ignorance drawing out of broken cisterns the seditious writings of the Roman and the Reformed Jesuites and transcribing one another and so are taught and reach to despise dominion and speake evill of those things which they know not §. 3. I Make no question the proposition is now evident that the supreme power in any State let it be where it will somewhere it must be for else it were an Anarchy and no government ought not to be resisted This makes rebellion sin as transgressing divine and humane lawes In the next place for the perfect direction of conscience Most necessary to know the subject of Supremacy wee must examine in whom the supreme power is placed a mistake in this is as dangerous as an errour in the former For as zeale which is not according to knowledge is impiety for though it have the heat it hath not the light which is required to true devotion so the most scrupulous obedience is but humble rebellion if it be misplaced and yielded to fellow Subjects against him who hath jus regnandi the right to command them Thus in an Aristocracy to aide one man against the Senate is Treason against the State and in a Monarchy because the constitution is different and places the supreme power in one to aide the Senate of which that one is the head and opposed to him they are but a livelesse trunk in order to those things to which his influence is necessary Fortescue warrants the expression sine capite communitas non corporatur against the Monarch and supreame Ruler is rebellion and treason against the State The Assumption therefore shall be The King of ENGLAND hath this supreame power when this is proved the conscience must take law from this necessary Inference therefore it is unlawfull for Subjects to hold up armes against the King of England Because as it is an absurdity in speculation so it is sinne in practice to deny the conclusion there they offend against Logique here against Religion also For whatsoever is not of faith that is not of judgment whatsoever wee doe against our owne reason and the light of conscience is transgression The matter of this discourse is of high concernment For as things now stand on it hang Heaven or Hell our salvation or eternall damnation If the King be the highest power you are bound to submit to him but if you have new Soveraignes if your fellow Subjects are become the Lords anoynted there may be some colour of justification Except this be proved you are altogether inexcusable as appeares in the last Section and therfore it will behoove you to hearken to Solomons advice My sonne feare thou the Lord and the King and meddle not with them that are given to change For their calamity shall rise sodainely Prov. 24. 21. 22. Certainely unconcerned men will thinke I have undertaken no very difficult taske The Kings Supremacy witnessed by out Oath If I can but perswade the Kings adversaries they have not forsworne themselves I shall recover them to due obedience but I must tell them if they were not perjur'd in taking the Oath of Supremacy not to mention now that of Alleagiance they are so in breaking it The words are so expresse that not any colourable glosse can be invented to excuse the violation of this solemne Sacrament I A. B. doe utterly testifie and declare in my conscience that the Kings highnesse is the only supreame Governour of this Realme and of all other His Highnesse Dominions and Countries as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or causes as Temporall c. I d◠promise that from henceforth I shall beare faith and true allegiance to the Kings Highnesse His Heires and lawfull Successours and to my power shall assist and defend all jurisdictions priviledges preheminences and authorities granted or belonging to the Kings Highnesse His Heires and Successours or united and annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme So helpe me God and by the Contents of this Booke It hath beene replyed That this Oath is taken in opposition to the Pope to exclude the Supremacy usurped by him for many yeares They speake truth but not all the truth for there are two parts in it One negative by which wee professe that not any forraigne State or Potentate nor the Pope hath this power The other positive by which the Subject of this power is specified The Kings Highnesse is the onely supreame Governour of this Realme as in all Spirituall things and causes so likewise Temporall Both Ecclesiasticall and Civill supremacy are here asserted to be in the King It was not thought sufficient to tell who was not Supreme but they declare also who was When we had truly sworne the Pope out of this Kingdome what necessity was there to make the people perjur'd for certainely they forsweare themselves who solemnely testifie and declare in their conscience That the Kings highnesse is the onely supreme Governour if the meaning of those words be onely this that the Pope is not It concernes us as highly as our Soules are worth reddere juramentum domino to performe unto the Lord our Oath and not to lift up those hands against the King which were layd upon the holy Gospell in witnesse of our submission to him as the onely supreme Governour What desperate malice is it to expose our Soules to every Musket shot if wee fall we perish eternally This sad contemplation that wee stand on the very brinke of Hell ready to be turned into the Lake of everlasting woes by every sword every bullet will smite our hearts and make our armes feeble in the day of battaile what confusion amazement and horrour of conscience must needs seize upon all considering men Think upon the heinousnesse of parricide to murther a Father is a sin greater then any one is able to beare But to spill the bloud of our Soveraigne which they have done who fought against him for it is murderin Gods sight his goodnesse in protecting his servant doth not excuse their sin in endeavouring to destroy their King whom God commands not to touch and whose life we have sworn to defend with the utmost hazard of our owne and we have desired the Lord to revenge it in our destruction if we doe otherwise is of a much deeper dye For the King is Pater patriae a common Father to all without a Metaphor what ever power Fathers had over and consequently whatsoever honour as an effect of this power was due to them from their children he hath right to challenge the same of all And though we should joyne together King hath paternall powers from consent of the people and call our selves the Common-wealth we can no more lawfully dis-respect give law to resist upon hard usage or say he is lesse honourable then all we then children by agreement may dispense with their duty to their parents It was our owne act which united all particular paternall powers in Him and that these
Members and the Head cannot thrive by a consumption of the Members Illegall gainings from the people are shifts rather then true policy they may serve a present turne yet are not worth the price at which they are purchased envy and discontents wheras the gratitude of the Subject is a constant and cheerefull patrimony When the King like the Sunne in consideration of what is drawne up from them shall returne it in plentifull showres and the blessings of a just government which makes a Land fruitfull Upon these grounds wee have very good reason to promise to our selves a happy government our hopes are much above our feares especially after his greater experience of the unfortunate consequences of some miscarriages and the strange blessings upon his strict observation of the certaine and knowne Lawes They that require fuller information in the nature of this government may finde ample satisfaction in Stawnford Dyer Crompton and Sir Edward Coke That the King is the fountain of all justice and consequently that the Lawes have placed the supreame power in the Crowne I have chosen rather to shew it out of Bracton a man worthily famous for his knowledge in the Civill and Common Law because the booke is lesse common and I finde his authority often abused to justifie their cause Sciendum quòd ipse dominus Rex qui ordinariam habet jurisdictionem dignitatem potestatem super omnes qui in regno suo sunt Kings Supremacy proved out of Bracton habet enim omnia jura in manu sua quae ad coronam laicalem pertinent potestatem materialem gladium qui pertinet ad regni gubernaculum Habet etiam justitiam judicium quae sunt jurisdictiones ut ex jurisdictione suâ sicut Dei minister Vicarius tribuat unicuique quod suum fuerit Habet enim ea quae sunt pacis ut populus sibi traditus in pace sileat quiescat ne quis alterum verberet vulneret vel male tractet ne quis alienam rem per vim roberiam auferat vel asportet ne quis hominem mahemiet vel occidat Habet etiam coercionem ut delinquentes puniat coerceat Item habet in potestate suâ leges constitutiones assisas in regno suo provisas approbatas juratas ipse in propriâ personâ suâ observet subditis suis faciat observari nihil enim prodest jura condere nisi sit qui juratueatur Habet igitur Rex hujusmodi jura sive jurisdictiones in manu suâ lib. 2. cap. 24. § 1. And againe ea quae jurisdictionis sunt pacis ea quae sunt justitiae paci annexa ad nullum pertinent nisi ad coronam dignitatem regiam nec à corona separari poterunt cùm faciant ipsam coronam The english of it in briefe is this The King hath supreame power in all civill causes and is super omnes over all persons over the body politique all jurisdictions are in him the materiall sword of right belongs to him and whatsoever conduces to peace that the people committed to his charge may lead peaceable and quiet lives The power of holding Assizes is derived from him and of punishing delinquents For Laws were vainly enacted if there were not some body enabled to protect us by defending them c. These conclusions are naturally deduced from his premises To dispose the Militia of the Kingdome without the consent of the Soveraigne and much more against his expresse prohibition is illegall To issue Commissions by any other authority then his for killing and slaying or taking mens estates by force is against the known Lawes and to forbid the holding of Assizes upon whatever pretence of advancing the Subjects property by stopping the course of Justice is destructive of the rights both of King and Subjects He defines the Sword lib. 1. cap. 8. § 4. lest Subjects should thinke it lawfull to take it up in their owne defence without his authority significat defensionem regni patriae it is the right to defend the Kingdome Populi salus the safety of the people the pretence of which hath ingaged them in a likely way of ruine cannot dispense with our Lawes which have enabled onely him to protect them It is not possible to speake more home then he hath done in the fifth Paragraph Omnis quidem sub rege ipse sub nullo nisi tantùm sub Deo Parem autem non habet in regno suo quia sic amitteret praeceptum cum par in parem non habeat imperium Item nec multo fortiùs superiorem nec potentiorem habere debet quia sic esset inferior sibi subjectis inferiores pares esse non possunt potentioribus Ipse autem Rex non debet esse sub homine sed sub Deo sub lege quia lex facit regem All are under the King and the King is under God only He hath no equall in his Realme no coordination here because then he could not command all for amongst equalls there can be no Empire Therefore much lesse are any his superiours or can challenge greater power because then he would be under his Subjects c. The King ought not to be under man He is under God and the Law because the Law makes him King The last words though advantage be made of them and Fortescue is quoted to the same purpose can afford no just ground of scruple for he explaines himself within a few lines Lex facit regem signifies no more then that of the Roman Emperours Adeò de autoritate juris nostra pendet autoritas l. digna c. de legib The meaning may be extended thus farre That the people had a hand in the conveyance of their divided rights into him and he may now challenge them by vertue of their owne agreement and by divine right also but as presupposing this consent because God doth not immediately dispose of Kingdomes now and conquest signifies greater force not juster title that oft times gives possession and a subsequent compact creates a true right I doe not deny but that conquest in some cases may be a lawfull way of acquisition the provocation may be so great that persons and estates are forfeited to the victor but because the will is not capable of being forced it doth not follow he hath got a right over their goods and bodies therefore they are His Subjects and owe to him obedience For to be subject being a morall bond where God doth not lay upon us any obligation as the duty of children towards their Parents doth not depend upon choice it can only flow from our consent But this consent of the people was not an adequate cause but a necessary qualification to make him capable of receiving a larger commission from God The Sword of Justice is blunt the peoples agreement could not put an edge upon it to cut off offenders this is done by the Magistrate as Gods delegate That the
