publick That gentlenesse which is shewed to the Ring-leaders of a Conspiracy is a dangerous cruelty to the State Cato was of opinion that they who did not hinder evil-doers when they might do it by chastizing them ought themselves to be punished For that were to encourage their abettors to follow their evil examples it is true Arostole saith The subjects love is the chief foundation of Royal Authority and that they are not easily induced to love Kings unlesse upon their owne advantage And it is very necessary for them to punish the factions without which they would be hourly exposed to the dangers of civil war which are the cause of the greatest misfortunes that can afflict a State And the same Philosopher in his Morals esteemeth him uncapable to command who is never angry but affects to shew himself merciful on all occasions whatsoever To speak truth a King is bound to shew as much severity to them whom the publique Interest obligeth to be chastised as bounty to them that keep themself within their duties It is the onely means saith Tacitus in his Annals to render him as well feared by the wicked as esteemed and honoured by the good who receive no lesse satisfaction in the punishment of crimes than in the receiving of those rewards which art due to their virtue The Sentence of death passed against the Sieur de Chalais THe King comitted the tryal of Chalais rather to a Chamber of Justice than any private Court not onely because he would have it expedited it being improper to be delayed but also to keep private the names of his Confiderates and their designs which were dangerous to be published His Majesty made the Lord keeper Marillac President and appointed for Judges the Sieurs de Cusse and Brie Presidents of the Parliament of Britain The Sieurs Fonquet Marchant Chriqueville Master of Request and six Councellors of the Parliament of Britain They met several times for instruction of the Processe Chalais was often times examined and having found by discourse with several people with whom he conversed that there was full information made of all his wicked designs he confessed not onely what was conteined in Monsieurs Declaration but withal divers other things of which Lorrain accused him and which were testified by Monsieur de Bellegarde Le Sieur d'Effiat by the Maust exempt who had the charge of his person and by one of the Life-guard to all which he made no denial being brought face to face He discovered the Major part of his Associates he confessed that he would have carried Monsieur from the Court that he would have perswaded him to take up arms to hold Intelligence with the Governours and Hugonots to make himself Master of Havre Mets and diverse other places of the Kingdome and withal that being once at a Council where the grand Prior and those of his faction were present he proposed to them to take the Marshal d'Ornano out of prison to poniard the Cardinal and then to fly into Flanders thinking that this once done they might easily obtain all their desires There were several other charges produced against him and amongst others certain letters from the Sieur de Moison the Kings Resident with the Countesse of Hanault in Germany and of the Sieur de Vatembourg his Majesties Resident with the Emperour by which they gave advice of the Marshal d'Ornano's conspiracy of certain letters which Chalais had writ to the Dutchesse de Chevreuse in Biscay in which there were discourses to the Kings dishonour and also certain letters in characters to the same Lady the Declaration of Monsieur the Kings Brother and the informations of the Vice-Seneschal de Moulins These enermous crimes rendred him guilty and worthy of death in regard he was the Kings Domestique Servant and that he had the honour to be in a charge which obliged him to be alwayes near his Majesties person Justice could not save him and the several relapses which proceeded from the fiercenesse and ambition of his Spirit tied up the Kings Arms from mercy So this Chamber of Justice condemned him to be attainted and convicted decrimine lesae Majestatis and to be beheaded in the Befroy of Nantes That his head should be put upon a spear over the gate of Sanvetour that his body should be quartered into four parts and hung upon the four principal places of the City that his posterity should be ignoble and of the Yeomantry His houses raized and that for the farther discovery of all his Abettors he should be put on the Rack But the Kings clemency seconded by the affection which he alwayes had for him moderated the judgment and onely commanded his head to be cut off and that they should shew him the Rack but not torture him They who understood not that the whole Intreague was discovered or that there were sufficient poofs to convict him were astonished that he should so freely confesse those crimes whereof he was accused and withal some were so bold to report that he had confessed his crimes thus frankly upon the Cardinals suggestian and perswading him to believe that it was the onely means to obtain the Kings favour the attainment of which he gave him great cause to hope for But there need no other proof for conviction of this lye than the answer which Chalais made to the Sieurs des Cartes de Lourie Councellors of the Parliament both persons of a clear reputation and entrusted to exame him after judgment had passed upon him who having told him that a report was spread abroad that he had confessed his crimes wherewith he was charged partly through fear and partly through hope of life conjured him he being now shortly to render an account of his actions before God to discover if it were so or not or if he had impeached any one in prejudice to the truth and his conscience and had no other answer from him but that what he had said was truth excepting onely where he had in anger spoke too hardly against Madam de Chevreuse who had given him no reason for it and that he should be very wicked and sencelesse to discover so many horrible crimes to clear himself and charge innocent persons and all for the satisfaction of another mans passion This proof was so much the more certain in regard it proceeded from the last passages of his life in which he testified that he would dispose himself by a true repentance to obtain pardon from God of his faults There was hereupon great reason to admire the Kings clemency seeing that he might in justice imprison and punish diverse Grandees of the Court whom he had accused who were no small number but his Majesty in stead of Publishing their design was pleased to punish all their great faults in one man onely keeping some in prison and sending Madam de Chevreuse into Lorraine not having ground to hope that she could live in the Court and not raise new broyles Politique Observation
the people in their duty Monsieur the Cardinal spake to his Majesty and perswaded him to send the Sieur de Leon Councellour of State to Bourdeaux to indeavour their reconcilement and such a correspondency as might befit his Majesties affairs The ground of their difference was this the Duke of Espernon had caused the Edict of Peace granted by the King to the Hugonots to be proclaimed by the Jurats of the City before it had been registred in the Parliament Whereupon the Parliament had turned one Minuelle out of his Office of chief Jurat fining him 1500 Liures and ordered the rest to appear in Court and suffer such punishments as should be imposed upon them The Duke of Espernon would not put up the businesse but pulished an Ordinance to prohibit the execution of the Parliaments Arrest and confirmed Minuelle in his Office grounding himself upon certain pretensions in publication of Treaties of Peace The Parliament hereupon condemned the said Ordinance as an attempt contrary to the Kings Authority intrusted with him but the Duke of Espernon being not of an humour easily to submit to any others will then that of the Kings persisted to prohibit by another Ordinance the execution of the second Arrest The Parliament made a third so did he too to hinder Minuelle's displacing and that the Jurats should not assist at the publication of the Peace which was then made by the Parliaments Authority In sine an extream feud rise between them and the Parliament came to that point that they ceased to perform their Offices in the adjudging private causes yet not without taking care for all that concerned the Kings service This quarrel made a great noise in Guienne and had it continued untill the Hugonots next revolt they had doubtlesse taken advantage of it it being certain that every one lives as himself pleaseth when Magistrates are together by the ears in their particular quarrel The King finding of what consequence it might prove dispatched the Sieur de Leon to Bourdeaux to dispose the Duke to give the Parliament satisfaction and to continue the correspondence which they ought to hold together for the publick good The Sieur de Leon came thither and finding the Parliament resolute that the Duke should give them satisfaction for his fault could gain nothing more of the Duke then onely this that he would go to the Parliament and pay them some complements of honour and respect The Parliament was not contented with it so their accommodation was deferred till at last the news being come that the English Fleet was at Sea every one addressed himself to serve the King and to hinder their landing in Guienne And then the Cardinal de Sourdis Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux interposing between them perswaded the Parliament to be satisfied with those respects of honour and complements which the Duke of Espernon would pay unto them At last unto the Parliament he came and having complemented them with great civility they answered him in the like without the least mention of any thing past and thus this great storm was allayed Politique Observation JT is not dangerous sometimes for his Majesties service to permit Parliaments and Governours to fall out amongst themselves for they discovering one anothers defects by their division give occasion to redress them and withall each one feareth to offend that he may not give advantage to the other to impeach him It keepeth affairs in an equal ballance and produceth the same effects as a weight equally divided in two Scales which hindreth the over-ballancing of either part If they alwaies should continue in a strict intelligence each of them would do that without contradiction which best pleased himself and their Soveraign never the wiser Thus said Cato to them who thought the quarrel between Pompey and Caesar had ruined the Common-wealth It is true it did not a little contribute to that disorder which was then on foot but the friendship which had formerly been between them was the first and chief cause Their good intelligence gave Caesar means to grow the greater who afterwards finding it begin to break by the deceases of Pompey and Crassus their wives which served to preserve it there fell out great broyls between them concerning the Government Caesar being unwilling that Pompey should have more authority then himself and Pompey that Caeser should be his equall The Senate finding that divers Magistrates of Rome neglected their duties and that every thing went to decay chose Pompey sole Consul giving him an extraordinary Authority to ballance the power of the Magistrates and to redress those Delinquencies which they might or had committed Seneca with great reason compared this division among chief Magistrates to the Stones in a Vault which do so much conduce to the strengthening of it that the more weight is laid on it the stronger it bears it up whereas it would easily be broken if made of one stone alone In fine this little emulation is much conducing to the discovery of abuses to the looking more strictly into things and the keeping every one in his duty It is to be wished that Parliaments and Governours were firmly united toward his Majesties service and that there were no way but this for the well governing of a Province but it is not possible long to preserve that temperative in their authority no more then in the four humours of mans body and it is more expedient to search for means of advantage from their disorder then to study waies to settle them in an immutable intelligence One of the chief is when a Parliament pretends to assume too great an Authority to oppose the power of a Governour and if a Governor abuse his power to prevent him by the Authority of a Parliament And thus was it according to Tacitus that the Roman common people ballancing the Nobilities power did along while prefer their liberty Yet above all it would be necessary to hinder such dissentions from too much clashing and that the Parliament and Governours be not left alone to flie out into extremities from whence strange accidents might follow If heat or any other quality of mans body super-abound either death follows or at least great sicknesse and doubtlesse such contests hapning among Governours either in Kingdomes or Common wealths are sufficient to destroy them or at least breed great disorders amongst them The divisions which so often grew hot between the Roman people and the Senate caused great evils and when the quarrels of Marius and Sylla Pompey and Caesar did break out every one siding with some party took up Arms from whence followed strange murthers and Tragedies and the Peoples Liberty became inslaved to the Emperours Will. The King going from Paris towards Rochel falls sick at Villeroy after the first day of his setting out VVHilest these different affairs happened within the Kingdome the King was not ignorant of those great preparations made by the English to invade France The happy addresse wherewith Heaven had blessed
sorts of wickednesses which are not powerful enough to entertain the minds of women especially when they believe that the subject they work upon would set bounds to their Authority and hinder them in their Governing according to their own Fancies The greediness of absolute command hurries them with a greater impetuosity to revenge then any other cause whatsoever without this consideration that God hath not created their Sex for Government and experience hath evidenced it upon many occasions that they are very unfit for that purpose But as Ambition is a blind Passion we do many times see great obstacles opposed to their Powers when they think to increase their Authorities and the greatest props of their Grandeur ruined whilest they use their greatest endeavours to render themselves more absolute The great Qualities of the Cardinal ALL the Artifices of the Queen mother made no other Impression upon his Majesty then to carry him to recollect and reiterate in his mind the Fidelity of the Cardinals services the great affection wherewith he had behaved himself in all occasions where his Majesties glory was concern'd the good success which accompanied his Conduct of his Armies the Incomparable Prudence wherewith he was endued with which he did penetrate into what was to come and foresaw effects in their Causes and accordingly prepared Remedies before they hapned the indefatigable vigilance which made him so intent both day and on the affairs of State that though he gave Orders in the greatest yet he never forgot the least and that prodigious promptitude which produc'd effects from resolution in Counsel before one knew whether it were resolv'd on or no These were those just considerations which the King recalled into his mind to oppugne the divers Artifices of the Cardinals enemies and one may say they did so fix his Majesty against those violences with which they would as it were shake him that to the end he might evade those perpetual instances which the Queen-mother hourly made to him he resolved to go to pass away some days at Verfilles In effect that was the cause of the King 's going from Paris and the Queen-mother could get no other satisfaction from his Majesty then that of Respect and hearty affection by his taking leave of her Politique Observation THe King well knew that the disgraces of a grand Minister are as dis-advantagious to a State as his services have been profitable and that in it a Prince receives as much blame as he had once gotten glory in drawing him neer to Person An excellent Workman never uses to throw away his Instruments wherewith he is accustomed to make rare pieces of his Art and a King doth much recede from a great Conduct if he doth drive from the Government of his State-affairs such a Minister whose admirable Genius is the principal instrument of his glory Undoubtedly the Counter-blow of such a stroke might rebound against his Authority He ought to know that it is easie to blame those who govern and to lament their Conduct and that many more find it very perfect and compleat seeing it doth not give them leave to do whatever they would in their own particular and that the Estate of Publick Affairs ought not to be judged by those of their own houses There need no more but to consult with experience to evince that it is very difficult to find a great Genius on whose Prudence they may confidently rely for that two or three whole ages do hardly bring forth one only such How many Kings have been constrained to leave both their Courages and States as unusefull for that their Country produc'd none such in their times He who is so happy as to meet with one ought to preserve him with as much care as the most assured foundation of his Kingdomes happinesse How frequent are the misfortunes which happen in Battels for the only losse of an expert great Captain And how many confusions arrive to States by the loss of one grand Minister his only conservation is of greater importance then that I will not say of Towns but of whole Provinces for he is not only capable of regaining them but conquering new ones whereas the losse of him is irrepairable for that hardly many ages produce one that doth resemble him Why the King went from Paris and caused the Lord Keeper of the Broad-Seal and his Brother the Marshal de Marillac to be Arrested THe King went from Paris only to give himself more liberty to negotiate in his important affairs and to withdraw himself from those importunities not to say violences of the Queen-Mother In whose presence the respect which he had for her hindred him from doing any thing which might displease her His Majesty knew that it was necessary for the good of his Estate to chastise those contrivers of Intreagues and on the other side he cemented himself in an unalterable resolution which being an effect of his own onely Prudence acquired him so much the more Glory never to part from the Cardinal Now it was often seen that these Cabals had no other beginning then from the Lord Keeper and the Marshal de Marillac therefore his Majesty took away the Seal from the former as the Arms of a mad man which he had imployed to do evil causing him to be carried to Lysieux and sent Orders to the Marshal de la Force and Schomberg to arrest the t'other and send him Prisoner to the Castle of St. Menehoud What reason was there to suffer any longer the insolence of these two ambitious humours who had been so audacious to commit such offences between the King and Queen-Mother and to breed a division between their Majesties which keeps them at a dislaâ—â—e to this very day Was it possible to suffer their unbridled Ambition which made them aspire to the Government of the State by the destruction of him who had established it in so sublime a pitch of Glory that it is not only more honoured but more feared too by strangers Again could it be that the Ingratitude of these two Brothers should not pull down as it were by force the Kings Justice to dash them as with a Thunder-Bolt and to punish their devices which they used with the Queen-Mother to carry her on to the ruining of him by whose Counsel his Majesty had raised them to the highest degrees of their profession winking at their unworthy actions which had heretofore rendred them culpable and by which they made their first attempts His Majesty knew in how many occasions the Cardinal had favoured them the great gifts which he had obtained of him for them and how that in som affairs he had become their Protector when in their conduct there was just reason to complain of them And on the other side when he reflected on the extremity of their ingratitude he could no longer permit that one of them should be any more imployed in affairs or that the other should remain unpunished for those many Crimes of
at one time to be obeyed We see if it he otherwise jealousie takes place among them and every one in particular is carefull that no one obtain any advantage which may procure him greater honour then himself insomuch that they make a difficulty to support and assist one another so many men so many minds This approveth one Counsel he another and in this diversity of opinions the thing commonly is left undone Was it not to prevent this inconvenience that the Romans having two Consuls would not that both together should have the marks of Soveraign authority but that each should take his turn Did they not also Ordain that they should not both together command the Armies but each in his day And yet notwithstanding that care some divisions happened amongst them A well governed Army ought to be like the Body of Man whose Members are joyned and united to the Head by invisible Nerves and Arteries which enable him to move them according as he listeth And thus to prevent divisions it were expedient there were but one Head to command the motion of all the Forces according as he shall think fit Agesilaus King of the Lacedemonians though one of the greatest men of Antiquity yet that he might countermine Lysander and discredit his Authority abrogated his sentences and acted quite contrary to his advises And usually it happens where there are two Commanders of an Army the one thwarts the others designs then hatred envy and obstinacy â—riâ—g all things into disorder which obstruct the carrying on of every small inconsiderable enterprize For this cause was it that Lycurgus one of the wisest Legislators among the Ancients ordained in his Laws that the Kings of Sparta in times of Peace should act joyntly with their Magistrates but in War should have Soveraign authority and that all thing should depend upon their Wills Another Commission to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons AS in times of revolt and the Soveraign's absence the insurrections which Rebels may make ought to be mistrusted his Majesty before his departure from the adjacent Provinces of Paris gave the like power to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons in Paris and the Isle of France as also over the Army in Picardy with instructions to repair thither as occasions should require By this means the Provinces thereabout remained in great quiet But that I may say somewhat concerning that Army left by his Majesty in Picardy and in that particular evince the Cardinal 's usual prudence I shal observe the advantages which might there by have been made in the present conjucture of affairs It cannot be doubted but that it was the securing of those Provinces and the awing of such factious spirits at were inclinable to foment the troubles for in case the least insurrection had been that Army had soon fallen in upon them and buried them in their own ruines Moreover it was neer about that time when the leading men of the Low-countries weary of the Spanish Tyranny insupportable to the common people layed the design of shaking off that yoke and setting their Country at liberty The had recourse unto the King to implore his protection and made divers overtures unto him to enter upon the Comtez d' Artois and Flanders which belonged to him by a just Title But his Majesty who never approveth of Revolts in other Princes Subjects more then in his own made a scruple of absolute ingaging with them or of passing his word to assist them in that design though the Spaniards being less religious in the observation of Treaties and who preserve the greatnesse of their State only by fomenting divisions among their neighbours were at that very time ingag'd to support Monsieur in his revolt and to furnish him with Forces for the over-running of Languedoc His Majesty did not totally refuse them but kept himself in a condition of sending them forces in case the Spaniard invaded France as they had promised Thus did this Army serve to keep off the Spaniards in the Bay of Languedoc from landing they mistrusting to be repayed in the Low-countries and doubting if they entred France the French would do the like to assist those Lords who were sufficiently disposed for revolt It is likewise true that it served to beget such jealousie in the Spaniards that they were forced to retain many of their Troops in the Low countries Hainaut and Artois which would have done them more service at Mastrich against the Dutch whom by this means his Majesty did equally succour as if he had sent the Marshal d'Estree with the Army in the Country of Treves according to their own desires and proposals Politique Observation THough Armies for the most part are raised to fight yet sometimes they are designed for other ends wise Princes having oftentimes obtain'd great advantages by them without striking a blow The meer jealousie which their motion may strike into an enemy obligeth him to stand upon his guard who otherwise had design'd to assault some place and in case he have assaulted it to recall some part of his Forces to prevent any attempts This effect is not of mean consequence because it divideth an enemies force and consequently rendreth him more easie to be conquered Whilest the Waters of a great River are all shut up in their own Channel their torrent is more impetuous their force the greater and who so then indeavoureth to waft over them runneth no small hazard whereas if dispersed into several Rivulets their course is more slow their depth lesse so that they are both safely and easily to be Forded Thus an enemies Army may sometimes be so strong that he is to be feared and then nothing better then to divide him and force him to separate himself by some motions which may fill him with suspicions How oft have Princes been compell'd to stay at home in their own defence by their apprehensions of an Army appearing on their own Frontiers just when they have been upon the point of invading their Neighbours Besides what Armies soever a Prince placeth on his Frontiers in times of War they alwaies give him this advantage of keeping his own Country in security either as to Forreigners who commonly make use of any pretensions about the Borders of a Country to colour their attempts or as to the discontented persons of a Kingdom who possibly may stir in their Prince's absence To preserve Peace without making war is an effect advantagious enough and indeed a cause sufficient always to keep an Army on Foot A thing in my sense of the more use in regard War ought not to be made but in order to Peace and withal it being more useful for to preserve Peace by a shew of War then by War it self that common Usher of Fire and Sword For this reason it is that a Prince ought not then to raise his Army when a Forreiner is upon the point of invading his Kingdom or when factious spirits are just ready to revolt No He ought to
