonne to him that was deafe of whom wee haue spoken D. Lewis of Cordoua D. Alphonso Mantiques the bishop of Badajos and Pedro Mota archbishoppe of Seuile a famous preacher and Secretary to the prince Such was the estate of his Court when hee receiued newes of the death of the king his grandfather for the which hee shewed a griefe befitting nature and the neerenesse of bloud that was betwixt them hee commended him for the election which hee had made of the cardinall Francis Ximenes and did write vnto the Infant his brother to the widow Queene and to the councell giuing them hope that hee would bee soone in Spaine In his first letters to the Gouernours and the Councell hee did intitle himselfe Prince but some of the Councell of Flanders seeing Queene Ioane weake of her sences and to bee but a vaine maske of royall dignitie they were of opinion that hee should take the title of King the which hee did for that said hee it was conformable to the custome of the princes of Flaunders and Germanie Title of King allowed in Castille to prince Charles during his mothers life but not in Arragon and that it was the aduice of the Emperour Maximilian and of Pope Leo the which was not well liked of in Spaine notwithstanding seeing hee had once taken it it would haue beene dishonourable to haue left it and therefore hee continued this title the cardinall Ximenes causing the rest to allow of it and thereupon they did aduaunce the Standard and Armes of the new King Charles in the towne of Madrid The Arragonois strict defenders of their Lawes would neuer allow of this title of King during the life of Queene Ioane of whom D. Alphonso of Arragon archbishoppe of Saragosse was gouernor 18 Whilest these things were done at Madrid by cardinall Ximenes there grew new tumults Quarrell betwixt Pedro Giron and the duke of Medina Sidonia the which did first disquiet Andalusia and afterwards all the Prouinces of Spaine The chiefe of this tumult was D. Pedro Giron eldest sonne to the earle of Vregna who entred the countrey of the duke of Medina Sidonia with forces and besieged Luzero a sea towne with an intent to seaze vpon the whole Duchieâ— if hee could And this was the cause of his enterprise D. Iohn of Guzman duke of Medina Sidonia married two sisters successiuely one after an other daughters to the Duke of Bejar by the first hee had two children D. Henrie and D. Mentia and by the second one sonne called D. Aluaro D.
hee enioyes whereunto the publique authority is now ioyned Thinke you that in this action hee will shew himselfe lesse constant and resolute than hee hath beene No doubtlesse and hee will be very violent to moue the people against vs of whom wee are already but too much hated wherefore my friends let vs attempt nothing against the commonweale the which wee must of necessitie doe if wee vndertake anie thing against cardinall Ximenes let vs finde out some other meanes to maintayne our dignities which may be allowed of all men and then esteeme mee vnwoorthy the ranke which I hold and the house from whence I am descended if I be not the first to maintayne the honour of nobilitie against the insolencie of this man and I will imploy all my forces and meanes for the defence of you my knisemen and alies When the duke of the Infantazgo had thus spoken the assistants considering the weight of this reasons were much cooled wherefore it was concluded that they should send vnto king Charles D. Aluaro Gomez the dukes sonne in law a wife and an eloquent man who in the name of these Lords should beseech him to take from cardinall Ximenes the authority and gouernement of the realmes for the causes which they gaue him by ample instructions This done the duke of the Infantazgo feasted the whole assembly for certayne dayes with great sports and state of all which the cardinall was particularly aduertised by his friends and spies but not regarding it much for hee was priuie to their meanes and faculties Nobilitie that spends much 〈◊〉 maintaine an enterprise calling this nobilitie but shadowes and scarre-crowes who liued in continuall delight and superstons expences wherewith they were so consumed and indebted as most commonly they had nothing left them to maintayne their rash enterprises but their tongues and a vaine pride without any power Notwithstanding for asmuch as these conuenticles and priuate assemblies could not but breed troubles in the state hee did aduertise them by graue men to desist for their owne good from such practises and enterprises the which hee would haue them know hee had meanes to resist and to make them vaine without imploying the kings treasure but with his owne estate yea were there question to put an army to field whereby they should soone finde their owne weakenesse wherefore hee did admonish them that seeing they must of force be the kings subiects and obey his lawes not to put themselues in daunger Hereby this stirre ceased without any further bruite and the assembly of Guadalajara was dispersed so as many of them which had beene there did soone after practise by all meanes to insinuate into the cardinalles fauour namely the duke of the Infantazgo and the Constable Wisedome of Cardinall Ximenes to maintaine his authoritie This wife and industrious man knowing what crosses hee might haue daily in the gouernement of so great affaires amongest a nobility which did both hate and enuy him hee knew well how to prouide for his dignity the safety of his person and the peace of Spaine He had D. Diego Lopes of Ayala a most faithfull sollicitor of his affaires in the court of king Charles by whose sollicitation and diligence hee desired â—etters patents with full and royall authority in all things and that namely hee should haue free liberty in matters of state to doe that which he should thinke profitable for the safety of the kingdomes the like authority ouer Iustice to establish alter and depose as hee should thinke fit and in like manner ouer the treasure for hee was not contented with the authoritie which was giuen him by the testament of the deceased King D. Ferdinand confirmed by priuate letters and messages from the king if hee had not letters drawne in forme of a publique Decree and the resoulution of the princes Councell Notwithstanding without attending them hee put one thing in execution which had beene formerly proiected and attempted by the deceased King D. Ferdinand the execution whereof had beene hindered by the Kings infirmitie and death Legâ—â—â— sâ—â—ldiers instituted by cardinall Ximenes That is he ordayned for the defence of the realme in generall as well against foreine enemies as home bred mutines legions and bands of ordinarie souldiers taken out of the citizens and burgesses of the good townes of Spaine men of good fame dwellers and hauing as they say fire and family remembring that hee had heard the deceased King discourse That an army of such men was more profitable and of greater effect in any kinde than that which was leuied of vagabond people and ill liuers whereof most companies that are extraordinarily raised doe consist who haue no courage but to spoile and are more hurtfull to friends then enemies whereas the other louing their honour their goods wiues and children are animated to fight more couragiously against an enemy for their defence and fearing the Lawes for that they haue something to loose they abstaine from doing wrong vnto their friends Men that haue families fitter to make souldiers to defend a realme then vagabâ—nds besides it is a ready force and is sodainely assembled which keepes them in awe that would seeke to inuade and spoyle the realme or moue seditions and tumults This ordinance hauing beene concluded in the Councell at Madrid contayned That such as should hee 〈◊〉 beare armes should giue in their names and be inrolled by certaine Commissaries deputed and that they should enioy many exemptions of taxes subsidies lodgings and other charges accustomed to bee imposed and leuied vpon the people to whom should be giuen captaines officers trumpets drummes and fifes payed with the kings money They should arme and be readie when they should be commaunded and should come euery Sunday to be mustered before the people This Edict being proclaimed throughout the townes of Castille was receiued and found good with great ioy and contentment so as in an instant there were aboue thirtie thousand men inrolled euery one thinking it was an easie way to attaine vnto a degree of gentrie and in trueth they could not haue desired a thing more profitable and more delightfull for the youth which is corrupted through idlenesse and giuen to vice and damnable pleasures by this meanes they gaue themselues to manage armes to ride horses to leape runne swimme and other such exercises as were inioyned them and giuen them in discipline by old experimented captaynes and it was a pleasing fight to behold their troupes well armed to march in good order For the which cardinall Ximenes did purchase the reputation of a wise and prudent Gouernor yea with foreine kings and princes thinking as it is true that there is no force like vnto it when it is moderated with good iustice especially in the beginning by meanes whereof we reade that great and populous nations haue been easily vanquished by small potentates The seditious and men desirous of innouations in Spaine Murmuâ—ing of the Spaniards against the cardinall
Romanes which Sicambrians of the Rhin did afterwards take the name of Frances or French and haue imparted it to others So as wee may be good proofes conclude that when as in the time of the emperour Valentinian the Sicambrians French erected a realme in Gaule that they were no new people but of the same nation whereof a number became more eminent than the rest not for any desire to rule ouer them but in hatred of the Romanes tyranny and to repulse the Bourgongnians Gothes and other barbarous Nations which spoiled the Countrie and held their brethren in seruitude Hauing freed them and ioyning all in one bodie they erected this French monarchy which hath exceeded all others in dignitie and valour adding to the name of Gaule that of France in honour and remembrance of their deliuerers who held the Scepter and Soueraigntie as due vnto them but the Belges Celtes French Acquitanes and finally all the Gaules made the bodie of the estate vnder one common bond of ciuill libertie one honouring another by mutuall courtesies for as the Gaules had reuerâ—nced the French armes which had freed them from seruitude and oppression so the French for their part had receiued with honour the ciuilitie lawes and religion of the Gaules made an equalitie of free right betwixt them The Spaniards haue no memorie to brag on Spaine a prey to the Barbarians for as Pharamond made warre in the lower part of Gaule Belgike Spaine was then a prey and torne in peeces by diuers cruell and barbarous nations hauing neither feare nor courage to resist them The Gothes beganne to shew themselues on this side the Alpes and to frame a royall estate in Gaule making their seat at Tolousa but they held it not long for the French sent them soone beyond the Pyrenees to contend with the Vandales Alanes Sueues who had already wholy subdued Spaine and hauing diuided it among them fell to iarre about their portions at the comming of this Gotike nation who had no coÌ„formitie nor acquaintance with the Spaniards as the Sicambrians had with the Gaules but was a meer stranger an enemie seeking nothing but spoile The Spaniards hauing beene conquered by the Gothes from the Romanes and the aboue named nations they fell out of one seruitude into another which continued aboue one hundred and twentie yeares and their condition was very miserable from Wallia the Arrian king vnto Richareds the Christian for all that time was a meere conquest full of desolations and ruines without any forme of good gouernment whilest that the raigne of the French Gaules was setled in pietie and justice and did prosper in armes subduing the Burgongnians forcing the remainder of the Gothes which were on this side the Pyrenee mountains to goe to their companions in Spaine and rooting out the rest of the Romanes in Gaule Ricaredo and some other kings following him held some better order in their gouernments and made lawes grounded vpon naturall equitie justice the which are at this day in price There past some raigns in this natioÌ„ in the which the princes being made Christians did willingly take counsell in Spirituall things of the Clergie in national councels which were often held and namely at Toledo In like maner the Clergie did reuerence the royall authority and did freely receiue fit orders for their estate in temporal things we must confesse that whilest this harmony lasted Abuse of Councels in Spaine the Spaniards their affairs did prosper but when their Councels were conuerted into assemblies of the states where also the Clergie would euer haue most authoritie when as instead of treating of the doctrine of Iesus Christ and the due dispensation of his heauenly blessings among Christians studying to refute errors with knowledge and charitie