which States are setled overthrowne if the people be made Judges of their safety and allowed to use any meanes which they fancy conducing thereto without any consideration of the ground-workes Populi salus suprema lex is the Engine by which the upper roomes are torne from the foundation and seated upon fancy onely like Castles in the aire For the safety of the people is really built upon governement and this destroyed the other non jam aedes sed cumulus erit will be soone swallowed in the common confusion but this is evidently and demonstrably ruined by these principles For government is an effect not of a people 's divided naturall powers but as they are united and made one by civill constitution so that when we call it supreame power we impose an improper name and have given occasion for mistakes yet I shall not endeavour to alter the common use of speaking but onely to prevent a misunderstanding of it because indeed this power is simply one and when it doth expresse it selfe by one person or more according to different formes who yet are but severall parts of one governour there is not left in the Kingdome or Common-wealth any civill that is any legall power which can appeare in resistance because all of them have bound their naturall hands by a politique agreement Hence it followes those that will allow any power to Subjects against their ruler let it be Liberty to resist those in whom the Law places jus gladis the right of the sword destructive to the very nature of governement one man or many united by one common forme which is the consent of the major part and this is not capable of division do thereby dissolve the sinewes of government by which they were compacted into one and which made a multitude a people and so breake the Common-wealth into as many peices as they have set up opposers against it For there cannot be two powers and yet the Kingdome remaine one This is that which distinguishes Francs and England and Spaine from one another because they have three powers legally distinct and are the same in relation each to other as three particular men meeting in some wildernesse and considered as not having agreed to any Lawes of Society I am fully perswaded no sober man can imagine the policy of this State is so defective as to open a necessary way to its owne ruine that is to divide the Kingdome legally in it selfe and therefore it must necessarily be granted those that take up armes being not authorized so to do by law are guilty of rebellion and the consequences of it murder and rapine It is very easy to determine whom the Law hath armed with power because not any part of the people not the two Houses but the King alone is sworne to protect us which is an evident argument he is enabled to effect this end and that the necessary meanes to compasse it which is the posse regni is at his disposall By these generalls throughly digested and rightly applied we shall be able to rule particular decisions I shall desire one thing especially may be remembred as which hath great influence upon all cases Though what is truly the right of any one doth not cease to be so naturally by anothers sentence to the contrary yet after positive constitutions upon a Judges decision he can challenge no title to it because by his owne deed and consent he passeth it away in that judiciary determination And equity and prudence both dictate that it was a most honest and reasonable agreement as conducing to publique peace and the quiet of mankind that persons publikely constituted and more unconcerned in the decisions should put an end to all debates Because otherwise the controversie was not likely to be ended but with one of the parties For each man out of naturall favour the strongest corruptive of judgement inclining to his owne Interest there was nothing left but force to determine it There cannot be a more unhappy administration of Justice then when strength is made the measure of right and when all Iudges are bribed as passing sentence to their owne advantage §. 1. THe following Section shall be spent in proving the proposition by which the consciences of all Subjects must be directed It is unlawfull to resist him or them in whom the supreame authority that is all the legall power of the Kingdome is placed and no dispensation grounded upon what persons soever as inferiour Magistrates or upon any cause as the extreame abuse of this power to their oppression can excuse such resistance from the sin of rebellion Upon this pillar not onely monarchy stands firme but all other governements are equally supported the generall reason being applicable according to the difference in severall formes In the third Section I will bring the case home to our selves by proving this assumption The King of England hath this supreame power and then I shall leave it to every mans conscience to inferre the conclusion therefore it is unlawfull to make resistance against their Soveraigne In the fourth Section I will answer all the evasions how plausibly soever founded which I could meete with in the severall writings of those men who though they strike at the King downe right and more immediately yet by plaine and evident cousequences they destroy all civill society By way of conclusion I will shew though such a power of resistance as they or any others have yet openly pleaded for should be granted lawfull as when in their owne defence or when he that hath the highest authority and is bound by the law of God and his owne oath to administer justice equally yet after frequent representations of their grievances and most just Complaints of their great sufferings affords no redresse yet this can be no justification of the present warre against the King nor acquit the Actors in it from being rebels Because this case is evidently not now as will appeare after a view taken of the causas of this unnaturall and illegall division The proposition to be proved is It is unlawfull to resist him or them in whom the supreame authority that is all the legall power of the Kingdome in order to raise armes is placed and no dispensation grounded upon what persons soever as inferiour magistrates or upon any cause as the extreame abuse of this power to their oppression can excuse such resistance from the sin of Rebellion I make no question every man will apprehend that by resistance here Differences betweene not obeying against law and hostile resistance to a lawfull Soveraigne is meant only hostile opposition and not a refusall to put unjust commands measured by divine or humane laws in execution for the truth is if they are or seeme repugnant to Gods law for then they are so really in respect of those who have that apprehension idem est esse apparere in this case of good and bad because whatsoever is not of
no more passe away by promise Gods right to our obedience then we can covenant to transferre and give away another mans goods or demeasnes Secondly it is harmelesse in the consequences because if any out of a reall or seeming repugnance to divine precept deny active obedience they must confesse themselves obliged by the same conscience of observing the law of God not to resist that authority which he hath armed jure gladij with the right of using the sword probably to this end that Religion might not be a cloke for Rebellion that we might not dare out of the feare of God to violate the order of divine providence by which he hath thought fit to governe the world This is the patience of the Saints which shall be rewarded with heaven because they suffer rather then doe evill for earthly considerations as being assured God hath forbiden them though for prevention of their particular and undeserved misery to disturbe the publike happinesse by resisting that power which Scripture tells them is from above It oft times pleases God to make use of ill governours and their unrighteous judgement may be his just sentence for our former transgressions if it be his will to scourge us by them no smart should tempt us to cut his rod in pieces Because generally men are hardly brought to entertaine a truth which seemes disadvantageous to them and comes in ill company attended with affliction Quis enim facilè credit propter quod dolendum est though this should not be amongst Christians who are crucis candidati quibus frui fas est Diis iratis and who ought to rejoyce in their present sufferings as the exercise of vertue and that way to eternall glory which our Saviour hath chalked out both by example and precept I will use the greater diligence in evidencing this point by all kinde of proofes of which the matter is capable If we looke backe to the law of Nature we shall finde that the people would have had a clearer and more distinct notion of it if common use of calling it Law had not helped to confound their understanding when it ought to have beene named the Right of nature Difference betweene Law of Nature and Right of Nature for Right and Law differ as much as Liberty and Bonds Jus or right not laying any obligation but signifying we may equally choose to doe or not to doe without fault whereas Lex or law determines us either to a particular performance by way of command or a particular abstinence by way of prohibition and therefore jus naturae all the right of nature which now we can innocently make use of is that freedome not which any law gives us but which no law takes away and lawes are the severall restraints and limitations of native liberty Upon this ground I have shewed already the right of nature cannot be pleaded against positive constitution that being a permission onely and not an injunction and therefore ceasing by a subsequent obligation arising from promise and compact when multitudes became one Civil body I was unwilling to weary the Reader by an unprofitable debate and different stating of the originall of power For though it be most true that paternall authority was regall and therefore this of Gods immediate constitution Their owne Scheame of Government serves our turne and justifies the Kings cause and founded in nature yet it is not much pertinent to the present decision nor can it necessarily concerne moderne controversies betweene Rulers and People Because it is most evident no King at this day and much lesse other Governours holds his Crowne by that title since severall paternall powers in every State are given up and united in one common father who cannot pretend a more immediate kindred to Adam then all the rest of mankinde For this consideration I thought fit to lay downe their owne Scheame of Government and let them make what advantages they can by presenting to your apprehension a multitude before a people like a heape of stones before they are cemented and knit together into one building I shall onely desire my adversaries would not betray so much want of ingenuity as to make this favour of joyning issue upon their owne principles a contradiction For I thought it losse of time to insist upon their mistakes in the manner of derivation of power when all of us agree well enough in the thing That after the multiplying of mankinde there was an Anarchy is confest onely they impute it to a want of all Law and Rulers and we derive it more naturally from the multitude of Governours whose wills being various were so many distinct Lawes to those who were under them when in every family was a Kingdome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Euripides describes the Cyclops their Subjects were their owne flesh and naturall Princes being wives and children when there were so many absolute Princes within the compasse of a Parish that a man had scarce roome to walke in a Territory when a Commonwealth was lodged in a Cottage this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the mother of confusion and by reason of such a multiplicity of Kings it was not ill stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Though they had absolute power yet it was confined within a narrow compasse and if they exercised any jurisdiction or made use of their liberty to the prejudice of neighbour States this begot controversies and both parties having right to be Judges in their owne causes they made force the measure of decision and who was strongest could not be knowne but by the issue of the warre Quis justiùs induit arma Scire nefas summo se judice quisque tuetur Haec acies victum factura nocentem est To prevent those fatall mischiefes to which they were subject while they lived in this hostile State evidently occasioned by their divided powers a way was found out by making their individuall strengths and the many narrow authorities which still justled one another one legall power and this was placed then with great prudence in one person to the end the cause of their sufferings might be fully taken away and that there might not be left a possibility of relapsing into their former miseries which proceeded from opposition between equall authorities Thus I grant to them their owne Scheame yet without prejudice to that truth delivered by Cedren who makes Adam the catholique Monarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As reason first represented to them Monarchy as the most perfect forme from which their want of government was a defection for we may say of Anarchy Non fuit sic ab initio so sense confirmed it they having happy experience of those eminent advantages peculiar to this constitution as unity secrecy and expedition The Roman story doth approve this wisedome by acquainting us with the fatall miscarriages and bad successes of their Armies when commanded by two Generalls And if we looke upon this State