which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was that imitating that manner of operating used by the Divinity which is invisible as his Essence There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light before any resolutions were heard of or before any Orders taken were perceived whereas before there was not any thing concluded on which did not make more noise then the effects We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this History and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust after he had known the eminency of his Genius the wisedom of his Counsels his fidelity not to be shaken the dexteriousness of his Conduct which hath nothing parallel with it he likewise totally gave himself up to his Majesty Politique Observation A Minister is obliged in the same manner to make his Masters greatnesse and that of the State his principal aim and end he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity That then Ministers are the Suns which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the imployment whereunto he is arrived that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister and that the Administration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to and how can he hope to atchieve that without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master and his own Ministration The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy by preferring his own before his Masters Interests The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve He who is truly generous expects no other recompence for his Actions then the honour and satisfaction to have done them Also he cannot be ignorant that Virtue doth scatter such rays as make her venerable in the sight of all men and in this consists in the height of glory Particular between the King and Cardinal for the good of the STATE MOnsieur le Cardinal knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace in which time they give leave to strangers to increase their powers and instead of cutting off the Causes do onely skin over disorders in the State did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once again to France which it had in the beginning of its Empire It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers which are nearest and as it were at hand upon him then those which are further off though they be of a worse consequence and at this passe had things been a long while together Whereas the livelinesse of the Cardinals Soul which penetrates into the Ages to come presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature and made him apprehend the other the more easily in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them but onely by the weaknesse of those who had the management of affairs He made it quickly apparent to him that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace do by little and little weaken and decay the State without being aware of it that they do mollifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose who by such waies are exposed to the violences of strangers who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him Sir said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers have brought his State into disorder because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much troubled at it for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed who though they have been very affectionate to your service have not however had Souls high enough to second the Generosity of your intentions You may easily remedy all this according as you have designed there need only wel to know the Causes and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable and the State will soon be in safety Your Majesty may command me any thing for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you and I cannot have any greater pleasure then to sacrifice my life to your glory And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you that I have observed four things which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and disability of this State The first is Forraign and is nothing but the unbridled Ambition of the Spaniard which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe and carries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom of which too he hopes to be one day Master when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers and made it destitute of succours from its Allies The other three are Domestick and at home which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise The second is the excessive licenciousnesse of the Grandees who do so much detract from your greatnesse by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought The third is the want of disciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies The fourth is the want of considerable Foundations in the Treasury to commence War upon occasions and to
far from doing any such thing whereof his Holiness complained that he was so backward from making war either upon the Church or his Holiness in particuler whom he honoured with extraordinary respects that on the contrary he would employ his Arms and his utmost power to encrease their Glory and Authority That his Holiness had no just cause to complain of a surprise in regard he had been often times told that in case the Spaniard would not yeeld to reason the King his Master could not suffer the Grison to be any longer deprived of their Forts which lawfully belonged to them that they could not be looked upon as any longer in his Holiness power seeing the deposit was ended by those several instances and reasons which were remonstrated to him as by urging him that they might be re-delivered to the Valtolins of the Justice of which his Holiness himself was satisfied and that afterwards the deposit could not be any longer continued or prolonged in his Holiness hands by reason of that great difficulty which the Spaniards made to assent to it and seeing it was pretended and that upon good reasons to re-take them from the Spaniards themselves who had found a trick to keep them by his Holiness name though hee was engaged to dispossesse them of them which being so he ought to be so much the lesse scruple at the King his Masters proceedings in regard he being only as an Umpire who created between them in the quality of a Common Father he could not with Justice keep them after the deposit was expired or give opportunity to the Spaniard to make advantages to the detriment and dishonour of France These reasons were so considerable that the Pope could not but have rest contented had he not been pre-possessed by the Spaniards but however he made great complaints from time to time of the Kings proceedings And the Sieur de Bethune returning not long after for a new Audience did not find his Holiness so moderate op civil to him as he had formerly used to be but on the contrary his Holiness told him that the Cardinal Borgia had been with him and touching upon the point of that little respect which had been shewed to his Army hoped he might have induced to proceed against his Majesty by was of censures if he should not with-draw his Army and told him in a Spanish Rodomontado that seeing he had permitted the French to take them upon one accompt the Spaniards should make them pay for it again and should do that which their Interests led them too without being with-held by any consideration and in fine protested to him what ever instances were made to him that he would still continue Neuter But however as he was alwaies guided by the opinions of the Roman Doctors who cannot indure there should be any State affair and not subject to his Will he could not away with the taking of the Forts out of his hands by force The Sieur de Bethune indeavoured by his Prudence to allay by little and little his heat in evincing to him the Justice of his Majesties reasons sometimes by offering to him his Masters Arms and Authority to invest him in the Dutcheâ— of Vrbin and other times by assuring himself of the Affections of the Cardinals Barbarini and Magalotti who had some influence over his Inclinations by the Protestations which he made to them that the King his Master had an earnest desire to oblige them upon occasions and by divers Presents which he gave them in behalf of his Master which however were refused by them that they might not appear to be partial as also by offering Madamoiselle de Rieux who was one of the richest Matches of France to his Nephew Don Thadee who did not a little like of it though he accepted not of it he then having a design upon the heir of Stilane Politique Observation IT hath been a common Custome amongst Princes in War who should not agree upon certain places to put them in deposit in a third persons hands and he who is the Depositary ought to know that he hath no further Authority then to keep them so long and upon conditions as are agreed upon between the Parties Antiquity looked upon Deposits as sacred and hath condemned those who would usurp them of Sacriledge and one of the Depositary Laws is declared to be that who so refuseth to render them renders himself culpable of a great Injustice because he would usurp against natural Reason that which doth not at all belong to him Amongst the Grecians by the Laws of the Pisseans he who denied the Deposit was condemned to death and Herodotus saith that one Glaucus of Sparta having refused to restore a certain great sum of money which he had received of a Milesian consulted the Oracle of Apollo to know what he should do in the businesse who was thus answered That neither he nor his family could any long time live upon the face of the earth and that in effect they were already rooted out Whence he concludeth that it were best for him who hath a Deposit to design nothing but the making of restitution to him who ought to have it And how well hath Aristotle deciphered the enormity of this Crime when he saith that that man who becomes guilty of it is much more unjust then he who refuseth to repay what was lent to him because he not onely violateth the Laws of Equity as he doth who denieth what was lent to him but also those of friendship and fidelity in consideration of which the Deposit was entrusted with him I shall onely adde this that the Depositiorium ought as well to be kept against those who have intrusted it he having no right to become their Arbitrator unlesse they agree among themselves as to be really and without delay restored to them when they shall have agreed upon condition between them It is however dangerous to chuse a Person for a Depository who pretends a Superiority or such a one to whom one ows an extraordinary respect because as it is natural to a person of eminent dignity to desire that his advice might passe for a Law amongst others so it is hazardous least he pretend at last to become an Arbitrator Whence it happens that if one of that Quality be chosen Depositary it ought to be included in the Instrument that he shall not become Arbitrator upon any difficulties that may arise Above all this one thing ought to be observed when as the Pope is Depositary as was practised when the Hostages in the Peace of Quieracco were intrusted with him for that he in some sort pretending a Power over Kings he puts himself on as a common Father to judge of their differences and withall may become Partial Which being so such Princes who have chosen him for Depositary find themselves impeded by reason of the difficulties of getting reason from him by force without raising great broyls There are but a few Princes of
those effects to the sending of those Companies into Languedoc upon the first beginning of the year who might be in a readiness to fall on them in case they should appear insomuch that they had not the least opportunity to doe any thing and this is really the most certain preventive remedy for all Revolts But however you may behold another Reason of State which is the more considerable for that it did by little and little and without being perceived undermine the greatest prop and force of them The little Authority which the Ministers who preceded the Cardinal had caused his Majesty to take upon him and the Licentiousness which the Grandees were left at either of running into the Hugonots party or of abetting them whensoever any thing went contrary to their humours was the true cause of their greatest strength The Princes would openly levy Troops to ayd and assist the revolted and either themselves would go in to them or at least lend them monyes to make more Levyes But now the case was altered and things did not run in their former channels This Grand Minister perswaded his Majesty to make himself Master of Affairs His Majesty wanted not dayly oportunities to effect it and at last brought it to such a pass that the Princes and Grandees lived very quietly and every one of them was so well satisfied with those Favâ—urs which were bestowed on them that not a man of them would nourish a thought tending to dis-union or combinations Formerly the major part of them carried such a sway in matters of concern that unless every thing which they desired were granted to them they would forthwith retire in discontent to their own houses as not thinking themselves obliged to serve the King any longer But things began now to be carried in another way and they began to live after another sort and to be sensible of the obligations which lay upon them to keep themselves within the limits of Respect and Obedience They now began to perceive it was to no purpose to think to have that by a high hand which could only be granted to them by way of Gratification All the Parties and Factions which formerly were so rife began presently to fall back there having been certain people removed from the Court who made it their onely business to embroyl things and like Wasps sucked up the best of the Treasures which they employed only in the sowing of discontents amongst the Grandees who lived at the Kings costs and charges and yet did altogether rayl and quarrel with the Government The taking away of these abuses was the true cause of the Hugonots weakning who were never strong but when assisted elswhere Thus it was apparently seen that the King having overtopped them by the sage advice of the Cardinal they were afterwards compelled to live as true Subjects in the obedience which is due from that qualification Politique Obseruation AUthority is the soul of a Kingdom A State cannot but be happy when he who governeth it knows how to rule as he ought be it either in not ordaining those things which are improper or by bringing his Subjects to be obedient so that as a Physitian endeavoureth most of all to comfort his Patients heart a Ministers ought to study no one thing more then how to encrease and strengthen his Masters power and authority But if he hath once suffered himself to be dispossed of it he hath lost the Rudder by which he steered his vessel the yoke wherewith he kept the people in obedience the splendour which made him be honoured with respect How will he be afterwards able to retain his subjects in their duties seeing they will slight his Authority And how shall he be able to receive respects from them when as he is no longer Master of that which should preserve it in their souls Authority is to a Soveraign the same thing that Light is to the Sun And as that fair Star would not be respected by man without that splendid lustre which dazeleth our eyes so having once lost his light he is no longer admired or respected The Princes of the Blood divide it amongst them and make it evident that the dis-esteem and weakness whereunto he is fallen serveth for a footstool to them to advance their own power The Governours of Provinces too they take some share and thus every one acteth as best pleaseth himself every thing is attempted without controul and they do not fear to endeavour the getting of that by force which they cannot by justice The Publique Monies are turned aside the people oppressed and at last all things brought into confusion Theopompus King of the Lacedemonians answered a certain man who told him Spaâ—ta was governed with a good Discipline because the Kings knew how to command That it was rather because the people knew how to obey But for my part I imagine that the happiness of a Kingdom proceedeth from one and t'other and that both of them are dependent on the Authority which giveth Soveraigns the Liberty of well commanding and the necessary disposition of Subjects to obey them Which if it be true of Kingdomes in general it is most assuredly so of France in particular seeing the Government of it hath been so absolutely established upon a King seeing there is not any thing more proper for the setling of any State whatsoever in its due order then to restore him the self same qualities with which he took his Birth The Cardinal is extraordinary careful to make a good understanding between the King Queen Mother Monsieur and the Princes of the Blood and others AS the Tyes of Birth are but of small force if not cherished with Affection so the Cardinal could not be satisfied with setling the King in his Authority over the Princes but took extraordinary pains to continue them in a good understanding with his Majesty The Queen Mother was the chief of all those who had the honour to be of the Royal House so he used his utmost power to tye her fast to the Kings will He did the more readily undertake this trouble because he had for several years received sundry testimonies of her favour and he would gladly have acknowledged them by his services and it sorted so happily that it may safely be said he did in it repay all her obligations a hundred times over but it was no smal matter to be brought to pass for he was to combat with the Queen Mothers inclinations the jealousies which the King had with some reason entertained against her From the time that the Queen Mother had govern'd France in the quality of Regent she had not as yet renounced the Conduct of Affairs though the care which one is bound to take for the Government of a people be accompanied with a thousand pricking vexations yet so it is that the splendour wherewith it is attended hath such powerful charms that the discreetest souls and least ambitious have much ado to defend themselves
for the Country where they live so that they do not heartily embrace the Interests of it and in case a war should break out none would be so ready as they to entertain intelligence and give advices to the enemies They are also easily provoked against the natural inhabitants of the Country upon any suspition that they are lesse esteemed by them then others which induceth them to stick close together and to raise Factions against the State withal their bodies may not be punished though there be some kind of reason for it least they should generally resent it and raise up a thousand Broyles These are the chief reasons why it is impossible to preserve a Family of Officers Strangers in a Queens Court This was it which did oblige those of Sparta as Xenophon reporteth it not to suffer any strangers to live in their Commonwealth which made the Athenians take the same resolution as Plutarch observeth in the life of Pericles and which made Suetonius commend Augustus that he would rarely grant to any the being free or naturals of his Kingdome and which induced Polydore Virgil to say in his History of England That it was not the custome of English to admit of many strangers amongst them least the difference of their customes and fashions might cause them not to live in a good intelligence with the natives of the Country The King sends the Marshal de Bassompierre into England THe Queen Mother having been acquainted with the disorder which had hapened in the Queen of Englands Family first sent the Sieur de Barre to her to testifie to her that she was sorry for her and took part in her discontents and shortly after there being no reason to put up such an injurie the Cardinal advised his Majesty to dispatch the Marshal de Bassompierre as extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England for a redresse in the business Amongst divers others he was more particularly made choise of for that employment because there had been many of his near kindred retained near the Queen who were now all sent back again So that it was thought considering the near Interest of his family that he would be the more zealously affectionate in dispatching such instructions as should from time to time be sent to him He was but coldly entertained in England because audience had been denied to the Lord Montague who was sent into France upon the return of those Officers however he was no whit discouraged at it knowing that any Ambassador ought to shut his eyes at all little difficulties and obstructions so he may carry on his Masters work to a good issue The King of England appointed Commissioners to treat with him upon that affair who being met together he represented to them in order to his instructions that amongst other things comprehended in the Articles of Marriage it had been concluded and agreed on That the Queen of England should have free excercise of her Religion that she should have a Bishop and a certain number of Priests to exercise the Offices of her Religion That all her houshold should be Catholiques and French and that all the English Catholiques should in general receive greater priviledges then had been granted them if the Treaty with Spain had been effected That the late King James and the present King Charls his son then Prince of Wales had confirmed it by oath and that King James had commanded his Officers not to trouble or molest the Catholiques any more whereupon that the King his Master had conceived great hopes of prosperity and happiness for the Queen his Sister neither could he believe that the King of England his Brother in Law would break his word given upon the consideration of Royal Marriage who until then had amongst other virtues the reputation of being Just to his promises That this new Alliance instead of reuniting their persons and Interests would now rather breed great divisions between them and at such a time when they had most need of being in amity with one another both for assisting of their Allyes and their own particular preservation And that notwithstanding all these premises the King of England had sent back all those Officers of the Queen contrarie to the Treaty which had been confirmed by oath that he placed about her Officers who were English and of a Religion contrary to hers and besides all this that the Catholiques in General were every where troubled and ill treated for their Religion sake So that the King his Master unable to abandon the Queen his Sisters Interest had sent him to his Majesty of Great Britain to put him in mind of his promises and to perswade him That her Majesties Catholique Officers might be re-admitted to her as also that his Catholique subjects might be more favourably dealt withal The English Commissioners could not deny what had been concluded in the Treaty but they would lay the fault of the Officers return upon their own shoulders pretending that they had raised troubles in the Kingdome in his Majesties own Family and that of his dear consort the Queen but they did not produce any sufficient proofs upon the business And as to that which concerned the English Catholiques they pleaded that it had only been granted for formalities sake and to satisfie the Pope But the Marshal producing before them the late Kings Oaths confirmed too by another of the present King then Prince of Wales they could no longer tell what to say to the business but fled to other complaints not material or any wayes relating to the matter in question The Marshal replyed and that very tartly that he could not sufficiently admire that the Articles of Marriage and confirmed by Oath were not observed That the Queens Officers were sent back under pretence that they troubled the State without giving the King his Master any notice of it and without acquainting him in the least with those crimes which were presented to be committed That presently thereupon English Officers and those Protestants should be placed in their rooms That indeed those accusations were to be esteemed as frivolous and admitting them for just yet ought they to be chastised only and others French and Catholique put into their places by the rules of the Treaty But that indeed those pretended quarrels or Jarrs raised by the Queens French Officers were so far from being the true cause of their return that on the contrary the Lord Moâ—ntague had been at Nantes not many dayes before their being sent over to congratulate the King and Queen Mother concerning the good understanding which was between their Majesties of Great Britain and concerning the great satisfaction which the King received at the Queen his wifes behaviour That of the suddain and unlookt for discharge of her Officers happening so immediately upon the neck of this joy could not but appear strange and that as it did much wound the King of Englands Reputation so it likewise injured the King his Masters Generosity who was
