affirmeth the state of Kingly Government to be most excellent it may seem he meant it absolutely signifying thereby that this is the best kind of Government among all others though to confess the truth between the Title of King and Emperor there is little or no difference in substance but only in name for that the Authority is equal every King is an Emperor in his own Kingdom And finally the excellency of this Government above all other is not only proved by the perfection thereof in it self as for that it is most Ancient Simple and conform unto Nature and most resembling the Government of God himself as hath been said but by the effects also and utility that it bringeth unto the Subjects with far less Inconveniences then any other Form of Government whatsoever if we compare them together For in the Monarchy of one King there is more Unity Agreement and Conformity and thereby also celerity in dispatching of business and is defending the Common-wealth then where many heads be less Passions also in one man then in many as for example in Democratia where the Common people do bear the chief sway which is Bellua multorum capitum as Cicero wisely said that is a beast of many Heads there is nothing but sedition trouble tumults outrages and injustices committed upon every little occasion especially where Crafty and Cunning men may be admitted to insense or asswage them with Sugred words such as were the Orators in Athens and other Cities of Greece that had this Government and the Tribunes of the people of Rome and other such popular and plausible men who could move the waves raise up the winds and inkindle the fire of the vulgar peoples affections passions or furies at their pleasure by which we see that of all other Common-wealths these of Popular Government have have soonest come to ruine which might be shewed not only by old examples of Greece Asia and Africa but also of many Cities in Italy as Florence Bolonia Siena Pisa Arezzo Spoleto Perugia Padua and others which upon the fall or diminution of the Roman Empire under which they were before took unto themselves Popular Governments wherein they were so tossed with continual Sedition Mutinies and banding of Factions as they could never have end thereof until after Infinite Murthers Massacres and Innundation of Blood they came in the end to be under the Monarchy of some one Prince or other as at this day they remain so that of all other Governments this is the worst The second Form which is called Oligarchia or Aristocratia for that a few and those presumed to be the best are joyned together in Authority as it doth participate some thing of both the other Governments to wit of Monarchia and Democratia or rather tempereth them both so hath it both good and evil in it but yet it inclineth more to the evil for the disunion that commonly by mans infirmity and malice is among those heads for which cause the States before-named of Venice and Genua which were wont to have simply this Government of Aristocratia in that their Regiment was by certain chuse Senators were inforced in the end to chuse Dukes also as Heads of their Senates for avoiding of dissention and so they have them at this day though their authority be but small as hath been said We see also by the examples of Carthage and Rome where Government of Aristocratia took place that the Division and Factions among the Senators of Carthage was the cause why Aid and Succour was not sent to Hannibal their Captain in Italy after his so great and Important Victory at Cannas which was the very cause of the saving of the Roman Empire and the loss of their own As also afterwards the Emulations Discord and Disunion of the Roman Senators among themselves in the Affairs and Contentions of Marius and Silla and of Pompey and Caesar was the occasion of all their destruction and of the Common-wealth with them Evident then it is that of all other Governments the Monarchy is the best and least subject to the Inconveniences that other Governments have and if the Prince that governeth alone and hath Supream Authority to himself as he resembleth God in this point of sole Government so could he resemble him also in Wise Discreet and Just Government and in ruling without Passion no doubt but that nothing more excellent in the world could be desired for the perfect felicity of his Subjects but for that a King or Prince is a man as others be and thereby not only subject to errors in Judgment but also to passionate affections in his will for this cause it was necessary that the Commonwealth as it gave him this great power over them so it should assign him also the best helps that might be for directing and rectifying both his will and judgment and make him therein as like in Government to God whom he representeth as mans frailty can reach unto For this consideration they assigned to him first of all the assistance and direction of Law whereby to govern which Law Aristotle saith Est mens quaedam nullo perturbata affectu it is a certain mind disquited with no disordinate affection as mens minds commonly be for that when a Law is made for the most part it is made upon due consideration and deliberation and without perturbation of evil affections as anger envy hatred rashness or the like passions and it is referred to some good end and commodity of the Common-wealth which Law being once made remaineth so still without alteration or partial affection being indifferent to all and partial to none but telleth one tale to every man and in this it resembleth the perfection as it were of God himself for the which cause the said Philosopher in the same place addeth a notable wise saying viz. That he which joyneth a Law to govern with the Prince joyneth God to the Prince but he that joyneth to the Prince his affection to govern joyneth a Beast for that mens affections and concupisenses are common also to Beasts so that a Prince ruling by Law is more than a man or a man deified and a Prince ruling by affections is less than a man or a man bruitified In another place also the same Philosopher saith That a Prince that leaveth Law and ruleth himself and others by his own appetite and affections of all Creatures is the worst and of all Beasts is the most furious and dangerous for that nothing is so outragious as Injustice armed and no Armour is so strong as Wit and Authority whereof the first he hath in that he is a Man and the other in that he is a Prince For this cause then all Commonwealths have prescribed Laws unto their Princes to govern thereby as by a most excellent certain and immutable rule to which sense Cicero said Leges sunt inventae ut omnibus semper una eadem
voce loquerentur Laws were invented to the end they should speak in one and the self-same sense to all men For which very reason in like manner these Laws have been called by Phylosophers a Rule or Square inflexible and by Aristotle in particular a mind without passion as hath been said but the Prophet David who was also a Prince and a King seemeth to call it by the name of Discipline for that as Discipline doth keep all the parts of a Man or of a particular House in order so Law well ministred keepeth all the parts of a Commonwealth in good order and to shew how severely God exacteth this at all Princes hands he saith these words And now learn ye Kings and be instructed you that judge the World Serve God in fear and rejoyce in him with trembling embrace ye Discipline lest he enter into wrath and so ye perish from the way of Righteousness Which words being uttered by a Prophet and a King do contain divers points of much consideration for this purpose As first that Kings and Princes are bound to learn Law and Discipline and secondly to observe the same with great humility and fear of God's wrath and thirdly that if they do not they shall perish from the way of Righteousness as though the greatest plague of all to a Prince were to lose the way of Righteousness Law and Reason in his Government and to give himself over to passion and his own will whereby they are sure to come to Shipwrack And thus much for the first help The second help that Commonwealths have given to their Kings and Princes especially in latter Ages hath been certain Counsels and Counsellors with whom to consult in matters