bring in a certaine confusion For they tell us obedience is commanded onely to good Magistrates if men intrusted to governe according to Law faile in their duty they cease to be Magistrates for these are defined Dei ministri nobis in bonum The Ministers of God for the good of the Common-wealth so that to destroy such is to resist the men onely and not the power it is a warre against the person onely and not the authority which is none if used against Law because that doth not enable any to destroy it selfe the Law cannot die legally by power is not meant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what they may doe by strength but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what they ought to doe in right This is the most reasonable doctrine because coherent to it selfe throughout but the most seditious doctrine likewise because it gives a full liberty to the people not onely in a representative body and therefore in the diffusive much more because all the right that can pretend to against the King is derived from this but to any part of them to any private man to resume as some expresse it their power or as others to make use of that power which they never parted with to their owne inconvenience and so all necessity of suffering except when they have deserved it is taken away and Christianity is made a tame madnesse To returne to Calvin whose following words are much abused though I must confesse some conceive them craftily laid downe by him in reference to the time and place when and where he lived and that his designe was to insinuate some small colour in plausible Generalls for that most unjustifiable action of the Citizens of Geneva who had lately cast off their true Prince because a Bishop of a contrary religion after he hath informed us that God requires all private men to obey or suffer though under Tyrants he addes Nam si qui nunc sint populares magistratus c. If there be at this time any Magistrates appointed by Law in behalfe of the people to restraine the licentiousnesse of Kings such as were the Ephori opposed and set over the Lacedaemonian Kings the Tribunes of the people which curbed the Roman Consuls and the Demarchi who bridled the Senate at Athens c. upon this supposition they not onely may but ought to reforme the abuses of government and to doe right to the poore Commonalty whose guardians they are This is undenyably true but impertinent to the present controversie because the People or Nobles cannot challenge that power in a Monarchy with which they are invested under an Aristocraticall or Democratical regiment such as Athens Rome and Sparta were It is very observable by the way that by reason the supreame power was placed in the Lacedaemonian Ephori and Roman Tribunes c. their office made their persons sacred and inviolable They did justly challenge the same impunity which we maintaine belongs to Kings in a true Monarchy for I argue not from the name for though the Duke of Venice were called King it would not inlarge his authority and the Spartan Kings had onely a Royall title but were truly Subjects as we learne from Plutarch and Polybius but from the nature of that power wherewith the constitutions of a Realme doe invest one person Hence appeares the unreasonablenesse of their seditious invectives founded upon some inconveniences because power will probably be sooner abused if any person may doe what he will and not be responsable for his injustice These kinde of Declamations with which their Presses and Pulpits labour strike equally at all government For there is a necessity we should lie open to some possible evils from the abuse of authority or else we cannot provide for greater and certaine goods of common peace and publique tranquillity It is no prudence to cure the miscarriages of government by a legall confusion since even the worst government is lesse miserable then Anarchy I beleeve I can make a full discovery of those wicked Arts whereby crafty men have opened a way to the advancement of their covetous and ambitious designes at the price of publique calamity Tib. Gracchus was excellently learned in those damnable politiques and I desire all indifferent men to judge whether the unhappy disturbers of England have not exactly managed the miseries of this Kingdome according to his principles He proposed some Lawes which might well become a reall lover of his Country Graccus his seditious practises their patterne but his violence in the illegall establishment of them which did evidently tend to confusion did make it apparent that publique pretences were taken up in order to the satisfaction of private lusts Marcus Octavius as his fellow Tribune had the right of a negative voice for if one Tribune dissented no Ordinance could be made which ought to have the power of Law He not able to effect his ends informes the people that this opposition betweene their equall authorities did threaten civill warre and therefore it would concerne them as they loved their owne safety which was the supreame Law to decide this difference by recalling that power which they had bestowed to the end they might receive benefit therefrom but which was now abused contrary to a trust reposed to their prejudice The issue was he prevailed with them to depose Octavius and he made them substitute a meane person one of his dependants But being sensible afterwards that amongst all his illegall Acts this gave most distaste not onely to the Nobility and Gentry who were indued with clearer understandings but even to the slowly apprehending Commons and that it proceeded from lawlesse passion to debase the highest dignity of Tribune of the people and expose that sacred function to scorne and contempt which ever before was justly esteemed inviolable and such as secured the persons from being touched hee brings these colours to excuse that most unpresidented action The Authority of Tribunes is truly sacred and inviolable but for no other cause then as particularly devoted to protect the people and established to advance their welfare If therefore a person thus highly intrusted failes in performance of duty suffers the people for whom he serves to be oppressed and endeavours to abridge their power and denyes to them the meanes of expressing their will and pleasure by his vote for he is but their mouth enabled by them to declare their meaning In this case he forfeits all Prividedges and Prerogatives due to his office because hee thwarts those very ende which first moved the people to bestow upon him such large preeminences for if otherwise we must be bound to sit still while he pulls downe the Capitoll or sets the Navy on fire and notwithstanding any violences or whatever exorbitancies of his lusts and wildest passions tamely to obey him as our Tribune that is such an one who by vertue of our trust for the improvement of our safety usurpes a right to cut our throats and is
and gaine time and if that would not doe he would dismisse the assembly and command another meeting Then would he appeare first upon the place in mourning apparell and with afflicted lookes and humble countenance sadly requesting the people to take compassion on him who suffered such miserable things and feared worse only for doing them service and desiring them to reward his faithfull endeavour by loving his poore Wife and little Children for he gave himselfe for a lost man since he had reason to feare yet the cause in which he should fall was an unspeakable comfort that the enemies of the Common-wealth and such as maligned their happinesse would come upon him in the night and force his house and murther him These well dissembled griefes so wrought their passions that the abused Citizens set up Tents about his house at their owne charges and maintained a constant Guard for his protection When such men shall make a State miserable under pretence of improving its happinesse and challenge to themselves a right to breake all setled constitutions under colour of forcing upon the Kingdome new Lawes which will be more beneficiall when they shall imprison us at pleasure that wee may injoy our liberties and take away our goods to secure our property and punish the most orthodox conscientious and painfull Preachers and impose upon Congregations factious Lecturers to settle true Religion and when they have acted such high mischiefs shall tell us the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdome are Malignants and delight in and contribute their aides to advance an illegall government who are certaine to suffer most in it it is then time to cry out Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes I have beene tempted to a large digression because the same Artes which made Rome miserable are visible in our calamities I will now proceed with Calvin after he hath very conscientiously instructed us in our christian duty by saying all resistance is unlawfull unlesse undertaken by the authority of Magistrates whom the Law enables to be the peoples protectors and gives them the highest power which can only be in an Aristocracy or popular State he hath afforded too great an occasion for mistake by an ungrounded conjecture Et quâ etiam fortè potestate ut nunc res habent funguntur in singulis regnis tres ordines quum primarios conventus peragunt And the same power which the Tribunes of Rome c. had as things now stand peradventure belong to the three Estates when they hold their principall assemblies I could wish I were able to excuse him from temporizing yet he layes it down extream cunningly perhaps peradventure if this chance to be otherwise you have nothing to say for your selves you are condemned out of his mouth and in a poynt of such higly concerning consequences you have no reason to change his adverbe of doubting into an assertive I shall oppose to his perhaps it is certainely not so in England because our Lawes make this a Monarchicall government and so different from that of Rome or Athens or Sparta and therefore conscience hath no warrant for resistance against him in whom the supreme power is placed The worke of the second section was to prove it unlawfull for Subjects to resist him or them in whom the supreame authority that is all the legall power of the Kingdome in order to raise armes is placed I shall now shew the invalidity of their exceptions against it by manifesting that no dispensation grounded upon what causes soever as indeavours to make them slaves or beggars or to introduce another and a false religion and what else may be comprehended under the extreame abuse of this power to their oppression or upon any persons as inferiour magistrates or any colour of preserving the authority of the man by fighting and as much as in them lies destroying the man in authority or of making the power well used for the good of the people and not the person abusing that power to be the minister of God c. can excuse such resistance from the sin of rebellion and from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a fighting against God in despising his ordinance Tyrannicall abuse of power doth not make taking up armes against the supreame governour lawfull This truth is confest in words even by their cheife writers Tyranny doth not dispense with the Subjects duty of alleageance though in the meane while they make use of such arguments to prevaile on the peoples affections and exhort them against the King in the feare of God as clearly overthrow this acknowledgment The fuller answere to Doctor Ferne saith thus there are two kinds of tyranny regiminis and usurpationis that of government though never so heavy yet must be indured not only to the good sayes the Apostle 1. Pet. 2. 