and to reclaime the manners and affections of men to the rule of true Iustice By holie Constitutions they did handle with contention the preheminences of Prelats in their diocesses and iurisdictions disposed of the estate of Kings houses of the honours and offices thereof and of the gard of their persons reconciled quarrelles among great men and dealt in other such worldly affaires all vnder the authoritie of Councells whereby all was corrupted euery man for getting his ranke in the end they found proud and obstinate Kings in that State who in disdaine of the impertinencie and excesse of such pastors and for their cause of religion it selfe abandoned themselues to all vice and impietie so as God to punish them gaue way to the Moores and Arabians who entred into Spaine Moores the scourge of Gods iustice and made such a spoile as both Clergie and Laie men King and Subiects Noblemen and Clownes finally all degrees smarted many yeeres That from these lamentable calamities the defenders of the Spaniards preheminence and of their kings seeke I know not by what Art to draw glorie saying with ostentation that their nation hath always preserued among the Gothes and Sarazins which haue ruled ouer them their Language Religion and Libertie wherein they shew themselues verie vaine Vanities of the Spaniards for as for their libertie the Histories shew the contrarie neither had they kept their religion pure And as for their language they of the French partie said that the Spaniards had vrged it to no purpose yea if they would consider it well they should find that it gaue them no grace but did rather blemish them If they will say that in Spaine they neither speake the Gothike Arabic nor Africane tongues they must also adde that they speake not Spanish there The French doe freely confesse that the true Languages of the Gaules and French are not much vsed now in Fraunce Doe wee not know that either of them spake the Roman tongue in those daies for hauing beene long subiect to the Empire of Rome they were forced to learne the tongue and to vse it by an expresse Lawe as all other people did which were subdued by this proud Nation This Roman tongue was retained both by the Spaniards and French to this day yet mingled and corrupted by other tongues but there is one notable difference which giues the aduantages to the French which is that although they haue some words and tearmes remaining of the Roman tongue yet haue they very few that are meerly strange but are of the old Sicambrian German and Teuton tongues which is the common language of the French and of all the auncient Gaules whereas that which the Spaniards vse at this day consists of the Roman Gothike Arabic Moorish and African tongues a perpetuall note vnlesse they change it that they haue serued the Gothes Moores Arabians and Africans the which is yet fresh And therfore it appeeres that the Gaules being deliuered from the Roman yoake by the French their Country men hauing made one body and one people haue since preserued their language better and more generously than the Spaniards and which doth more import increasing still in power
end that if they did not receyue him willingly his title beeing so well grounded he would vse force and therefore they should aduise not to draw themselues their families and the whole Realme into a warre and the miseries which follow it These letters were deliuered to many with good words and presents Lisbon refuseth the King of Spains letters but the cittie of Lisbone would not receiue them and as Christopher de Mora had left them with the Officers of the Cittie they sent them sealed vp vnto their King who was much trobled with this weightie busines and could not resolue any thing that was pleasing to king Philip who threatened him and began to let the Portugals know that he prepared to armes for not meaning to be taken vnprouided at Henries death which could not be long and that this delay should not any way preiudice him in that he pretended to be King of Portugal in despight of all those that would contradict he had drawne into Spaine of Germans Italians and Spaniards of his old regiments of Italy to the number of 18000. foot whom he entertayned many moneths with great charge and hinderance to his subiects in Andalusia and other places nere to Portugall which they could not coniecture to be to any other end but to inuade that realme where they sayd openly that armes and force were his best title for he had no right vnto it He among all the pretendants which did most trouble him and the King Don Henry also was Don Antonio Prior of Crato who was very well beloued of the people and of many of the Nobilitie The King was so incensed against him as he gaue commandement he should not be heard and taking vppon him to re-examine his cause of Legitimation he sought to dissolue the sentence which was giuen by Emanuell d' Almada Bishop of Angra appoynted Iudge by the Pope whereof Pope Gregorie the 13. beeing aduertised he retayned the knowledge of the cause to himselfe yet Don Henry either mooued by his owne passion or prest by the Castillans declared this sentence to be voyd by his owne authoritie without forme of law or solemnitie of iustice but Conestagio in the Historie of Portugall writes that King Henry had obtayned a Breefe secretly from the Pope Sentence of D. Antonio's legitimation disanulled by the which he gaue him authoritie to iudge the cause of legitimation absolutely without any forme of Processe and that of foure witnesses two confessed that they had beene suborned by Don Antonio and that the other two were suspected as his neere allies and disagreeing betwixt themselues and that Lewis his father tearmed him Bastard in his last will whereuppon hee declared Don Antonio illegitimate imposing him perpetual silence touching the pretended marriage and legitimation sending a Sergeant to Crato to seaze vpon the Prior but hee found him not This he writes But were it true or false the King leauing the qualitie of a Iudge commanded Don Antonio of his royall authoritie not to come within thirtie leagues of the Court. Then his indignation increasing he banished him the Realme depriued him of all pensions priuiledges and fauours which he had receyued of precedent kings seeking by all meanes to haue him apprehended and to put him into some streight prison yet Don Antonio went not out of the Realme but retired to some of his friends or to some Monasteries vppon the fronter neither did he forbeare to come and sollicite the Iudges with the which the king was dayly incensed Being prest by the importunities of king Philips Ambassadors terrified by his preparation to armes and perswaded by his Confessor father Lyon Henrique he did adhere wholy vnto him and there was then no difficultie but to find meanes to name him and to get the consent of the Estates and therefore he propounded a kind of accord betwixt the Realme and king Philip the which shold be treated by his means in an assembly of the Estates the which he called to that end But the king of Castile would not put his right to Compromise and detested this Assembly of the Estates K Henry falles sicke aduertising king Henry that he should not treate of this businesse with them vnited in one bodie but particularly with the chiefe of the Clergie the Nobilitie and the townes In the meane time the king D. Henry found himselfe ill so as being taken with great faintings which held him long the Councel which was about him and the Deputies assembled in the towne of Almerin whither they were retired by reason of the plague which was very violent in Lisbon and in a manner in all the other townes of the Realme thinking that he would neuer recouer it they presumed to open the boxe wherein was the lyst of such as he had chosen to be Gouernors of the Realme and to proceede to the nomination of a Successor in case he had not done it where they found Gouernors of Portugal that of the fifteene that were contayned in the rowle he had chosen George d' Almada Arch-bishop of Lisbon Francis de Sada Lord Chamberlain Iohn Tello Iohn Mascaregnas and Diego Lope de Sosa President in the Councell of Iustice at Lisbon The king was somewhat recouered but knowing that he drew neere his end employing the remainder of his daies in the care of his soule and leauing this businesse with others imperfect An. 1580. he dyed the last of Ianuary 1580. hauing held the royall seate as the Castillans sayd seuenteene moneths and some dayes Death of King Henry beeing 68. years old for he dyed in the same moneth and on the same day that he was borne This was the last king of Portugall in whom ended the direct masculine line And as the first Lord of Portugall though with the title of an Earle was called Henry euen so was the last Life of King Henry He was of a thinne bodie low of stature and leane of his visage hee had an indifferent good wit and was endowed besides the Latine toung with some knowledge He was alwaies held to be chast and did neuer blemish that angelicall vertue but with the desire of marriage in his latter dayes He was accompted sparing giuing rather then denying for he refused seldome but he gaue sparingly he was ambitious of all Iurisdiction as well ecclesiasticall as ciuill zealous in religion but more seuere then was fit in the reformation of Clergi-men He was Bishop Gouernor of the Realme Inquisitour Maior Cardinall Apostolicke Legate and King But the greater he grew in dignitie the more he discouered his incapacitie and weaknesse suffering himselfe in greatest affaires to be ouer-ruled by his ministers not able to determine the cause of the succession Hee was very obstinate in his opinions neuer forgetting any wrongs so as iustice was in him but an vniust execution of his passions and therefore a religious man whome hee had prest to take vppon him a most strict course of life sayd vnto him that hee
would obey seeing there was no humane helpe against his Commandements for he had the will of a man the authoritie of a Pope and the execution of a King To conclude hee had many vertues and fewer vices yet they were equall for he had the vertue of a Church-man and the defects of a Prince during his life he was feared of many and beloued of few so as no man lamented his death onely such as were well affected desiring the cause of succession had beene first decided had some feeling The fiue Gouernors being at Almerin at the time of his death they began to exercise their charge as Kings and their first resolution was to send Ambassadours to King Philip whome they saw in armes and who had in a manner threatened the deceased king and the Realme to intreate him to proceede in this busines by the way of iustice and to assure him that it should be done him witnessing moreouer the great good will and respect which the Gouernors the chiefe of the Nobilitie and the good townes of Portugall bare vnto his highnesse The king before their audience made some difficulty whether he should receiue them with the accustomed ceremonies to Princes Ambassadors or as simple Deputies of his subiects but he was counselled to heare them as Ambassadors to the end he might winne the loue of the Portugueses so as they were heard with their hats on the king beeing vncouered at their comming in The Ambassadours were the Bishop of Coimbra and Emanuel de Mela and they came vnto the King being at Guadalupe who made a long relation vnto them of his rights and of the consultations which he had made as well to make them apparent to the world as to satisfie his owne conscience that he knew well there were many among the Nobilitie and townes ill affected vnto him whom he had good meanes to draw vnto their duties wherefore the Gouernours and the Estates should be well aduised and not be the cause of a warre in their countrey giuing them a short time to send him their last resolution The Deputies of the Estates of the Realme who had beene called by the deceased king were all at Saint Iren a towne right against Almerin the riuer of Tagus running betwixt them who seeing the Gouernors manner of proceeding they gaue them to vnderstand that their Councell and Assembly was superiour vnto them as representing the Realme and the generall Estates thereof and therefore they sent word vnto the Gouernours that leauing Almerin which was small and not able to lodge so great a multitude they should come to S. Iren to the end they might all together determine of that was fitting for the preseruation of the Realme and put it in execution and not make them vpon euery occasion to passe the riuer for their affaires required expedition and no delayes saying that their most necessarie prouisions was to man the entries of the Realme with soldiers the which they should haue done before they sent Ambassadors to King Philip. This did amaze the Gouernours and caused bad intelligence betwixt them and the Estates so as in disdaine one of another they did not any good for the publike Among these Gouernours there were there noted to fauour King Philip Discâ—rd betwixt the Gouernâ—rs and the Estates the other two were for the Realme Among the Deputies