of the Joy he had in this accident to find the succession devolved upon him whom he esteemed a Prince endued with all excellent Qualities and from whom he might receive the same respects both as to his person and the Publique good as he had heretofore from his Predecessor He had order to proffer unto him his Friendships and Royal assistance of his Credit Name and Authority assuring him that he should find the effects of it not only at Rome and in his Affairs depending there but also in all other things when-ever occassion should be next of all he was to inform him of the design which the Spaniards had to marry him after dissolution of his late contract to one of the Emperours Daughters and then dexterously to observe to him that the States of Mantoua and Montferrat being very considerable in Italy for their scituations and fertility as also the strong hold wherewith they are defended were continually watched after by the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan that they might take some advantage over them and that he not being able to defend himself against them but by the Union and Correspondencie which he held with France and the Princes of Italy was obliged so to carry himself as neither of them might be jealous of him Moreover that his Enemies who well knew all these things would pick out all occasions whatever to make a Breach between him and his friends by carrying him to such Actions as might provoke them against him but in case he should so change that instead of the Free and absolute Soveraignty in which God had now settled him he would find himself reduced to a perfect dependance on the Spaniards who would expose him to the scorn of others and cause him to loose his reputation of friendship and fidelity that all things considered he could not do better then to remain Neuter to hold an equal correspondency with the house of France Austria and the Princes of Italy without doing any thing which might incense either one or t'other but perceiving an intire affection for France as for him who desired his good prosperity and settlement and from whence he might be sure of receiving all assistance and protection without any prejudice in the least But above all the Marquesse was commanded to lay the foundation of the Princess Maria's marriage Neece to Duke Vincent with the Duke de Rethelois and to dispose the Duke to declare him successor to his States after the death of Monsieur de Nevers his Father However he himself was inclined to marry her could he but have procured the dispensation of his first contract at Rome He had instructions likewise to tell him how much his so doing would settle his affairs and authority against his neighbours designs who peradventure if his succession were not declared would be the bolder to attempt upon him and not unlikely on his person too These were the chief points of the Marquesse his Commission upon his comming to Mantua he was resolved with all kind of honour usually shewed to an extraordinary Ambassadour of France After he had entertained the Duke upon those particulars contained in his Instructions the Duke testified to him a great acknowledgement of the honour which the King did him telling him withall that he received it with the greater respect in regard he was French both by inclination and Obligation He discovered to him the great desire he had for the dissolution of his marriage that he might afterwards wed not one of the Emperours daughters as was supposed but the Princesse Maria his Neece whom he passionately loved and from whom he had great hopes of having a Son who might succeed after him As to that which concerned the Prince de Rethelois he ever spoke of him with great respect as a Prince whom he loved and esteemed and whom he looked on as his successor in case he died without issue The Marquess de Saint Chaumont thought it improper to propose to him when he found him so inclined the marrying of the Princesse Maria to the Duke de Rethelois it being an unseasonable motion to one who earnestly desired her for himself But talking in private with the Marquesse de Strigio chief Minister of Mantoua he discovered it to him and ingaged him to contribute his assistance to it in case a dissolution of his present contract could not be obtained as the onely and principal means to preserve his Masters Life giving him withal to observe that this once done the house of Austria and Duke of Saxony must of necessity cease their pretensions which whilest the Duke was without a Successor were too many any longer to be permitted He pressed him too the more earnestly in regard the Marquesse de Strigio told him how that the Physitians had assured that Duke Vincent could not long subsist his body being sickly The Marquess de Strigio was sensible of the importance of that particular and faithfully promised to use his utmost diligence and power to effect 〈◊〉 As to the neutrality which the Duke was obliged by interest to observe between the two Crowns the Duke would oftentimes tell the Marquesse that his heart was French that he was totally disposed to pay all respects and services to his Majesty which could be expected from him and that by the natural inclination he had for France to be gratefull in acknowledging the protection which his Majesty had given his late Brother Ferdinand and he added that his Majesty should never have any cause to be offended with him The Marquesse having thus dispatched the greatest part of his affair took his leave of the Duke to return to his Majesty and to give him an accompt of what he had done Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to he carefull of his Subjects Rights among strangers then of the particular affairs of his own Kingdome He is to his Subjects as the head is to the rest of the members which ought to provide for their conservation Kings are bound to maintain their rights who are under their protection either by fair means or foul This made Theopompus answer one who demanded of him how a King might raign in safety That he ought to fear nothing but permit all reasonable things to his friends and be carefull of his own Subjects that they received no injury from any one Divers Princes have been ruined by their toleration of injuries against those who have depended on them We have a remarkable example hereof in that of Philip of Macedon who was killed by Pausarias for having been deaf in his behalf in not defending a wrong which had been done unto him Nothing is indeed more glorious to Kings then the observation of this thing It is an action resembling the divinity to protect the weak against the mighty and to defend them from oppression Great Monarchs are not in any thing more considerable them little Princes but onely in the Power of Arms which they have to defend and
cuts and rends the air on every side So likewise a great Minister cannot be moved at any shocks of Fortune his courage never permitting her to Triumph in the least over his resolution or to Byas him from the Laws of Prudence the rule of all his conduct and this it is you will find our Cardinal to practise in all and every the transactions of this year The Promotion of the Arch-bishop of Lions and Monsieur Bagny to the Cardinalship I Will begin with the Honours which the King procured his holiness to bestow with the Cardinals Hats on the Arch-bishop of Lions and Monsieur Bagny the Popes Nuntio The great Worth of the former at the least equalized that honour of the Cardinalship and his sublime vertue made it apparent to all the World that to have left him in the solitudes of a Cloyster had been a great injury and wrong to the whole Church I shall not need say more of him then that he was the Cardinals Brother seeing that qualification were sufficient to render him capable of so eminent a dignity The King who slips not any occasion of acknowledging the services which he had done both to his Person and Estate could not endure to see him have a Brother in the Church and not advanced to the utmost degree of Honour which the French are capable of and the Pope had but too much assurance and knowledge of the great advantages he had procured to the Church so that he could not do lesse then honour his Brother with a hat seeing it was not in his power to raise himself to any higher Eminency It s true by the Laws of the Roman Court it is not permitted that two Brothers be Cardinals at the same time But as these Laws are not so considerable as those of gratitude and acknowledgment so his Holiness did not so much as once scruple at it And for that which concerns Monsieur de Bagny besides the custome of ordinarily conferring the Cardinalship on such as have for some time resided neer his Majesty in the quality of his Holiness Nuntio which seems to give him some right or claim to the Hat His own Worth which rendered him deserving in the judgments of all the Grandees in the Kingdom not only of the Cardinalship but even of the Papal Miter every one predicting that he would one day wear is invied nay enforced the King to contribute his utmost to obtain it for him and not only that but the quality of his Genius caused every one to conclude that he would one day be very considerable in the Court of Rome when before he had arrived to that pitch of Honour he could not but be very advantageously useful to the Interests of France which upon frequent occasions depend upon their well management in the Consistory Politique Observation ALthough the Cardinals are not regarded in France but as Princes who are strangers Yet this their promotion doth not render them lesse useful or important to the State they being more considerable then other Princes of the same condition by reason of the affairs which are daily negotiated with his Holiness the Pope and indeed ought to be respected as the principal conservators under the King of the Liberties and Franchises of the French Church and State they being his Majesties Chief Ministers in Ordinary neer the Pope and it hath been alwayes held necessary that there were some one of this quality either a French man by Nation or at least very affectionate by Nature to the Interests of France who might cordially advance the designs and concerns of the French King and Church with his Holiness the Pope And from hence it came to passe that if they were naughty French little affectionate either to the State or his Majesties Person or infected with the Maximes of Spain that great Inconveniences befell as hath been heretofore seen and for my particular I believe it to be safer for his Majesty to permit France to be with out any rather then such Cardinals But we live not in an age which hath any reason to complain of such an unhappiness seeing France oweth the restauration of its greatness and glory to the Cardinal as to the Prime and first of second Causes which Act under the King for to him chiefly belongs the Honour in that he had so great an influence upon the Popes disposition that he gave the Italians themselves a just occasion to say that his Holiness was turned Cardinal The dispatch of the Marshal d' Etree to the Commonwealth of Venice concerning the Affairs of the Duke of Mantua I Shall passe from the consideration of those reasons of State which might be made upon the aforesaid Lords Promotion to the Cardinalship that I may tell you how about the end of the foregoing year Fortune being become seldome favourable to the house of Austria or their Arms the Imperialists found themselves so oppressed with diseases and incumbred with sicknesses and necessities that they were enforced to raise the siege of Mantua But it was as if they had only withdrawn themselves into their Winter quarters The Duke of Mantua was vigilant for the preservation of his State and well knew the ambitious humor of Spain which had sought all occasions for fifty years past to render themselves Masters of Italy and would not now bee wanting to reassume their former design in causing new Troops to come from Germany and in giving better Orders and Instructions then heretofore that they might give new life to their intentions and designs This moved him to make addresses to the King that he would be pleased to interpose his Authority with the Venetians to induce them to raise an Army and make themselves Masters of the field which would discourage the Imperialists to return or make any more approaches towards Mantua This request of his was granted and the Marshal d' Estree dispatched towards Venice about the beginning of January to treat there concerning those succours with order to retirs himself into Mantua after the conclusion of his Embassie according as the Cardinal had perswaded the King to be most proper before he had began his Journy thither And thus it being business of no small importance for the Venetians to hinder the Spaniard from seating himself so neer them as Mantua His Dominion being like the Eagles Feathers which frets and eateth away those which are next and neerest unto it they readily imbraced the protection of the said Duke of Mantua and chose the Duke of Candal for their General and gave him after many importunities continually suggested by the Marshal d' Estree about twelve thousand foot and three thousand Horse to which were joyned the Regiments of Candale and Valette which were about three thousand men a piece sent by the King Politique Observation IT is very necessary to know the designs of an Enemy before he be in a condition to put them in Execution and this foresight is so much the more commendable by how much it
and that he had also received his Majesties Expresse pleasure who would not have any thing omitted which might render him well pleased and contented Politique Observation OUr Minds having more fire then Earth in them have much a do to contain themselves in negotiations They drive on with too much vigour to the conclusion of an affair without considering what way is the most honourable or advantageous to give an end to it Something they would willingly part with that they might have a quick dispatch Strangers who know our humours and dispositions use to delay us and leave us to champ upon the Bit as they say in our heats and passions and to weary us out by length of time by which means they keep our very souls as 't were in prison amongst the intricacies of several proposals giving us both subject and scope to fret and vex our selves to increase our desires of getting quit and free from them from whence it follows that at the first Proposals they make us be they never so little agreeable it is with us as with Prisoners whose design being only how to get forth they throw themselves out at the Window if it be but open indangering the breaking of their very Necks and will not expect till the dore be unlockt that they may walk out with more Honour and Security which is a fault from whence nothing but great Inconveniences must needs flow That lively sprightfulness which is in a man should never transport him in his business beyond the Rules of Prudence or raise up in him any passions contrary to the Laws of a discreet Conduct He must be indued with an immoveable fidelity that he may mock and laugh at their artifices and with an invincible Patience to surmount all their coldnesses that he may make them despair of ever raising any advantages by their delayes The Affairs of Italy AT length the Cardinal found by experience that these fetches of the Prince of Piedmont did end in nothing but the retarding the Army which till then he had pass'd by and put up that it might be known to all Christendome that the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy were the hinderers of the Peaces conclusion as also that he might revictual Cazal but being now satisfied that he could not longer endure it but with much dishonour and the losse of his Army he resolved to give an end to this affair to which effect he called for the Marshals of Crequy and Schomberg the Sieurs d' Auriac de Thoiras de Fenquires de Servient and d' Esmery and having made them a relation of all which had pass'd till that time both concerning the General and particular Peace he desired their advices what was proper to be done in that juncture of time The Question being the keeping of Cazal from the Enemy it was their joynt resolution that it was absolutely necessary to make sure of a Passage both for their inlet into Italy and for their retreat back again as occasion should serve Withal that to passe thither was not so difficult they being strong enough to force their way in despight of any opposition but how to make sure of a way to convey recruits of men mony victuals and other necessaries for the refreshing of the Army and to assure themselves of a safe regresse in case the Army should be worsted this was the main debates That to trust in any promises of the Duke of Savoy was absurd after he had so often played fast and loose and after he had falsified his word to their great damage already The result of all at last came to this that they were to make themselves Masters of the field and neither to leave an Enemy or a Place behind them which should be able to annoy or offend them in the least that truth and sincerity being like the soul once out of the body it never returns but by miracle so there was no colour of reason to hope it might find any place in the Duke of Savoy's brest that if they should have left his Army behind them he might with ease stop up the Passages against any recruits whatever as he had already seised on the Bridges of Alpignan and Colligny and on all the Keys upon the Doria and that there was so much the more reason to defie him because he did openly side with the Spaniards That they were no longer to defer the declaring of the War against him for that the Army did already begin to be infected with sicknesses and many Troups were forced to disband as also that they had no reason to defer the punishing of the injuries and indignities offered to the King in so often breaking his word and causing the Army to suffer so many hardships and necessities that he had thereby almost indangered the utter losse and ruin of them all That the Laws of Prudence and Policy assure us that a Prince may justly raise a War if any injury which he hath received make him take up Arms or if any just fear of imminent danger threaten him or his Armies he is obliged to provide against the worst though he be not as yet openly assaulted Now all these reasons were so strong on their parts that they could admit of no reply It was then unanimously concluded on to assault the Duke of Savoy Every thing was disposed and prepared towards the War However that all the blame and fault might light on the Duke of Savoy the Cardinal sent both once and again to him to summon him to joyne his Army with the Kings and to keep those promises which he had made to the King at Suze intending by this to take away all just occasions of complaint from his Person Cause and Army Politique Observation HOw Eminent or great soever the discretion and Judgment of a Commander is yet he ought to take advice and Counsel in such occasions And this cannot be any prejudice to the reputation of his Judgment for that Solomon the Wisest King of the whole World saith that stability resteth upon Counsel as if he would have said that no resolution carries more certainty with it then that which is grounded upon the advice and direction of other mens Judgments opinions The Excesse of Courage doth sometimes blind the souls of such as are full of Honour and Gallantries and there are not more Victories obtained by Armies then by good directions and advises It is to be doubted that those resolutions which are not well anvil'd and canvassed by deliberation will be thwarted by some mis-fortune in their Execution when as a sound discussing of them many times secures them from any attempt that Fortune can make upon them It sufficeth not to have taken good advice in the beginning because commonly none is so bad as that which never changeth So that a man cannot be too long in deliberating the doing of a thing which he would fain bring to passe provided he do not let slip the opportunity of putting it in