18. but the froward too and therefore I know no man that defends the ten tribes revolt from Rehoboam p. 22. when they complained of some greivances under which they had groaned in his fathers reigne he was as indiscreete as unjust and told them he would oppresse them more and yet because he had jus regiminis it is ingenuously granted it was unlawfull for them to Rebell The breife answere to Doctor Ferne thus we professe against resisting power authority though abused He doth not hide himselfe as ordinarily by dividing the power from the person who is invested therewith but concludes against resisting the men also If those who have power to make lawes shall make sinfull lawes that is prove tyrants and so give authority to force obedience we say here there must be either flying or passive obedience p. 113. By the same reason if he that hath the only power by lawes already made to traine array and mustar and to dispose of the Militia with which he is intrusted for his Subjects protection and his owne safety should put them into hands which they cannot confide in yet there must be no warre waged to prevent a supposed danger there must be either flying or passive obedience But if one that is in authority command out of his owne will and not by law I resist no power no authority at all if I neither actively nor passively obey no I do not resist so much as abused authority If you meane by not passively obey take up armes ◠against which you must if you speake pertinently and would make an application of this answer to the justification of hostile resistance in Subjects you do resist power and authority in this case For though you are no obliged to yeild obedience either contrary to divine praecept or the knowne lawes of the realme yet by making use of armes you transgresse that law which disables Subjects to make warre without the Princes authority much more against his expresse command to the manifest indangering of his royall Person He answers this had beene but accidentall p. 121. and so we are told by others he might have stayed away Those damn'd assassins and
THE VNLAWFVLNESSE OF Subjects taking up Armes AGAINST THEIR SOVERAIGNE in what case soever Together with an Answer to all Objections scattered in their severall Bookes And a proofe that notwithstanding such resistance as they plead for were not damnable yet the present Warre made upon the King is so because those cases in which onely some men have dared to excuse it are evidently not now His Majesty fighting onely to preserve Himselfe and the rights of the Subjects Printed in the Yeare 1643. The unlawfulnesse of Subjects taking up Armes against their Soveraigne in what case soever §. 1. HE that will endeavour to make the yoke of government more easie by setting a people loose from the restraints of positive lawes upon pretence The cause upon which men are mis-led to a desire of Innovation they may justly use their native liberty and resume their originall power if civill constitutions which were agreed upon for their good be not effectuall to that end but prove disadvantageous to them shall be sure to meet with many favourable Readers Because the greater part of mankinde as in other matters so in this present case are easily prevailed upon to make a truce with conscience and eagerly to prosecute what appeares most profitable And the chiefest cause of our miseries is that they do not rightly apprebend what is truely advantageous For States are framed upon a sinister opinion of men they suppose most as it doth commonly fall out will be dishonest yet if they be not unwise and suffer themselves to be carried on as against conscience so against interest also a Kingdome cannot want plentifull meanes of subsisting of flourishing The ground of these unhappy mistakes which makes them advance publique ruine wherein all single men will be lost while they are vainely encouraged by deceiving hopes of being private gainers can be no other but this They rule their actions and desires but by one syllogisme and looke upon the immediate consequence which is a satisfaction of some particular ends and serving some present turne and have not ordinarily so much depth of understanding as to be able to discerne the future evils which will inevitably spring from the same fountaine They are not capable of that good counsell of Polybius Non tantùm praesentia spectare sed futura prospicere quis exitus inde futurus sit The bait onely is visible to most and accordingly the reall goods which are promised by innovation for no government being free from all evill therefore every proposall of change is easily baited with some good are entertained with delight but once unwarily swallowed they become hookes in the entralls It happens to most men that they behold the children as of their bodies so of their opinions but the grandchildren of their tenents Caliginosà nocte premit Deus Nepotes discursus The further removed consequences though allyed in a right line they have not strength of reason to discover Quisque nascitur liber 1. False because all are subject by nature to paternall power and consequently to the supreame Magistrate to whom divine law confirmes the severall powers which Fathers resigned up 2. If true it concludes not for them because out naturall liberty is restrained by consent To instance in two maine principles by which the seduced multitude hath beene tempted to catch at empty happinesse and thereby have pulled upon themselves misery and destruction The first is a doctrine craftily instill'd into the mindes of the people upon no other foundation then a mistake in the meaning of true and profitable liberty that the law of Nature doth justifie any attempts to shake off those bonds imposed upon them by Superiours if inconvenient and destructive of native freedome the fallacie of which is easily discerned by understanding men It is true if we looke upon the Priviledges of Nature abstracting from paternall dominion Freedome is the birth-right of mankinde and equally common to every one as the Aire we breath in or the Sun which sheds his beames and lustre as comfortably upon Beggars as upon the Kings of the earth This Freedome was an unlimited power to use our abilities according as will did prompt The restraint of which would questionlesse have beene very grievous but that experience did demonstrate it was not so delightfull to do what ever they liked as it was miserable to suffer as much as it pleased others to inflict The evils which flow from want of Government For any that was stronger then his neighbour had it in his power to hinder him from injoying the benefits of liberty nor yet could the most powerfull man among them take any extraordinary comfort in this as yet hostile State because his minde was distracted with continuall feares since there was not any so contemptibly weake but that if he despised his owne life or desired to enjoy it with more uncontrolled pleasures he might make himselfe Master of any other mans though not by force yet by subtilty and watching advantages or at least a few combining might destroy the strongest and might be tempted so to doe for their fuller security This was their unhappy condition amidst feares and jealousies wherein each single person look't upon the world as his enemy and doubted as formerly Cain when he was excommunicated and cut off from the civill body lest the hand of every man might be upon him and to this confusion the disturbers of this State endeavour to reduce us not that this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 want of order most hatefull to God can be pleasant to the most wicked man but as knowing the effect of it an insupportable and generall calamity will quickly unite multitudes into a people again and force them to restore some government and they may hope in a new compact to gaine a greater share in the rule then their ambition hath beene able to force from the setled Kingdome I will adde the unavoidable occasions of quarrell extreamely opposite to the prime dictate of nature the preservation of themselves and to the meanes which conduce thereto a peaceable injoyment of the comforts of this life For whilest every one had right to all no body could with safety make use of any thing since when some would take to themselves what others delighted in their desires and right being equall there was no title but that of greater force which could determine to whom it ought to belong and this could not be knowne but by fighting and this right reason abhorred as by which men would either be exposed to famine in the midst of plenty or else be forced daily to hazard the losse of their lives out of a naturall desire of conserving them The sense of these calamities quickning their understandings to finde out The remedy of those evils civill unity easily prevailed with their wils to entertaine a remedy of so great evils which manifestly proceeding from division the ready cure was to make themselves one because no body is at
in peace we shall finde by putting downe Kings they laid the feed-plot of those many miserable civill warres with which that people was so frequently so extreamely afflicted The forme of that Commonwealth was Democraticall The governement of Rome according to the forme democraticall but according to the practise an illegall Monarchy but if wee judge of it not as established by Law but according to the practice almost in all times we must pronounce the Government an illegall Monarchy For either some one man governed the Senate and made them an instrument to oppresse the people or else according as it was aptest to advance his interests siding with the people and telling them the Nobles took too much upon them Different judgement of the best forme of governement oft-times the cause of sedition he by their power compassed his private ends under the names of common good publique safety The truth is the different judgement of the best State doth de facto open a gap to sedition because men naturally desire to live most happily and are easily tempted to contribute their endeavours to any change which they fancy for the better though in right it ought not to be so notwithstanding some forme might be proposed which were really more perfect because our faith once given to the present government cannot be recalled this civill union is as fast tyed as the marriage knot we are bound to take it for better for worse And if otherwise States would probably be shorter liv'd then men as having their foundation on the sands that is on the inconstant wills of the people who are blowne about with every winde of contrary discourses Fallacy in discourses concerning what kinde of governement is best But in this dispute concerning the best forme of civill society there is a great fallacy as yet not fully discovered Schemes are drawne in speculation and politique discourses are framed which beare much resemblance with some figures of Mathematicians which are made with much ease upon paper and with apparence of solid demonstration so that the Schollers not able to object against it entertaine it for certaine knowledge But when reduced into practice in wood or stone the failings are presently seene and their contemplations appeare vaine and unprofitable because they did not take into consideration the capacity of the Subject on which they were to worke nor fore-saw what resistance the matter would make This errour is committed in the comparison of States and many plausible reasons are laid down for the rule of the Nobles or of the people which are best confuted by experience For when it is debated whether Monarchy be the most convenient government the true sense of it is this if we judge according to the frequent practice which in Politiques is made the most reasonable measure of Lawes whether the people will live more happily when Law places the supreame power in one and nominates that person by which no roome is left for division or when one man being more active and crafty then his fellowes who ought to have an equall share in this authority raises a faction upon plausible pretences and under colour of serving his side perswades them to be commanded by him and so exercises the supreame power in an illegall way which as it is compassed by ingaging the people in misery under colour of making them more happy so â—â— it must be kept up by as bad arts and an