Selected quad for the lemma: cause_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
cause_n	authority_n	king_n	majesty_n	1,591	5	6.1398	4	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
B21237	A review of the Observations upon some of His Majesties late answers and expresses written by A Gentleman of Quality.	Diggs, Dudley, 1613-1643.	1643 (1643)	Wing D1459	24,210	32

to his immediate Father if his Father were absolute or to him and his common Father if his Father were a Subject Now if man in his particular and naturall capacity hath not originall Power of himselfe inherent in him he cannot have originall inherent Power by any civill capacity whatsoever And though upon the overthrow and breaking up of Kingdomes instance may perhaps be given that People have made themselves a King yet does not that prove the People to be the originall of Kingly Power no more th●n going upon crutches after losse of a legg proves crutches the originall and naturall way of going for people being by misfortune deprived of their naturall common Father and Soveraign must of necessity entertaine such supply of their losse as their fortune can best afford them And even in that case too their making of a King was no other then the choosing of one to beare the known Office of the true and naturall common Father For we must note they never made Kings by giving them power constitutive to doe so and so as they must have done if Kings had had nothing but commissionary authority from the people but they made Kings only by choosing one to beare the office and person of the same Governour that the law of nature had before described and authorized to command and governe Though therefore the ten Tribes of Israell rebelled against Rehoboam for refusing to releive their greivance made Ieroboam King and God forbad Rehoboam to warre against them for it yet this proves not That people have power of making Kingdoms or Kings For God himselfe had first declared that he would rend ten Tribes from the Kingdome of Iudah and that Ieroboam should be King over them And had Jeroboam and the people attended Gods will and pleasure in it as David after his annointing did he had beene a King and they a Kingdome not of their own making but of Gods But to shew how quickly the by-affections of the people pervert the right work of God when they looke not as well unto the way as unto the end we may see that for all this new Kingdome King were of Gods appointing yet when the people would in a way of their owne take upon them the Crowning of the man appointed God disclaimes the authorizing of what they did They set up a King saith God but not by me Hosea 8.4 and in recording the fact both in the first of Kings and againe in the second of Chronicles the Scripture directly telleth us that they rebelled That therefore God forbad Rehoboam to fight against them did not approve what the people had done for God tells the reason why he forbad them not because the people had done well but because the thing was of God which if God had not revealed Rehoboam might and ought to have reduced them to their obedience and howsoever the thing it selfe was of God yet to teach us that the people have not authority to doe the thing that he hath ordained without his espceiall appointment we see that when Abijah Rehoboams sonne with foure hundred thousand against eight hundred thousand pitched a battle upon the right of that Kingdome and committed the cause to God though Ieroboam had entrapped him in an ambush God gave such a sentence against Ieroboam and his people that after an overthrow and slaughter of five hundred thousand of them they were disabled from ever recovering strength in all Abijahs dayes And that Subjects for luck sake may take heed of making new Kingdomes or Kings this King the only instance of peoples King-making and yet in making of whom the people did only anticipate Gods purposed work became the instrumentall efficient of their finall destruction setting up the Idolatry which the people themselves had first affected his sinne through all his successours so adhered to them as that it never left them untill it had extirpated them from their own and transferred them captives into another Country To conclude this point when we heare God himselfe stiling himselfe a King a great King of Kings and telling us that the Kingdome is the Lords c who without reluctance of conscience and even horrour of it can yeild the power of Kings to be derivative and the People to be the originall of it for then God by setting himselfe forth in the name of a King does instead of presenting himselfe in a notion of magnificence and Soveraignty present himselfe under the notion of an inferiour and of a derivative from a more Soveraigne and originall Power whereas we see God never expresses his Power by the name of an Elder or of a Magistrate or any subordinate Authority how good or honourable soever Yea to be King of Kings is then no more then to be the derivative and creature of Kings As for the Peoples being the efficient and finall cause of the King If one knew in what sence the Observour would be understood he were soone answered For if he would be understood according to the propriety of his wordes as indeed that which he would maintaine does need he should Then is that position not only false but an impious falshood even full blasphemy for properly God and none but God is the efficient and finall cause of all things there being no difference betweene the efficient cause and the Creatour But if the Observour means that the people be the instrumentall cause of Kings the instrumentall cause and mediate end are termes of so extreame and notorious difference and consequence from efficient and finall cause as it is by no meanes to be pardoned him that he should meane the one and say the other Besides to understand him so does overthrow all that he drives at for if the People be but the instrumentall cause of Kings then can they not be the end of Kings no more then the instrument of any worke can be the end for which the work was made but contrarily the work is the end of the instrument and therefore greater then the instrument As for the people they are so farre from being the finall end of Kings as that they are not any way the end of them For government is the end of Kings of which the People are but the Subject and God alone is both the efficient cause and finall end both of the Government Governour and Subject to be governed As for that which he affirmes That though Kings be singulis majores yet are they vniversis minores and that wherein soever they be to be accounted Gods Lords Fathers Heads unto the People they are not so to be understood otherwise then as to the particular persons of men considered singly not jointly what an impudent insolence is it that one that has use of reason should so wickedly belye the principles of it to so infinite a consequent of absurdities For if Princes be Kings Lords Fathers Heads c to the single persons of the Subject only and not to the universality of