of the Estates most of them were for Don Antonio Prior of Crato who hauing notice of the death of Don Henry came presently to Lisbone spake vnto the Magistrates of the Cittie shewed himselfe vnto the people saluted euery man seeking to maintaine himselfe in the loue of the multitude D. Anthâ—â—ies proceedings with all the humilitie that might be hee wrote vnto the Deputies of the Estates at S. Iren and came himselfe to present the Popes Bull vnto them by the which the sentence of the deceased King giuen against him was suspended he remembred his rights vnto the Crowne and protested that he would submit himself to iustice according to the resolution which was taken whilest he liued in the open Estates and conformable also to the sayd Kings last will made eight moneths before his death by the which he declared him his successor that should be found to haue most right by the Iudges This course was desired by all in generall namely by the other Pretendants except King Philip who pressing the Ambassadours much to haue their last resolution whether they would receiue him for their King or not and they desiring him to giue them a longer time then he had prefixed he told them plainely that he would vse his rights according to his meanes and dignitie The which the Gouernours the Duke of Bragança and other Noblemen that were at Almerin seeing they began to prouide for the frontiers but so late and so slowly as all men wondred the Deputies of the Estates insisting stil that they should all assemble in one place to consult ioyntly together how to repulse the iniurious force which the Castillans their ancient enemies would do vnto the Realme And although it seemed reasonable that the Gouernors who were but few in number and had but a transitorie and limited authoritie for a time should passe vnto S. Iren and make shew to allow of it yet they did it not they still remayning in their seuerall lodgings making very preiudiciall decrees apart which in the end blemished the honour of the Crowne of Portugall one weakening anothers authoritie whereas if they had beene well vnited euery man would haue obeyed them and they might haue opposed such forces against King Philip as happily he might haue yeelded to a iudiciall course The Gouernours sent Commissions into the Prouinces to raise the Commons and commanded the Lords which had lands and vassals to be mounted and armed readie to march when they should be called but they did little regard it The King of Spaine beeing aduertised of all their disorders was exceeding glad for that they prepared a way for him to attaine vnto that which he pretended and without any further delay hee caused those troupes which he had so long entertayned to march towards Badajos where hee had appoynted the Rendez-vous for the armie he commanded Don Fernando de Silua Earle of Cifuentes Guidon Major of Castile to draw foorth the Standardâ—royal which is neuer displayed but when as the King goes to the warre in person Hee made choice of the Duke of Alba to be his Lieutenant to leade this armie Philips troupes marchâ—th towards Portugall whom hee freed from prison for a certaine precipitated marriage made by Don Frederick his sonne and by his counsell causing him to come to Merida to conferre of the meanes to enter with an army into Portugall yet some say that he saw not the King but marched directly to the armie In the meane time he did write againe and perswaded the Gouernors the Estates the Nobilitie and Commons to receiue him without resistance sending them new consultations which he
Perez could auoyde all stormes wrote vnto the King that hee should consider well of the composition which Perez had made by the which the world did murmure and surmise that his Maiestie had caused him to do it And therefore his regall authority required that hee should declare or cause Perez declare the reasons of this accord whereby his Maiesty should stop all mens mouths and Perez should bee better discharged Wherevpon the king did write vnto Perez to tell the reason why by his commandement and for his seruice hee had caused Escouedo to be slaine This note and command from the king made the greatest to murmure for said they if the king hath commanded him to murther Escouedo what reason or what reparation do they pretend Is it now time after twelue yeares since it was done to demand the cause yea a Cardinall the Popes Legat spake vnto the Confessor in Perez behalfe To whom he answered that they should rest satisfied and that what had beene done was to giue contentment to the President Roderigo Vasques and that all should be well As in like manner Father Salinas a preaching Friar discoursed sufficiently in a Sermon which he made in the kings Chappel in Iustification of Perez but all was without effect the Confessor holding it a sinne to demand Iustice Notwithstanding Perez remained firme and constant and being examined vpon the Kings note he would not declare any thing for he did not easily giue credit therevnto wherevpon the Iudge tooke occasion to put Perez to the rack although his minde were sufficiently tortured with the confusion of a precedent order yet relying vpon the Kings first instruction and commandement An. 1591. he continued constant endured the torture Arragon action euen to the effusion of his bloud yet in the end hee was forced to declare the motiue causes of the murther of Escouedo with the circumstances producing the Kings originall letters to that end and an Autentike witnesse who was yet liuing whose testimony they receiued but all making for Perez they supprest his deposition and the Kings billet and did not produce it Perez finding by all these violences and out-rages that they would draw his life into question Peres escapes out of prison and flies into Arragon he found no better means then to seeke how he might escape out of prison in Castile as he did by the assistance of his wife and of Giles de Mefa a Gentleman of Arragon his kinsman in the night the Thursday before Easter running thirty leagues post without any rest vntill he came into Arragon for the which his wife and children smarted for they were cast into prison with a friend of Perez which cruelty was intollerable before God as in such euents whereas wise men are dombe God makes fooles to speake and to tell Kings and Princes the truth to their confusion For Thio Martino the kings foole a natural hearing that the chiefe in Court reioyeed that Perez had so escaped asking the King what that Perez was for whom euery man did so much reioyce Surely said he he was not guilty had therefore Sir be thou also glad These words by a foole were obserâ—ed by the wisest It seemed that imprisonment of Perez wife and children proceeded from hatred or to stop their iust complaints or else that the Confessor sought to be reuenged of them for that the said Lady had once charged him that insteed of a Confessor hee was a Soueraigne Iudge teaching him what was written of the poore widdow in the holy Scripture And also for that which Doâ—â—a Gregoria Perez their daughter after a long pursute spake with great courage and griefe of heart vnto the President Rodrigo Vasques that she was come with her yong Brethren aud Sisters to the end that without making them to languish any longer in misery hee should make hast to suck vp their bloud and that they were come to that end desiring rather to dye at once then they should thus suck their blouds by degrees Wherewith the President was no lesse terrified then the Confessor was at the Mothers words Perez hauing recouered Arragon with great difficultie beeing much broken with the Racke and his long and miserable imprisonment hee stayed some time at Calatajub where hee retired himselfe into a Monasterie There were priuate letters sent to a Knight of that towne without any Act or sufficient warrant to draw him from thence the which not able to effect beeing hindered by the religious men of that Conuent hee gaue him a Monkes Sell for his prison Perez did write from this place vnto the King but all was in vaine for vpon new complaints and accusations hee was drawne out of this Conuent by the Kings expresse commandement not without some mutinie of the townesmen and lead to Saragoça from whence hee did importune the King with new letters sending a religious man expresly with good instructions of all matters This religious man spake vnto the King who gaue him good words but hee was not welcome to the reuered father the Kings Confessor But nothing could helpe him to stay these pursuites begunne or else God would haue the truth knowne to all the world the which some priuate mens mallice sought to suppresse Perez seeing that hee preuailed nothing hee had recourse to his papers letters and instructions as well from the King as from some others which had beene kept safe by his wiues industrie whereof hee made a collection decifering the whole estate of his businesse and made a Booke the which hee presented vnto the Iustice whereby his aduersaries seeing themselues confounded and that hee should be absolutely discharged they inuented an other meanes to intrappe him which was that the King reseruing all his rights should desist from this action against Perez and that they would charge him to haue ill acquitted his duty to his Prince Although that this seperation of the cause was repugnant to the customes of Arragon and that the King might not doe it yet they gaue it forth that they had instructions impugning them of Perez the which was alledged wholy against the Kings authority to the blemish of his reputation and contempt of his writing the which Perez neither in prison nor out for the onely respect he bare vnto the King would euer shew but onely at this last charge where hee was forced to make vse of them least he should fall into the like inconuenience that Piso had done who would not iustifie himselfe of Germanicus death by the writings of Tiberius Caesar who had commanded him Perez discharge beeing the more receiuable for that hee did make euery man know by liuely reasons what had mooued the King to doe it Perez enemies seeing there was no aduantage to bee gotten of him before the Soueraigne Iudge they drew him to the seate of the Inquests of Arragon where as the King is both Indge and party There he was examined vpon the old Artlcles the fift day after the separation
and it was time to preach to them when as suddenly there was seene a strange alteration throughout all the Romane campe Their mourning was conuerted into furie euerie man fell to his armes and they cried out that they should bring them to the enemie They sally forth of their gates The Carthaginians proud of their great victorie are defeated by the Romans and with great courage receiue the Carthaginians who came disordred and in a manner contemning them whom they had alreadie vanquished This resolution of the Romanes amazed them wondering at the number and order of these men who had gathered them together or what captains they had remaining after the death of the two Scipioes But in the end they were forced to flie and were hotly pursued that day vntill that Martius thinking the souldious did abandon themselues too much L. Martius restraines the furie of the Romans caused a retreat to be sounded and himselfe standing before their ensignes stayed their rashnesse which might haue drawne them into some disorder and so desiring nothing but reuenge and bloud hee brought them backe to the campe The Carthaginians being thus roughly repulsed from the Romane trenches seeing they were no more pursued they presumed it had beene feare and therefore they retired softly and without care Being in their campe they vsed the like negligence in their gards and watches for notwithstanding they did see the enemie neere them yet they did esteeme them to be but the reliques of two armies which they had beaten and defeated some few dayes before Martius being aduertised by good spies what was done in the enemies campe hee vndertooke rather a rash than hardy attempt but the issue was fortunat Knowing that he had the armie of Asdrubal Gisgo now in front the which was followed by the two others hee thought it lesse daunger to aduenture to fight with that alone than to attend and bee beaten by all three together If he vanquished he should restore their affaires which were almost ruined and if he were beaten at the least he should haue the honour to bee the assailant Hauing therefore assembled the captaines centeniers and chiefe souldiors he deliuered vnto them the pitifull estate of their affaires and how that for the honour and reputation of their countrey for the loue they bare to the deceased Scipioes and for the interest of their owne liues they were to carrie themselues valiantly and couragiously against their cruell enemies which pursued them whose negligence and contempt did inuite them to goe and assaile them and did promise them a certaine and easie victorie especially if they made hast before all their forces were vnited the which afterwards they could not withstand concluding that there was no other meanes to make warre than to issue forth the