his industry Prudence without doubt acquires great glory when it surmounts force Thucydides in his History prefers its victories before all others Prudence it self which ought to be so much more honoured as it cuts the evill in the roote and preserves an Army oft times from running the hazard of a combate weaken in such sort the Forces of an Enemy that he has not the boldnesse to dare an encounter as the Cardinal hath made appear in several occasions The Kings gives the command of his Army to the Duke de Montmorancy Marquis d' Effiat and the Marshal de la Force IT was requisite besides that to send new Troups to the Kings Army the Marshall de Marillac having show'd himself obstinate till then not to follow his Majesties commands in leading the Army of Champaigne into Italy the Cardinal thought to go himself to make them passe the Mountains and take the reins into his own hand But the great Cabals he found at Court which were capable not only to hinder the relief of Cazal but to overthrow the whole State if not dissipated constrained him to stay at Lyons with his Majesty who thought fit to send in his place the Duke of Montmorancy the Marquis of Effiat and the Marshal of la Force Those great Captains commanded the Army every one his week by turns with such Order that notwithstanding the Marquis of Effiat was above the two others one commanded the Van-Guard one week the other the Battalia the third the Rear-Guard and he who commanded the Battalia gave during his week all the general Orders necessary for the conduct of the Army The principal consideration which induced the Cardinal to propose this expedient to the King of committing the command of his Army to many Generals was the necessity of Councel and the great need which he saw there was of the advice of many persons of great understanding and experience in those affairs which should happen Now it was impossible to send them thither without command by reason that being persons of great quality they would hardly be under command in the Kings absence if they might not have Governed in their turn Not that he was ignorant that the multitude of Generals often stirs up envy among them and consequently is cause of great confusion in an Army but his incomparable Prudence who could find remedies for the most desperate maladies of the State wanted not inventions to hinder those inconveniences and this same to make them command the Army in their turn in the Van-Guard Battalia and Rear-Guard was an excellent one by reason that making them all participate of the same glory they had no occasion to envy one another Politique Observation AS there is no person goes under the notion of being excellent in any profession whatsoever if he doth not shew some effects which are not common so a Minister of State shall never passe with the reputation of being endued with an extraordinary Prudence if there be nothing singular in his conduct And he doth not set up a new Order both in Peace and in War which is evidently advantagious to the Publick The ordinary rules of War admit but of one General to command an Army because the Commonalty know not the wayes of conserving a good intelligence amongst divers to whom the charge of them is committed But this here was found to be so much the more profitable as the Counsel of several persons whose judgment and experience being as eminent as there qualities is advantagious upon all occasions Who knoweth not that a happy successe doth as often depend upon good Counsel as upon the quantities and indeed the courages of Souldiers But who is more capable of giving and resting stedfastly upon good resolutions then several great Captains the least of which is able to command an Army One only person of this temper is worth six Regiments and that expedient which happens not in the thoughts of one falls into those of another and if one misse to discover any Stratagem of the Enemy another doth not if one foreseeth any danger the other finds out a necessary remedy to prevent it It is difficult to find in any one man all the qualities necessary for the General of an Army but whoever joynes three together supplies that defect provided he keep them from dissention one perchance excels in stoutnesse and being blinded with it is by consequence fitter for execution then Counsel another is more dexterous in the Prudence of his Counsels and to invent necessary expedients but being of a colder constitution is lesse proper to be made use of when there is occasion of a sudden execution and another haply may have an admirable addresse and a winning carriage to retain the Souldiers in their Discipline and to make them live in good order so that joyning these great persons in commission together and giving them the same commands in the Army not leaving any ground of jealousie or cause of confusion there cannot follow any other then a glorious successe The Prosecution of the History EXperience hath made it appear a truth amongst these three great Captains who advanced the Kings Arms to so high a pitch of glory in Italy that the Spaniards and Germans will not easily resolve to give them a new occasion of encounter The first encounter that they had with the Enemy was upon passing the Bridge of Villane where the Duke of Savoy and the Prince of Piedmont came with 6000 foot and 200 Horse and made a most furious assault upon some Troops which remained to passe over But the successe was so disadvantageous notwithstanding the great inequality of the Forces that all the Enemies Army was either put to flight or cut in pieces The two Princes that led them sweating as was afterwards heard that they never saw any fight so well In Prosecution of this victory they maâ—ched directly to Saluces with design to take it and to make use of it in the room of Pignerol whence the plague did hinder the drawing out of any necessary commodities The Marshal de la Force whose week it was commanded his Son with 500 Horse to go summon the Town with all sorts of civility to surrender thinking it proper so to deal with them that he might get the good will of the people of whom he intended to make use in the design which he had to raise a Magazine there Those of the Town could not imagine the Kings Army to be so neer so that they desired leave to send their Deputies to treat with the Generals which was granted to them and accordingly they were conducted where they then were But upon their return 500 choise men were clap't into it discharging both at them and ours too with such insolence that the Generals being informed of it advanced with the Army Many who made the first approches were slain and wounded But the courages of others who saw them in his condition could not endure to suffer the Kings Army to receive
Observation THere are four principal causes which make Kings to march out of their own Country Ambition which hath no limits makes them impatient of being confined within those of their own States and desirous to inlarge them at their neighbours expences The natural inconveniences too of their own Country may draw them out to seek a better where they might live with more ease as our first French the Vandals and Goths did Some flatter themselves in the belief that there is not at this day any lawfull Prince at all whose Estate had any other beginning and that Kings have no juster Titles then by Conquests with their Swords Lastly they go forth to revenge those injuries which are done them it being allowable to repel Force with Force and to decide their differences in the field by that power which God hath given to them They quit their Countries to assist their Allies it being not only necessary for a Prince who aims at an extraordinary pitch of Glory not to injure any person but also to defend and protect those who are joyned with him by interest alliance or kindred The Assembly at Ratisbonne ABout the same time there was held an assembly at Ratisbonne and the King of Swede understood that it was then and there resolved to make a strong resistance against the Justice of his Arms and that the Emperour had contrived a design wherein though he was much mistaken to force him out of Germany and to make him perish in the Baltique Sea not vouchsafing to treat a Peace upon those Proposals which had been sent to him only for restoring the States and Liberties to those Princes and Republiques from whom he had ravished them Resistance heightens and augments Courage and this made the Swedish King march up into the Country and resolve upon great designs which we have seen him bring to passe But first he had recourse to such Kings and States with whom he was in League About September he writ to the King desiring him by that ancient Alliance which had been between the Kings of France and Swede with mutual promises not only to preserve friendship between one another but also when occasion should serve reciprocally to assist one another to imploy the power of his Arms and Authority to defend that cause which he had then undertaken in prosecution of which he had passed the Sea and all in the behalf of those who were tied to him by kindred and allied to the Crown of France The King whose courage could not indure that any wrong should be offered to his Allies received this request so much the more favourable in respect it were as glorious a thing in him to contribute to their establishment and accordingly he gave the most advantagious answer to his Embassadours that could be expected However the Cardinal offered one thing to his Majesties consideration that it would be needfull to take care for the maintaining of Religion in preserving of States and to ingage the King of Sweden not to commit outrages against it where he found it setled His Majesty took time to deliberate and resolve on the Articles of their Treaty which being concluded and assigned about the beginning of the yeer following I shal then re-assume my discourse of it in its due order Politique Observation HAsty rashnesse in resolving upon grant affairs is as dangerous as a nimble executing of them is advantagious Prudence ought to guide both one and t'other And whatever Justice appear above-board in designs yet they are subject to have but ill successes if not commenced with mature deliberation Though the wise man resolve to do such a thing which he knows to be just yet he will take time to deliberate on the means And as the interest of Religion is very considerable so the Cardinal would not act any thing untill that were secured Whereas on the contrary rash hasty persons do greedily run unto the end which they have once concluded but never examine the ways which conduce to attain to it thus they do many times find themselves so at a losse and intangled in the executing their designs that they at last find no dore to walk out at with honour and so leave off with shame and confusion Hence it is that Demosthenes in his first Oration against Philip saith They who counsel with great hast are not the greatest Counsellours those Stomacks which make a quick digestion do not concoct so good a Chilâ—â—s as those whose heat is moderate as Physitians tell us and true it is those spirits which make their resolution with most heat and promptness do commonly came lamely of at last cast The King honoureth the Sieur de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staff of Marshal of France SHortly after his Majesty came to Paris well knowing that rewards of honor are not only due to those who have deserved them but withall usefull to incourage others to follow their example He resolved to honour the Sieurs de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staffs of Marshal of France as a mark of Valour which the former had shewed in the War of Piedmont and which the second had shewed to all Italy during the Siege of Cazal They being persons of great esteem every one commended his Majesties choice which he had made in raising them to that eminent degree of honour But the Rebellion of the one and the evil Government of the other did shortly after sully part of that glory which they had merited they shewing by their Procedures that valour and prudence do not alwaies meet in the same subject Politique Observation THe rewarding of services is so necessary for the good of a State that when it is once laid by the practice of vertue is neglected especially if it be not distinguished by marks of honour There are but a few of the same mind with the Phylosopher who said he never expected other fruit from his good deeds then the contentment to have done them and that he thought himself very happy to receive that testimony from his Conscience which she gave to him It is true a truly noble man doth not so much regard the Recompence as the Action of Vertue which render him deserving but it cannot be denied that those marks of honour do make lively and excite resolutions to noble actions The wisest Phylosophers have said that the two supporters upon which all the motions of a State depend are reward and punishment without which there were no doubt but that great disorders would soon follow and vertue become totally neglected The King Honours the Sieur de Servient with the Office of Secretary THe King who was not to seek in any thing which concerned the good of his State would now make another proof of the knowledge he had of that Prudent maxime One of the places of Secretary of State being vacant by the death of the Sieur de Beauclere his Majesty recollected in his mind the services of the Sieur de Servient the Prudence wherewith
but so full of dissimulations of which the Court is the most perfect School that great Princesses can so much the less easily defend themselves from them in regard the most part of those who come neer them do hardly ever tell them any truth at all The Cardinal indeavoureth to restore himself into the Queen-Mothers good Favour AS there never yet was any Soul more gratefull or more respectfull then the Cardinal so it cannot be expressed with what grief he indured the Queen-Mothers anger and to how many submissions he stooped that he might recover her good favour Shortly after St. Martins day she used her very utmost power over the Kings inclinations to destroy him insomuch that she would not indure to see him But he having resolved it to be his greatest Felicity next that of serving his Majesty to render all testimonies of his fidelity and of that great Passion which he had for her Glory pretermitted no invention to get the honour of seeing her Sometimes he would addresse himself to Father Suffren the guide of her Conscience and beg him with signs of extraordinary grief that he would zealously use his utmost power to procure him that satisfaction and to re-estate her mind in her first kindnesses to him which some of her Confidents had now diverted The Good Father did it so much the more readily perceiving that this bitterness of the Queen-Mother did set the whole Court into Factions that it did divide the State raised combinations and fomented parties against the King himself he represented to her that God commanded her to moderate her hatred and to behold him with respect who had done such eminent services for the King her son but it was to little purpose for he could not at all discover any disposition in her tending to follow his advices The Cardinal accepted with much affection those offers of the Cardinal Bagny his Holinesses Nuntio a Prelat not lesse recommendable for the greatnesse of his Soul then that of his dignity to attempt and indeavour with her upon the same score There could not be any thing added to that great care and prudence which he used to allay her Passion at last he obtained this advantage that she condiscended to see him and to promise him she would forget what was past The meeting was at Luxenburg Palace where the King was present But she discovering by her eyes her words and actions that there was nothing but apparencies in her reconcilement he was necessitated to make use of a more potent cause for the obtaining of that which neither the Piety of Father Suffren nor the Quality or Merit of Cardinal Bagny could attain to The King took the pains upon himself to speak to her once and again with great earnestness conjuring her to him whom she was equally obliged to as himself to acknowledge him for her most faithfull Servitor and for a Minister capable of executing several great designs of which he had already laid the ground-work He beseeched her to re-assume her former familiarities with the Cardinals to assist at Councels where of late she would no more appear and his Majesty pressed her so vigorously that she could not deny him which his Majesty had been sensible of two or three several times It is true some have been bold to say that they who nourished her mind with this sharpnesse advised her to stoop in this particular to his Majesties will that he might gain a greater power over his Soul and that she might gain a greater power over his Soul and the she might find out new occasions fit to destroy the Cardinal But for my own part I can never believe that her goodness could credit them in this point I shall only say this much indeed the Passion which she conceived against him was so violent that she could not long forbear so much did his very sight torment her and that in effect this meeting was a recommencing of it The Marshal de Schomberg interposeth THe Marshal de Schomberg whom she had heretofore much honoured with her Counsels being return'd from Piedmont imagined that he might perchance work somewhat upon her mind he resolved accordingly to assault her with all kinds of reasons and so evidently to demonstrate to her the wrong she did her self that he would force her by the consideration of her own interests to give up her self though she would not do it either for the Love or Respect which she owed the King He knew belike that interest was the breach by which all great Personages are taken He beseeched her first to consider the great benefits which she received by his Counsels and that whilest she had followed them she was becom the most glorious Princesse of the World whereas now she was in a maze by having adhered to the advices of hers and his enemies It is true Madam would he sometimes say he ever perswaded you cordially to love the King to have no other then his interests and to be inseparably united with him for that he well knew all your greatness and quiet depended upon it whereas they who now advise you put other imaginations into your Majesties head but she would not yet see to what pitch of extremity they had then brought her He entreated her to open her eyes and to recollect with a difference she found in the effects and made her apprehend and confess that she could wish for nothing which she might not make her self sure of if he did but continue in a strict union with his Majesty and the Cardinal That if she desired any authority from the King he had beseeched her to assist in the Councels only to give her all kind of respects and distinctions and had in a manner divided his power with her That if she desired Gratifications the Cardinal had never been backward to pay them unto her The great zeal which he had to serve her did even transport him to tel her that her separating her self as she did from the King would force the King to withdraw himself from her which if it should so happen she would lose all her power and the people themselves would no longer pay her their usual respects These reasons were so potent and considerable that there was nothing could be alledged against them and the Queen-Mother had accordingly believed them but that some factious spirits about her perswaded her that she should add to her authority and greatness if she could make herself Mistress of this one affair and thus they easily re-inflamed that fire which the other had taken a great deal of pains to extinguish though in never so little a manner In fine she became inflexible and those unworthy miscreants brought her to that passe that she refused his Majesty when he entreated her to pardon the Cardinal which she was so much the more obliged to have done he never having really offended her at all Politique Observation NOthing is more easily effected then to infuse violences into the minds of
their progresse The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace at a time when War is more proper and if to satisfie him in particular he shall lay down his Arms he doth an action unbeseemâ—ng a Royal Prudence Another will desire that he would discountenance such a Minister whose Councels are however of great advantage to him and doubtlesse if he do it to satisfie his humour he should commit an injustice against his own State And what reason I pray can there be alledged why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers or remove from him any Minister who like a good and Propitious Planet doth by his influences cause his state to flourish establish a good Order amongst his people and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours Who can think it any strange thing if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it No King doth ever merit the title of Just if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights for the good and glory of his Crown He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him as he is for his Kingdom and consequently that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever Now if he thus ought to prefer the publike before his own private good who can blame him if he do the like in relation to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good to shew his Duty unto his Father rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds he is not bound to observe them Are not Kings the lively Images of God If so what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish nay not exempting Kings themselves though of never so great use to their States and all this for the preservation of the world in good order So cannot any one think it unjust that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever And who is so ignorant as not to know that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes The Sun Moon and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes whence it followeth that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice still to regard the Common good which if they do not they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother returneth to Paris THat course which the King took in this particular was of all others the most moderate Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother but his own goodness and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels would not permit him to treat her after any other manner Indeed if the course he took were so moderate the execution of it was no less respectful and civil insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it The King was at that time at Compâ—igne and gave out that he would on the morrow go to hunt and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree and privately told him that he should keep neer to him to serve him as occasion should require as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning and to keep that Town in its obedience The King made himself ready for the Hunting and before he went forth called the Sieur dâ— la Ville-aux Cleres and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother that he went without taking his leave of her because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth which she could not receive but with some displeasure though it were much conducing to the good of his State which was this That she would go to the Castle of Moulins a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad after the late King's decease and there spend some time companyed with all those of her Houshold with all sort of Liberty enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them and with all Honour due unto her Majesty To which effect he gave her the Government de Bourâ—onnois And then he called for the Father Suffren and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu but that she should not be troubled at it his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres to inform her of his intentions This was the Order which was observed and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her to know if she would be pleased to see him which she thought fit and presently told him she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner But he having assured her that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty but rather on the contrary to serve her and to receive the honour of her commands she became a little more appeased and about evening the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres came to request her that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her and in the mean time the King having ended his sport went to lie at Verbrie Politique Observation QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as