them then is every single Subject by himselfe alone a body politique whereof the King as King is Head and so hath as many Kingdomes as Subjects every one being distinct in relation one from the other have not nor can have any civill communion among them neither can any of them have to doe with the civill Affaires one of another And further which is not only false but destructive to the publique weale and safety of all Kingdomes If Kings be not Heades of the publique community of their People as well as of the private particulars of them then is the publique community out of the Kings Protection and Kings are discharged of all care of the publique For the mutuality of relation betwixt Protection and Subjection suffers not the one to move but within the limits of the other and if the universality must be under the Kings Protection it must be also under His Subjection for which cause the ancient and constant wisedome of our Peers and Commons sitting in Parliament as the Body representative of the whole Subject of the Kingdome doe in the Preamble of their Acts in that quality to this day recite themselves His Majesties loyall and faithfull Subjects So that in this point the Observour insolently controules the Wisedome and Iudgement of the representative of the whole Kingdome as well as contradicts the principles of reason Lastly whereas he saith that Treason so farre as it concernes the Prince is not so horrid in nature as oppression in a Prince Without excusing any way or diminishing the faults of Princes in any the least act of oppression let every one but aske his owne conscience whether is more horrid in nature Superiors to wrong Inferiours or Inferiours their Superiours Maisters their Servants or Servants their Masters Husbands their Wives or Wives their Husbands Fathers their children or children their Fathers and he will soon find the impiety of this assertion And whereas now the Observor professeth his good will and affection to Monarchy You may by these grounds which he hath laid and by his propounding to us for a patterne to our Kings the condition of the Prince of Orange and for our Kingdome the patterne of the Common-wealth of Venice know how false a meaning he hath and what his designe is even to loosen the sacred tye of Obedience toward our Liege Soveraigne and with it the firme and setled stability of the Kingdome and to prepare mens hearts and perswasions to the receiving of some new forme of Government according to the fancy of the common People Having therefore with false principles endeavoured to found the originall of all Soveraignty in the People as hoping thereby to find meanes to pluck it out of the Kings hands he then proceeds to perswade that not only naturall reason but even the frame of the Kingdome and the positive lawes thereof doe all concurr to maintaine the highest Soveraignty to be in the People But when he should make that apparent by the manifest Iudgement and Acts of our Law not being able to doe that he seekes by sly insinuations to have that admitted and swallowed which to prove he knowes were impossible Therefore pretending to shew the originall the progresse and changes of soveraigne government all from and by the authority of the People even from the fall of Adam to the present when it should be expected he should shew the Soveraignty of this Kingdome to be deriued from them he runnes himselfe into a puzle and then breakes off and tells us what he thinks and he thinks that when most Countries have found out an Art and peaceable order for publique Assemblies whereby the people may assume its own power to doe it selfe right without disturbance to it selfe or injury to Princes he were unjust that would oppose that art and order That Princes may not be beyond all limits of Law nor tryed upon them by private parties the whole Community in its underived Majesty shall convene to doe Iustice c and so he goes on insinuating that our Parliaments are such publique Assemblies wherein the Community in underived Majesty convenes to doe justice upon the King Truly I am not so well affected to arbitrary Government as to admit the judgement much lesse the thought of one man to be proof of Law and Government We shall therefore by Gods helpe examine how well this new conceipt agreeth with our Lawes and auncient setled frame of Government But this is obvious a forehand that it is so farre from being true that most Countries have found the art and order of Assemblies wherein the People may assume the power of doing themselves right As that unlesse you will call the Assembly of some meere popular Republique such an assembly there is not the ordinance of any such assembly to be found in all the world and the reducing of our Parliaments to such Assemblies will suit as well as the shaping of our Kingdome to the frame of the common-wealth of the Venetians or of the Hollanders That we may know therefore that our Parliaments are no such imaginary Assemblies in which the people in underived Majesty convene to assume any Power supposed to be theirs originally and with that Power to doe themselves right Even the Observour himselfe hath assured us when in his fast and loose play he unawares confesseth that the composition of our Parliaments are so equall and geometricall and all parts so orderly contribute their office as that no part can have any extreame predominance over other This is most true that he confesseth God grant that no endeavour to the contrary may ever deprive the Kingdome of the right benefit of this happy and well composed Ordinance But now then if our Parliaments be ordained Assemblies composed of three necessary different parts one Soveraigne the others Subject some appearing for their own interests others representatively for them that sent them and all ballanced in such a geometricall equality as is proper for the conservation of their severall rights and interests from any extream predominance of one of the parts above the other Then can they not be assemblies of resumption of the peoples supposed power for in such imaginary assemblies there must be a dissolution of all constitute orders degrees and qualities of the parts and all the members must be reduced to a naturall coequality undistinguished by any difference of quality degree or priviledges whatsoever so as there must be neither King nor Peers nor any office or power of the former State remaining but all resolved into a meere Chaos till all be new framed by the deity of the people So farre therefore are our Parliaments from the nature of such assemblies as that the endeavour of introducing of such Assemblies is most seditious traiterous and destructive not only to the person and dignity of the King to the Crowne Imperiall and to the Kingdome it selfe whose well ballanced rights have beside other tyes beene so often so solemnely and by so many of us