of importance as we see the Parliaments of England and France the Courts in Spain and Dyets in Germany without which no matters of moment can be concluded And besides this commonly every King hath his Privy-Councel whom he is bound to hear and this was done to temper somewhat the absolute form of a Monarchy whose danger is by reason of his sole Authority to fall into Tyranny as Aristotle wisely noteth in his fourth Book of Politicks shewing the inconvenience or dangers of Government which is the cause that we have few or no simple Monarchies now in the world especially among Christians but all are mixt lightly with divers points of the other two forms of Government also and namely in England all three do enter more or less for in that there is one King or Queen it is a Monarchy in that it hath certain Counsels that must be heard it participateth of Aristocratia and in that the Commonalty have their Voices and Burgesses in Parliament it taketh part also of Democratia or popular Government All which limitations of the Princes absolute Authority as you see do come from the Common-wealth as having Authority above their Princes for their restraint to the good of the Realm as more at large shall be proved hereafter From like Authority and for like Considerations have come the limitations of other Kings and Kingly power in all times and Countries from the beginning both touching themselves and their Posterity and Successors as briefly in this place I shall declare And first of all if we will consider the two most renowned and allowed States of all the World I mean that of the Romans and Grecians we shall find that both of them began with Kings but yet with far different Laws and Restraints about their Authorities For in Rome the Kings that succeeded Romulus their first Founder had as great and absolute Authority as ours have now adays but yet their Children or next in Bloud succeeded them not of necessity but new Kings were chosen partly by the Senate and partly by the People as Titus Livius testifieth so as of three most excellent Kings that ensued immediately after Romulus viz. Numa Pompilius Tullius Hostilius and Tarquinus Priscus none of them were of the Bloud-Royal nor of Kin the one to the other no nor yet Romans born but chosen rather from among strangers for their Vertue and Valour and that by election of the Senate and consent of the People In Greece and namely among the Lacedemonians which was the most eminent Kingdom among others at that time the succession of Children after their Fathers was more certain but yet as Aristotle noteth their Authority and Power was so restrained by certain Officers of the people named Ephori which commonly were five in number as they were not only checked and chastned by them if occasion served but also deprived and sometimes put to death For which cause the said Phylosopher did justly mislike this eminent Jurisdiction of the Ephori over their Kings But yet we see hereby what Authority the Commonwealth had in this case and what their meaning was in making Laws and restraining their Kings Power to wit thereby the more to bind them to do Justice which Cicero in his Offices uttereth in these words Justitiae fruendae causa apud majores nostros in Asia in Europa bene moraâ—i reges olim sunt constituti c. at cum jus aequabile ab uno viro homines non consequerentur inventae sunt leges Good Kings were appointed in old time among our ancestors in Asia and Europe to the end thereby to obtain Justice but when men could not obtain equal Justice at one mans hands they invented Laws The same reason yieldeth the same Phylosopher in another place not only of the first Institution of Kingdoms but also of the change thereof again into other Governments when these were abused Omnes antiquae gentes regibus quondam paruerunt c. That is All old Nations did live under Kingdoms at the beginning which kind of Government first they gave unto the most just and wisest men which they could find and also after for love of them they gave the same to their Postesity or next in Kin as now also it remaineth where Kingly Government is in use But other Countries which liked not that form of Government and have shaken it off have done it not that they will not be under any but for that they will not be ever under one only Thus far Cicero and he speaketh this principally in defence of his own Commonwealth I mean the Roman which had cast off that kind of Government as before hath been said for the Offence they had taken against certain Kings of theirs and first of all against Romulus himself their first Founder for reigning at his pleasure without Law as Titus Livius testifieth for which cause the Senators at length slew him and cut him in small pieces And afterwards they were greatly grieved at the entring of Servius Tullius their sixth King for that he got the Crown by fraud and not by election of the Senate and special approbation of the People as he should have done But most of all they
body which is ever to be respected more then any one Person whatsoever Belloy or other of his opinion do say to the contrary Thus said the Civilian and being called upon and drawn to a new matter by the question that ensueth he made his last discourse and conclusion of the whole matter in manner following CHAP. IX What are the principal points which a Common-wealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding of any Prince that pretendeth to succeed wherein it is handled largely also of the diversity of Religion and other such Cases AFter the Civilian had alledged all these examples of Succession altered or rejected by publick Authority of Commonwealths and of the allowance and approbation and good success which for the most part God seems to have given unto the same one of the Company brake forth and said That this point appeared so evident unto him as no doubt in the World could be made thereof I mean Whether this thing in it self be lawful or no To alter sometimes the course of Succession seeing that all Commonwealths of Christendom had done it so often only he said that it remained somewhat doubtful unto him whether the causes alledged in these mutations and changes before-mentioned were always sufficient or no For that sometimes they seemed to him but weak and slender as when for example the Vncle was preferred before the Nephews for that he was a Man and the other Children which cause and reason hath oftentimes been alledged in the former examples both of Spain France and England As also when the younger or Bastard Brother is admitted and the elder and Legitimate Excluded for that the one is a Warrier and the other not and other such like causes are yielded said he in the Exclusions before-rehearsed which yet seems not sometimes weighty enough for so great an Affair To this answered the Civilian That according to their Law both Civil and Canon which thing also he affirmed to be founded on great reason it is a matter most certain that he who is Judge and ought to give the sentence in the thing it self is also to judge of the cause for thereof is he called Judge And if he have authority in the one good reason he should also have power to discern the other so as if we grant according to the form and proofs That the Realm or Commonwealth hath power to admit or put back the Prince or pretender to the Crown Then must we also confess that the same Commonwealth hath Authority to judge of the lawfulness of the cause and considering further that it is in their own affair and in a matter that hath his whole beginning continuance and substance from them alone I mean from the Commonwealth for that no Man is King or Prince by institution of nature as before hath been declared but every King and Kings Son hath his dignity and preheminence above other men but authority only of the Commonwealth Who can affirm the contrary said the Civilian But that God doth allow for a just and sufficient cause in this behalf the only will and judgment of the weal publick it self supposing always as in reason we may that a whole Realm will never agree by orderly way of judgment for of this only I mean and not of any particular Faction of private men against their Heir Apparent to Exclude or put back the next Heir in Bloud and Succession without