more inviolable than the word of a Prince it were an offence to doubt of his fidelity or to desire his ratification by Oath The Genius of a Prince was heretofore held in such veneration that another swore for him now to desire that he himself should swear were to decline that respect which is due unto him However the Infidelity of some hath made it a custom that all should confirm their Treaties by Oath when they are of any great importance which Oath is the strictest tye which they can be bound in The Laws look upon it for so venerable that they never permit it to be broken what ever advantage happen by it Perjury is condemned as a double sin because it not onely violateth that Religion which is due to God who is invoked as a witness but also Faith which is the most sacred Bond of humane society Which Laws too do oblige Princes much more then other men to keep their Oaths because if they once forfeit their reputation of being faithfull they have not any thing left them which is considerable Christians ought to be most precise in this point if they would not be put to the blush at the many examples of Pagans and Infidels It is much to be lamented that most men make no difference between deceit and dissimulation that they make no bones of infringing their Oaths if they may but get any thing by it they do much rather incline to follow the opinion of Marius though discommended by all the Sages of Antiquity who thought the Art of well-lying a great piece of vertue and that it was an Index of a good Wit then that of the Common-wealth of Rome which was so religiously faithfull for their words that Ptolomey King of Egypt left his young son their tuition and protection without the least apprehension of suspition Neither was he deceived in his confidence for after they had administred his government with integrity as soon as he came of age they delivered up the Kingdome into his own hands The Renewing of the Alliance between his Majesty and the States of Holland AT the same time that the English Embassadours arrived at Compeign the Sieurs de Nortwijck de Paw d' Esten extraordinary Embassadours from the States of Hollaâ—d came likewise thither to desire his Majesties Assistance and the renewing of the ancient Alliance The League being ended and the enemies of their Liberties beginning to execute the designs which they had hatch'd for their ruine The King who hath never lesse inclination to assist his Allies then to keep his own People in obedience received them with all kind of favour and forthwith gave them great hopes of obtaining their desires His Majesty knew that their Protection was Honourable that there is nothing more glorious for a Soveraign then to shelter under his Power those who are oppressed that what Assistances he gives them are most assured signs of his greatnesse and generosity and withall that it was full of Justice The History of Holland had taught him that the Princes of Austria by their altering the Fundamental Laws and oppressing the publick Liberty of those Countries had thrown themselves out of that Power which they once had over them that the Hollander had reason sufficient for their Authority to shake off the yoke of their obedience by those Laws which are as ancient as the quality of the Earl of Holland An ancient saith that Power is full of equity which is imployed in defence of the weak and feeble and there is not any thing more just then to conserve to ones Allies those Liberties which belong to them time out of mind and by the Fundamental Laws of their Country This in particular was so much the more assuredly just for Princes who possesse a Country by Treaty with the People and upon Conditions cannot infringe them and not lose their Authority and especially if they break Covenants which doth absolutely discharge such Subjects from their obedience The Hollanders were acknowledged for Free and Soveraign People in the Treaty of the League made Anno 1609. by the Kings of Spain and Arch-Dukes of Flanders And in the same quality have the Kings of England Deâ—mark and Sweden the most part of the Hans Towns the Common-wealth of Venice and many Princes of Germany ever treated with them whence it appears a work of Justice to aid them in main taining their Franchises A work of Justice so much the more certain for that liberty hath been ever esteemed a just cause for a War every one concluding it more glorious to die then to live in servitude from which his Birth and the Priviledges of his country have exempted him Besides these important reasons the King was no lesse informed of the especial advantages which France might make by defending of them that it is above threeseore years together that they have obliged not onely this State but the most part of Europe to assist them to ballance the Power of Spain and so to find his Armies imployment in that Country that his designs elsewhere might be frustrated besides that it was now much more necessary in regard the Garisons were to be established in the Valtoline and it would concern the State to make him some diversions that might entertain his Armies elsewhere withall he found that if he did assist Holland with these succours it would ingage them to do as much for him when occasion should require it which was no inconsiderable thing as Henry the Great found by experience when he was by them assisted against those unjust oppositions which were formed by the League to thwart and cross him He himself too might fall into the same necessities seeing the prosperity of Kingdomes is like a Calm at Sea which as it is often over-blown with storms so that too is no less subject to interruption by civil or forraign Wars These reasons were indeed too too weighty to reject that people demands And his Majesty whose greatest pleasure consists in doing such things as might testifie both his Justice and Courage gave all sorts of Assurances to their Embassadours of a strong succour and thought good to make a Treaty for the renuing of the ancient Alliance His Majesty gave the Cardinal power to conclude on the Conditions with them and this great Minister who had not a little fortified his Majesty in that resolution having determined them concluded it in the moneth of June at Compeign by which he bound himself to deliver them by way of Loan three Millions and two hundred thousand Livers in three years On condition that they should re-imburse them three years after the War was ended That they should neither make Peace or League with any one what ever without his advice and interposition That if he had any occasion of Ships of War they should furnish him either for sale or hire at a reasonable Price That in case he himself were ingaged in any Wars they should repay him one half of the said
were to raise several men unto a high point of favour to expose them shortly after to the greater overthrows every one had reason to attribute it to her most usual conduct which accustometh all men to this Law that being once mounted to a certain degree of Honour they must then of necessity fall back again and that sometimes with such violence that they fall into as great a number of miseries as they formerly had of felicities No one can be ignorant of this truth but as Envy doth frequently asperse the principal Ministers of a Prince so she gave the impudence to a Pen envenomed by the Spaniards to write that the Cardinal was the cause of it by reason of the fear he was in least the Marquis de la Vieville should rob him of the Ministerial honour But how little hath this Enemy of this King as wel as of his Ministers proved his discourse so contrary to the Truth After the disrepute which they in whose behalf he writ had of the Marquis they made no long use of him without being sensible that he was not an Instrument any way proper to raise their fortunes after the ruining of his own out of a Gallantry of Humour only He went from St. Germans too with too much flowting ever to invite his Majesty by his services to make him the Minister of his Intentions Besides could he be so extream ignorant of the Cardinals high and eminent Genius in perswading himself that the Cardinal could be any wayes suspitious of the Marquis's undermining his Fortune It were to perswade the Sun that the least Stars would obscure his light it were also to accuse the King himself of great Imprudence seeing it is to declare him incapable of distinguishing whether the Marquis of Vieville or the Cardinal were more proper for his Affairs Certainly if the Sun discovers the deformity of a visage which had layen hid during the night and maketh the Stars which twinkle in the dark to withdraw themselves upon his first approach The Cardinal entering upon the Administration and discovering to his Majesty the incomparable discretion of his Counsels was enough to detect the little sufficiency of the Marquis and to hide under the vailes of an obscure darkness those advices which his vivacity and promptness of discourse did make appear with some splendor might give his Majesty just cause to make no greater esteem of him And who so would accuse him in this occasion must also reproach the Sun for having too much light and to call that in Great Persons a Crime which renders them the more to be admired Every one then knew the true causes of the Marquis's disgraces the King having given an Accompt of it to the Parliament the very day after his Arresting that he might be accused as his Majesty observed to that Illustrious company for his evil conduct which indeed was such that all men of any sense thought him incapable of long subsisting That he had changed those very resolutions which were made in his Majesties presence without acquainting him with it That he had treated with Ambassadors resident near him contrary to his order That he had oftentimes cast that hatred which he had contracted in exercising his passionate disgusts against some particular persons upon his Majesty and that he had feigned several advices with design to induce him to be jealous of those in whom hee might put a most intire confidence all all which is so true that the King that he might not take him unprovided had often given him advice to alter his behaviour and to become more exact in prosecution of his Orders and more reserved in his words and in his procedure as his Majesty had signified in the same Letter After all which his faults were so much the more known to the King he having contracted the enmity of most part of the Grandees of the Court by those outrages wherewith he had provoked them when they demanded those gratuities which his Majesty had granted to them and by that excessive rigour wherewith he would cut off the Pensions and other Benefits which they had formerly obtained of his Majesty as soon as ever he was entred upon the Treasury For they being once so provoked wanted no address to acquaint his Majesty with it and also to accuse him of divers other unhandsome Carriages by several informers who offered to prove that he had diverted great sums from the Service of Spain to his own profit and his Father in Laws the Sieur de Beaumarchais one of the Treasurers all which carried on his Majesty to clap him up in Prison Politick Observation NO one can doubt but that a Minister who upon his first entrance into Affairs finds them in disorder is obliged to apply necessary remedies to them but the Laws of Prudence teach us that it ought to be with moderation and affability without which he doth like a rash Physitian who by giving his medicines in too great a proportion and using too much rigour towards his Patient doth so move and heat his natural temperature that his sicknesse by it is rather increased then diminished It is very dangerous to force men to pass in an instant from one extremity to another and who so attempts it shall never escape the darts of Envy and Hatred which will not onely render all his designs and labour to no purpose but also expose him too to very great dangers The first Actions of a Minister are they which lay the Foundation of that Love or Hatred which he shall afterwards reap from the people a harsh rigorous procedure can procure him nothing but ill will and it is impossible for him to escape the doing many ill-offices neer this Prince and though those Customes and Uses which he would alter be abuses to the State yet the Plurality of the People will hardly be conduced to think so when they have been accustomed to those others a long time together upon which consideration it will be absolutely necessary to give them time to know better and to disuse them by little and little The wise Tatitus saith he who finds an estate in disorder shall do much better at first dash to submit himself to the violence of inveterated Habit and redress it afterwards with dexterity rather then to fall presently aboard it and to break all in peeces by a precipitated rashness and he furnisheth us with two examples both very considerable for their contrariety The first is Tiberius who finding the People in a great licentiousness which the long Peace and meekness of the Emperour Augustus had brought them too seemed at first not to regard it his Prudence making him judge it improper to treat them with severity so soon and that it was fitter for him to dissemble with them a little while which procedure of his gave an advantagious issue to whatsoever he designed Whereas the Emperour Galba though a better Prince then Tiberius was as unfortunate as rash in that at his very
to by France but as stoutly rejected by the Spaniards for that it did not grant to them the enjoyment of the Passages Their Refusal surprised the Pope but he being made by some of their Ministers who had represented to him that those Passages were the least recompence which they could pretend to in lieu of many Millions which they had expended for the defence of the Catholique Religion in the Valtoline His Holyness proposed to them to grant them passage for their Souldiers into Germany and Flanders in behalf of the War which they should make against the Heretiques but upon no other occasion whatsoever To this the King would in no wise agree because to have granted them free passage there upon what occasion soever were to give them the whole end of their design which was to unite the Estates which the House of Austria hath in Germany to those in Italy as we shall â—lswhere declare and by that means to expose the Princes of Italy as a Prey to the Spanish Ambition more especially the Venetians who should that thing be assented to have good cause to complain of France Besides that Article was quite contrary to the Treaty at Madrid for the execution of which this Treaty was onely intended That withall the King was in a League with those of Venice and Savoy and had engaged his Word his Honour and his Faith to resettle things in their former state It is true the Commander of Sylleris had been surprised by the Spaniards and had consented to those Articles wherein the demand of those Passages was included but however had not signed them and the King disowned them and declared that he having done it contrary to his order he was not bound to ratifie it and principally seeing he himself too had not assented to them but after he had understood of the disgraces which had befallen the Chancellor his Brother and the Sieur de Pisieux his Nephew Politique Observation IT is very dangerous for a Prince to sit still and see another invade his neighbours for certain Passages or Countries which may lay his States as it were hedge by hedge and especially if those places may serve for a In-let or Door to give succours to his own Allies such a thing were to give him leave to turn his weakness into strength for that united States are stronger then when disunited Great Rivers whilst they are in small Brooks are fordable by every one and are not feared at all until all their waters run in the same channel and divided Estates may easily be surprised whereas if united they are capable of giving jealousie to their neighbours as also to make attempts upon them It is a common saying in Philosophy Vis unita fortior united Power is much stronger than when divided into several particulars Sertorius evinced this to his Army for a Truth by a witty Invention he commanded two Souldiers to pull off a Horses tayl both which he chose for the purpose of a different humour and strength the one of them weak but ingenious the other strong but rash the latter in obedience to Sertorius command took a whole handful of the Horses tayle and tugging with all his force could not pull it off the second took a quite contrary way he pull'd them off hair by hair until he quite made an end whence Sertorius took an occasion to exhort his Souldiers never to separate themselves either in a Fight or upon a March he told them they had seen that united Forces are hard to be vanquished but easily overcome if disunited If this reason be sufficient to warrant a man from permitting an Invasion in any Country it is the more necessary to be prosecuted when it serves for a mutual passage for France to assist its Allies and to receive succour from them for that these Passages are of as great concernment as the Allies themselves for once being lost Allies can neither give or receive any succours at all That Prince who suffers them to be usurped exposeth his ancient Allies to be made a prey and cuts off one of his own armes wherewith he might have defended himself For this very reason it is that our Kings having often discoved the Spaniards designs of invading Savoy have presently been on foot to defend it as the usual Gate of Communication between France and Italy which once lost they knew that all the Princes of Italy would quickly be reduced to the mercy of the Spaniards seeing they could not be assisted by France which hath ever been their Protectrix as also that France if occasion were could not receive any succours from them The Deputation of the Sieur de Bethune to Rome as Ordinary Embassador and the Revocation of the Commander of Syllery THe Commander de Syllery being thus surprised the King was obliged to call him home and to send in his place Monsieur de Bethune a man of great judgement and reputation to whom he gave expresse order to declare very resolutely to the Pope that he would never consent that the Spaniards should have passage in the Valtoline and to beseech him in his Majesties name that he would use his authority to inforce the execution of the Treaty of Madrid that according to the rules of Justice the Grisons might be restored to that which had been usurped from them both in the Valtoline as also in the rights of the League at Caddee A little after his departure his Majesty received advice that the resolution of denying those passages was approved of at Rome so he dispatched one to him upon the way that he might every day be more resolute and that hee publish it aloud to all the world to stop the Spaniards mouths who made people beleeve that at last wee should give ground and accord it to them The Sieur de Bethune being arrived at Rome acquitted himself so worthily of that which was give him in charge that the Pope no more doubting of his Majesties resolution told him he would forthwith discharge himself of the Forts in the Valtoline The Sieur de Bethune was for the present satisfied with it and gave notice of it to the King But upon receiving his Majesties further pleasure upon that particular he very briskly told his Holiness it would be a thing of very ill consequence to deliver them into the Spaniards power seeing if it were once done a breach between the two Crowns were not to be avoided That it were no lesse against the Interest of Religion to surrender them to the Grisons who were Hereticks and that the best expedient which could be taken was but by the By he proposed it onely as from himself either to raze them as by the Treaty of Madrid was agreed on or to leave them to the Valtolines themselves seeing there might be an easier agreement made with them then with any others The Pope found himself so intangled that he knew not what to resolve so that the businesse had been Wyer-drawn into a great
whom assistance may be had and who if they should slip their necks out of the Collar might not do us any displeasure in it They are very necessary with the neighbouring Princes upon a place which is designed to be assaulted either in relation to Passages or in respect of having from them Ammunitions both of War and necessary victuals as there shall be occasion Hannibal knew this full well when as he was upon his expedition into Italy and made a League with the French and Spaniard he took Hostages of them and for better assurance left Garisons in many of their strong Holds The Romans did the same when they made war upon the Lacedemonians by making a League with Ptolomy King of Egypt without whose assistance that would have had somewhat to do to have passed on Besides when there is cause of suspicion of their fidelity it is necessary either to take some Persons or Places of them by way of Hostage to the end that their interest to perserve them may compel them to continue firm in their first resolutions If many of our Kings who have made expedition into Italy had taken such a course as this were it onely in point of Passages we had not seen them exposed to so many dangers nor indeed to so many disgraces yet in case by their receding they cannot cause any great incoveniences there will not then be so absolute a necessity of such security and assurances However as it ought to be taken for granted that they will start aside in case the enemy give them satisfaction to their interests so there ought still to bee Forces ready which may clap in upon them and supply their deficiencies It is a trouble to see them break their words yet a Prince shall reap this profit from a League to make it serve to give a happy beginning to an enterprise by means of such assisting forces as may be drawn from it and by dividing expence between them which else must be undergone by one alone It will not be presently fit to defie them for that would be a means to make them take to the other part but it will be needfull to have an eye upon it and to be prepared for the worst Moreover it is profitable to make Leagues not onely with States but with Princes and their Successors and to contract them with greater certainty then Edward the fourth King of England did who having recourse to one of our Kings after he had been despoyled of his Kingdome had not other answer but that the League was made with the King of England and his State and that he being no longer King of England France could not without breaking the Laws of Alliances imploy their Arms against him who was present Master of the Crown To be short it is good to be carefull that the divers constructions which may be made may not serve for a pretext for them who would fall off There must not be so much as the least starting hole left for them to creep out or to break their words especially if they make any accompt of their reputation which is inseparable from their fidelity for without that they will perchance hardly resolve to run Counter The Marquess de Coevures takes the Field to make himself Master of the Forts in the Valtoline AT the same time that the Kings orders were delivered to the Marquess de Coevures he received a dispatch from the Sieur de Bethune which told him that he despaired of getting any reason from the enemy by those ways which he had till then tried so that now he must have recourse to Nostre Dame de Frappe Fort who as soon as he had received this piece of Rallary he resolved forthwith to take the field concluding there was no reason any longer to defer it and that if he could surprize the places unexpectedly without giving them leave to provide themselves he should strike a great stroke in the businesse without any great trouble He had long before given order to 3 Swiss and 3 Grisons Collonels to raise each of them a Regiment of a 1000 men so that he had nothing else to do but to send them word to be ready on the other side the Residents of Venice and Savoy being come to him they had agreed upon all things together The Sieur de Mesnil had order to make a Magazine of Ammunition at Zurich for the Swisses and Grisons forces and the Resident of Venice undertook that the Common-wealth should make another at Bergamo for such forces as should march into the Republick that which was most troublesome was there being a necessity of discovering the design to several persons it would be impossible to keep it from being known and to hide their intentions of the time when they would enter upon the Valtoline The Popes Nuntio called Scapy and the Marquesse d' Ogliani the Spanish Embassadour had notice of it who made strong indeavours to pervent any Levies amongst the Swisses or the marching of any Troops which the King should send but all would not serve the Levy could not be obstructed for the Cantons of Berne and Zurich where they were to be made had given too particular an assurance of it by means of the money and the promises which were made them that they should be seconded with a puissant succour against any who should attempt any thing against them upon that accompt But their Contrivances and Cabals were so powerfull that the Catholick Cantons resolved to stop their Passages upon them so the Marquesse was forced to his shifts that his Majesties Commands might not be ineffectual His remedy was to cause his Horse to march four by four that is all such as were sent him from Bresse and to secure the Canton of Bern for the conduct of Vaubecourt's Regiment seeming after he was once entred as if he would force his way either by Fair or Foul means to the Grisons It was enough that these Cantons were by several Treaties bound to open their Passages to his Majesties Forces upon so just an occasion as this was and it made no great matter whether they refused it or not seeing if they should they might be forced to it without breaking the Laws of Equity Thus he being well informed of the resolution which the Nuntio and the Marquess de Ogliani had induced them to take resolved not to demand it untill he were upon the very point of passing because they should be better advised then to deny him when they find him in a condition not to be hindred they not having the least time to prepare themselves against it All things being thus in a readinesse for the beginning of the design he sent the Sieur de Lande to Zurich to discourse with the chief of the banished Grisons and to perswade them to rise and then he commanded the Sieur de Harcourt Marshal of the Field and the Sieur du Lande to joyn with Collonel Salis to enter into the Grisons to seize