Army must be maintained to make good by force what Law cannot justifie I do not wonder for it is no strange thing part of the people should be unwise that some should be induced to cast off Monarchy They are told it is very unreasonable that one should have all the power Toto liber in orbe Solus Caesar erit They may upon the same ground perswade them to quarrell with God Almighty Their meaning is though they dare not speake out there is no government good unlesse they have a share in it This interest of being joynt Soveraignes makes them unable to see or else willing to dissemble the apparent dangers which division threatens as likewise the great disadvantages which wait on slow proceedings counsels as well as men growing weake by age and the unhappy miscarriages of brave undertakings because not managed with fitting secrecy All these three are plainly spoken in many Governours Faction Delay Opennesse The method whereby the peoples affections are poysoned and wonne to a dislike of the present State By what means so many of the people are misled into Rebellion and by degrees brought first to desire then to attempt an Innovation is this All the defects how unavoidable soever by reason of secret lets and hinderances not to be fore-seene as depending upon many circumstances which are variable according to other mens wills and which they have not the honesty to put the people in minde of are with great care represented to their considerations and much diligence is used to set before them a perfect Catalogue of what ever faults have beene committed by inferiour Magistrates and under Officers and as they have excellent memories in repeating grievances so they have learned an art very convenient for their ends and for creating a misunderstanding betweene King and people that they may manage the discontents of the Subject to advance particular designes to forget the severall satisfactions given by Princes when upon generall complaints they are fully instructed in their Subjects sufferings The next worke is to assigne such a cause of these corruptions as shall open a way to the alteration they aime at which is to impute them to the nature of a monarchicall government by telling them their happinesse is built upon a very uncertaine foundation the will of one man and if he be bad they must surely be miserable Lastly a promise is made of healing all their evills and the remedy is multitudo medicorum the same plausibilities may be urged to perswade an entertainment of many Physicians about a sicke person as about a distempered State but experience masters these reasons and hath demonstrated the danger of it they must place the Soveraigne power amongst many to the end if one should faile of his duty others may supply it if one should be willing to oppresse others may be able to protect them It fares with men in the distempers of State as in those of their bodies They are easily induced to make triall of what any man tells them will do them good and they have the strongest phancies to those things of which they have least experience But the Fallacy which abuses the people is non causa pro causâ there ever was and alwaies will be matter of Complaint under what kind of regiment soever we live and till men be absolutely perfect the governement cannot be so voluntary corruptions and naturall frailâ—ties must have an influence upon every state This tampering with the Body to reduce it to perfect health hath overthrown many
people and declared their duty This was not what he ought to do but what they ought to suffer when a King swerved from that rule by which he was bound to governe For his duty was well knowne being laid downe many ages before by Moses and written in the booke which Moses commanded the Levites to keepe in the side of the Arke of the Covenant that it might be there for a testimony against transgressors Deut. 31. 36. so that this bindes the people not to resist though they are oppressed wherefore the close of it is since there is no helpe in man they must onely cry unto the Lord 1 Sam. 10. 18. This signification is confirmed by the Civill Law where we are informed jus praetor reddit etìam cùm iniquè discernit the meaning of it is explained relatione scilicet factà non ad id quod ita praetor fecit sed ad illud quod praetorem facere convenit L. jus plur D. de just jur And in this sense summum jus is sometimes summa injuria It were happy for all States if the people were fully instructed in this Text and could distinguish Potestatem imperii ab officio imperantis the right to governe from government according to right For the former is obligatory and stands in full force though he be defective in the latter This middle way inter abruptam contumaciam deforme obsequium neither guilty of stubborne disobedience or servile complyance is very safe and honest For it acknowledges he that hath supreame authority is subject to some lawes for it was truly said by Harmenopulus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that of the Emperours is fit to be observed Digna vox est majestate regnantis legibus alligatum se principem profiteri Adeo de auctoritate juris nostra pendet auctoritas reverâ majus imperio est submittere legibus principatum l. 4. c. de legibus But he is not subject to any Judge upon earth because he hath no superiour This the Graecians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a government not accomptable to men and they opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such a Monarchy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to such Rulers as were responsable Ambrose expresses it by non ullis ad poenam vocari legibus tutos imperii potestate The reason of these constitutions was grounded upon necessity which inforced them to place an impunity somewhere for avoiding confusion A necessity to grant impunity to some in all governments to avoid confusion For a circle in government would be infinitely absurd and of pernicious consequences when Rulers are placed over us to challenge a right to rule those Rulers The Poët very wisely was at a stand Quis enim custodiet ipsos Custodes But these men runne round till they are giddy all the foundations of government being moved by them and put out of course Because they have not setled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Galen calls it a supreame power to whose sentence the last resort must be and whose determination jus facit that is though it should swerve from the rule of justice yet it must have the effect of right it is binding to all they cannot call him to accompt for it and make him responsable for the wrong His authority is a guard to his person and though he chance to doe some things not innocently for he ought to be guided by the lawes of honesty given to mankinde and to observe his oath and promises yet he must doe all safely because he cannot be punished by any Nationall Law This impunity makes all resistance which may any way indanger his person unlawfull David clearely determines the case Destroy him not saith he to Abishai the reason of this ne perdas is now of full force and tyes up the hands of inferiours in every State For who can stretch forth his hands against the Lords anointed and be guiltlesse 1 Sam. 26. 9. The substance of this anointment which makes their persons sacred and not to be touched with violence remaines even where the Ceremony is not practised For it is nothing else but jus regnandi the right of supremacy a true title to reigne over them and therefore Cyrus a Heathen King is called Gods Anointed Es 45. 1. though the material ceremony of powring oyle upon him was not in use amongst the Persians It is a metaphoricall expression of supereminency taken from that quality of oyle which is when it is mixed with other liquours to be uppermost The Fathers unanimous glosse which certainly ought to beare greater sway in our actions then the authority of those men not knowne to us but as the causes of our misery upon Davids confession Against thee thee onely have I sinned Psal 51. 4. pleads for this impunity Notwithstanding he had abused Vriah's wife and contrived the death of so gallant a man who forgot what was dearest to him next unto the Kings honour and would not goe in unto his wife untill the Kings enemies were destroyed yet he saith in the height of his humiliation he had sinned against God onely because there was no Tribunall amongst men to which he was responsable Our Common Law seemes to expresse it selfe in the same sense le Roy ne fa tort the King can doe no wrong Though we may suffer undeservedly yet no sense of injuries received can dispence with the obligation of not righting our selves by force I have done with my proofes out of the Old Testament and I desire my readers to weigh how much is concluded lest they should thinke the application hollow because all Kings have not the same rights which belonged to the Kings of Israel First therefore it hath beene shewed How much is concluded out of the old Testament to the present case to restraine this liberty of resistance is a wise government because of Gods owne institution and so that temptation which hath strong influence upon many ought to cease that it is folly to contract to be obedient in such a way as may leave them without remedy for great grievances And secondly it is evidenced that the same power which the Judges before and the Kings of Israel after had is in every State somewhere that jus consistens in impunitate delictorum a right of not being accomptable for their actions which fences the person or persons in whom suprema dominatio is and secures them as strongly as Lawes can doe from all violence is either in one man so alwayes in a Monarchy or in a certaine body whose power though abused must give Law in order to non-resistance to all inferiours There is a possibility of suffering very great inconveniences without any lawfull meanes of redresse It is an unhappy condition we shall live in if he or they should be Tyrants and take delight in our oppression But we cannot helpe it God out of his dominion might thus dispose of our fortunes and lives and he declares his pleasure so to doe and therefore we
So that the wronged people must onely cry unto the Lord as the Jewes were directed in their hard condition And Saint Ambrosse is sensible of this obligation repugnare non novi dolere potero potero flere potero gemere c. aliter nec debeo nec possum resistere Least Christians should be more stiff-necked then the Jewes who bore this heavy yoke Saint Peter prescribes their behaviour and tells them it is a part of their calling and unlesse they performe their vocation they cannot make their election sure to imitate Christ thus farre who when he was reviled reviled not againe no dishonorable speeches no reproachfull language from him which yet falls short of the meditated malice of the pen when he suffered he threatned not no killing and slaying so much as in words and no people can have greater innocence and no Governour greater faults but he committed himselfe to him that judgeth righteously 1. Pet. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto the higher powers Hereout they endeavour to picke some advantage for say they by the same Logique as we conclude impunity due to Kings and so all resistance unlawfull we must be forced to inlarge this priviledge and communicate it to all Magistrates whatsoever because they are higher powers also But this immunity is overlarge by our owne confession as repugnant to all States and therefore seeing we cannot justifie the inference in its full latitude we cannot reasonably collect any thing These men strangely mistake the grounds of our deduction their strong fancy against it not permitting them to take the reason of it into due consideration we confesse thus much is concluded for all Magistrates such are they to whom the King delegates his authority that it is not lawfull for any that are under them to make resistance Lawfull to resist inferiour Magistrates if they oppose the supreame as a private man may not oppose a Constable nor a Constable a Justice of peace nor he a Judge So common Souldiers cannot punish a Lieutenant except by vertue of a Commission from the Generall and then they are above him as being made Magistrates to execute martiall law upon him nor he a Colonell nor a Collonell the Generall they being but private men in reference to one above them and so Kings in Monarchies and proportionably in Aristocracies those persons in whom the supreame power is placed which are the major part consenting are not judicially accomptable to any because they are the highest Thus much Scripture evinces the civill law confirmes reason suggests and the practise of all States hath imbraced it For there is no power but of God Here is the cause of obedience rendred this right to governe is not onely by his bare permission so theft and murder are but it is his constitution and by vertue of this the Apostle collects that honour is due to their persons I have proved formerly that such power could not be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unlesse it were of God the people could not dispense with divine precept non occides thou shalt not kill The powers that be are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ordained or ordered of God This is his ordinary providence by which he hath thought fit to governe the world and we must submit to it till he declare his will to the contrary nothing can take off this obligation but expresse revelation And we have some new Enthusiasts who are going on to this height of fury Methinkes it should startle all good men to see some interpretations of obscure prophecies out of Daniell and the Apocalypse cast out to justifie the breach of plaine duties Whosoever therefore resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God Here is faire warning take heed what ye do you have a terrible enemy to encounter with it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a fight against God You cannot flatter your selves with a prosperous issue for those which resist shall receive to themselves damnation Lest any should be so miserably besotted with a senselesse distinction as it is misapplied by them of the authority from the person as to incurre the danger of this fearfull commination Against that distinction of the authority from the person he joynes them together and uses them promiscuously and in the prosecution inforces that by mentioning the persons which before he had attributed to the powers Whosoever resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation it immediately followes For rulers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are not a terrour to good workes but to the evill Then he comes to the authority againe wilt thou not be afraid of the power doe that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same For he is the Minister of God to thee for good there he concludes with the person Observe with what vehemence he repeates this duty though fully delivered before as if his mind misgave him concerning these rebellious times Wherefore you must needs be subject A necessity is laid upon us and woe unto us if we be not subject we have two powerfull motives not onely for wrath but also for conscience sake As for feare what the Prince may for rebellion seldome prospers Traitors are unfortunate gamesters though they win at first they are most commonly terrible loosers in the close so what God will inflict You have his word for it you are damn'd if you resist Though Rebels should get the start by seizing his ammunition Forts and Ships and you have cause to thinke your loyalty will disadvantage you when a King is in sight too weake yet be wary what you doe God oft times raises up strength to him beyond mans expectation and the event shewes those which continue honest are most truly wise The heads of the rebellion shall be brought to condigne punishment and their memory be odious amongst all good men 'T is true to be subject to present plunder is a strong temptation against duty yet upon a generall survey ye shall find they take not much more from their enemies God is to be reckoned of the Kings side who will overballance their greatest forces then they force their freinds to give they have no great reason to brag of being savers it hath cost them very round summes to loose their soules But yee see how much the King indulges to this feare I know not whether God will pardon so easily for if feare of loosing by being honest be a good excuse for neglect of duty hopes of gaining by playing the knaves may as reasonably be pleaded so unwilling is he any should suffer for his sake How often hath he beene pleased graciously to forgive upon that easy excuse they did not dare to be his freinds that is they were his enemies not out of spight and malice but onely for their owne advantage and he is content not any should loose for him O let not his goodnes move you to have a
death 't is madnesse to strike when we are certaine the blow will recoyle to our eternall destruction Therefore the Apostle commands as we wish well to our selves to recompence to no man evill for evill Rom. 12. 17. Selfe-love is the motive why we should not hurt others He exhorts by the naturall affection which is due to our selves not to avenge our selves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but rather to give place unto wrath v. 19. The wisedome of God hath introduced an excellent temper in government and such as the sence of great evils prevailed with men to esteeme very good and confirme it by their lawes Private revenge unlawfull Honorius and Theodosius tell us judiciorum vigor jurÃsque publici tutela videtur in medio constituta ne quisquam sibi ipsi permittere valeat ultionem That of Claudian is true in this sense also Qui fruitur poenâ ferus est Injur'd men are over-passionate and easily tempted to cruelty Amplius ex irâ quòd enim se quisque volebat Vlcisci quà m nunc permissum est legibus aequis Iccirco est homines pertaesum vi colere aevum Upon these considerations God hath made revenge unlawfull and beside this obligation of divine precept our hands are tyed up as strongly as faith of promise can do it This Covenant knits society and cements the civill body Though we do not onely fancy grievances as the world is full of such mistakes though we are really injured yet it becomes injustice to right our selves All the accompt we can give at Gods Tribunall is onely this we did not sinne first And this plea will afford miserable comfort to be damn'd after another That none might be tempted to strike because others hands are bound up from returning the blow God hath appointed a middle way to deterre men from doing evill for feare of suffering it in as high a degree For Tertullian sayes true disciplinae interest injuriam vindicari Metu enim ultionis omnis iniquitas refraenatur The fountaine of our actions is the opinion we have of the good or bad we shall receive by them if they appeare certainly hurtfull and that we shall suffer by so doing we most commonly forbeare I doe not say alwayes because the will may thwart the understanding else it were not free and experience sheweth that sometimes a lesse good present doth overweigh a future though certaine greater evill God will judge our cause and revenge us upon wrong doers but he performes this not immediately but by his Magistrates He delegates his authority to them and Saint Paul proclaimes their Commission in these words There is no power but of God Quicquid per officiarios facit per se facere videtur what they doe are legally his acts we have no right to reverse them by a strong hand If an inferiour Magistrate gives false judgement God grants a liberty of appeale to him in a higher Magistrate if he confirme the former unjust sentence it is lawfull to proceed by way of appeale till we come to the highest but then because God hath appointed a peaceable end of controversies we must sit downe with the present losse being fully assured God will judge this Judge we shall have another day of hearing in Heaven and all damages shall be amply repaid If we did beleeve this our unnaturall divisions would cease that is if we were truely Christians we would not doe as we have done we could not resist the highest power I have warrant to say it Here is the patience and faith of the Saints Rev. 13. 10. they beleeved therefore they suffer'd Upon such considerations Cyprian grounds the duty and shewes the practice of the Primitive Christians was very consonant Inde est quòd nemo nostrum quando apprehenditur reluctatur nec se adversus injustam violentiam vestram quamvis nimius copiosus noster sit populus ulciscitur For this cause not any one of us doth make resistance when you apprehend him nor revenge your unjust violence Patientes facit de secuturâ ultione securitas God is able to reward our patience and to requite all our sufferings If we tooke delight in the misery of our persecutors we might be abundantly comforted But alas we pitty them and grieve more for their deplorable condition then our owne torments God will avenge our innocent bloud more severely then any good man can wish for Tertullian expresses the same in his eloquent manner Satis idoneus patientiae sequester Deus est Our goods are not taken away they are sequestred for our benefit and intrusted in safe hands God keepes them for our use and will returne them with ample increase Si injuriam deposueris penes eum ultor est if you will not fight he will undertake your quarrell and you need not doubt but your enemies will be soundly worsted Si dolorem medicus est your wounds shall save you Si mortem resuscitator est if you fall a Martyr you shall rise a Saint Quantum patientiae licet ut Deum habeat debitorem what cannot our sufferings doe they make even God our debtor he owes us heaven for our selves and he owes us Hell for our enemies but we breath out our soules in prayer that he may be intreated not to pay this The Example of the Thebane Legion commands our imitation in the like cause It is one of the noblest passages in all the ecclesiasticall story wherein Christianity did shine forth in its full lustre and it affords plentifull light for our direction This band consisted of almost 7000 men all Christians when the Emperour Maximian commands the whole Army to offer Sacrifice to false Gods they remove their quarters that they might avoid if it were possible this occasion of discontenting the Emperour He summons them to performe their parts in this devilish worship They are forced to returne an humble deniall and their resolution not to disobey God for whose sake they had ever beene and would continue faithfull servants to him The Emperour unsatisfied with this answer puts them to a decimation They submit with much cheerefulnesse and dy praying for their murderer After this sad spectacle his commands are renewed but prevaile nothing upon the remainder Wherefore they also are butchered without the least resistance There was no delay in their death except from the wearinesse of the executioners This was truly to confesse him who was led as a sheepe to the slaughter and like a lambe opened not his mouth and they a flocke of his fold were quietly devoured by ravening wolves The Commander of this Regiment Maurice could not containe his joy when he had seene the first decimation gallantly suffered How fearefull was I sayes he to his surviving souldiers for armed men may be tempted to defend themselves lest any of them upon colour of just resistance for selfe preservation in an innocent cause should have strugled against this blessed slaughter I was watchfull and had Christs example in readinesse who commanded his