a reasonable cause in their sight and consure And seeing that they only are to be Judges of this case as now I have said we are to presume that what they determine is just and lawful for the time and if at one time they should determine one thing and the contrary at another as they did often in England during the contention between York and Lancaster and on other like occasions what can a private Man judge otherwise but that they had different reasons and motions to lead them at different times and they being properly Lords and Owners of the whole business committed unto them It is enough for every particular man to subject himself to that which his Common-wealth doth in this behalf and to obey simply without any further inquisition except he should see that open injustice were done therein or God manifestly offended and the Realm indangered Open injustice I call said he when not the true Commonwealth but some Faction of wicked Man should offer to determin this matter without lawful authority of the Realm committed to them and I call manifest offence of God and danger of the Realm when such a Man is preferred to the Crown as is evident that he will do what lyeth in him to the prejudice of them both I mean both of Gods glory and the publick Wealth as for example if a Turk or Moor as before I have said or some other notorious wicked Man or Tyrant should be offered by Succession or otherwise to govern among Christians in which cases every man no doubt is bound to resist what he can for that the very end and intent for which all Government was first ordained is herein manifestly impugned Thus the Civilian discoursed and the whole Company seemed to like very well thereof for that they said his opinion appeared both prudent and pious and by this occasion it came also presently in question What were the true causes and principal points which ought to be chiefly regarded as well by the Commonwealth as by every particular Man in this great action of furthering or hindering any Prince towards a Crown And they said unto the Civilian that if he would discuss in like manner this point unto them it would be a very apt and good conclusion to all his former Speeches and Discourses which having been of the authority that well publicks have over Princes Titles this other of the causes and considerations that ought to lead them for use and exercise of the same authority would fall very fit and necessary for the up-shot of all Hereunto the Civilian answered that he well saw the fitness and importance of the matter and therefore that he was content to speak a word or two more thereof Notwithstanding that much had been said already therein to wit in all those points which had been disputed about the end of Government and why it was appointed which end said he seing it is as largely hath been proved before to defend preserve and benefit the Commonwealth here hence that is from this consideration of the Wel-publick are to be deduced all other considerations of most importance for discerning a good or evil Prince For that whosoever is most likely to defend preserve and benefit most his Realm and subjects he is most to be allowed and desired as most conform to the end for which Government was ordained And on the contrary side he that is least like to do this deserveth least to be preferred and here quoth he you see doth enter also that consideration mentioned
so hath she also to limit the same with what Laws and Conditions she pleaseth whereof ensueth the great diversity of Authority and power which each one of the former Governments hath as for example the Councils of Rome were but for one year other Officers and Magistrates were for more or less time as their Common-wealth did alot them The Dukes of Venice at this day are for their Lives except in certain cases wherein they may be Deposed and those of Genua only for two years and their Power as I have said is very small and much limited and their Heirs have no claim or pretence at all after them to that Dignity as the Children and next of Kin of other Dukes of Italy have though in different sort also For that the Dukedoms of Farara Vrbin and Parma are limited only to Heirs Male and for defect thereof to return to the Pope or See of Rome Florence and Mantua for like dedefects are to return to the Empire and do not pass to the Heirs Female or to the next of Kin as Savoy and some others do And now if we respect God and Nature as well might all these Governments follow one Law as so different for that neither God nor Nature prescribeth any of these particular Forms but concurreth with any that the Common-wealth it self appointeth and so it is to be believed that God and Nature concurred as well with Italy when it had but one Prince as now when it hath so many and the like with Germany and the like also with Switzerland which once was one Common-wealth only under Dukes and Marquesses of Austria and now are devided into thirteen Cantons or Common-wealths under Popular Magistrates of their own as hath been said So as when men talk of a Natural Prince or Natural Successor as many times I have heard the word used if it be understood of one that is born within the same Realm or Countrey and so of our own natural blood it hath some sense though he may be both good or bad and none hath been worse or more Cruel many times then home born Princes But if it be meant as though any Prince had his particular Government or Interest to succeed by Institution of Nature it is ridiculous for that Nature giveth it not as hath been declared but the particular Constitution of every Common-wealth within it self and so much for this first point which must be the ground to all the rest that I have to say CHAP. II. Of the Form of Monarchies and Kingdoms in Particular and the different Laws whereby they are to be Obtained Holden and Governed in divers Countries according as each Commonwealth hath Chosen andâ— Established ALL that hitherto hath been spoken hath appertained to all Princely and Supream Government in general but now for that our matter in question is concerning the Succession to a Kingdom good reason that we should reduce our Speech unto this Form of Government in particular First of all then is to be considered that of all other Forms of Government the Monarchy of a King in it self appeareth to be the most excellent and perfect and so doth hold not only Aristotle in his forenamed Books of Politiques and namely in his third with this only condition that he govern by Laws but Seneca also and Plutarch in his Morals and namely in that special Treatise wherein he dicusseth An seni sit Respub tractanda whether an old man ought to take upon him the Government of a Common-wealth or no Where he saith that Regnum inter omes Respub consumatissima prima est a Kingdom is the most perfect Common-wealth among all other and the very first That is to say the most perfect for that it hath most Commodities and least inconveniences in it self of any other Government and it is the first of all other for that all people commonly made this choice at the beginning of this kind of Government so as of all other it is most Ancient for so we read that among the Syrians Medes and Persians their first Governours were Kings and when the Children of Israel did ask a King at the hands of Samuel which was a thousand years before the coming of Christ they alleadged for one reason that all Nations round about them had Kings for their Governours and at the very same time the chiefest Cities and Commonwealths of Greece as the Laceaemonians Athenians Corinthians and others whereof divers afterwards took other Governments unto themselves for the abuses in Kingly Government committed at that time were governed by Kings as at large proveth Dionysius Halicarnessas Cornelius Tacitus Cicero and others The Romans also began with Kings as before I have noted and the reason of this is for that as our Christian Doctors do gather especially St. Hierome and St. Chrisostom this kind of Government resembleth most of all the Government of God that is but one it representeth the excellency of one Sun that lighteth all the Planets of one Soul in the Body that governs all the Powers and Members thereof and finally they shew it also to be most conform unto