next night and to goe and force the Carthaginians in their trenches He found the souldiours well disposed at this motion wherefore he commaunded them to prepare their armes and to be readie to depart when he should commaund The ouer great boldnesse of Martius which proued sucâ—esfull by the enemies negligence The Carthaginian armie made two lodgings about a league and a halfe one from the other betwixt both was a great valley couered with trees In this forest was an ambush of Romane souldiours layed with some horsemen to stop the passage for such as would runne from one campe to the other the rest of the Romane armie was led with great silence against the enemies where finding neither gards nor sentinels nor any thing else to stop their passage they entred farre as if they had beene within their owne campe then suddenly the trumpets sounded and making great cries they fell to the execution killing all they met without mercie and setting fire of the enemies lodgings and tents but aboue all they seised vpon the ports and issues that not any one might escape The amazement fire cries and slaughter did so trouble the Carthaginians as they could not heare one another nor giue any order for any thing They found themselues among troupes of armed men thinking to flie they were slaine at the gates if any leapt ouer the rampars they fell into the ambushes so as the enemies which were in the other lodging could haue no intelligence of this surprise but by death which was presented vnto them at the Romanes comming who with great celeritie boyling with furie and implacable desire of reuenge came thither and there found greater negligence than they had done in the first campe For these were farther retyred from the enemie and vpon the breake of day many were gone forth for forrage and wood There were armes at the ports but no souldiours some here some there some asleepe and some walking in their gownes in the trenches The Romans fell vpon these carelesse people hauing no resistance made at the ports they entred within the campe and in the middest thereof began a bloudie fight the enemies running from all parts at the first crie and tumult striuing vertuously to repulse the Romanes Which conflict was likely to continue long but when as the Carthaginians discouered their enemies targuets all polluted with bloud they fainted hauing thereby an assured argument of the defeat of their companions A great defeat of the Carthaginians This feare put them in rout and to a miserable flight euerie one sauing himselfe where he found any way open to escape and abandoning the campe So in one night and the day following there were two campes taken vnder the conduct of L. Martius The number of the dead according vnto some was seuen and thirtie thousand and aboue eight hundred prisoners The spoyle was verie rich and among other things there was found a great targuet of siluer weighing one hundred thirtie and eight pounds on the which was grauen the picture of Asdrubal Barca A targuet of siluer a monument of Martius victorie the which was afterwards set in the temple of the Capitoll and it was called Martius targuet remaining for a memorie of the victorie which hee had gotten against the Carthaginians where it continued vntill the Capitoll was burnt This action restored the Romans power and authoritie in Spaine and was the cause that some time was spent without any enterprises of either side either fearing to hazard any thing after so great losses 10 These diuers and contrarie accidents teach vs how little wee should relye vpon the euents of war and that it is not in the power of man to maintaine himselfe one day wherefore if modestie be necessarie in humane things yea in greatest prosperitie and to beare a respect to the diuine power presuming little vpon our owne judgements wisedomes happinesse and fame it is chiefely in the conduct of warre There wanted no qualities in the two Scipioes to make them great and famous captaines yet they tooke bad counsell both together and diuided and ruined themselues by their ouerweening and by too much attempting at one instant The Carthaginians by the victorie
disobedient perjured and enemies both in word and deed hauing followed men that were not well borne nor esteemed for any vertue but rascals to whom they had giuen full power and commaund ouer them such as Atrius Vmber and Calenus Albius I do not thinke that you haue all runne willingly into this furie Scipio makes a notable inuectiue against the seditious souldiors but that some were the motiues and beginners and the rest were infected by their acquaintance as with the plague when I consider that the brute of my death hath beene receiued beleeued and hoped for among my souldiours who haue so carried my selfe as I need not feare that any one in Spaine the Carthaginians being chased away should hate my life no not our enemies themselues I beleeue then that our whole armie is not so ill affected but if it were so I would willingly dye here in your presence I beleeue rather that this mischiefe hath proceeded from the malice of some few But I will forbeare to speake of my selfe and suppose you haue my name in detestation and disdaine my commaund thinke of your offences and consider how great they are against your countrey your parents and children against the gods witnesses of your oathes and promises against your commaunders and captaines against all order and martiall discipline and against the manners of your auncestors What offence had your countrey done you that you should take armes against it and betray it in conferring your counsels with Mandonius and Indibilis What had the commonweale of Rome committed whose maiestie you haue troden vnder foot wresting the authoritie out of the Tribunes hands who were created by the peoples voyces to giue it vnto priuat men and not content to haue them for Tribunes you haue giuen them the markes of a Generall to them I say who neuer yet commaunded ouer a poore slaue Albius and Atrius haue beene lodged in the Generals tent by you Romanes the trumpet hath sounded before them they haue giuen you the word they haue set in the Proconsull Scipioes chayre they haue had an officer to make place when as they had the rods and axes carried before them What more monstrous and detestable crimes can you imagine the which in trueth cannot bee purged but by the bloud of such as haue committed them But what frenzie made you presume being but eight thousand men better without doubt than Albius and Atrius to whom you haue subiected your selues to be able to take the prouince of Spaine from the Romanes by force I being dead or aliue the rest of the Romane forces being safe with the which I haue in one day taken new Carthage by assault defeated foure great captaines and chased foure Carthaginian armies out of Spaine Thinke you that the greatnesse and strength of the Romane commonweale consists in the life or death of any captaine whatsoeuer What am I more than Flaminius Paulus Gracchus Posthumus Albinus M. Marcellus T. Crispinus C. Fuluius the two of our house and so many other braue and valiant captaines which haue died in this warre and yet the people of Rome stand firme and would still although there should dye a thousand more either by sword or sicknesse much lesse can the Romane state shrinke or decay by my death After that my father and vncle who were your captaines had beene slaine in these countries you your selues did chuse L. Septimius Martius to bee your head against the pride and insolencie of the Carthaginians I speake of him as if Spaine wanted other captaines M. Syllanus is not he here also with equall authoritie to myselfe L. Scipio my brother and C. Lelius lieutenants are not they here also Would not these men haue maintained and defended the maiestie of the Romane Empire What comparison can you make betwixt the armies the commaunders and the causes And admit you had all aduantages should you therefore take armes against your countrey and fellow citizens renounce the countrey which hath bred you with your wiues and children to adhere vnto the enemie and to chuse your abode at Succron And what was the reason for that your pay was a little protracted by reason of your Generals sickenesse O worthie cause to make you violate all diuine and humane lawes O Romanes you haue wonderfully erred beleeue me you haue lost all reason and iudgement and the infirmitie of your minds hath beene worse than that which afflicted my bodie My words seeme sharpe vnto you but your actions haue beene farre more sharpe which if you repent I desire there should bee no more mention made of them but remaine buried in forgetfulnesse holding the repentance of such detestable acts to bee a sufficient chastisement for as much as concernes you all in generall But as for Albius Calenus Atrius Vmber and others which haue beene the authors of this wicked sedition they shall expiate their follies with their bloud the which should not be displeasing vnto you but rather desired and applauded seeing they sought to ruine you and haue offended none more than you In this manner Scipio spake vnto the seditious souldiours and presently execution was done of these fiue and thirtie men with horrour and great feare to all the rest of the offendors For the armed souldiours which stood about the assembly began to beat their targuets the names of them that were condemned were openly pronounced by the crier The punishmâ—â— of the chiefe offendors they were drawne naked tied to posts vnto the place beaten and torne with rods and then beheaded all the assistants being so amazed with feare as there was not a sigh heard among them The bodies being carried away and the place cleansed after the accustomed manner Scipio made the souldiours to take a new oathe and they were paied what was due vnto them calling them by name one after another This was the end of the mutinie and sedition made at Succron vertuously and yet mildly chastised by Scipio Sedition is a mischiefe which doth much import estates considering the qualitie of the crime which was of such consequence for great estates as many haue not spared innocents themselues to terrifie others At the same time Hanno had bin sent by Mago to the mouth of Betis which is now Guadalquiber with a small number of Africanes who gathered together some 4000 men vpon those marches but he was charged by L. Martius and forced in his campe and most of his souldiors slain some at the assault of his rampars and the rest in the field being pursued by the horsemen as they fled and he with a small number saued himselfe Whilest this was doing about that riuer Lelius arriued with his sea armie at Carteia hauing past the strait at the entrie whereof this towne is situated in the Ocean The practise of the Gaditans discouered and supprest The Romanes thought they should haue meanes to surprise the towne of Gadiz by intelligence as they had contriued it with some of the inhabitants but this
had finished Hee left it to bee Abbot of Montarragon King D. Alphonso had three daughters also by the Queene D. Sancha that is D. Constance who was married first to the King of Hongarie and afterwards to the Emperour Frederic the second D. Elcnor and D. Sancha both Countesses of Tolousa the one married to Cont Raymond the father and the other to Cont Raymond the sonne This Queene D. Sancha was verie deuout after the manner of that age wherefore as soone as she was married she built the Monastery of Sixena of the Nuns of Saint Iean 9 This age was as the rest full of deuotions Castilleâ— and inuentions of new seruices for Cardinall Hyacinthe beeing Legate a Latere for the Pope in Spaine the order of knights or men at armes Order of Saint Iames. of Saint Iames had his beginning in the realme of Galicia by an emulation betwixt some knights Monkes of Saint Eloy a Monastery in the same Kingdome These good religious fathers seeing the great concourse of people which came from all parts of Christendome to the sepulcher of Saint Iames they beganne to build Hospitals out of their reuenues which were very great vpon the passage which in Spaine they doe commonly call the French way to lodge and feed Pilgrimes and to supplie all their necessities in sicknesse or in health wherein they imployed themselues honestly and the first Hospitall of their foundation was that of Saint Marke the Euangilists without the walles of the city of Leon afterwards they built another vpon the passage of Castille called de las Tiendas In imitation of these Monkes vsing such courtesie to strangers which went to Saint Iames there were thirteene Knights very deuout to this Apostle taking him for their particular Patron and aduocate according to their instruction vowed themselues to gard and assure the way for pilgrimes against the incursions of the Moores and other theeues which troubled Spaine and hauing imparted their deseigne to the Monkes of Saint Eloy they agreed to make one body amongst them and to make the patrimonie of the Monastery of Saint Eloy common with that of these Knights and others which should ioyne with them at that time they did enioy