entred without any resistance but he having first given the Allarum to the Town he who commanded the Fort had the leisure to put himself into a Posture of defence and to shut the Gate but the Sieur de Soubize did not long keep the Town in his power for the Duke of Vendosm then Governour of Brittain hearing of it presently sent to all the Nobility of the Province with order to bring all the men they could every one of which came with great diligence The Duke of Vendosm comming Post found that the Sieur de Querrollin entred into the Fort with store of Souldiers Victuals and Ammunition The Duke of Rets and Brissac came at the same instant of time as also those Gentlemen who were in a condition thereabouts and the chief amongst them being in Counsel together it was concluded to build a new Fort just over against the old one with intent to batter the Ships of the Sieur de Soubize and to sink those with more ease which he should attempt to carry out of the Port as also to assault the Town in six several places The Fort was finished in a trice and a Battery presently Planted but as soon as ever the Town should have been assaulted both he and his Souldiers forsook the place Withall to bring the design to a good passe they played with their shot day and night upon the Ships where he was and the Cannon did such execution that he was forced to hoise Sail which he did by the help of a dark night and a strong wind which carried him over the Cables that were overthwart the Port though the Cannon indeed sunk the best of the Duke of Nevers Ships and forced four of the greatest on Shore at the mouth of the Port which were taken and in fine he sled towards Rochel who were not behind hand as also the whole body of the Hugonots to disown it by their Deputies and by their Declarations which they sent the King Politique Observation IT is a dangerous Deficiency in Governours of Provinces not to keep good watch and ward in times of Peace upon places of importance especially on the Sea-Coast and such States as are subject to be agitated with Civil Wars For what neglect is committed in this point doth much help and assist those who would imbroyl things and who may come by Sea upon a sudden to surprize them Holy Writ tels us That they of the Tribe of Dan being informed that the Inhabitants of Laish were secure and suspected nothing went assaulted them took their Town without resistance put them all to the Sword and burned their City Did not Francis the first upon his expedition into Italy and by the surprize of Villa Franca teach all Governours of all Places that there is no consideration whatever can exempt them from alwaies being upon their Guards and that it is without reason that they think themselves secure either by the strength of their Fortifications or by the far distance of their enemies For Prospero Collonna who commanded that Town and making merry without the least suspicion upon confidence that the King was far enough off from him was surprised by the Sieur de Palisse which he heard not of before he saw him in his Quarters It is true he himself might be excused in regard his Sentinels were taken and that some of the Inhabitants held Intelligence with the Sieur de la Palisse but however the whole misfortune was laid in his dish though he was a brave Commander yet he was much blamed it being not permitted to a man of that condition to say I did not think I was in any danger For this very reason it was that Iphicrates one of the Athenians most renowned Captains would have his Army alwaies upon their guard or in a posture to fight during times of Peace in the same manner as if in the heat of War and he answered some who misliked his curiosity that one ought alwaies to suspect who would not be surprized Indeed vigilance is one of the most necessary qualities for a Governour of a Place he ought to esteem that the honour which he hath in commanding to be but a glorious servitude That in Commanding all he is bound to watch for all that he remember Governments are called charges and that the name of Charge which he hath ought to teach him that it is a burthen committed to his Prudence and that the place which is intrusted with him is not barely recommended to him but he to the place to be guarded and conserved with his best care Anno Dom. 1625. EVERY one takes delight in the Spring time to consider the Face of the World when as the hand of God guides the Sun a little nearer to us to behold that fair Star establishing a serenity and calmnesse in the ayr before troubled with Tempests to see the Earth replenished with a thousand Ornaments of Beauty before languishing and quite decayed by the bitternesse of Winter and to view Plenty introduced in the room of Barrennesse which the Hoar Frosts and Snows had left behind them But how much more delightfull was it to look upon France presently after it had pleased his Majesty to advance the Cardinal to the Government of Affairs who like a Sun which should be the greatest instrument of his glory began to re-assume his ancieat Splendour and to dispel by little and little those causes of Civil Wars which did every year renew themselves in the State to set bounds to the ambition of strangers and to establish such an order under the Kings authority which is not onely the happiest but most Illustrious of all other Kingdomes The increase of glory which his Majesty every day gave to this Minister did serve to augment his courage and raised new lights in his Soul subtilized his Prudence and furnished him with occasions to demonstrate to the World that he was amongst those Ministers of whom History gives us such commendations to be as the Cedar amongst the Hysop He could not be enough admired seeing his whole life was nothing but a Publick imployment and who absolutely renouncing the idle voluptuousnesse of several other Favourites who seem to think on no other thing then to indulge themselves with those favours which fortune presents to them had his mind without any intermission still affixed upon high designs tending to the glory and Grandure of his Master He knew that immoderate unseasonable delights did rob Ministers of State of a thousand fair opportunities That it is impossible to serve the Publick and injoy the pleasures of this life he made open profession he had none but such as were necessary for an honest diversion and certainly if pleasures could not bewitch him interest nor profit could never Charm him or get any power over his Will Honour was the chief aim which he proposed in all his actions which he sought for in his Masters glory and he scorned all profit which did keep him off from it But that
supply them as long as need shall require I suppose that these are the original Sources from whence do flow those most dangerous mis-fortunes which threaten France and I imagine if your Majesty can but drayn them up there is nothing more to fear But on the contrary all sort of Prosperity and Glory to your Majesties Crown much to be hoped for The Attempt which the Sieur de Soubize made upon Blavet whilest you were succouring the Grisons testified sufficiently to your Majesty that those of their Party would take all advantages whensoever your Forces should be entertained in Forrrign parts Those Civil Wars which the Princes do yearly renew are those which reduce your Majesty to that weaknesse that you cannot enterprise any thing abroad nourishing the people in disobedience and giving means to the Grandees to partake of that honour with your Majesty which is onely due to your Majesties Scepter In the same manner the Usurpations which the House of Austria makes upon all the neighbours of France will in fine give them means to usurp that too at least strenuously to attempt it if your Majesty maketh not timely opposition In fine the small number of exercised Companies which are ordinarily on foot and the small Revenues in the Treasury do reduce your Majesty to that impotency of resisting strangers abroad or revolts at home Therefore my chief advice is that your Majesty would give orders accordingly and doe perswade my self you will soon see France change its countenance and become as terrible to strangers as they have boldly offended it This Counsel was a rare and strange effect of his Prudence which had discovered the true causes of France mis-fortune The King whose Soul is truly Royal understood the sageness of it and having discoursed with him more at large he resolved to do accordingly as we shall in the prosecution of this year Politick Observation THere is no one sign more certain of a decaying State then to see a Minister take no other care then to make it subsist in a lazy Peace for as States ruine themselves by Wars rashly undertaken so they weaken themselves by idleness The greatest Monarchs which are governed without some high designs of inlarging themselves have never continued any long time without mis-fortune and that fair weather in which one strives to keep them is a Presage of a dangerous turn They who think on nothing but Peace do by little and little unawares weaken them and reduce them to impotencie then soften and alter the temper of the couragious youth by idlenesse and want of Imployment and by this means leave them for a Prey to Forrainers who make themselves strong in Arms. Have not heretofore the Romans entertained Wars with their Enemies knowing it to be needfull to keep their Souldiers in breath and to prevent growing sloth which commonly breeds greater inconveniences with it as also to vent the violent heats of the youth who wanting imployments fly out into Rebellions and Civil Wars It is said to bee for this reason that Edward the third concluding the Treaty at Bresigni would by no means comprehend the Treaty of Britain And that Philip the Fair made his Son John passe the Sea that he might exercise his Arms. And who knoweth not that if Henry the 2d after the Peace Anno 1509. had imployed the French Arms abroad with strangers and opposed the Ambition of the House of Austria by carrying his Armies out of France the State had not been so afflicted with Civil Wars which were upon the point of destroying it It is not the Property of humane Affairs to subsist long in the same degree and who attempts so to conserve it designs an impossibility States like those who float upon the Waters are in continual motion and that Minister who hath not courage enough to raise a State to a higher Pitch of Glory shall soon see it unravelled to nothing when he would stop there he will find it sliding back How can a Kingdom be kept in the same Condition when all its neighbours have their Arms in their hands to go still onwards and seeing whoever is content to see Forrainers increase their Power shal soon see himself exposed as a Prey to their Ambition That Minister commits a great fault who doth not consider what is within the compasse of a State seeing the Grandure of a Soveraign doth not onely consist in his own Forces but in the ruine of his enemies and that his greatest Power is in their greatest weaknesse He ought not to be lesse circumspect in opposing any Forraign Usurpation then in eying his Masters own subjects and to keep them in obedience who neglects one or t'other shall soon see his master exposed to dangerous storms his authority despised his power weakned by the strength of strangers and his Kingdom assaulted by his enemies New Orders sent to the Marquess de Coevures to prosecute his Conquests in the Valtoline WE have seen about the end of the last year the resolution which his Majesty took to assist the Grisons oppressed by the House of Austria and to send the Marquis of Coeuvres to them with an Army to recover the Valtoline I shall now proceed to add that looking upon those just considerations which I shall now tell you proposed by the Cardinal to his Majesty necessitated the dispatching several commands to the Marquiss de Coeuvres to advance and prosecute the conquest so happily begun The Marquis not to lose any oportunity took time by the forelocâ— and making advantages as the conjuncture of affaires did offer and according to his Majesties orders and instructions he reduced in the three first moneths of this yeare all the places were they never so little considerable which had been seized upon in the Valtoline as also in the Avenues the Fort of Rive only excepted bearing a great respect to the Popes Ensignes which were never so much as touch'd He began this conquest about December in the last yeare by the taking in of Planta Mala and Tyran and in the beginning of this he prosecuted it with so good success that every place was under his Majesties obedience After the reducing of Tiran the Army drew towards Fondrio which Town surrendred at first summons but the Castle was fain to be battered with the Cannon and a breach being made they were obliged to force it and carry it by assault which they did with such advantage that there were only six of the Kings souldiers killed in it This strook such a terror into the Towns of Morbeigne Travona and Orbino that they sent their Deputies to render themselves But he following his course towards Bormio a Frontier of Tyrol he assaulted it and found more resistance then in any other place whether it were because the place was well fortified or because they within had resolved to defend it he took the paines to plant some Cannons upon a Battery and to make a breach for an assault but they seeing themselves a small
the more oblige them to do it for the entreaty of him who may enforce is a greater tye then his command And is it not very reasonable that as all the parts of the Body even the most noble do contribute to its conservation so all the members of a State should doe their utmost to preserve it and to establish the glory of it The Emperour Gratian ordained That every one should serve on publique occasions and first of all addressed himself to execute it not pretending any exemption to due to the priviledge of his dignity and Plato saith No man but ought to obey necessities seeing the Gods themselves submit to them And admit that Ecclesiastiques should deny or make any difficulty to assist the King on such occasions might they not with reason be reproached as the Emperour Dioclesian once did a Philospher who petitioned him to hold him excused from some Levy which was layd upon the rest of the people Thy request quoth the Emperour to him is contrary to thy Profession for that thou pretending to overcome thy Passions and to tread under thy feet all that which the world delighteth in doest however suffer thy self to be possest with covetousness So Ecclesiastiques professing to be Imitators and Disciples of Jesus Christ who recommendended no one thing more then Poverty and who prohibited his Disciples to heap up Gold and Silver would do an act much contrary to their profession if they should pretend to be exempted from those charges which their Kings are forced to lay on the rest of their Subjects in any urgent occasions Troubles in Lorrain hapening upon the Will of Henry Duke of Lorrain IT remaineth that I should now write of some Affairs which passed about the end of this year in Lorrain and which have such a dependance on the concerns of France that I may not let them slip Henry Duke of Lorrain a little before he dyed finding himself without Sons did by his Will invest his eldest Daughter Madam Nicole whom he had married to Charles de Lorrain eldest Son to the Count of Vaudmont his younger Brother giving her to understand that Lorrain and all that which belonged unto it did really appertain to her and that Charles her Husband had no right to it but onely in consideration of her However the Count de Vaudmont desirous to preserve it to his Son in case he should outlive his Wife pretended himself to be heir to the Dutchee by virtue of the Will of Reynard King of Sicily and Duke of Lorrain his Great Grandfather dated the twenty fifth of May in the year one thousand five hundred and six which untill then he had never heard of by which the said King foreseeing the ruins which usually happeneth to great Houses by subdividing those possessions which once belonged to them had incorporated the Dutchees of Lorrain and Bar the Marquisate of Ponta-Mouson and the Earldom of Vaudmont and constituted his eldest Son Anthony late Duke of Lorrain sole heir of the said Soveraignties and Lordships willing and ordaining that his descendents should succeed him from Male to Male gradually and one after another and that the Daughters should not at all pretend to it He left in division to Claudius his youngest Son the possession of Guise Elbauf Aumalle Mayenne Joinville and several others which he had in France substituting and ordaining his Heirs Males for ever to enjoy them and excluding all Daughters The original of the Will was very authentique and Copies of it in divers places to be had There was moreover an Instrument of Approbation made by the States of the said Dutchie assembled for that purpose after the decease of the said King upon the thirteenth of February in the year fifteen hundred and eight before Madam Philip of Gueldres Queen of Sicilie Dutchess of Lorrain and Bar who declared they were contented to conform themselves to the said Kings Will. Now the Count de Vaudmont supposed that upon consequence of this substitution and order thus established by Will and confirm'd by the States himself was the onely and true Heir of Lorrain and that his late Brothers Daughters could pretend to it but that they ought to be married to persons correspondent to their Qualities At last he declared by a publick Instrument that in consideration of his Sons marriage with Madam Nicole his late Brothers Daughter he was content to dispossess himself into the hands of his said Son and that he did invest him with it requiring that he should be honoured and obeyed in that quality by all his States which he renounced to him in his behalf and that after his decease they should descend to his next Heirs Males excluding all Females and still preferring the eldest who were to give the youngest Pensions and the Daughters Portions according to the Honour of the House The King though somwhat concerned in this agreement did not oppose it but esteemed it as frivolous it being free for him not to take any notice of it because it was not presented to him for a ratification though the curious spirits of the time who are pleased to discusse the Interests of States not at all concern'd in them but onely by the faithfulness of their Affection did talk diversly of it Some maintaining that the Will of Reynard the second upon which the Count de Vaudmont grounded his pretensions was absolutely voyd as also the Contract of disseisure They alledged for their chief reason that it was contrary to the Laws and Customes of Lorrain and Barr observed in the Successions of those Dutchies and Lordships which ever preferred the daughters before the Males who were far removed and secondly that it was contrary to the Laws and Customes of France made at Orleance in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty and at Moulin in one thousand five hundred sixty and six which prohibit such substitutions for ever but restrain them to the second degreeâ— Besides the institution which was passed if it should so stand it would follow of consequence that the substitution in behalf of the Males for ever could not be vallid especially in relation to Barr and that which depends on the Crown of France where his Majesty ought to be considered not onely as common Soveraign but as Lord Paramout to whom belonged the cognizance of causes of Appeal and to whom Faith and Homage ought to be paid as also service with and against all others it being not allowed to a Vassal to alter without the Kings authority who is chief Lord the nature of the Fee against the Order established by Custome Thirdly they added for the confirmation of their opinions an example very considerable which was this It had been concluded and agreed upon in a Treaty made at Guerand in the year one thousand three hundred sixty and four between John the valiant Count de Montfort afterwards the Fifth of that name Duke of Brittain son of John Count of Montfort of the one party and Jane Dutchess
to lose these hopes sent amongst the Deputies the Sieur de Blancard a person of quality to procure a quick dispatch they had many fair promises made them and a confirmation of whatever had formerly been resolved on so that the Revolt was now concluded on It was so much the easier to obtain those succours for that of late England had conceived some ill designs against France It much troubled them to see the Hugonot Party and those of Rochel reduced to greater weaknesses then ever and they took so great a share in their Interest that one of the Chief Ministers of State there said in full Counsel that it was less considerable to his Majesty to lose Ireland then to suffer Rochel to be taken by the King of France Withal Buckinghams particular Spleen which carried himself and swayed most of the great ones there did not a little encrease it who were all mad to be dealing with France so much do Courtiers follow the inclinations of Favorites We have in the former year laid down the causes of his particular hatred I shall now only add the resentment which he took at his Majesties denial to let him come into France was that and only that which incensed him to that height But the Cardinal foreseeing what effects that refusal would in reason produce advised his Majesty to permit him to come to the Court assuring him that it would be easie to raise some advantages out of that earnest passion which he had to come thither and that at last he could only end as Icarus did who perished for aspiring too high Yet however the Queen Mother seconding the Kings resolution for his non-admittance she became Mistres of the Counsel which so exasperated Buckingham that he vowed shortly to come into France so well attended that they should not be able to deny him entrance Madam de Cheureuse who was discontented too and then in Lorrain did not a little blow the Coales of his passion and serve to nourish his anger but as it would have been more to his discredit then Honour to have openly declared it so he wanted some pretences to cloak it He pretended that the King of England his Master had been surety for the performance of those promises which the King and his Ministers had made to the Hugonots upon the conclusion of the Peace Now the Chancellor having told their Deputies in presence of the English Ambassadours that though the King could not be induced to assent unto the demolition of Fort Lewis yet that they might hope for it from his Bounty in Time in case they lived within the bounds of a due obedience These hopes would he needs have passe for absolute promises and for Articles agreed on with Ambassadours and in prosecution of them he would fain have it be believed that the King his Master was bound by way of caution to see the demollishing of it put in execution He had likewise the boldness to let the King know from his Master of Great Britain by his Ambassador that he was likewise ingaged to see the performance of a certain Declaration made to the Hugonots by the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charlton Extraordinary Ambassadours then at that Treaty in which they had construed the Chancellour Haligres words in that sence as was most agreeable to the Hugonots and all that they might ingage them the more unto their Interests and not want a pretence to imbroyle things when ever they had a mind to it But it was absolutely denied that the King of England did ever become engaged to see those promises made to them of Rochel performed or that he had been treated with or his Ambassadours in any sort whatever But on the contrary it was represented to them how it was not forgotten what message his Majesty then sent to the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charleton by the Duke of Cheureuse and the Bishop of Mande which was that in case they should pretend to intermeddle in the Treaty the King would not give his consent to any thing but if upon condition that the King of England would engage to assist him with a strong Fleet to compel the Rochelois if they should fall back from their duties This had been told them once and again and that plainly enough as also confirmed by Monsieur the Cardinal so that their pretences of the King of Great Britains being Pledge for Performance of those Articles granted to the Rochelois were groundless as also that frivolous pretext of making use of the Earle of Hollands and the Lord Charleâ—ous Declaration which being a thing of their own drawing and done as best pleased themselves was of no value However it was one of the chiefest Arguments they made use of in their Declaration to justifie their Arms when they entred upon Ree And the Duke of Buckingham manifested to all people that his only design was to protect the Rochelois and reformed Churches of France though it was not unknown that his private Spleen was the true cause of his design yet he was cunning enough to dissemble it to the King of England and pretend assisting of the Rochelois and withal to assure him that the whole party of the Hugonots would revolt and upon the arrival of his Fleet put such and such Towns into his hands that he might set on foot his old pretences upon France and enter upon it with security and advantage Upon these scores the King of England laboured very industriously for the rigging out of his Fleet all April May and June not at all discovering his design though both his Majesty and the Cardinal were not so ill informed but that they perfectly knew it was prepared for France Politique Observation KIngs when they have a mind to make a war never want pretences to disguise the injustice of it however it is an absurd rashness to ingage in any without urgent necessity I like well of T. Livius Judgment who saith war is then Just when it is necessary and that Arms are never attended with Justice but when there are no other hopes but from them And who can think otherwise of it seeing war is followed by all sorts of miseries War it is which ushers in disorders and evil customes which taketh away the lives of the Innocent which bringeth the Rich into want and which generally banisheth all the pleasures of life to set up troubles and afflictions So that a man can hardly fancy any thing more to be deplored then war from whence it followeth that who so begins it without absolute necessity may be well compared to those Chymists who administer such potions to their patients that they thence suffer more griefs and pains then from their sicknesses and diseases A wise man will abstain from war saith Xenophon though he have some reason for it Craesus did ever prefer peace before war if onely for this reason because in war Fathers did burie their Children against the Laws of Nature The He Wolf is so