Nature by example of the Bees which do chuse unto themselves a King and do live under a Monarchy as the most excellent of all other Governments to which purpose also I have heard alleadged sometimes by divers those words of St. Peter Subjecti estoti omni humanae creaturae propter Deum sive regi quasi precellenti sive ducibus ab eo missis c Be you subject of every humane creature for Gods cause whether it be to a King as the most excellent or to Dukes sent by God for the punishment of evil men and praise of the good Out of which words some do note two points first that as one the one side the Apostle doth plainly teach that the Magistrates authority is from God by his first institution in that he sayeth we must be subject to them for Gods cause so on the other side he calleth it a humane Creature or a thing created by man for that by mans free choice this particular Form of Government as all other also is appointed in every Common-wealth as before hath been declared And that by mans Election and consent the same is laid upon some particular man or woman according to the Laws of every Countrey all which maketh it rightly to be called both a humane creature and yet from God The second point which divers do note out of these words is that St. Peter calleth a King most excellent which though it may be understood in respect of the Dukes Authority whereof immediatly there followeth mention Yet may it seem also to be taken and verified of Kingly Authority in respect of all other Governments seeing that at this time when the Apostles write this Epistle the chief Governour of the World was not called King but Emperor and therefore seeing in such a time St. Peter
him and the Duke of York and solemnly sworn on both sides the 8 th of October in the year 1459 In punishment whereof and of his other negligent and evil Government though for his own particular Life he was a good man as hath been said Sentence was given against him partly by Force and partly by Law and King Edward the fourth was put in his place who was no evil King as all English-men well know but one of the renownedst for martial Acts and Justice that hath worn the English Crown But after this man again there fell another accident much more notorious which was That Richard Duke of Glocester this King Edward's younger Brother did put to death his two Nephews this man's Children viz. King Edward the 5 th and his little Brother and made himself King And albeit he sinned grieveously by taking the Crown in this wicked manner yet when his Nephews were once dead he might in reason seem to be lawful King both in respect that he was next Male in Bloud after his Brother as also for that by divers Acts of Parliament both before and after the death of those Infants his Title was authorized and made good and yet no man will say I think but that he was lawfully deposed again afterwards by the Commonwealth which called out of France Henry Earl of Richmond to chastize him and to put him down and so he did and took from him both Life and Kingdom in the Field and was King himself after him by the Name of King Henry the seventh And no man I suppose will say but that he was lawful King also which yet cannot be except the other might be lawfully deposed And moreover as I said at the beginning I would have you consider in all these mutations what men commonly have succeeded in the places of such as have been deposed as namely in England in the place of those five Kings before-named that were deprived viz. John Edward the second Richard the second Henry the sixth and Richard the third there have succeeded the three Henries to wit the third fourth and seventh and two Edwards the third and fourth all most rare and valiant Princes who have done infinite important Acts in their Commonwealths and among other have raised many Houses to the Nobility put down others changed States both abroad and at home distributed Ecclesiastical Dignities altered the course of Descent in the Bloud-Royal and the like all which was unjust and is void at this day if the changes and deprivations of the former Princes could not be made and consequently none of these that do pretend to the Crown of England at this day can have any Title at all because they descend from those men who were put up in place of the Deprived And this may be sufficient for proof of the two principal points which you required to be discussed in the beginning of this Speech viz. That lawful Princes have oftentimes by their Commonwealths been lawfully deposed for misgovernment and that God hath allowed of and assisted the same with good success unto the Weal-publick And if this be so or might be so in Kings lawfully set in possession then much more hath the said Commonwealth Power and Authority to alter the Succession of such as do but yet pretend to that Dignity if there be due reason and causes for the same which is the head point that first we began to treat of said the Civilian and with this ended he his Spech without saying any more CHAP. IV. Wherein consisteth principally the lawfulness of Proceeding against Princes which in the former Chapter is mentioned What Interest Princes have in their Subjects Goods or Lives How Oaths doth bind or may be broken by Subjects towards Princes And finally the difference between a good King and a Tyrant WHen the Civilian had ended his Speech the Temporal Lawyer looked upon the standers by to see whether any would reply or no and perceiving all to hold their peace he began to say in this manner Truly Sir I cannot deny but the examples are many that you have alledged and they seem to prove sufficiently that which you affirmed at the beginning to wit that the Princes by you named were deprived and put down by their Common-Wealths for their evil Government And good Successors commonly raised up in their places and that the Common-Wealth had Authority also to do it I do not greatly doubt at least wise they did it de facto and now to call those facts in question were to imbroyl and turn up-side-down all the states of Christendom as you have well signified but yet for that you have added this word Lawfuly so many times in the course of your narration I would you took the pains to tell us also by what Law they did the the same seeing that Belloy whom you have named before and some other of his opinion do afirm that albeit by nature the Commonwealth have authority over the Prince to choose and appoint him at the beginning as you have well proved out of Aristotle and other ways Yet having once made him and given up all their Authority unto him he is now no more Subject to their Correction or Restraint but remaineth Absolute of himself without respect to any but only to God alone which they prove by the example of every particular Man that hath Authority to make his Master or Prince of his Inferior but not afterwards to put him down again or to Deprive him of the Authority which he gave him though he should not bear himself well and gratefully but Discourteous rather and Injuriously towards him that gave him first this Authority To which also they do alledge the Speech of the Prophet Samuel in the first Book of the Kings where the People of Israel demanded to have a King to Govern over them as other Nations round about them had and to leave the Government of the High Priests under whom at that day they were At which demand both God himself and Samuel were grievously offended and Samuel by Gods express order protested unto them in this manner Well quoth he you will have a King hearken then to this that I will say Hoc erit jus regis qui imperaturus est vobis This shall be the Right and Power of the King that shall rule over you to wit He shall take from you your Children both Sons and Daughters your Fields and Vineyards your Harvest also and Rents your Servants Hand-maids and Herds of Cattel and shall give them to his Servants and you shall Cry unto God in that day from the face of this your King whom you have chosen and God shall not hear you for that you have demanded a King to Govern you Thus far the Prophet Out of all which discourse and Speech of the Prophet these Men do gather that a King is nothing so restrained in his Power or Limited to Law as you have affirmed but