about twenty castles which made the Monkes more willing to allow of this communion al these holy souldiars were married from their first institution wherefore they did onelie vow coniugal chastetie and as for pouerty it was not very great they onelie renounced the propertie of their goods for the seruice of the order enioying the fruites whereof they payed tithe vnto the Monkes for the diuine seruice wherein they were imployed they did vowe obedience to their Prior and Maister by such an order as the Monkes should bee subiect to their Priors both for spirituall and temporall and the Knights to the same Prior touching the spiritualty but in regard of the temporall they should obay the maister of the order Whereof the first was named D. First conuent of Knights of Saint Iames. Pedro Fernandes de Puente Encalada The first conuent which was built for these Knights was neere vnto Saint Markes Hospitall without the walles of Leon on a peece of ground belonging to the Monkes of Saint Eloy which they gaue into the which they all retired taking vpon them a modest kinde of habit fit for the warre carrying upon a white cloake a red-crosse in forme of a sword for a marke of their order and for an argument of humilitie they had haire powled which was no smal abasement in those times Their Order was vnder Saint Augustin according to that of the Monkes of Saint Eloy and all these things were ordred in the presence of Cardinal Hyacinthe the Legat and allowed by him hauing especiall authority for it A while after D. Pedro the Master of the Order accompanied with certaine Knights this order beeing wonderfully increased went to Rome to present himselfe to Pope Alexander who confirmed the order in the yeare of our Lord 1175. according to the disposition of Cardinal Hyacinthe his Legat who was afterwards Pope Many have beleeued and some haue written that this order of Knights of Saint Iames is more ancient grounding it vpon a certaine priuiledge which is found at Salamanca in the Monasterie of the Holie Ghost where at this present the relligious women of that order are for besides the moderne Castillan Language in the which this priuiledge is written with the date and yeere thereof counted from the natiuity of our Lord Iesus Christ discouers the falshood for that in those daies all Instruments titles and letters were in written in Latin and that they did account the yeeres from the Aera of Caesar there is not any mention found in Authors of the Institution of this Order nor of any exploit of the Knights thereof before this time besides other makes of falshood which may bee discouered in this priuiledge as to intitle the King D. Fernand the Great Lord of Biscay and King of Leon which hee was not and by consequence had no cause to grant priuiledges to that Monastery of the citie of Salamanca which hath been alwaies of the iurisdiction of Leon Whereas in the yeere 1034. which is the date thereof there raigned D. Bernard the third of that name so as it is not without cause if they doubt of the truth of the priuiledges granted to churches and conuents These Knights newly instituted being fallne into some dislike with D. Fernand King of Leon raigning at that time they left their Conuent of Saint Marke at Leon and retired into Castille where they were courteously receiued by the King D. Alphonso who gaue them the towne and Castle of Vcles called in old time Vrcesia where they built that renowned conuent which is the chiefe seate of their religion and order yet they sent some of their brethren to dwell in their first conuent of Saint Marke at Leon after the decease of the King D. Fernand vpon condition that the superioritie should belong to that of Vcles but it is not obserued for the conuent of S. Marke doth not acknowledge that of Vcles in any thing but doth keep their first reuenues the which were since augmented in Estremadura after the conquest thereof by them of Leon. In time this order did extend farre into Portugal where it got great reuenues vnder the obedience of the conuent of Vcles vnto the King D. Denis who put the Knights out of his country This order of the Knights of Saint Iames did so grow in wealth and number by the bountie of Kings A thousand launces of the Order of Saint Iames. and indulgences of Popes as they were able to arme a thousand launces compleat in both conuents of Vcles and Saint Marke and before that by the authority of Pope Adrian the sixth the masters place was incorporate to the crowne of Castille the Maisters of the Order were chosen and displaced if there were cause by the suffrages of thirteene brethren who had that
her father Don Raymond called Flacade Earle of Tholousa was also made Knight in the company of these two Princes In this ceremonie the King of Leon kissed the king of Castilles hand which was a fore-telling of the pretensions and quarrels which should fall out betwixt these two Realmes The court beeing then at Carrion Castile there was an assembly of Noblemen vassals which did acknowledge the Soueraigntie to take the oath of fealtie vnto the King as it was in auncient time obserued almost euery yeare where they were accustomed to treate of matters of consequence concerning the State and the houses of Princes The Councellors of greatest note to D. Alphonso King of Castille in this assembly Assembly of the Estates euery yeare in Spaine were Don Gonçalo Arch-bishop of Toledo Primate of Spaine the Bishops Don Rodrigo of Calaorra Don Maurice of Burgos Don Arderic of Palence and Don Gonçalo of Segobia Don Iohn of Cuença the Earles Don Pedro de Lara Don Nugno de Lara Don Diego Lope de Haro Lord of Biscay chiefe Standard-bearer of the kingdome Don Rodrigo Guttieres Lord Stuard and Guttiere Rodrigues Chancelor The discontents and secret hatred betwixt the Christian Princes Hatred betwixt fiue christian kings raigning then in Spaine which raigned then in Spaine was great beeing fiue carrying the titles of Kings that is three Alphonsos of Castile Arragon and Leon and two Sanchos one of Nauarre and the other of Portugal The King of Castile presumed to haue superiority ouer the other foure as his vassals notwithstanding any accords which had beene made wherefore hee thought hee might lawfully controule them at his pleasure Some yeares before he had taken from the king of Nauarre the lands lying vpon the riuer of Oja and Bureua beeing the auncient patrimonie of Nauarre which came not to them of Castile by any iust title but by meere vsurpation and violence As for him of Arragon he complained that the King of Castile had neuer kept any thing promised in the League swhich had beene made betwixt them but had made his profit in all warres of the Arragonois bloud and meanes The King of Leon began to find the error which he had committed to haue come to the court of Castille beeing at Carrion and to haue kissed the Kings hand As for Portugal there was neuer any good correspondencie betwixt these Princes and them of Castile since the first Earle Don Henriques so as these vlcers hauing infected the hearts of these Potentates by iealousie enuie and bad councell they mooued the kings of Arragon and Nauarre first of all to make an offensiue and defensiue League for the conclusion whereof the two Princes met at Boria where of mortall enemies they became great friends There it was accorded that the frends enemies of any one of these Princes shold be reputed for such by the other and that they should be bound to assist one another for the defence of their Estates For the obseruation of which accord either of them did pawne for his part the townes and castels following for the King of Nauarre the townes of Valtierra Ablitas Montagu Saint Mary of Vxue and Chastillon of Sanguesse with their forts and for Arragon the townes of Boria Sos Malon Ruesta and Petillas For the guard of these ten places there was chosen by a common consent of the two Kings D. Fernand Ruis d' Açâ—gra a knight borne in Nauarre but remained in Arragon and was Gouernor of Daroca and Calatajub He tooke an oath to both these Kings well and faithfully to keepe those places to de liuer all tenne to him in whose preiudice the treatie had beene broken by the other the which was not only sworne by both kings but also by their eldest sonnes Don Sancho of Nauarre and Don Pedro of Arragon And moreouer it was agreed that whensoeuer Don Fernand 〈◊〉 would discharge himselfe of the gard of those places and forts that foure knights of either partie should be named out of the which number the two kings should either of them choose one into whose hands the forts should be deliuered with the hike oath that is the fiue townes of Nauarre to the knight of Arragon and the fiue of Arragon to the Nauarrois These things thus concluded sworne and signed the Kings departed D. Sancho into Nauarre and Don Alphonso Daroca whereas the articles were againe confirmed and sworne in the presence of the chiefe knights of both kingdomes whereof those of Nauarre were D. Pedro Ladron de Gneuara Inigo Ortis Garcia Almorauid Pedro de Cascante Michel de Leet Lope de Valtierra and Barthelemy de Rada all of the most famous families in Nauarre This League beeing made in the yeare 1190. 1190. was followed by another made betwixt the kings of Arragon and Leon A League against castiâ—â— made by Arragon Leon and Portugal into the which Don Sancho king of Portugall was drawn An assembly being made to that end at Huesca thither came the ambassadors of Leon Portugal with ample authority and instructions whereas a League was made among those Princes like vnto that of Boria capitulating that not any one of them should make warre truce or peace without the consent of the others These allyances made and confirmed with all the oaths and solemnities required did not cause so great a storm as they did threaten for the kings of Leon and Portugall were long quiet without going any annoyance to Castile the kings of Arragon and Nauarre made some attempts but to small effect D. Sancho the 2. King of Portugall the first of that name 24 WHen as Don Sancho came to the Crowne of Portugall Portugal Genealogie of Portugal he was 31. years old foure yeares before he had married Donna Aldoncia or Douce daughter to Don Raymond Berenger Earle of Barcelone and Regent of Arragon and of Queene Petronilla D. Sancho had by this Ladie Douce nine children whereof there were foure sonnes the eldest was called Don Alphonso and was king after his father hee was borne in his Grandfathers life time the second was D. Fernand who was Earle of Flanders by marrying with the heire of that countrie whose name was Iane daughter to Count Baudwin Emperour of Constantinople the kings third sonne was D. Pedro who was great in Arragon where he married the Earle of Vrgels daughter the fourth sonne dyed young and was called D. Henriques Besides these sonnes he had fiue daughters the eldest whereof was married to Don Alphonso king of Leon the ninth of that name and was called Donna Theresa from whom he was diuorced by reason of consanguinity notwithstanding two daughters and one sonne which they had bad after which diuorce shee liued religiously in Portugal in the Monasterie of Lorban which her father built and indowed with great reuenues for her sake King D. Alphonso who had put her away did afterwards marry Donna Berenguela daughter to the king of Castile who was as neere allyed to him as