are truly transferred and now really in Him is very evident because else we should be bound to obey our Fathers commands before those of the King For divine precept stands in full force Honour thy Father c. and therefore we musts confesse tam pater nemo est in terris he that begot us is not so much our Father as the King is It may be fit to take notice here that the supreme power of a State hath by our particular deeds and common agreement as much right over not single persons onely but the whole body as every Father had over not this or that child onely but his whole family and as he cannot be said though major singulis natis yet totâ prole minor so neither a King if this power be placed in one which is essentiall to a Monarchy minor universis Though a Monarch hath greater right and larger power then even all the people could bestow upon him for he hath potestatem vitae necis He hath power of a higher nature from Gods grant and this Fathers have not now over their children over themselves it can only come from him who hath dominion over his creatures and therfore the people must looke upon him not only as their owne but as Gods representative yet to say nothing of this and to deale liberally with our adversaries by supposing though I cannot grant their principles true concerning the originall of power being in the people I can demonstrably convince them by most plaine and evident deductions from their owne scheame I tooke this method in my Answer to the Observations that by joyning issue upon their owne grounds I might put a quicker end to the debate It would have required more time to shew at large The Kings power was from God which was proved in briefe and there as is this discourse it is acknowledged to be restrained by His own or His Progenitors grants potest enim Rex vim regni minuere and so of much higher nature then the contribution of popular Votes could raise it to it was aboundantly sufficient to prove that the people have not any legall power against the King The former is built upon this pillar nemo dat quod non habet the power of the Magistrate was not in the people considered severally and before civill society and in such a State as the Aborigenes are described by Salust genus hominum agreste sine legibus sine imperio liberum atque solutum a multitude not a nation and certaine wild routs without Laws without Empire free to doe or suffer wrong and loose from all positive obligations Not any one having jus gladii a right to take away the life of man it followes they could not bestow it upon another for what is not cannot be alienated And therefore the supreame Magistrate hath more power then the whole people and is vice Deus Gods vicegerent Let them take heed how they call Gods minister the peoples Servant God hath taken especiall care the Magistrate should be honoured and respect is due as to his not their creature The latter that the people have not any legall power against the King is as firmely supported by another pillar nemo habet quod dedit Suppose the originall of power in the people or as they love to speake suppose them the efficient cause of power which cannot be but by giving to one man in a Monarchy to a Senate in an Aristocracy a right to use their divided strengths Since therefore they cannot retaine what they have parted with nor have what they gave away he which hath all their power I may adde his owne particular besides must needs be greater and more powerfull then they The truth is he is in a Monarchy and they are in an Aristocracy the only fountaine of all power and justice Answer to the Observat pag. 10. This is as certaine as that there are some governments besides Democracy for it is essentiall to them what is that which makes Anarchy except this that every man hath right to doe what he will Demonstration from the difference of formes of Regiment in reference to any nationall Law The only meanes to avoyd this confusion is to resigne up this hurtfull liberty which is very prudently done upon choice but necessarily upon conquest if it be given to one wee call that State Monarchy if to few wee call it Optimacy if to very many who rule by turnes and are elected by the people wee call it Democracy There cannot be any other ground to difference the formes of Regiment Hence appeares the weaknesse of those discourses which have no other strength then the impossibility that the people can make one greater and more powerfull then all they which is understood not of their naturall this cannot be past away to another but politique strength that is the right of using their power this may be and is parted with except the Governement be a Democracy because Quicquid efficit tale est magis tale The reply to the Answer to the Observations confesses my argument concluding if it were true that the people had parted with their power pag. 6. upon this the determination of the whole controversie depends and that it was rightly stated by me will evidently appeare because unlesse the people have resigned up their power the Author can never shew how this State is a Monarchy It doth not alter the case that the King hath restrained himselfe from the use of this power to some purposes without their consent as for making new lawes or raising money for this limitation only makes such acts illegall but doth not returne any power into them whereby they may be inabled to raise an Army or to oppose the Militia of the Kingdome against him to compell him by strong hand to governe according to law If the subject of this power be the people who may meet together and lawfully determine for though he resolve all into the two Houses yet if he follow the consequences of his owne principle he must goe thus high what they fancy conducing to their own safety wee are cleerly falne back into Anarchy To avoid this confusion the Author places it in their representatives but it will come to the same thing by undenyable deductions from his owne grounds For the same arguments which are made against the King equally conclude against the two Houses since Quicquid efficit tale Arguments brought against the King conclude as much for the people against the Parliament est magis tale and that they are intrusted for the common good may be equally applyed to them and then King and Lords and Commons are Voted away at the pleasure of the multitude The summe of his Book is that the people retain their power and therefore may make resistance in case he governe not according to law and he is responsable for such breaches The proofe is He is intrusted for their good and there is a mutuall covenant
our hands we cannot thinke to reforme the abuses of higher powers is committed to us to whom is given no other commandement but to obey and suffer I speake alwayes of private men This truth clearely delivered speakes the goodnesse of the cause and demonstrates the unlawfulnesse of taking up Armes against the King though their supposition were true as it is evidently false that His Majestie did cast off the bridle of established Lawes whereas He doth hazard His Life and Crowne in their defence The quarrell is that he doth obstinately maintaine our good old customes and constitutions such as experience hath confirmed happy and beneficiall to this Nation and will not be over awed to make new Lawes such as private interests would force upon Him and the Kingdome This is a sure ground for conscience to rely upon and evidently destructive of most of their popular principles which have poysoned the affections of the Subjects It is not lawfull for us to correct ill Governours because this cannot be effected without resistance and all private men have direct precept against this that of obedience and patience This will speake home to the businesse when it will after appeare that all inferiour Magistrates opposed to the highest whose Delegates and Ministers they are are but private men In the meane while wee may hence discover the falshood of their principles viz. That the law of nature will justifie all resistance against injuries and for our owne preservation that no people is so mad as to contract to their owne ruine and therefore may resist any Magistrate if their lives be indangered the meaning is if they have offended against known Lawes which will certainly adjudge them to dye the Magistrate shall bring them to a legall tryall at his owne perill or to agree to be ill governed and therefore since there is a mutuall compact if Rulers performe not their duty the contract is dissolved and they are at liberty to right themselves and to governe their Governours and to fling the Pilot over-board if he wilfully steere upon the Rocks not by way of jurisdiction but selfe-preservation That the King is for the people and Governours are appoynted for the good of those that are governed and therefore Subjects are the more considerable men and greater and more honourable then those who are placed over them they bearing relation of the end Magistrates but of the meanes and so the safety of the people must give Law to the Magistrate if he will be peevish and protect them according to old Lawes when they fancy greater benefits from innovation that Quicquid efficit tale est magis tale but according to their grounds private men made all Magistrates for before they constituted some forme of Regiment by pactions and agreements they were but a multitude of men amongst whome none had jurisdiction over other the conclusion is therefore private men are more Magistrates and may call even the highest to accompt and force him to be responsable for what ever they judge abuse of power The grounds upon which our seditious writers doe argue are very contradictory in themselves and yet all of them conclude for Rebellion Some and I thinke the greater part confesse it is unlawfull for private men to resist the Magistrate though abusing his authority These must needs acknowledge the weakenesse of those arguments which yet they constantly presse and which prevaile most upon the peoples affections that it is a senselesse thing to imagine wee can be obliged to be slaves in case a King be guided by his Lusts not Lawes or not to preserve our selves against bloudy Tyrants For their determination is contrary that private men for want of authority to arme them are bound to suffer And Calvin is expresse lib. 3. c. 10. § 6. nullum magis praeclarum facinus habetur etiam apud philosophos quà m liberare tyrannide patriam Atqui voce coelestis arbitri apertè damnatur qui privatus manum tyranno intulerit They maintaine therefore though private men sinne in resisting yet if countenanced by inferior Magistrates then it is not Rebellion but a just Warre These may be clearely convinced if they will but consider that inferior Magistrates are such only in respect of those who are under their jurisdiction because to them they represent the King but in reference to the King they themselves are but Subjects and can challenge not jurisdiction over him Some state it thus though not private men not yet inferior Magistrates yet superior powers may bridle the exorbitant lusts of Princes by force of Armes this wee grant and therefore acknowledge that in an Aristocracy where the lawes place the supreme power in such a body of men what is done by their authority ought not to be resisted and if any one man take upon him regall power contrary to their constitutions he is a Traytor and may be cut off But this concludes nothing in a Monarchy Res apud alios acta aliis non praejudicat for their error is They make the two Houses the Kings superiors who themselves disclaime it in words and seeme to aske you who made them supreme Ruler for all their petitions which are the acts of them not as single men but as united bodies and considered unitivè not disjunctivè socially not severally carry this truth in the Title Your Majesties humble and obedient Subjects the Lords and Commons in Parliament c. which acknowledges their obligation to be under him and to say otherwise would be of dangerous consequence for if they be not His Subjects they put themselves out of His protection Some againe thinke it too grosse and absurd to maintaine that Subjects in any capacity are above their King and therefore a coordination serves their turne By which if they meane an equall right in the King and the two Houses of a negative voyce in respect of new Lawes to be enacted or old abrogated this is granted but will doe them no service and indeed it overthrowes their cause For as the King doth not pretend that he can make use of his power to make new lawes without their consent so by the same reason neither can they challenge a right of taking away our old Government without the Royall assent But if they meane by coordination a division of Soveraignty this is against the nature of it and a cleare contradiction So that if he be our onely Soveraigne there is no such thing as coordination if they be joynt-Soveraignes in what a miserable condition are we English-men who should be bound to impossibilities to obey three masters commanding contrary things They might as well challenge us to doe homage to them which is and ought to be performed onely to the King tum per id efficiamur homines solius illius cui juravimus as the Civilians determine and we cannot be duorum in solidum l. Si ut cer § Si duobus D. commodati Some and those the most desperate mutineers lay such principles as will