our Witness at the Last Day to condemn or deliver us as before I have said he must needs sin grievously or damnably as the Apostle here saith who committeth any thing against his own Conscience though otherwise the thing were not only indifferent but very good also in it self for that of the doers part there wanteth no malice or will to sin seeing he doth that which he apprehendeth to be naught though in it self it be not And now to apply all this to our purpose for England and for the matter we have in hand I affirm and hold that for any man to give his help consent or assistance towards the making of a King whom he judgeth or believeth to be faulty in Religion and consequently would advance either no Religion or the wrong if he were in Authority is a most grievous and damnable sin to him that doth it of what side soever the Truth be or how good or bad soever the Party be that is preferred For if S. Paul have pronounced so absolutely and plainly in the place before alledged that even in eating of a piece of Meat it is damnable for a man to discern and yet eat what may we think will it be in so great and important a matter as the making of a King is for a man to dissemble or do against his own Conscience and Judgment that is to say to discern and judge that he is an Infidel or Heretick or wicked man or Atheist or erroneous in Religion and yet to further his Advancement and Government over Christians where he shall be able to pervert infinite and to pull down all Honour and Service due unto God and whether he do this evil afterwards or no yet shall I be guilty of all this for that knowing and perswading my self that he is like or in disposition to do it yet for fear flattery carelesness kindred emulation against others vain pretence of Title lack of Zeal to God's Cause or for other the like passions or temporal respects I do favour further or sooth him in his pretences or do not resist him when it lieth in my power by all which I do justly make my self guilty of all the evils hurts miseries and calamities both temporal and spiritual which afterwards by his evil Government do or may ensue for that I knowing him to be such a one did notwithstanding assist his Promotion And thus much now for matter of Conscience but if we consider Reason of State also and worldly Policy it cannot be but great folly and oversight for a man of what Religion soever he be to promote to a Kingdom in which himself must live one of a contrary Religion to himself for let the Bargains and Agreements be what they will and fair promises and vain hopes never so great yet seeing the Prince once made and settled must needs proceed according to the Principles of his own Religion it followeth also that he must come quickly to break with the other Party though before he loved him never so well which yet perhaps is very hard if not impossible for two of different Religions to love sincerely but if it were so yet so many jealousies suspicions accusations calumniations and other aversions must needs light upon the Party that is of different Religion from the State and Prince under whom he liveth as not only he cannot be capable of such Preferments Honours Charges Governments and the like which men may deserve and desire in their Commonwealths but also he shall be in continual danger and subject to a thousand molestations and injuries which are incident to the condition and state of him that is not currant with the course of his Prince and Realm in matters of Religion and so before he be aware he becometh to be accounted an enemy or backward man which to remedy he must either dissemble deeply and against his own Conscience make shew to favour and set forward that which in his heart he doth detest which is the greatest Calamity and Misery of all other though yet many times not sufficient to deliver him from Suspicion or else to avoid this everlasting perdition he must break withal the temporal Commodities of this Life and leave the Benefits which his Countrey and Realm might yield him and this is the ordinary end of all such men how soft and sweet soever the beginnings be And therefore to conclude at length all this tedious Speech wherewith I fear me I have wearied you against my will seeing there be so great Inconveniences and Dangers both Temporal and Eternal and in respect both of God and man Body and Soul as hath been declared to advance a Prince of contrary Religion to the Crown and considering that in England there is so great diversity of Religions as the World knoweth between these Parties and Factions that have to pretend or admit the next Prince after her Majesty that now is calling to mind also the great Liberty Scope and Authority which the Commonwealth hath in admitting or rejecting the Pretenders upon Considerations be their Right of Succession never so plain or clear as before hath been shewed and laying finally before our eyes the manifold and different Acts of Christian Realms before mentioned in this Affair all these things I say being laid together you may see whether I had reason at the beginning to think and affirm that it was a doubtful Case who should be our next Prince after the Queens Majesty that now sitteth at the Stern and if beyond all this that I have said our Friend the common Lawyer here present shall prove also as at the first entrance he promised that among such as do or may pretend of the Blood Royal at this day their true Succession and next propinquity by Birth is also uncertain and disputable then is the matter made thereby much more ambiguous and God only knoweth who shall prevail and to him only is the matter to be commended as far as I see and with this I make an end thanking you most heartily for your patience and craving pardon for that I have been too long or for any other fault that in this Speech I have committed The End of the First PART THE PREFACE OF THE Second Part. THe Civilian had no sooner ended his Discourse but all the Company being most desirous to hear what the Temporal Lawyer had prepared to say about the several Titles of the present Pretenders to the Crown of England began with one accord to request him earnestly for the performance of his promised Speech in that behalf who shewing himself neither unwilling nor unready for the same told them that he was content to yield to their desires but yet with one condition which was that he would take in hand this matter with the same asseveration and protestation with the Civilian in some occasions had used before him and it liked him well to wit that having to speak in this Discourse of many Princes Peers
what Historiographers do say according to their affections or Interests as what reasons and proofs be alledged of every side for that by this we shall more easily come to judge where the right or wrong doth lie First therefore the defenders of the House of York do alledge that their title is plain and evident for that as in the former chapter hath been declared Richard Duke of York first pretender of this House whose Father was Son to Edmond Langley Duke of York fourth Son of King Edward the third and his Mother Anne Mortimer that was Neece once removed and sole Heir to Leonel Duke of Clarence second Son of the said King Edward this Richard I say Duke of York pretended that for so much as he had two titles joyned together in himself and was lawful Heir as well to Duke Leonel the second Brother as to Duke Edmond the fourth that he was to be preferred in Succession of the Crown after the death of King Richard the second Heir of the first Son of King Edward before the Issue of John of Gaunt that was but third Son to the said King Edward and consequently that Henry Bolenbrok John of Gaunts Son Duke of Lancaster called afterwards King Henry the fourth entred the Crown by tyranny and violonce first for deposing the true and Lawful King Richard and secondly for taking the Kingdom upon himself which Kingdom after the death of the foresaid King Richard which happened in the year 1399. belonging to Edmond Mortimer Earl of March then living and after his death to Anne Mortimer his Sister married to Richard Earl of Cambridge Father to this Richard pretendent Duke of York as hath been said for that this Edmond and Anne Mortimer were Children to Roger Mortimer Son of Philip that was daughter to Duke