communicated his desseigne with the Lord of Palmas they went foorth on a night beeing accompanied by the troupes of Xeres and hidde themselues in couert places neere the towne whither they sent tenne men who in great silence lodged themselues at the foote of the wall towards the Castle these were seconded by three-score and tenne other souldiers At the breake of day the Marquis sent certaine light horse to runne about â—he towne against whome three-score and ten Moorish horse-men came foorth and with them also the Sentinels and Guard leauing their places to skirmish then the ten men did set vp ladders against the Castle and beganne to make a shew as if they would haue skaled the walles to the defence whereof as many as stayed within came running in the meane space the three-score and tenne souldiers which were hidden did seize vpon one of the gates besides that those which were come forth against the Christian light-horsmen perceiuing themselues to be charged by others who came to their ayde turned their backes and fled towards the towne and were so narrowly pursued as they all entred pel mel together and beeing in this sort surprized on euery side they lost the town The castle would haue made resistance if it had beene well victualled but for want thereof they yeelded compounding for their liues The Earle of Tendilla who kept Alhama would not suffer the Moores his neighbors to rest but he oftentimes annoyed them so as he was feared like lightning ouer all the Countrey The winter this yeare was very rainie by meanes whereof a great part of the wall of Alhama fell to the ground making a large breach for the enemies if they had then assayled it where at the soldiers which were within were greatly amazed and thought vppon nothing but â—light but the courage and valour of the Captaine which is euer of much woorth contayned them in their duties who delt in such sort by hanging of painted cloathes against the breach with such art and cunning as the enemies neuer knew that the wall was fallen downe till it was made vp againe stronger then before The Earle Don Inigo true sonne to the Marquis of Santillana caused the tower of Alcala la reale to bee repayred on the toppe whereof euery night a burning lampe was set which serued to direct the poore slaues that fled from Granado His souldiers beeing disobedient for want of pay money beeing very dangerous to bee sent vnto them without the conuoy of an armie the Earle inuented a certaine kind of counterfeit money Counterfeit money and of diuers stampes the which hee named and prized according to the coynes of gold and siluer which were currant in Spayne and with the same hee payed his souldiers promising them to change all that false money into good according to the value of euery coyne and by this meanes hee did appease them Whilest these matters fell out in Andalusia King Fernand and Queene Izabella were in great doubt to bee disturbed on that side of Nauarre by the French Nauarre it may bee that this suspition came from their owne consciences touched with their sinister proceedings with the Earle of Lerin and with the treaties of marriage of these poore Princes of Nauarre and matters happened vppon those occasions Now Queene Catherine who was newly come to the Crowne of Nauarre besides her beeing wholly at the deuotion of France and vppon the poynt of her marriage with Iohn d'Albret sonne to the Earle Alaine King Lewis his death happened a little before which had openly troubled and hindred the allyance betwixt these two great kingdomes of France and Spayne for Ambassadours beeing sent from one to another as well for to make the accustomed condolements and consolations ordinarie at such accidents as for to treate of the allyances and moreouer about the restitution of the Earldome of Rossillon which the French held the Ambassadours of Spayne receyued no pleasing answer from the young King Charles the eighth who succeeded King Lewis his father nor from his tutors and councellors so as they made the protestations and declarations which Princes vsually do make when they are vppon the point of making warre one against another therefore Queene Izabella had furnished the frontier of Castile ioyning to Nauarre with strong garrisons and sent forces to Tudela a towne in Nauarre which held their partie vnder the conduct of Iohn de Ribera After the death of King Francis Phoebus his mother the Princesse fearing and not with out cause the reuolt of that nation which was an enemie to rest and quiet had sent thither the Cardinall of Foix and the Lord of Abenas brother to the Lord of Albret who did call a Parlament to receyue a new oath of fidelitie for Queene Catherine and commaunded them moreouer to receiue the sayd Lord of Abenas for Viceroy notwithstanding that the Constable Earle Lewis of Beaumont did resolutely oppose himselfe against it hauing secret intelligence with his brother-in-law King Fernand for the same purpose The Lord of Abenas was a graue Don Lewis of Beaumont wholy affectionate to the Kings of Castile wise and modest Knight who by these qualities and vertues had well gouerned the Realme of Nauarre and maintained it in peace and quiet vntill such time as Queene Katherine hauing married his Nephew Iohn d'Albret came her selfe in person to rule and gouerne the same The Constable in the meane time who held the Cittie of Pampelona vnder his power and many other places besides did rayse troubles and brought the Castillan men at armes into the Kingdome vnder colour of the Factions of Beaumont and Grammont during all these actions they still poursued the marriage so that after King Lewis his death the Princesse Magdalen beeing continually sollicited to marrie her daughter Queene Katherine to Prince Iohn of Castile shee was aduised to make a finall answer and to say that the inequalitie of their yeares would not permit it to be done in regard her daughter was marriageable and the Prince a little child in his cradle and that in the meane time before hee should come to age there might bee great troubles and combustions in the Realme of Nauarre which stoode in need of men to gouerne it and to suppresse the vsuall contentions and quarrels which those people did naturally entertaine and that without this let her selfe and her daughter would thinke themselues happie in so great an allyance for they esteemed no match in the world like to that of Prince Iohn who was presumptiue heire to so many rich and mightie Kingdomes All this notwithstanding Queene Isabella perswading her selfe to effect this marriage in despite of all these hinderances tarried still at Victoria the most part of this yeare 1484. at which time as hath beene sayd shee sent Don Iohn de Ribera with forces into Nauarre who hauing intelligence with the Earle of Lerin tooke Viana the Castle of Saint Gregorie that of Irureta and others which disorders the Viceroy sought to
him were holy and just but they complained of the Flemings that were about his person who could make their diligences vaine and get vnto themselues both before the kings comming and after the riches of Spaine without measure so as it was thought the Chancellor Sauuage had gotten for his part in lesse than foure moneths aboue fiue hundred thousand crownes Ropacity of the Flemings and if we will conjecture how monsieur de Cheures and the rest profited we cannot imagine what great summes these thefts amounted vnto Spaniards demaund the Estates The Spaniards seeing the kings comming to be daily delayed the cardinall and the Councell were againe importuned for a generall assemblie of the Estates where they promised not to treat of any thing but to solicite the king to come into Spaine to maintaine the lawes and rights of the countrey to suppresse the couetousnesse of courteors and the ambition of suters for estates and offices else the people did protest that they would send embassadours vnto the king and prouide that the common-weale should take no harme by such meanes as God should put into their hands The cardinall not able with reason to denie their just demaund he appointed an assemblie in the next moneth of September 1517 protracting it of purpose to Autumne beleeuing that about that time the king might arriue in Spaine and in the meane time he prepared a fleet of ships for his voyage the which he sent him posts running continually from Spaine to Flanders and back againe to aduance this comming without the which they saw no meanes to maintaine the realme in peace the cardinall holding and rightly it to be a pernitious thing when as the people hauing cause of grieuance presumesâ—to complaine publikely for when as they haue once lost the reuerence which they owe vnto the superiour there is no more any restraint and popular complaints and quarels are easily receiued and beleeued by such as haue a desire to trouble the State whereof the number is alwayes great in great realmes The place assigned for the assemblie was at Madrid the Viceroyes and the Councels place of residence Many slanderous libels were at that time cast abroad Libels cast abroad euerie man censuring the cardinals actions according to his owne conceits and seeing it was now a time of back-biting and that some one had begun doctor Adrian monsieuer de Cheures Francis Ruis monsieur de Chaux and others were not spared But cardinall Ximenes contemned these things with a manly courage saying That they must leaue this solace to the multitude to moderate their afflictions which they could not otherwise reuenge whereas the Flemings who were not accustomed to this stinging seemed to be much discontented so as it is no wonder if Adrian comming to bee Pope caused the statues of Marforio and Pasquil to be cast into the riuer of Tiber whom they made to carrie the libels that were set vp in Rome whereupon they say that the Spanish embassadour which was then in Rome said vnto him That it was to be feared by this drowning the frogs would presently learne to sing bad songs 3 The cardinall being come to Toledo to visit attending the kings comming his diocesse and the monasteries of Nunnes which he caused to be built as well in that citie as at Illesca being accompanied by doctor Adrian he heard the complaints of the Clergie for that Pope Leo by vertue of the last decree of the Councell of Latran demaunded the tenth of the reuenues of all their benefices vpon colour to defend the Christian religion against Infidels for that Selim Emperour of the Turkes hauing vanquished the Sultan of Aegypt Exactions of Pope Leo hindered by cardinall Ximenes did threaten Christendome and namely Italie Wherefore he not onely sent this yeare into Spaine but into all others regions of Europe whereas the Popes name and authoritie was reuerenced to exact this money for three yeares with many Indulgences and pardons to them that should contribute money willingly and extraordinarily whereof there followed great troubles in Christendome yet with a lightning of the Gospell Cardinall Ximenes whose authoritie was great with the Pope was solicited not onely by the Clergie of Castille but also by that of Arragon where they doe all by an auncient right enjoy great priuiledges and liberties to take this cause in hand and to bee a mediator vnto the Pope that the Clergie of Spaine might not bee made tributarie The cardinall did willingly offer to take vpon him the protection of this order but hee did admonish them not to make any assemblies to that end but when hee should commaund them Clergie of Spain free from the exaction of the tenth penie of their benefices In the meane time hee did manage this businesse so politikely at Rome by the ministerie of Artega his Agent as hee kept Spaine free from this exaction but in case of great necessitie and hauing after the manner of auncient kings called the deputies of the Clergie to the Court at Madrid he gaue them this good newes and attended willingly their resolution which was not to contribute any thing They say that this tenth penie for three yeres was duly leuied in Italie in the territories of the Church and no where else but his Bulls of Indulgences and the preaching of the Croisado was generall 4 There were many great suits in Spaine which through the fraud and tergiuersation of parties and their counsels were delayed and drawne into length the which the cardinall desired to haue determined before the kings comming but he was suspected Wherfore three of the greatest noblemen of Spaine in a manner at one instant as it were conspiring together did greatly crosse him that is the duke of the Infantazgo chiefe of the house of Mendosa D. Frederic of Toledo duke of Alua and the earle of Vregna Giron The duke of the Infantazgo remembred how that the cardinall had hindered the mariage betwixt D. Pedro Gonsales of Mendosa his nephew and D. Ioane of Cisneros the cardinals neece wherefore being incensed against him he thought there was some indirect dealing with his aduerse partie the earle of Castro against whom hee had his suit for the place of Belenna neere vnto Guadalajara by reason whereof he desired to prolong the cause vntill the kings comming of whom hauing obtained letters for his part and the cardinall also for his part others of a contrarie tenour to haue the cause judged by the kings councell in the end the cardinall obtained that which he pretended and a sentence was giuen in fauour of the earle about which time there comming a promoter from Alcala of Henares for the cardinall touching some proceedings at Guadalajara the duke of the Infantazgo caused him to be chased away with cudgels Excesse committed by the duke of Infantazgo threatening to hang this poore petie-fogger if he returned any more saying That he did incroach vpon the jurisdiction of his brother D. Bernardin archdeacon of