the intended siege of Rochel The Major part of them foresaw that in case Rochelle were taken they must then of necessity live in an exact obedience That it would carry with it an absolute ruine to all the Hugonot party and that there would be no more means left them to rise up against the Kings authority in future when they had a mind to procure any thing by force neither were they a little startled at the assurance of the design his Majesty had resolutely taken of carrying the place The Grandees have alwayes thought the encrease of the Royal Power a diminution to their own private authorities and they of France were not ignorant that in case the Hugonot party were destroyed they had then no game left to play but that of submission This induced some of the most factious to cast out such discourses as could only be deemed the Symptoms of a Revolt though as yet there had not been any apparence of a formal contrived design The King had learn't from some of the old Court that that which hindred the taking od Rochel when as Charles the ninth besieged it was only the little inclination which many of the Grandees then at the siege had that it should be taken as the Marshal de Montlue testified on the place by divers letters So that he resolved to prevent this inconveniency neither was it lesse needful to prevent the growing of this cabal least they should by joyning themselves with the Hugonots and strangers force his Majesty to draw off his Armies and to attend their motions The wise and discreet resolution which his Majestie took to give an assured remedie hereunto was to clap up in the Bastille several sedicious turbulent persons who began to speak aloud such things as neither the Laws of obedience or respect could allow of but with order that they should be well treated and want nothing it being his Majesties desire only to prevent them from doing any hurt The Marquis de Rouillat de Bounivet de Montpinson d' Oy were first of all secured and shortly after Fancan and La Milletiere with other inferiours to keep them Company which made them perceive who had the good Fortune not to be interressed in any of these Broyles that the King was no more to be dallyed with and that it would become them to live within their limits and that they could not avoyd lodging in the same place if they gave any cause of suspition by their behaviour Thus every one for love or fear was quiet and the King had the freedome to continue his preparations for the siege of Rochelle Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to search after those who are able to trouble the repose of his State then those who are able to serve him It is needful for him to have certain marks both for one and t'other that he may judg of either Now amongst them who are able to ingage in a Faction he ought to make little account of such who have great stirring Spirits but little Prudence for they of his Temper are usually wicked ambitious Lovers of Novelties insurrections and all sorts of intreagues Grobus would needs have us esteem Alcibiades for a person of this condition when he represented him to be as exquisite in his vices as his virtues and T. Livy puts Hannibal amongst the same number when after a recital of his vertues he addeth that his vices were full as eminent On the other side he ought to be vigilant over those who are ready to undergo any meannesses upon hopes of getting any advantage or greatnesse as Caesar did according to Dions report who condescended to bestow imbraces beneath the quality of his person on mean and base men if he found them any ways conducing to the advancing of his Power In this last age Mâ—nsâ—eur ae Guise hath done the same thing in the eyes of all men but was slain at Blois in his attempt of making himself Master of the French Crown Withall he ought no lesse distrust those persons of quality who are grown poor or who have been laid by from imployments and affairs For Tacitus on the life of Ottho saith there is not any one thing which persons of Courage and Quality do suffer with more regret then that of poverty do we not read that poverty was it which gave so much boldnesse to Sylla in his attempts That Cneus Piso was ingaged in all his undertakings by his being reduced to extream necessity and of doing those things which were unworthy of his Birth Then hee ought to be no lesse watchfull of those who comporting themselves to the present times change their Fashions when they please who of Lyons turn to be Lambs and from Lambs become Lyons again and this with much facility all to make advantage of whatsoever comes uppermost to swim with the stream and to join their Interests with those onely from whom they have expectations of gain and advantage He had need be jealous of those who under pretence of their own private Affairs passe from one Country to another without any apparent reasons for it of such as onely converse with turbulent minds of such as seem to be discontented at affairs of such as are in debt or have received some distasts in their private interests I could produce examples to fortifie the reasonablenesse of all these several propositions and how that all these sorts of persons ought to be suspected if the brevity of these Maxims would give way to it But making profession of being short I shall onely for conclusion say that both Prudence and Justice oblige to make sure of such persons especially on the least occasion given to suspect that they are disposed to ingage themselves in any Intreague The least delay which shall be given them will onely fix them so much the more whereas the dispatch in securing of them rather sooner then later is a kind of Pitty for that it warranteth them from a more severe chastisement by preventing them from falling into greater Crimes Ambition Covetousnesse Revenge and Poverty meeting in a turbulent Factious Soul never let him be at rest or free from some embroyl or other if he be not curb'd in either by force or necessity And when it shall so happen that he may be of himself perswaded to keep within his duties yet it will be lesse inconvenient to make sure of him by a just rigour then to leave him in a licentiousnesse of ill-doing by too imprudent a compassion Differences between the Duke of Espernon and the Parliament of Bourdeaux reconciled by the discreet fore-sight of the Cardinal THere was about the same time ground enough to suspect lest the bitternesse which had about a year since disunited the Duke of Espernon Governour of Guyenne and the Parliament of Bourdeaux might prejudice his Majesties service in this juncture where it was needfull that all his Arms and Justice might concenter to stifle rebellion in its birth and to keep
and Horse beget a Horse they having some part of his glory by the honour which they have of being his Subjects and God himself jealous though he be of his own glory as he protesteth in one of the Prophets hath he not commanded us to honour his Saints as the second causes of Miracles to build Churches raise Altars make Vows unto them and to publish their praises for those Miracles which his omnipotent hand hath wrought by them his instruments And were he not besotted who should refuse this honour to the Prince of the Apostles when his very shadow cured so many diseases though effected by a divine power really lesse inhaerent in him then that which grand Ministers have in themselves for the publick good If perverse obstinacy should transport any one to deny them this respect may they not easily be convinced by Gods own example when he spake unto Moses saying Thou hast led my people out of Aegypt though indeed it was the work of his own hand God well knew that he had made use of Moses his servant as the chief Minister of his Kingdome and for the Conductor of his people and therefore how jealous so ever he were of his own glory yet he would ascribe it to him as well knowing that the honour attributed to second causes doth not at all diminish that which is due unto the first This is the true image of honour which ought to be given unto Ministers for the services which they pay unto their Soveraigns and who need be jealous of it seeing God is not A King and his Minister are so strictly united as the hand and instrument in the Artificer so that nothing but malice and envy can oppose that praise which is due to a Minister who hath effected any enterprise with successe tending to the publick good of the Kingdome As the King is first and chief so the first and chief honour is his but then without injustice his Miniser cannot be denied the sharing of some part with him who hath been his instrument to obtain it The expences of the Siege of Rochel amount unto forty millions of Livres THe greatnesse of the expence before Rochel can hardly be imagined without considering the particulars as the punctual paying of the whole Army the building of the Bank Munitions of all sorts and the like They who disbursed the several sums reckon it at forty Millions but the particular diligence and care of the Marquesse d' Effat Superintendent of the Exchequer to provide all that there might not be any want deserveth and undoubtedly so will to passe in History for a particular commendation He entred upon the Treasuries at a time when they were fifty millions of Livres in debt and the Treasurers hardly perswadable to assist his Majesty in any of his occasions by reason of the review which had so lately been made amongst them the Parliament too had much ado to be perswaded to rat fie Edâ—cts for to raise money yet he used such addresse and diligence that not onely there was no want of money but the charge was lesse then formerly it had used to be and in such expeditions where the Souldiers were hardly paid at all such and so great care did he use in the charge of the Treasuries There was a necessity of making some new Edicts but the chief means he used were according to the Cardinals instructions to cut off all superfluous expences to commit the management of those sums which were expended unto persons of known fidelity and trust The Cardinal did not onely lend out upon this occasion what monies he had in his own Coffers but ingaged his credit as far as it would go to raise more amongst his kindred and friends He was not so sittle affectionate to his Masters service as the Cardianal d' Amienâ— was 〈◊〉 who stil sent out of the Kingdom all those gratifications which he received like unto those Courtisans who love the money better then the man and measure their pleasure by their profit whereas the Cardinal prefered his Masters glory before the whole Indiaes he studied nothing but the increase of it and the continuation of himself in his favour that he might to that purpose contribute his utmost care and devoir Politique Observation PHysitians tell us that mans body could neither stand nor go without Nerves Muscles and the like and it is no lesse certain that the body of an Army cannot march or long subsist without a great masse of money to maintain them That Prince who hath no Silver will presently want meat for his Forces be can neither provide them Arms or Cloaths and necessity once pinching upon them away they all flie if any perchance stay behind they are weak as water faint and unable to do any service whereas Plenty of money maketh an Army flourish and in heart one of the greatest means the Duke of Parma used to uphold the Wars in Flanders and France was to see a dayly distribution of the Ammunitions and bread delivered out unto the Souldiers to see them once a year cloathed from head to foot and monethly paid without which he could never have had preserved his army so flourishing and victorious as he did It is true indeed 〈◊〉 was to blame so highly to vaunt before Solon the Athenian when he shewed him his 〈…〉 riches Solon told him he did not esteem him any whit the more potent because war was made with Iron not with Gold however it cannot be denied but that as Levies cannot be made without money so in some sort money is as necessary as Souldiers A small Prince if he have great treasures may have the command of a great army though his Subjects are but few others will willingly let him make Levies in their Countries but he who wants money how great soever he be can neither raise any or keep them long together wheâ—… they are raised I have alwaies much esteemed the advice of Pericles one of the ablest Captains of his time who said that Victories were commonly obtained by these three means Money Souldiers and Councel and to speak the truth who is defective in either of the three must not expect an happy successe in his enter prises Caesar was not ignorant how necessary a thing money was for the incouragement of Souldiers as I have heretofore observed and History reports of him that he was liberal in distributing it among them when by any exploit they had well deserved it of which he hath left behind him one notable example when after that his forces had indured much hardship before Berry he made a Donative of 2000 Sesterces to every man To conclude it is no lesse requisite to settle an order in the Treasuries then to have as good foundation of money for the effecting of which it were good to imploy understanding faithfull men for the payment of Souldiers and the punishing of those who commit offences to make a weekly pay-day to all the Souldiers it being more
Provinces were like so many petty Kings The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined and without any honour to the King The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies of whom the Kingdome stood in fear The case was now altered the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State In short the whole body of France heretofore sick and languishing began to recover strength with assurance of perfect health when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs All these things were so apparent that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them who are over-mastered with Passion as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their influences here beneath without causing of great alterations in the world so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country but they cause great troubles and disorders and in case there were any others in the State this were to remedy it by a worse a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence but a thing not much by them regarded so they could but overcome their Masters spirit that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired Politique Observation IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing then the Government of the Universe then true it is that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes especially when they are fallen from their first height and that there is a necessity to re-establish them This re-establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs next under the Authority of his Prince for he is in the State as the Sun in the World as the eye to the Body and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said the first is that a State being a society of free men who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects but not of being the onely producers of them and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring unlesse other causes did co-operate and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly then for the earth to bring forth weeds The second that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen into confusion Nature works slowly produceth the seed out of the grain the sien from the seed the tree from the sien the flower from the tree and at last the fruit Thus likewise a Minister of State how excellent soever he be cannot reduce confusion into order but by little and little and by setting his Engines on work one after another There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish which he would now restore and also that which hath been glorious for other States He ought to imitate good Physitians who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse use their art first to purge them out and then to bring their Patient to a good temper The principal causes of the ruine of a State are civil Wars disrespect of authority the too great Power of Princes of the Blood Strangers and Governours Factions negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders want of good Discipline among Souldiers and the oppressures of the people now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contrary It cannot be done but by time and labour nay impossible if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War Lastly the Minister hath need of some time to reduce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health that neither the ayr nor any thing about him may be offensive to him and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull not onely that his neighbours may not injure him but that they may be serviceable to him He must keep a strict intelligence with his Allies not injuring them but assisting them in all occasions as the Romans did who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town to make a friendship with them and to divert them from the Carthaginians He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes whose strength by their uniting might become suspected whence it follows that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them nay some he is bound to foment as Lewis the Eleventh did to divert those storms which else would have fallen upon France These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes it is impossible totally to effect it unlesse after a long time and with extream care and diligence The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur THey of the Queen Mothers faction would by no means let slip Monsieur's retreat without making advantage of it They despaired of ever overcoming his Majesty considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals services They very well knew that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him so powerfully as Monsieur whereupon they did their utmost to breed a good understanding between them and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur they did at last work the Queen Mother to procure Marillac to be sent to him a person whom they knew to be fit for their design The Cardinal gave him his instructions as to what he should say from his Majesty which tended to remember him how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore to assure him he was not at all altered at that present That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure
with the Prince of Piedmont upon the Bridge of Beauvoisin there to determine what should be done designing that this interview should entertain them with specious hopes and so prevent their absolute breach with him and seizure on the Passages by force of Arms. The Cardinal very well knew there was nothing to be thought on but to be done that was to open the Passages and furnish the Markets as it had been resolved on so that after a full debate with himself what honour he was bound to render to this Prince being the Kings Brother-in-law he concluded that in going to confer with him who had falsified his word and intended nothing but to surprize him he should do an act quite contrary to the Kings Majesties Grandeur who had done him the honour to make him Lievtenant of his Army so that he absolutely declined this meeting as well knowing that the Duke of Savoy's design in it was to amuse and delay the Army in their march and by this means to disperse and bring them by little and little to nothing so the Cardinal advanced to Embrun not being willing to come near Suze lest in case the Army should want rest they should there meet with many inconveniences and eat out all their store of Provisions Politique Observation IT cannot be denied but that it is a basenesse in a General to go meet him who hath broke his word and who designs in his interview nothing more then the losse of his Army If he will needs go meet him let it be with his sword in his hand to chastise him for the injuries he hath done I am of the same opinion with the Grand Cosmo de Medicis who said a man may forgive his enemies their faults but its fit to punish the offences of such as call themselves our friends and under that notion betray us But if a King or he who represents his person do not desire satisfaction or to revenge the injuries which are offered unto them yet it would be ignominious to go meet and confer with a Prince who aims at nothing but his own interest and advantage This were to be defective both in the Rules of Prudence and Valour Besides those conferences of face to face between incensed Princes do rather increase their hatred then breed any hearty good will between them and of this Plutarch hath well adjudged upon that conference between Pompey and Lucullus And Tacitus in his Annales upon the meeting between Germanicus and Pison It 's true the place design'd by the Duke of Savoy was proper enough and such as hath been sometimes used between Princes and great Commanders who have chosen to meet upon Bridges in the middest of which Rails and Barriers have been set up to prevent any attempts of either party And thus Lewis the Eleventh met Edward King of England as Philip de Commines hath it upon the Bridge of Pequinis But the same Historian doth much dis-approve of such meetings between Princes in the midst of their discontents and esteemeth it more to the Purpose that they should refer the accommodation of such mis-understandings to their Officers and Ministers of State who have not resented any offence done to their private and particular persons The Duke of Savoy's Artifices discovered by the Cardinal of Richelieu BY this refusal of the Cardinal the Duke of Savoy concluded that all his designs were discovered and misdoubting that a just punishment would follow he had another trick to take to which was he granted the Passages and Marts but in such places as were accessible by none but Bears and if those were not approved of he promised others but with this reserved resolution that he would so long delay the furnishing the Army with Victuals and other necessaries that in effect it should not passe at all The Cardinal whose Soul fore-sees the Effects in their Causes guessing he would flie to such tricks and shifts gave advice of it to the King His Majesties Orders soon came which were to accept of no other ways then those usually called the military it being impossible to lodge the Troops in any of the other Passages but most facile for his Majesties enemies if they had but as much power as they had ill will both to impede their march and indeed totally to ruine them So the Cardinal utterly refused any other ways the difference now was concerning the Markets which the Duke indeavoured to retard with all his might and main that the Imperialists and Spaniards might have time enough to fortifie themselves in their Passages and places of Mantua and Montferrat and that he might force the Army to break up either by mutiny or famine The Duke gave out that theâ—e was no Corn in Savoy though it was well known there had been great quantities brought thither from Bresse Dauphine and Bourgogne and that which the King sent from Nice had been likewise already received He demanded a greater rate too for Provisions then had been agreed on which however the Cardinal submitted to that he might take away all occasions of excuses and paid down the advance money Notwithstanding all this there were fifteen days spun out in which he had not provided one loaf for the whole Army creating every day new difficulties and in conclusion would open no other Passage but that of Candâ—n which in Summer was good enough but at that present so full of Boggs and Quagmires that they could not be passed but with very great danger so that all his whole proceeding for some time was nothing but a continued imposture and cheat that he might render his promises made to the King of opening the Passages and providing Victuals for the Souldiers ineffectual and to no purpose Politique Observation IT s usual amongst Princes who would deny any thing to their Allies rather to pretend an Impossibility or at least a most extraordinary difficulty then point blank to refuse them it must be granted for a prudent put off when such excuses are not contradictory to any promises formerly made which if they be they rather serve to condemn them of injustice If any great or notable losse insue as the destruction of an Army or the breaking a design it renders them for enemies and administers a good reason of commencing a War upon the Authors without breaking any Treaty He being reputed the first breaker of the Peace who gives the first occasion by his unjust Combinations and Practises not he who first takes up Arms. As Procope the Armenian Embassadour suggested to Cosroes King of Persia when he advised him to take up Arms against Justinian Indeed he who would serve himself with such excuses had need be well assured that he is the stronger for admitting him to be the weaker the punishment of his falsenesse will be unavoidable there being no one thing so difficult as for a weak and low person to attempt and enterprise the deceiving and crafty undermining of others who are more able and want neither