Leonel which Leonel was elder Uncle to King Richard and before John of Gaunt the younger Brother whose Son took the Crown upon him For the better understanding of which pretence and allegation of the House of York against Lancaster we must note the story following to wit That King Edward the III. seeing in his old age that Prince Edward his eldest Son whom of all his Children he loved most dearly was dead though there wanted not much doubt in some mens heads as after shall be shewed who ought to succeed yet the old man for the exceeding great affection he bare to the dead Prince would hear nothing in that behalf but appointed Richard the said Prince Edwards only Son and Heir to succeed him in the Kingdom and made the same to be confirmed by Act of Parliament and inforced all his Children then alive to swear to the same which were John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster his third and eldest Son that then lived for Leonel his second Son Duke of Clarence was dead before and Edmond Langley and Thomas Woodstock Earls at that time but after Dukes of York and Glocester and so King Richard Reigned with good obedience of his Uncles and their Children for 20 years together but in the end when he grew insolent and had put to death his Uncle the Duke of Glocester together with the Earl of Arundel and banished many others of the Nobility and among them the Archbishop of Canterbury as also his own Cousin-German Henry Duke of Hertford and after of Lancaster Son and Heir of John of Gaunt and had made many wickedd Statutes as well against the Church and State Ecclesiastical as also to intangle the Realm and Nobility with fained crimes of Treason against his Regality as then he termed them the principal men of the Realm seeing a sit occasion offered by the Kings absence in Ireland called home out of France the foresaid Henry Duke of Lancaster with the Archbishop of Canterbury Earls of Arundel and Warwick and others which were in banishment and by common consent gathered upon the suddain such an Army to assist them in England as they took the King brought him to London and there in a Parliament laying together the intolerable faults of his Government they deprived him of all Regal Dignity as before they had done to his great Grandfather K. Edward the second and then by universal consent of the Parliament and people there present they chose and admitted the said Henry Duke of Lancaster to be their King who continued so all the days of his life and left the Crown unto his Son and Sons Son after him by the space of threescore years until this Richard before named Duke of York made challenge of the same in manner and form as before hath been shewed Now then the story being thus the question is first whether Richard the second were justly deposed or no and secondly whether after his deposition the House of York or House of Lancaster should have entred and thirdly if the House of Lancaster did commit any wrong or injustice at their first entrance to the Crown yet whether the continuance of so many years in possession with so many approbations and confirmations thereof by the Commonwealth were not sufficient to legitimate their right Concerning which points many things are alledged by the favourers of both Families and in the first point touching the lawfulness or unlawfulness of King Richards deposition three Articles especially do seem most considerable to wit about the thing in it self whether a lawful King may be deposed upon just causes and secondly about these causes in King Richards deposition to wit whether they were just or sufficient for deposition of the said King and lastly about the manner of doing iâ— whether the same were good and orderly or not And touching the first of these three points which is that a King upon just causes may be deposed I think both parties though never so contrary between themselves will easily agree and the Civil Lawyer seems to me to have proved it so evidently before throughout his whole dicourse as I think very little may be said against the same For he hath declared if you remember both by reason authority and examples of all Nations Christian that this may and hath and ought to be done when urgent occasions are offered And first by reason he sheweth it for that all Kingly authority is given them only by the Commonwealth and that with this express condition that they shall Govern according to Law and equity that this is the cause of their exaltation above other men that this is the end of their Government the butt of their authority the star and pole by which they ought to direct their stern to wit the good of the people by the weal of their Subjects by the benefit of the Realm which end being taken away or perverted the King becometh a Tyrant a Tyger a fierce Lion a ravening Wolf a publick enemy and a bloudy murtherer which were against all reason both natural and moral that a Common-wealth could not deliver it self from so eminent a destruction By authority also
far greater as now they live than in that case it would be suffered their King coming hereby to be of greater Power to force them to the form of English Subjection as no doubt but in time he would And seeing the greatest utility that in this Case by reason and probability can be hoped for by this Union is That the Scotish Nation should come to be advanced in England and to be made of the Nobility both Temporal and Spiritual and of the Privy-Council and other like Dignities of Credit and Confidence for otherwise no union or amity can be hoped for and considering That the King both for his own safety as hath been said as also for gratitude and love to his allied Friends must needs plant them about him in chief places of Credit which are most opposite to English Natures and by little and little through occasion of Emulations and of Controversies that will fall out daily betwixt such diversity of Nations he must needs secretly begin to favour and fortifie his own as we read that William the Conquerour did his Normands and Canutus before him his Danes to the incredible Calamity of the English Nation though otherwise neither of them was of themselves either an evil King or an Enemy to the English-Bloud but driven hereunto for their own safety and for that it was impossible to stand Newter in such national Contentions If all this I say fell out so then as we know it did and our Ancestors felt it to their extreme Ruine what other effect can be hop'd for now by this violent union of Nations that are by nature so dis-united and opposite as are the English Scotch Irish Danish French and other on them depending which by this means must needs be planted together in England And if we read that the whole Realm of Spain did refuse to admit St. Lewis King of France to be their King in Spain to whom yet by Law of Succession it was evident and confessed by the Spaniards themselves as their Chronicler Garibay writeth that the Right most clearly did appertain by his Mother Lady Blanch eldest Daughter and Heir of King Alonso IX and that they did this only for that he was a French-man and might thereby bring the French to have chief Authority in Spain And if for this Cause they did agree together to give the Kingdom rather to Ferdinando III. that was Son of Lady Berenguela younger Sister to the said Lady Blanch and if this determination at that time was thought to be wise and provident tho' against all right of Lineal Succession and if we see that it had good success for that it endureth unto this day what shall we say in this case say these men where the King in question is not yet a St. Lewis nor his Title to England so clear as that other was to Spain and the aversion â—etwixt his Nation and ours much greater than was that betwixt the French and Spanish Thus they do reason Again we heard out of the discourse made by the Civilian before how the States of Portugal after the death of their King Don Ferdinando the second of that Name who left one only Daughter and Heir named Lady Beatrix married unto John I. King of Castile to whom the Succession without all Controversie did appertain they rather determined to chuse for their King a Bastard-brother of the said Don Ferdinando named John than to admit the true Inheritrix Beatrix with the