him into Spain by the first wind as an vnprofitable person yea prejudicial to the quiet of the coūtry that he might giue an accōpt to the emperor of his actions but the violence of the rebels of their commander Gonsaluo was such after this restraint of the Gouernour they of the Councell disagreeing among themselues as they were forced with all speede to deliuer him to gouerne this warre the which prooued difficult for Picarro being assisted by Francis of Caruaial a great Captaine and an old experienced Souldier hee then declared himselfe openly against the Emperour and contended for the Soueraigntie of Peru hauing made the Towne of Cusco the chiefe of that countrie his store-house for the warre Vasco Nugnes striuing to resist them somewhat rashlie Death of the gouernour Vasco Nugnes was slaine in an Incounter neere vnto the towne of Quitoa and his head was carried to Cusco and there made a publike spectacle and scorne to all men a brother of his called Vela Nugnes being then a prisoner who had no better fortune afterwards To bee reunnged of this rout Iohn Aluares Iames de Silua and Iames de Ceuton remaining heads of the emperours part vntill there were some other order taken gathered all the souldiers they could together but they were also defeated by Francis Caruaiall so as they had great difficultie to mainteine their masters authoritie vnto the yeare one thousand fiue hundred fortie and sixe that the Emperour after long deliberation D. Pedro Guasca gouernour at Peru. and by the aduise and choise of his Councell sent D. Pedro Guasca thether a clergie man and of the Councell of the Inquisition a graue wise and discreet man to whome hee gaue a more ample power than to any of the precedent Gouernours with the title of President of the royall audience of Peru parting from Seuile that yeare he came to Nombre de Dios notwithstanding that he vnderstood that there was there in garrison Ferdinand Mexia de Gusman vnder Pedro Alfonso Hinoiosa Gouernour in that Countrie for the party of Gonsaluo Piarro who had a little before put Melchior Verdugo one of the emperours Captaines to rout and chased him as farre as the fort of Carthagena which is vpon the North Sea Hinoiosa remaine at Panama which is opposit vpon the South sea It is the narrowest place of all the firme land of the Indies betwixt the two Seas D. Pedro Guasca did in this action shew a great resolution for hee had beene aduertised at the neere Islands of this rout and that the port of Carthagena was the onely landing place for him yet hee would needs cast anchor neere vnto Nombre de Dios which place was held by the said Mexia with a garrison of eighteene hundred Spaniards where hee sent Alfonso Aluaredo to land in ioyning him to aduertise Mexia of his comming and to found him how hee stood affected Dexteritie of Guasca to win the rebels at Peru. The which Aluaredo performed so well as Mexia and hee parted good friends in effect though they made shew to the contrarie For some daies after the President Guasca was receiued honourably into that place yea with ioy and content of the whole garrison Thus this religious man being politike and modest did for the first fruits of his comming winne this fort and them that held it without any tumult or blowes who thinking himselfe well fortified began with grauitie and authoritie to sollicit the rebels and their leaders that they should acknowledge their errors to repaire the which hee gaue to vnderstand that they had nothing to doe but to imbrace the emperors clemency and the grace and pardon which hee offered them Hinoiosa who was at Panama vpon the South sea had beene aduertised of the presidents arriuall and although he were none of the most obstinate rebels yet would hee see how hee would carrie himselfe at his first entrie into his gouernment being somewhat discontented that Mexia had spoken with him without his leaue and priuitie writing in choller vnto him but Mexia was nothing amazed thereat but by the Presidents aduice went freely to Panama to Hinioiosa what discourse they had the euents did shew for Mexia returned as freely as hee went and presently the President departed and went towards Panama where wrought so with good words persuasions and promises as he drew Pedro Alfonso of Hinoiosa and all them that were with him to the emperours obedience They say that the greatest motiue to make them resolue was that they saw with the President the Marshall Alfonso of Aluaredo who had bin a dear friend to Francisco Pizarro These things succeeding thus happely the president holding it a great aduantage to haue won Hinoiosa hee thought it now time to presse Goncaluo Pizarro to come vnto himselfe and to acknowledge his master He gaue him hope of good vsage if he did obey if not he protested his vtter ruine writing vnto him and sending him letters in the Emperors name from whom he had brought many blanks signed the bearer whereof was Ferdinand Pauiaguada borne at Placentia in Spaine The emperors letters were dated at Venloo in Guelderland the 17 of February 1546 the Presidents the 26 of September following Gonsaluo was at the time of this dispatch in the citie of Kings so called for that the first foundations thereof were laid the day before the feast of Kings which wee call Twelfe day where hauing some intelligence of the Presidents comming hee had called all the heads of his party vnto him to consult what was to be done in the end they resolued to send vnto the emperour and to informe him of the causes of their rising and to iustifie themselues for the death of the gouernour Nugnes and it was concluded that the Deputies should carry letters from all the townes in Peru and that they should demand the generall gouernement for Gonsaluo Pizarro That in passing by Panama they should informe themselues of the president Guascas authority and should acquaint him with the cause of their voyage with protestation that if hee attempted any thing or did presume to enter into the Countrey of Peru in armes before their returne and the Emperours answer they would resist him by armes The deputies were Ierosme Loyosa Archbishop of the city of Kings Laurence of Aldana who commanded the garrison there Thomas of saint Martin prouinciall of the order of saint Dominicke at Peru and Gomes de Soli◠de Carceres some of which being suspect to Pizarro namely the prouinciall he was glad to be rid of him and to estrange him from his designes procuring the bishop of Sancta Martha to goe the voiage with them Thus the deputies being dispatcht they imbarked in diuers ships and sailed towards Panama causing Laurence Aldana to aduance and aduertise them what was done there In the meane time there was a conspiracie discouered against the person of Gonsaluo which had beene practised as they said by Vela Nugnes the deceased gouernors brother who
ought to be preferred before the course of keeping them in awe may easily appeare by a due consideration of the causes from whence these affections haue their beginning The causes of the peoples loue are justice gracious vsage and fauours all which deserue praise The causes of their feare are grieuances ill vsage and oppression which merit blame Looke what the cause is such is commonly the effect whereby it followes necessarily that as out of loue is drawne a regiment more firme and stable though more moderate so out of feare proceeds a kind of power more absolute in shew but yet lesse durable the like proportion holdes in the peoples hearts for where they loue there is all satisfaction mirth sweet conuersation and dutifull respect but where they feare there is suspition strangenes discontent quarrels melancholie Out of the impressions which feare breeds wee can expect no better fruits than hatred but from that deuotion which loue kindleth assured confidence whereupon we ground the common prouerbe Loue is among kinsfolkes and feare among enemies The parts which beside respect of Religion are required in a Prince for the better gouernment of his estates setling in his subiects hearts a loue and reuerent respect both of his person state are chiefly three Faith Iustice Continencie Faith makes him intire in all his proceedings and a man of his word for without it no man would giue credit either to his practises or promises Continencie makes him to be reuerenced with respect and imitated with commendation it giueth him an excellent aduantage in a large field correcting seuerely the faults of subiects that offend in that degree the which he could not doe without blushing if himselfe were culpable Iustice teacheth a prince how to reward the good and to punish the bad to giue euerie man his due to restraine men by correction that are apt to erre to incourage others by rewards that are desirous to deserue wel besides it makes the princes bloud his honor and his estate secure without which vertue no force is able to keep the subiects faithfully affected to their Soueraigne for it is the propertie of all people when as they neither find reward of good deserts nor punishment of offences to grow first into distrust then into despaire which passions corrupt their mindes hauing once gotten the masterie Wherefore let the due consideration of what is iust and honest bee alwaies preferred in all your princely purposes that being once setled in the subiects hearts that iustice is duely administred they will euer remaine satisfied with your direction especially if besides this fauour they liue in aboundance hauing free traffike to all parts and quietnesse of minde for men toile and trauell during the course of their liues not only for their Princes superiors but for themselues and families Doubtlesse to maintain the people in aboundance of al things necessarie for the preseruation of their liues is not only commendable in a prince but doth worke great effectes in winning the hearts of men the which may bee easily prouided for by a carefull fore-sight of the times of dearth making diligent prouision for necessaries in due time so as the benefitte may wholie redound to the peoples ease and not to the princes gaine by inhaunsing of prices and preferring of priuate benefit before publike content A prince may alwaies hold himselfe rich when as his subjects that liue vnder him are rich for vpon any extremitie he shall bee frankely releeued by their beneolence good vsage setleth their loues and bindeth their deuotions Experience teacheth that fauours of this kind are neuer forgotten that a small consideration in time of need winnes more vnfained loue than greater benefits when there is plentie And that those fauours haue alwaies had deepest impressions in mens gratefull thought which concerne maintenance and the preseruation of life in time of necessitie It is sufficient for a prince in this cause of prouision to take order that hee lose not by the bargaine or if hee desire to gaine something for the releefe of other charges let it bee no more than an honest merchant with a good conscience may gaine for to these bounds may the politike prouision of princes ayme but no farther either in respect of honour or authoritie If a Prince will bee beloued of his people hee must giue them cause to thinke that hee loueth them assuring himselfe that their thākfulnes must grow from his desert their loue from his prouidence their content frō the peace and securitie which they enioy vnder him and that according to the fruits of fauour which the people reape by the Princes policie they frame themselues to liue contentedly vnder the gracious shadow and protection of his princely wings relying vpon his wisdome and carefull gouern ment Otherwise there is no doubt but subiection being in it selfe both burthensome and odious they would soone take some new course to settle their quiet and securitie by some other means freeing themselues from all cause of feare which as I haue said before is lesse durable and lesse secure and therefore lesse pleasing to the state of a Christian Gouernour Let no Prince imagin that with solemne shewes and publike sights alone subiects are delighted and pleased in their own conceits for those things are not acceptable but whē as their minds are satisfied in matters which do import them more Vpon this ground and to the same end I must also aduise you in any case to vse that moderation which is fit in charging the people with tributes or any other kind of impositions for albeit that States cannot bee ruled without some kind of releefe in respect of the manie occasions and excessiue charges wherewith Princes are burthened in times of peace but much more in time of war yet vnto euerie thing there belongs a meane which in all occurrents is the perfect rule of humane actions especially those which any way grieue the subiects hearts considering that euerie princes power is grounded vpon their conformitie to his directions and vniforme assent to serue and honor him wherfore this meane must be sought out with all care being found it must be put in practise with great temperance and worthily preferred before all other courses seeme they neuer so commodious and profitable If the continuall toile of warre hath inforced mee at anie time to holde a heauie hand ouer my subiects in this kinde I protest this course was alwaies against mine owne liking Touching this point of obseruing a conuenient meane in all impositions and taxes you must consider that the reuenues of a prince whether they be publike or priuate are raised two waies the first by augmentation of the old the other by addition of new for vnto these two heads all the inuentions to get money which are put in practise by the princes of our age may bee reduced In like maner the waies by which mony may be drawn from the subiect others are voluntarie