even to this day though now violently invaded by Subjects through vertue of an Ordinance of which no times can afford a president and all Subjects of what condition soever were bound to doe homage and beare fealty to him which was inconsistent with taking up Armes against him That he might sweeten their subjection Quaedam jura pactis minuit he restraines his absolute right by compact bestows some liberties some priviledges upon the people who commonly nec totam servitutem pati possunt nec totam libertatem and these Acts of Grace he confirmes unto them by such security as should not endanger his person nor regall authority that is by promise and oath and not by giving to his Subjects legall power to un king him if he should not performe covenant knowing full well that though hee should not really breake it yet a pretence he did so might upon the first opportunity create a civill warre and therefore his Subjects had as little reason to accept as he to offer so pernitious security as would put both parties in farre worse condition for if Rebellion should be allowed in any case that case would be alwayes pretended and though the Prince were just and wise and religious yet ambitious men to compasse their owne ends would impute to him oppression weakenesse and that notwithstanding his exemplary practise in his publique devotions to the contrary he did but handsomely dissemble and favoured a false religion in his heart The method of that Rebellion in the reigne of Henry the third which made France extreamely miserable is very observable A factious party of the Nobility and Gentry a seditious party of the Clergy and an unfortunate party of the seduced Commonalty entred into a holy league against their lawfull Soveraigne upon pretence he was mis-led by evill Counsellors and favoured the reformed doctrine notwithstanding he was even superstitiously strict in his devotions in conformity to what the Roman Church enjoyned When potent Armies were raised ready to swallow him up yet out of a vehement desire to undeceive his people and to discover to the whole world the ungrounded malice of his adversaries in such unreasonable imputations he refused the honest assistance of faithfull Subjects because Protestants to his owne and their probable destruction Many of King Williams Successors did inlarge the Subjects Priviledges by divers Acts of Grace which they swore to maintaine but never gave them such security as should alter the nature of Monarchy by granting authority to their Subjects to force them to observe promises and to make satisfaction for true or fancyed violations Hence it appeares that the originall was conquest as it is of almost all the Kingdomes in the world which occasionally conveyed to him full right because they yeilded themselves and consequently what they had to the Victor the Lawes which he or after Princes made for the benefit of the Subject were severall limitations of this right and therefore where Lawes cannot be produced to the contrary there the Kings power is absolute and no speciall cases can be determined by the Subject to the Kings disadvantage The moderation of his power was by his owne compact which he could not violate without injustice yet the breach of it could not indanger his personall safety because he gave no jurisdiction to his Subjects to force him by strong hand to doe them right and if he had done so he had made himselfe in such cases their subject What ever we can claime as due now is by vertue of the Kings grant and therefore it is said by Hen. 3d in his ratification of the great Charter We have granted and given to all the free men of our Realme these liberties 9. H. 3. The whole Land was the Conquerours he gave part of it as a reward for their service to his Normans and other parts to the ancient Inhabitants and their heires after them yet so as he altered the tenure and made it descend with such burdens as he pleased to lay upon them They hold them but in fee and therefore are bound to certaine services and to doe such and such duties upon paine of forfeiture in case of Treason and Rebellion their lands are his owne againe and returne into his disposall If Subjects breake their Covenant and prove disloyall all their rights are forfeited by expresse Law if Kings breake their compact no forfeiture followes The reason of this inequality is because the King gave Law to the Subject the Subject did not give Law to him Exc. Another exception is If a King exercising tyranny over his people may not be resisted he and his followers may destroy the Kingdome Answ This is easily satisfied if we consider in what condition we were when conquer'd and how that to avoid a certaine ruine for he might have rooted us out for his better security and planted this Land with his native Subjects we submitted to an onely not impossible that is a most extreamely improbable destruction For it is an unheard of madnesse that a King should be such an enemy to his owne interests It is in our power to kill our selves and yet we are not affraid of our selves because there is a naturall dearenesse implanted in us which secures every one from selfe-wrong we have as little cause to be troubled that it is in his power to make himselfe no King by destroying his Subjects The King perishes in the ruine of his people and the man onely survives exposed to the hatred and scorne and revenge of mankinde Sint quibus imperes is a strong antidote against this unreasonable feare Secondly no policy can give an absolute security we must trust some body by which a way lyes open to a possible mischiefe but many most probable and certaine inconveniences are thereby avoided Thirdly we have good grounds to rely upon divine providence if we doe our duty for the hearts of Kings are in the hand of the Lord he will put a hooke into the nostrils of Tyrants and though we may be chastised for a tryall of our patience or punished for our sinnes yet he will not permit them to bruise his children to pieces Exc. We are bound by the naturall affection we owe to our Country to be active in restoring it to happinesse by removing such a curse from the land Answ We must not doe evill that good may come of it Some reply this precept obliges private men not Magistrates especially aiming at not any particular but the publique good a pious intention to advance this excuses from sin Certainely it will concerue all such as meane to goe to heaven they may as well tell us Magistrates may lawfully steale or commit adultery if they sin for the Common-wealth that is plunder in hopes to finde letters amongst malignant goods or lie with other mens wives to unlocke their brests and discover such secrets whereby they may more easily cut their husbands throats as being in their Catalogue of evill councellours or enemies to
conditions that if more should be required from Him though when conquered the Subjects would be loosers by it and they would gaine that by a miserable Warre which will much diminish the happinesse of Peace They will not now descend to a Treaty with their King they like His humility but are not well pleased it was not shewne sooner onely some slender hopes are given that their Generall shall have commission to pardon His former unwillingnesse to suffer if He can redeeme those errors which have put them to expence and trouble by a constant tamenesse for the future From Nottingham he slyes to Shrewsbury for they are contented to give Him line enough being confident they can strike Him when they please in the meane time 't is good sport to see Him wearying Himselfe with fruitlesse indeavous to escape when at last being tyred with long and vaine strivings He must be forced to deliver Himselfe quietly into their hands Thus was he accused to be the assaulter who was so long time unable to resist their violence Ei fuit saluti quòd videbatur certò periturus his apparent weaknesse did deliver him from that power which was ready to swallow him up they had then destroyed him if they had not beene more wanton then conscientious This narration is abundantly sufficient to prove the warre to be defensive of the Kings part But I will examine it further by the rules of Justice Albericus Gentilis defines warre very accurately presupposing the lawes of society and excluding private Duells publicorum armorum justam contentionem a just dispute of differences by publique swords l. 1. c. 2. de jure bel just negante sensu for that which is not unjust and in the law notion in reference not to the causes for this is called pium bellum but the authors waging it Wherefore he shewes that it cannot be but betweene independent States and Princes Citizens or Subjects cannot be lawfull enemies opposed to their Prince because they want supreme authority without which the warre is not publique nor can it be justified The reason is because warre is only excused by necessity that is when there is no legall way to end controversies by prohibiting farther appeales as amongst distinct States or severall Princes who acknowledge no superior and are not bound to submit to any Court and may perhaps not agree upon arbitrators because in some cases none can be named who are uninterressed in the decision But I will not insist upon the injustice of Subjects making war for any cause whatever upon the supreme power because this was evidenced at large in the second Section where I proved that a liberty of resistance doth destroy the nature of soveraignty or supremacy and introduces regnum in regno civitatem in civitate by dividing the civill power which can be but one if the State or Kingdome be but one That of Cyprian shall be the entrance into our iniquirie concerning the injustice of this present warre of the Subjects part setting aside their duty of non-resistance by divine law applyed to our constitutions and supposing an equality or independancy betweene King and Subjects for want of a reasonable cause which might excuse those great mischiefes as being a necessary remedy to prevent greater Homicidium quum admittunt singuli crimen est virtus vocatur quum publicè geritur And there is some ground in reason that shedding though the bloud but of one man should deserve an ignominious death and to kill thousands by publique authority should make our lives glorious Because there is as vast a difference as betweene the guilt of murtherers and the gallantry of men undertaking the administration of justice with personall hazard for preservation of publique rights First therefore a jurisdiction is required where lawes are wanting to make use of force for recovery of right which Subjects cannot have over their Prince and this doth make justum bellum And secondly a sufficient cause is necessary there must be reasonable motives or else it cannot be pium bellum Except wee have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wee commit murder with the sword of justice The method of the Romans was to demand their rights in a peaceable way by their Heralds and in case restitution was denyed then warre was proclaimed and the cause likewise declared nec dederunt nec solverunt nec fecerunt quas res dari fieri solvi oportuit as wee find in Livy that the world might be satisfied in the innocence of their unwilling violence So carefull were they to preserve their credit with mankind whom it universally concerned that warre should not be waged upon light and unjustifiable grounds There must be belli causa gravis a sober inducement to make the warre defensive and if this were not wanting reall injuries having beene offered yet if this cause were taken away by an after readinesse to make full satisfaction if the offended parties would not accept of restitution the warre was then esteemed offensive of their part and they became guilty before God for the causelesse effusion of so much bloud and worthily infamous amongst all good men Melior causa ad partem poenitentem transibat To apply briefly these unquestionable rules of justice to the present case for I find that long reasons doe as little satisfie the common sort as none at all they having but narrow memories and it being the same thing not to know and not to remember I will put but one interrogatory to such as take up Armes against the King Why they are Rebels and Traytors cui bono for that they are so I appeale to the Judges of the Land or referre them to the plaine and evident Law 25. Edw. 3. Let them suppose themselves arraigned and the Judge to aske what they can say for themselves why sentence should not passe for their condemnation according to expresse law Certainly they could not make a fairer plea then the Earle of Essex who had not proceeded to offer violence to the Queene and yet was adjudged a Traytor for appearing in Armes only with intention to remove evill Counsellors The pretext is in defence of Liberty Lawes Property Priviledges of Parliament and Religion But the reall cause is the preferment of a few ambitious persons who will not permit the Lawes to have their free and uninterrupted course the knowne security of the Subjects happinesse because the orderly administration of justice doth not signifie that the King will bestow such offices upon them as their inordinate desires aime at He cannot doubt the truth of this who hath read and observed the conditions without which they will not suffer peace and to compasse which His Majesty hath left no reasonable wayes unattempted I am confident He hath offered so much to His Subjects as would content honest and moderate conquerours Concerning Lawes there shall not be any other measure of mens actions besides those knowne rules Neither Royall Proclamations nor fellow Subjects Ordinances shall make the people miserable under