Government of the Castilians by whom yet they being much the richer People the Portugals might hope to reap far greater utility than English-men can do by Scotland considering it is the poorer Countrey and Nation And this is that in effect which these men do answer in this behalf noting also by the way that the Romans themselves with all their Power could never bring Union or Peace between these two Nations of England and Scotland nor hold the Scots and North-Irish in Obedience of any Authority in England and so in the end they were enforced to cut them off and to make that famous Wall begun by Adrian and pursued by other Emperours to divide them from England and bar them from joyning as all the World knoweth and much less shall any one King in England now hold them all in Obedience let him be of what Nation he will And this for the utility that may be hoped for by this Union But now for the point alledged by the favourers of Scotland about establishment of true Religion in England by the entrance of this King of Scots these other men do hold that this is the worst and most dangerous point of all other considering what the state of Religion is in Scotland at this day and how different or rather opposite to that form which in England is maintained and when the Archbishops Bishops Deans Archdeacons and other such of Ecclesiastical and Honourable Dignities of England shall consider that no such Dignity or Promotion is left now standing in Scotland no nor any Cathedral or Collegiate Church is remained on foot with the Renâ—s and Dignities thereunto appertaining and when our Nobility shall remember how the Nobility of Scotland is subject at this day to a few ordinary and common Ministers without any Head who in their Synods and Assemblies have Authority to put to the Horn and drive out of the Realm any Noble-man whatsoever without remedy or redress except he will yield and humble himself to them and that the King himself standeth in aw of this exorbitant and popular power of his Ministers and is content to yield thereunto It is to be thought say these men that few English be they of what Religion or Opinion soever will shew themselves forward to receive such a King in respect of his Religion that hath no better Order in his own at home And thus much concerning the King of Scotland Now then it remaineth that we come to treat of the Lady Arabella second Branch of the House of Scotland touching whose Title though much of that which hath been said before for or against the King of Scotland may also be understood to appertain unto her for that she is of the same House yet I shall in this place repeat in few words the principal points that are alledged in her behalf or prejudice First of all then is alledged for her and by her â—avourers that she is descended of the foresaid Lady Margaret eldest Daughter of King Henry VII by her second Marriage with Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis and that she is in the third degree only from her for that she is the Daughter of Charles Stuart who was Son of Margaret Countess of Lenox Daughter to the said Lady Margaret Queen of Scots so as this Lady Arabella is but Neece once removed unto the said Queen Margaret to wit in equal degree of descent with the King of Scots which King being excluded as the favourers of this Woman do
English Nobility to see them so greatly advanced above the rest as necessarily they must be if this Woman of their Lineage should come to be Queen which how the Nobility of England would bâ—ar is hard to say And this is as much as I have heard others say of this matter and of all the House of Scotland wherefore with this I shall end and pass over to treat also of the other Houses that do remain of such as before I named CHAP. VI. Of the House of Suffolk containing the Claims of the Countess of Darby and her Children as also of the Children of the Earl of Hartford IT hath appeared by the Genealogy set down before in the third Chapter and often-times mentioned since how that the House of Suffolk is so called for that the Lady Mary second Daughter of King Henry VII being first married to Lewis XII King of France was afterwards married to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk who being sent over to condole the death of the said King got the good will of the Widow-Queen though the common Fame of all men was That the said Charles had a Wife living at that day and divers years after as in this Chapter we shall examine more in particular By this Charles Brandon then Duke of Suffolk this Queen Mary of France had two Daughters first the Lady Frances married to Sir Henry Gray Marquess of Dorset and afterwards in the right of his Wife Duke also of Suffolk who was afterwards beheaded by Queen Mary And secondly Lady Eleanor married to Sir Henry Clifford Earl of Cumberland The Lady Frances elder Daughter of the Queen and of Charles Brandon had Issue by her Husband the said last Duke of Suffolk three Daughters to wit Jane Katharine and Mary which Mary the youngest was betrothed first to Arthur Lord Gray of Wilton and after left by him she was married to one M. Martin Keyes of Kent Gentleman-Porter of the Queens Houshold and after she died without Issue And the Lady Jane the eldest of the three Sisters was married at the same time to the Lord Guilford Dudley fourth Son to Sir John Dudley Duke of Northumberland and was proclaimed Queen after the death of King Edward for which act all three of them to wit both the Father Son and Daughter-in-law were put to death soon after But the Lady Katharine the second Daughter was married first upon the same day that the other two her Sisters were unto Lord Henry Herbert now Earl of Pembroke and upon the fall and misery of her House she was left by him and so she lived a sole Woman for divers years until in the beginning of this Queens days she was found to be with-child which she affirmed was by the Lord Edward Seymor Earl of Hartford who at that time was in France with Sir Nicholas Throgmorton the Embassador and had purpose and license to have travelled into Italy but being called home in hast upon this new accident he confessed that the Child was his and both he and the Lady affirmed that they were man and wife but for that they could not prove it by Witnesses and for attempting such a Match with one of the Blood Royal without Privity and License of the Prince they were Committed to the Tower where they procured Means to meet again afterward and had an other Child which both Children do yet live and the Elder of them is called Lord Henry Beacham and the other Edward Seymor the Mother of whom lived not long after neither married the Earl again until of late that he married the Lady Frances Howard Sister to the Lady Sheffield And this is all the Issue of the elder Daughter of Charles Brandon by Lady Mary Queen of France The second Daughter of Duke Charles and the Queen named Lady Eleanor was married to Henry Lord Clifford Earl of Cumberland and had by him a Daughter named Margaret that married Sir Henry Stanely Lord Strange and after Earl of Darby by whom the said Lady who yet liveth hath had Issue Ferdinando Stanley now Earl of Darby William and Francis Stanley And this is the Issue of the House of Suffolk to wit this Countess of Darby with her Children and these other of the Earl of Hartford of all whose Titles with their Impediments I shall here briefly give an account and reason First of all both of these Families do joyn together in this one point to exclude the House of Scotland both by foreign Birth anh by the aforesaid Testament of King Henry authorized by two Parliaments and by the other Exclusions which in each of the titles of the King of cots and of Lady Arabella hath been before-alledged But then secondly they come to vary between themselves about the Priority or Propinquity of their own Succession for the Children of the Earl of Hartford and their Friends do alledge That they do descend of Lady Frances the elder Sister of Lady Eleanor and so by Law and Reason ought to be preferred But the other House alledgeth against this two Impediments the one That the Lady Margaret Countess of Darby now living is nearer by one degree to the Stem that is to King Henry VII then are the Children of the Earl of