Piedmont where the French did afterwards make warre to their best aduantage discouraging the ready meanes of diuerting all attempts on that side against Fraunce besides the credite which they got by the action with the States of Italie If they had knowne as I haue said how to vse this prosperous successe to their best aduantage I doubt not but they had often put all the estates you holde thereabouts in daunger Seeke therefore alwayes to assault the French King in his owne Realme and to preuent his first attempts for otherwise you cannot when you will ridde your hands of him by making a diuersion from Italie if hee may be suffered to put in his foote for then the difficultie of repairing your armie with supplies of Spaniards considering the situation will be verie great wherein all consisteth for they beeing defeated by anie mischaunce it giues great incouragement to the States of Italie to laie new plottes especially the Venetiant whom euerie little blast doth easily awake Persuade not your selfe that your deerest friends in Italie seeing your power decline will euer adhere to your misfortunes with the hazard of their owne estates but rather secretly reconcile themselues to him that hath the vpper hand and follow the Victors good fortune I would not wish you to applie vour whole care about the recouerie of Siena which will be hardly effected I graunt the Duke of Florence hath beene jealous to that State considering his oportunity to annoy them both by neere neighbourhood and the power of his authoritie This plot if it might take effect will bee a notable president to all States and make them warie how to intermeddle against your power And which importeth your cause most of all you shall by this meanes cut off all intelligence betweene the French Kings forces and the States of Italie who finding the French setled within the heart of their Countrey will be more apt to ioyne with them in friendship and relie vpon their strength rather than when they see them farre off in Piedmont and much lesse if they can bee drawne on this side the Alpes whereas their fauour cannot bee commodious nor their displeasure daungerous It shall also much auaile in your dealing with the Crowne of France to bee fully informed of the humors and affections of all such persons as are in greatest fauour with the King or that stand for the best offices thrust your hand secretly into all their competitions and drawe the strongest partie vnto you with all the Art you can for neuer can the Theater of publique Actions affoord more fauourable shewes in your behalfe than when it shall bee moued vnder hand with inuisible deuises If euer Fortune fauour you so much as that either by alliance or anie other kind of agreement you shall bee able to remooue the French out of Piedmont wincke at all other things Doe the best you can whereby the Realme may bee induced to desist from armes so shall you bee secured from tumults and many other kindes of crosses which are more daungerous and not knowne to euery man if afterwards anie occasion be offred of doing your selfe good forbeare not to lay holde of it Thus shall you euer be most secure concerning causes which belong to Italie This is the ground vpon which in the end it behoueth you to settle the strongest sinews of your foreine power and therefore haue alwayes an eye vnto it with an aduised consideration The reason is not all one for the French to bee now put out of Piedmont and as if they had neuer held it for in the opinion of the world it will be more disgrace vnto them than the winning thereof before did yeeld them profit Wherefore in all your capitulations and agreements let your eye leuell directly at this end and your plottes of policie aime alwayes at this marke For beleeue me son and I assure you out of my long experience that Piedmont alone will benefit you more than if on that side which lies next vnto Flaunders you had berest him of the third part of his owne kingdome Seeing then wee are entred so farre into the State of Italie and ingaged in the highest mysterie of State wee must proceed a little farther in this politique discourse I will tell you once againe that by the life of this one artere the pulse of all your great power doth beate This waie your eyes must bee euer bent and open to all oportunities First I would haue you vse all deuotion and curtesie to the holie father and the apostolike Sea I would wish you to bee verie kind to the members of the same as the Cardinalles Bishoppes Prelates and other of the Clergie belonging to the Court of Rome Be euer readie for the defence of them and the Catholike profession In all elections of Popes see that you labour not by anie vnchristian vnlawfull and indirect meanes to preferre anie of those Cardinalles that are your especiall friends Striue not to make one rather than an other so as all Competitors bee worthie of the place for in these sacred actions the holie Ghost doth worke And it is better to submit our likings to the prouidence of God which turneth all things to the best as wee may vnderstand by that which is recorded of Mathias in the Text than to follow humours or respect particulars There is no question but anie of them may bee wonne by due respect and admit they should become strange yet after you haue sought to reconcile your selfe into their fauours by such meanes as are prescribed you by the holie Ghost hauing your territories included in the middest of theyr Countrey you can neuer want the choice of manie meanes belonging to the world by which for your last refuge when there is no other meanes you may insinuate your selfe more easily into their good opinions I meane either by alliance with their chiefest friends abroad or bestowing pensions and sundrie curtesies vpon such persons of the Clergie as they most affect at home with a thousand such like complements as may pleasure them daily without anie hinderance to princes of your qualitie This is the waie to make the Pope you friend though at the first hee were elected by a faction of Cardinalles which depend not on your affection for hardly shall you find anie hawke so haggard but hee will prey vpon all apt aduaunxstages Hereof you must haue an especiall care the end whereof is the general good of Christendome rather than anie respect of your owne priuate interest though manie perhaps doe not so much regard those bonds which ought to moue them simply to make a Pope as they doe the profit when a Pope is made to their purpose The territories of the Church lie as we may say in the very heart of Italie but so inuironed with yours as they may serue for a garland if Siena were once recouered they should then be compassed in on all sides with your forces So as the way which you shall take
had drawne from the Diuines of the Vniuersity of Alcala of Henares of Castile to the which he sayd there was no reply and that they were conformable in euery point to those which he had before from other Vniuersities King Philip with his Councell and Lawyers did set downe as a thing which they ought not to call in question that beeing the most ancient male liuing of the race of Don Emanuel of Portugall he should praecede all others in the succession to the Crown Allegations made by King Philip touching his title to Portugall yea presently after the death of King Sebastian for the Cardinall whome he had suffered to raigne was not capable thereof considering his qualitie beeing a Clergi-man This beeing presupposed he demanded of the Diuines first whether he were bound to submit himselfe to any Iudge or Arbitrator to haue the Realme of Portugall adiudged vnto him Secondly if there were any other pretending that Crown who might decide their controuersies and that there beeing no competent Iudge to do it and the Portugals refusing to receiue him before the cause were decided which might be a meanes to â—ustrate him whether hee might not take possession of his owne authoritie by armes without any scruple And last of all if the Gouernors or Estates of Portugall alledge that they are bound by oath not to acknowledge any one for king but he to whome the Realme shall be adiudged by iustice if that may excuse them To the first point the Diuines of Castile answered That Don Philip beeing a Soueraigne King Aduice of the Diuines of Alcala of Henares he was not bound to submit himselfe to any Iudge but onely take councell and that he might thereuppon adiudge the Realme vnto himselfe and not charge his conscience grounding vppon the neerenes of bloud which was apparent And if there were no Iudge in this cause they sayd that the Pope who had the greatest power might not take knowledge of it for that it was meerely temporall hauing not any circumstance to bind it to the Spirituality The Emperor in like manner was no competent Iudge for the Kings of Castile are Soueraignes Emperours in their countries and Estates The Estates of Portugall were inferiours and subiects and therefore in no sort Iudges the deceased King Don Henry could not preiudice the right nor dignitie of king Philip in appoynting eleuen Iudges to determine of the Succession of that Crowne besides hee beeing dead the Commission of those Iudges was expired and their authoritie extinct As for the referring it to the compromise of Arbitrators it was not vsed but in matters which were doubtfull and whereas their titles and interests were obscure If they would say that in this cause King Philip should not be regarded as a King but as a priuate person bound to plead against the rest pretending the same succession by reason of bloud it was a friuolous distinction for that the dignitie of a King cannot bee separated from the person that carryeth it in any case whatsoeuer If they did pretend that the controuersie must be ended whereas the matter in question lyeth that this rule hath no place in matters of Kingdomes To the second point they did apply some of the former answers and to make it more plaine they sayd that it was sufficient for the King to exhibite his titles and right to the Gouernours or to the Estates to iustifie his proceeding by armes the which he might lawfully vse in case of refusall the which was a king of contumacie and rebellion And last of all they sayd that an oath made by whomsoeuer to preiudice another doth not bind him that hath taken it especially where there is no Iudge and he cannot pretend it for an excuse against a Soueraigne especially when his title is apparent King Philip hauing resolued to enter Portugall with an armie more sayd he to feare the Portuguezes then to do them harme besides the armie which he prepared at Badajos he caused his vassals after their example in euery Prouince bordering vpon Portugal to be in a readines commaunding the Lords which had their lands there to shew themselues in armes but not to aduance and that if any neare Townes Noblemen or commons would acknowledge him for their King they should assure them of all good vsage The Gouernours were much amazed yet they made shew as if they would defend themselues sending into France to the Emperour and to other Christian Princes for succours But they did aboue all imploy the Popes authority and prerogatiue that he would be a meanes to make King Philip lay aside armes and submit himselfe to a quiet course of iustice whereupon they obtayned that there should be a Legate sent into Spaine to decide this controuersie which was Cardinall Alexander Riâ—rio who was not pleasing vnto the King being held suspect neither would he that the Pope should meddle in this busines much lesse determine of it Besides this Legate came late the Castillan armie beeing alreadie entred farre into Portugall and the Gouernors were in such a confusion and did so disagree among themselues as they suffered to haue a Croisado preached against the Castillans as if it had beene to go against Infidels the Magistrates did the like in many townes Hatred of the Portuguizes to the Castillans and they sayd that there were slaine Noblemen of Portugall who by the meanes of prisoners which were yet in Affricke since the ouerthrow of D. Sebastian did sollicite the Xeriffe Hamet to take vppon him the protection of the Realme of Portugall against the King of Caâ—â—le such was the hatred of these two nations and the proceedings of Don Philip so much detested seeking to be Iudge in his owne cause and to decide it by armes to the preiudice of the other pretendants and namely of the generall Estates of the Realme The contrarieties which were obserued in all that the Gouernors did being fearefull irresolute and yet very ambitious seeking to retaine the royall authoritie longer then they might and to sell their fauours to their owne priuate benefits did witnesse the confusion that was in their minds and in their affaires being sollicited by the Ambassadors of Castile Gouernors bring King Philip into Portugal they yeelded to declare D. Philip King vppon certaine conditions whereof they drew Articles which were all signed by the Duke of Ossuna but the difficulty was to publish this decree with any collour On the other side they fortified themselues daily both within and without the Realme In the meane time they had not any money and suffered the reuenues of the Crowne to be lost by their bad intelligence and withall the peoples loue who might haue supplied their present necessities out of their store if they had seene any order or grauitie in them They resolued to sell the Iewels of the Crowne but the Ambassadors of Castile opposed themselues saying That they did belong vnto the King their master who was the true and lawfull king