Hartford and consequently according to that which in the former fourth Chapter hath been declared she is to be preferred albeit the Children of the said Earl were legitimate Secondly they do affirm That the said Children of the Earl of Hartford by the Lady Katharine Gray are many ways illegitimate First for that the said Lady Katharine Gray their Mother was lawfully married before to the Earl of Pembroke now living as hath been touched and publick Records do testifie and not lawfully separated nor by lawful authority nor for just Causes but only for temporal and worldly respects for that the House of Suffolk was come into misery and disgrace whereby she remained still his true Wife and before God and so could have no lawful Children by any other whiles he yet lived as yet he doth Again they prove the illegitimation of these Children of the Earl of Hartford for that it could never be lawfully proved that the said Earl and the Lady Katharine were married but only by their own assertions which in Law is not holden sufficient for which occasion the said pretended Marriage was disannulled in the Court of Arches by publick and definitive Sentence of Doctor Parker Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of England not long after the Birth of the said Children Furthermore they do add yet another Bastardy also in the Birth of Lady Katharine her self for that her Father Lord Henry Gray Marquess of Dorset was known to have a lawful Wife alive when he married the Lady Frances Daughter and Heir of the Queen of France and of Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk and Mother of this Lady Katharine for obâ—aining of which said Marriage the said Marquess put away his foresaid
Issue The meeting of three Houses Prince Edward Duke Edmond Lady Beatrix daughter of K. Henry 3. The Pedegree of the Dukes of Britany The great Contention between the Houses of Monford and Bloâ—s in Britany Burgundy and Orleans The controversie between the House of Monford and Blois A question about succession between the Uncle and the Niece The House of Blois overcome The succession of the Monfords in Britany Francis last Duke of Britany How the Dukedom of Britany was united to France The Issue Male of K. Henr. 3. The Bishop of Ross in his Book of the Queen of Scots Title George Lilly in fine Epitomes Chron. Anglic. That Edward was the elder Mat. West in vit H. 3. Hollingshed ibid. p. 654. Hollingsh in vit H. 3. p. 740. 777. Edmonds Line never pretended to the Crown Note this consequent The eldership of Edmond a fiction Polyd. in fine vit Henr. 3. The Issue of K. Edward the â— The Issue of Edmond Crouch-back Collateral Lines of Lancaster 〈…〉 of K Edward 3. The Red Rose and the White Issue of the Black Prince The Issue of Leonel the 2d Son The Issue of Edmond the 4. Son The Issue of Thomas the 5. Son The Issue of of the 3d. â—n Duke of Lancast. The Issue of L. Blanch. Lady Philippa married into Portugal and her Issue Lady Elizabeth second Daughter The Issue of K. Henr. 4. The Issue of John of Gaunt by his second Wife The controversie in Spain between King Peter the Cruel and his Bastard broohâ—r Garibay l. 15. â— 26. Of Lady Catharine Swinford Hollinshed in vita Rich. 2. p. 1088. The Duke of Lancaster 's bastards made legitimate Hollingh in vita Kich 2. pag. 1090. The issue of Katharine Swinfords children King Henry VII The Dukes of Somerset Polidor hist. Ang. lib. 23. Hollings in vita Edwardi IV. pa. 1314. 1340. What heirs of Lancaster now remain in England The Issue of the House of York Richard Earl of Cambridge executed Richard Duke of York slain Edward Duke of York and King his Issue The Line of the Pooles The Line of the Hastings The Barringtons King Richard 3. Issue of K. Henry the 7. Issue of the Lady Mary of Scotland Issue of Mary 2d Sister to K. Henry Lady Frances Stow An. 7 Edw. 6. Of Lady Eleanor of Suffolk Variety of Authors opinions about this controversie Polyd. in fine vit Henr. 3. initio vit Henr. 4. in vit Ric. An. 1386. The Allegations of the House of York The story of the controversie between Lancaster and York Polyd. in â—â—a Riâ—h 2. l. b. 20. King Richards deposition Chief points of the controversie between Lancaster and York Three pâ—â—â—t King Richards deposition That a 〈…〉 1. Reason 2. Authority 3. Examples Whether the causes were sufficient of King Richards deposition The Hâ—â—se of York chief 〈◊〉 in deposing K. Rich. Polyd. Hist. Angl. l. 20. Addit ad Polycronicon Testimony of Stories The evil government of K. Rich. Stow in vit Rich. 2. pag. 502. regni 11. A great insolency The evil Parliament Stow an 21 regni Rich. The Duke of Lancaster called by common request Frosard Walsingham Whether the manner of deposing K. Richard were good Arms necessary for removing an evil Prince 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 by 〈◊〉 Forces King Eglon slain in his Chamber Judg. 3. Saul put down by violence 1 Chr. 10. vers 9. Rehoboam deposed by his Subjects of ten Tribes 2 Reg. 11. 12. 2 Paralip cap. 10. Joram and his Mother Jezabel deposed by force 4 Reg. 9. Athalia deprived by force 4 Reg. 11. Whether Lancaster or York should have entred after K. Rich. Polydor l. 20. in vit Rich. Stow in vita Richardi 2. Whether 〈◊〉 Earl of 〈…〉 or 〈…〉 K. Râ—â—h The Title of York is by a Woman Stow in vit Hen. 5. an 3. regn The Earl of Cambridge executed for Conspiracy An objection for York that Edmond Mortimer was declared Heir appaâ—â—n Polyd. l. 20 Stow in vit Rich. 2. an 1385. Hollingsh in vit Rich 2. p. 1038. Stow an 1382. Polyd. l. 20 an 1394. The cause of hatred between K. Richard and the House of Lancaster John Frosard in Histor. Polydor. Hollingsh Stow in vit Rich. 2 Wâ—lâ—â—â—gh 〈…〉 2. p. 341. 3â—â— John Frosard in vit Henriet 〈◊〉 Roger Moâ—tiâ—â—â— was deâ—lâ—red Hâ—â—r 〈◊〉 Hollingsh in vit Richar. 3. p. 1406. in vit Edwar. 6. p. 1715. The declaration of K. Edw. 6. in favour of the Lady Jane Gray Girard du Haillan l. 15. his Franc. initio 〈…〉 〈◊〉 in â—â—tent Poâ—â—â—nem Câ—â—e suis leg haered The second â—â—â—mâ—le of the Uncle An examâ—plâ— of the Uncle before 〈◊〉 Nephew in Spain Garâ—bay l. 13. c. 1â— an 1276. Another example in France and Flanders Polydor. l. 15. in vit Edw. 3. Anoâ—â—eâ— example of Britany Supra c. 2. Another example â—n Scotland The contention of the Houses of â—alliol and Bruse in Scotl. Examples in England Hollingsh in vit Regis Johannis p. 142. How Arthur Duke of Britany was declared Heir apparent Polydor l. 14. Hollingsh in vit Ric. 1. p. 480. Hollingsh in vit Richardi Regis p. 496. 499. Hollingsh p. 540. Walsingh in Ypodig Neustriae Opinions of Lawyers for the Nephew and Uncle Benedict Cap. Ranutius verb. in eodem testam Baldus in lib. ut in test cap. de suis leg haered per. li. unicam pro 20. sui autem novissimo Touching the Common Law of England Different rules in succession of the Crown of other Inheritances The Common Law grounded in Custom Ancient Lawyers that defended the House of Lancaster Hollingsh in vit Henrici 6. p. 1300. The sum of this controversie repeated Other Arguments of Lancaster Stow in vit Hen. 5. p. 587. The Princes of York often attainted Stow in vit Hen. 6. York entred by violence Stow in fine vit Henrici 6. The House of York put down a Holy King Long possessions of the House of Lancaster 5. The difference of Kings of both Houses The Princes of York cruel one to the other Polydor Virg Hist. Angl. l. 24. Great union and faithfulness of the Princes of Lancaster Polydor lib. 23. Dissentioâ—s in the House of York K. Edw. 4. K. Riâ—h 3. K. Henry 8. how many he put to death of his own Kindred The de la Pools The House of Buckingham The House of Câ—urtâ—eys The House of Salisbury Seymers put to death Queen of Scots 7. Nâ— old noble House standing in England but such as took part with Lancaster Five ancient noble houses Arondel Oxford Northumberland Westmerland Shrewsbury Houses that favoured York destroyed 〈…〉 〈…〉 Pooâ—â—◠〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 and Warwick King Henry the 7. Chowned in the field in respect of the house of Lancaster only though his title that way was not great A division of the families that do pretend Of the house of Scotland Arabella In favour of the King of Scots Argument against the King of Sâ—ots The King of Scots