which he had often been accused So that it was but reasonable to destroy these ungratefull wretches who would have ruined the Genius of France by accusing him of Ingratitude It is an ordinary effect of the Divine Justice to cause those evills to fall upon them which they would pull down upon him and to permit that they become really culpable of those crimes which they would falsely lay to his charge Politique Observation THere is no injury so unpardonable as ingratitude which renders men so much the more blame-worthy for that they are impeached by good Offices An infamous life hath three steps first to forget kindnesse secondly not to recompence them the third to render evil for good The first is the effect of a great neglect The second may sometimes proceed from a want of ability But the third can proceed from no other cause but a black deformed malice So though the first cannot be excused yet it may be born with The second was in so great detestation by the Egyptians that they caused such as they found culpable to be proclaimed by the City-Crier to the end that no one might afterwards do them any kindness thinking it very reasonable that he should lose all his friends who had not been carefull to retaliate like for like to him who had obliged him But the third hath alwaies been had in so great an abhomination by all men that they thought only death was fit to expiate it that the earth might quickly rot such an execrable creature as it had brought An ingratefull man is worse then a Traitor a Traitor being only to blame for having fallen back from those promises which he was tied to by his Parole But an ingrateful person is not onely deficient to what he was obliged to perform by promise but by the obligations and favours which he had received At least the most moderate of men could never indure it seeing they are like those vapours which the Sun having exhaled from the earth do indeavor to obscure his splendour They deserve to be punished especially when their treacheries are prejudicial to the good of a State as here they were when they attempted this destruction who next to the King was the greatest prop and support of the Kingdomes Felicity Is not the attempting to destroy such a Minister who is the first instrumental cause by which he hath arrived to so high an accrument of glory as striking at the very person of the King himself I should much blame that Minister who would indeavour and make use of his power to obtain a Remission for such a Crime There are some injuries which it is noble to pardon and there are others amongst which I rank this for which the Publick Interest requires vengeance Mercy is not contrary to Justice but Justice is governed by Mercy which serves forâ—ts guide Too great Lenity breeds too great Licentiousnesse and makes both the Prince and Laws to be little esteemed of It is more noble in a King to pardon then to execute the rigour of Justice but it must be to such persons whose Imprudence may not augment their licentiousnesse of doing evil and whose Crimes arise rather from their weaknesse then from black detestable Villany A Treatise of Peace between the Emperour and Duke of Mantua DUring his Majesties sicknesse and their beginning of these Intreagues the affairs of Cazal were finished upon the Treaty aforesaid The Duke of Savoy Mazarini and Colalte received news from Germany that the Sieur de Leon who was employed by his Majesty for a Peace to the Emperour had concluded a Treaty and shourtly after the Sieur of St. Estienne brought it to Generals with Letters from the Sieur de Leons and an expresse promise from the Emperour that he would install the Duke of Mantua in his Dutchy and Marquisate of Montferrat with consent that the Town Castle and Cittadel of Cazal should be delivered into his hands This was as much as could be desired for the foundation but the circumstances how to do it were difficult it being agreed by the Treaty that the Emperour would invest the said Duke only within six weeks and that fifteen daies after he would withdraw his Arms out of Mantua and the King of Spain his from Cazal and other places of Montferrat This did much trouble the Generals because this Article did much oblige them to remain in Italy two moneths longer with the Army before the Spaniards would leave Cazal which stay they could hardly make because the Plague was very rife in the Army and they had victuals but for certain days these two reasons would infallibly force them to break up before half the time were elapsed which should they have done the Spaniards might with ease become Masters of Cazal who had not subscribed to it with their usual designs because they had liberty to hold the advantage they had got whenever the Treaty should be brought These just considerations were debated by the Generals who believed his Majesty would never ratifie it so they resolved not to regard it but to march with the Army with all speed before Cazal The Spaniards being inform'd of this resolution were so much surprized by their apprehensions of the first stock of the French who at the first onset fight like Lyons They presently sent back Mazarini who had brought them the news to assure them that they would observe the Treaty of Peace and that to put it in execution they were content to permit the importation of a whole years prouisions into the Cittadel of Cazal But the Generals having once heard that they began to be in fear concluded especially the Marshal of Schomberg that they should presently advance to Cazal thinking that their appearance only would force the Spaniards to quit the Siege forthwith without staying till the end of the two moneths which was accorded by the Treaty Politique Observation IT is very difficult to Treat a Peace which may have an assured end in a place far distant from Armies whilest they are enemies Great distance maketh many things be unknown in point of particular Circumstances and of the present State of the Armies which do many times hinder the execution of what is resolved on It is with those who transact affairs at a great distance as with Astrologers who do contemplate here below the Stars of Heaven perceiving only that which is most apparent in them without being able to observe many particular Qualities So those see nothing but the Lump of businesse and are most commonly to seek in the particular and present disposition of affairs without the exact knowledge of all which nothing can be certainly resolved on which shall surely be put in execution It is good to sound at a distance the inclination of him with whom a man doth treat but when it once comes to resolve on particular Proposals a man ought to know every particular passage if that be omitted there doth most commonly happen some one thing or another
his son had compleated that Faction which he had designed against him and the State but not sparing his own blood he presently clapped him up in prison upon his first notice and assurance of his resolutions Charles the Ninth did not pardon the Duke of Alençon his own Brother no more then he did the King of Navar for upon his first knowledge of their Intreagues he sent them both unto the Boys de Vincennes Did not Henry the Third after conference with his Nobles at Bloys threaten the late Henry the Grand and the Prince de Condè in case they did not conform themselves to those resolutions which had been concluded for the good of Religion and the State Neither had France ever been so much spoiled by those Wars had Monsieur de Guise been imprisoned as soon as ever his wicked designs had been discovered The Queen-mother her self did the same thing for during her Regency she imprisoned Monsieur the Prince upon suspicion lest he might attempt something against her Authority L' Mareschal d' Estree addresseth himself to execute his Majesties pleasure against the Queen-mother DUring the Queen-mothers abode at Campeign the Marshal d' Estrée was very carefull to shew her all manner of respect according to the command given him by the King He went constantly to receive the word from her he sent to know what course she would be pleased to take concerning the Keyes of the City and whether she would have them brought to her All the Officers of her Family prosecuted their charges without any disturbance she her self went abroad when and where she pleased unaccompanied with any who could but seem to restrain her liberty neither did he ever discourse to her in any other dialect but to beseech her from his Majesty that she would be pleased to go to her house of Moulins which her self had made choice of since her Widdow-hood he assured her she should not have any guards about her Insomuch that really she could not have any just cause to complain And in fine she condiscended to go to Moulins Not long after some of her Faction being at liberty reflecting on the neernesse of Paris and how advantagious it might be to their designs in regard it was the Center where all the intelligence of the Kingdom was brought and where all their Contrivances might be managed with the greater security and secresie advised her to change that resolution and perswaded her to continue at Compeign although her self had not long before said that she could not possible live there The King knew that the Neighbour-hood of Paris war of a dangerous consequence for those very reasons which made them aim at it so that he refused to give way to her longer stay thereabouts but offered her the choice of any other town in the heart of the Kingdom she pitched upon Nevers and the King had no sooner approved of it but she presently changed her mind pretending she had not any money for the journey thereupon she was promised a supply and that she should not want for any thing so she pretended a great preparation of Gallies to transport her out of France which was only an invention suggested to her by those who only continued it as a delay The King proffered the Government of Anjou unto her together with the City and Castle Angiers in case she would go thither To all these Proposals she discovered nothing but a resolute stubbornnesse against the Kings Will having forgot belike that she was his Subject as well as his Mother and not at all regarding those instances so often represented from his Majesty that she would depart from Compeign so that her disobedience against his Authority was not the onely offence but her delays in that City being so passionately and stifly by her desired bred the greater jealousie and suspicion of her Politique Obeservation OBstinacy is a fault the more dangerous amongst great persons in regard their example may serve for a Spring to give motion unto the people and their resisting their Kings Will causeth great evils in a State That perversenesse of not being ruled by reason and their Soveraigns Authority serveth only to ingage them in great disorders which instead of advancing ruineth their Interests and shipwracks all their adherents For the King must be obeyed and that by the very greatest of his own Blood and Family Better it is for them to bend then break to turn to any hand rather then go streight on to their ruine and confusion The certainty of Prudence doth not consist in a determinative will of absolutely doing this or that thing but in a resolution of prosecuting with zeal whatever reason doth dictate to be advantagious or proper when it followeth that whenever Prudence discovereth any notable disadvantage likely to attend that which formerly had been concluded necessary and profitable she presently with-draws her self An irrevocable resolution cannot be commendable but in Angels who piercing into the truth of things in an instant and knowing all the Qualities or Accidents which can render them either good or evil may â—â—hout fear of being mistaken remain firm in their first decrees But so it is not with a humane Soul which oftentimes coming to learn that those Subjects by him thought profitable are dangerous is then obliged to reject them with the same earnestnesse as he did before prosecute them That ignorance in which we are all born doth oblige the most powerfull men to follow the Counsels of the wise even against their own opions which rendreth them more inclinable to accommodation then others Hence it is not any inconstancy to change in any evil designs neither then when any unseen misfortune comes to be discovered but it usually happeneth to us in the confusion of affairs as when we are sick we are most eagerly desirous of those things which are quite contrary to our recovery The Discontents of Monsieur's Creatures AMongst the many other complaints made by them who abused the Queen-mothers Name and Seal in their Letters this was one of the chiefest that she had not been removed from the Court but only because she would not hold a fair correspondence with the Cardinal But is not this like the complaining of the sick who being fallen into some shamefull disease by their own faults will by no means accuse themselves but indeavour to impute it to some other cause more likely to justifie themselves Truly the Cardinal was no more the cause of the Queen-mothers Removal then Vertue is the cause that Sin betaking it self to all wickedness out of the hatred it bears to goodness should by that means come to be aliened from God who withdraws himself from it It cannot indeed be denied but that the King before her left he at Compeigne did once and again charm her to love the Cardinal and it were not amisse if the true motives which induced him so to do were here layed down The good of his State was chiefly in his intentions and
was alwaies receiv'd and entertain'd at his return with honour and magnificence and when he took his last leave was presented with a Cross of Diamonds worth two thousand Crowns But his frequent Voyages made him to be more swayed with imaginary conceits then prudence in his undertaking and that after he had wasted the estate by Birth and Fortune derived to him he would have been glad to have gotten others from the bounty of his Majesty Politique Observation ALthough one Prince may have received some unkindness from another yet ought he not however to be deficient in receiving his Ambassadors with civility and honour Civility is a vertue which ought to be used every where Alexander whose example is the more considerable seeing he was alwaies esteemed for generous used it even to excess and that towards his very enemies He ought to hold a correspondence with others though he hath neither reason to love them nor to think that he is beloved by them It will not become him to seem as if he would be revenged but effectually to punish him who hath provoked him whereas at is discretion to entertain him with Civilities for the easier surprizing of him the highest testimonies of friendship which he shall render to him being the best devices he can use to give him no cause of jealousie which may induce him to stand upon his guard One of the Ancient Sages said A Prince never ought to receive the kindnesses of others but with distrust Pompey was decived by the pretenses of peace and Lepidus by an apparent Friendship as Tacitus hath observed In general it may be said that Civilities are like a winding lane which lead by a Trap door into any designed place what-ever They are alwaies seasonable and although they are not alwaies accompanied with frankness yet are they nevertheless agreeable to the Receiver and advantagious to the Giver The Wise man somtimes seemeth to be highly satisfied though he be inwardly displeased which he doth that he may the better take his time and shew his anger to the purpose for by dissembling his discontent with his enemies he is the more enabled to do them a displeasure neither ought he to shew his Teeth but when he is in a condition to bite But more especially ought he not to receive Ambassadors sent to him but with Honour and respect seeing their Quality hath alwaies made them pass for venerable in consideration of the person whom they represent Neither is the Honour done them cast away for it serves to take off from their Master's distrust who may thereby be intic'd to take less care in his affairs then otherwise he would withal it keeps his Neighbours in suspence and hinders them from associating themselves with him for most Princes are apt to divide upon the least noise of War The King sendeth the Cardinal de la Valette unto Monsieur then at Orleans HAving related the causes of the Queen-Mothers discontent and the manner of her retreat it will not be amiss to speak somthing of Monsieur's affairs of his Majesties and the Cardinal's endeavours to bring him back to the Court and of the ill Counsel which engaged him to raise a War and at last to with-draw himself out of the Kingdom Upon his Majesties return from Compeigne where he had left the Queen-Mother he resolved not to omit any opportunity which might be conducing to reconcile him unto him and to withdraw him from the Queen-Mothers intreagues and having thought nothing could be more proper to allay his Spirits which had been a little exasperated then to marry him his Majesty dispatched the Cardinal de la Valette to him then at Orleans to assure him that there was not any security or satisfaction which should be denyed him in case he would return as he was desired more particularly that he would very willingly yeild to his marriage with the Princess Maria which heretofore had been importunately entreated This Procedure was a sufficient testimony of the King's affection seeing he could not marry himself without engaging his Majesties Interests in it and that his Authority could not but receive some prejudice in case he should have any children Yet some ill Counsellors then neer him stopp'd his eyes that he might not see it The Cardinal de la Valette proposed it to him and gave him all imaginable assurances of the King's affection But he found him in a thousand jealousies which Coigneux and others had instilled into him on purpose to decline him from his Majesties Interests and to make themselves the more considerable with him For his own part he was well enough inclin'd to do what-ever could be required of him but those creatures of his had gotten such a hand over him by their tricks and devices that in a minute they unravelled what-ever the Cardinal de la Valette had with much ado wrought to any perfection They represented to him the Queen Mother's Interest and perswaded him that he was engaged in Honour to assist her in those persecutions into which the Cardinal had brought her which were Chimeras only and that it were a great dishonour for him to forsake her she having cast her self as it were into his Arms withaâ— they terrified him with panique fears and protested to him that they would not assure him of his liberty if once he came within the Cardinal's reach as if the King's Arms had not been long enough to have secured him whilest he was at Orleans had he been so inclined and as if the King's word had not been an assurance ample enough Was not that only proposal of the Marriage a certain demonstration that the King had not any intent of imprisoning him unless in the fetters of Love which he thought a tye strong enough to continue him neer unto him But this too they perswaded him was a Lure to draw him to into the ginns provided for him insomuch that it was impossible to bring him back or to perswade him to have any confidence in his Majesty Thus did those Creatures of his tryumph over his goodness sacrifice his glory to their own Interests and raise themselves to that pitch of Insolence that they would build their own Fortunes upon the despisal of the Royal Authority Politique Observation AS a Wise and Loyal Counsellor is the cause of a thousand good successes so a bad one serves only to ingage his Prince in the extremity of misfortunes Princes ought especially to beware of such who make their own private interest their main business for from such they cannot expect any thing but dis-service and they are obliged to remove such from the Court seeing they themselves do but seldome take the pains to examine and discuss such affairs as are presented to them whence by the advices of such men they come to be oftentimes engaged in very dangerous designs Happy are those Princes whose Ministers chief ends are their Masters glory and this is his Majesties present happiness for they being neither passionate nor
the force and strength of the Kingdom but the King smelling their designe commanded them to return and tell their Master he could not be just who would invade a Country not belonging to him Cambyses receiving this answer became so enflamed with anger that he presently advanced his Army towards Aethiopia without making provisions necessary for so long and great an expedition insomuch that before he had marched one quarter of his way his Army was forced to eat Horses and not long after his Souldiers eat one another himself being forced to return into his own Country after a great loss of his Souldiers and to his perpetual dishonour by reason of his rashness The King goeth to Orleans With the true Motives of his journey THe King well acquainted with all these contrivances thought fit to go in his own person that he might dissipate the storm he well knew that the presence of a King is like that of the Sun which soon dispelleth all those thick clouds which attempt to obscure his light About the beginning of March he set forward towards Estampes and thence to Orlean as Monsieur had resolved His Majesty did verily believe that coming to discourse with him it wouâ—d be no hard matter to efface those evil impressions which his creatures had infused into him that however the expected levies would not dare to come near Orleans whilest he was there and that peradventure he might ingage him in the match which had been proposed by laying down before him the many advantages which might from thence arise These were the true motives of his Majesties journey which they who were about Monsieur endeavoured to obstruct by sending the Sieur de Chaudâ—bonne unto him with a Letter which they had perswaded Monsieur to write in which he made protestations of obedience and beseeched his Majesty not to give credit unto such reports as were spread abroad to his disadvantage But however the King who knew that no time ought to be lost in matters of revolt did not forbear to prosecute his journey He was no sooner come unto Estampes but he received intelligence that Monsieur was departed from Orleans towards Bourgogne His attendants had perswaded him to ground his departure upon pretence of his Majesties comming and gave out that he only came thither to make sure of Monsieurs person A report without foundation for his Majestly had been acquainted at the least fifteen dayes before that time by the Sieur de Bellegarâ—e how that Monsieur had told him he would shortly go into Bourgogne and that before his Majesty had designed his journey unto Orleans It cannot be expressed how sensibly the King was troubled at Monsieurs departure But it had been effeminate only to bewail amidst their present misfortunes and take no care for the future the King advanc'd with all diligence unto the same Province that he might keep the Towns in obedience and pursued him so closely that he had not the time to make himself Master of any place which doubtlesse he would have done had he not been followed at hand by some or other who might prevent his designs Before the end of March the King came to Dijon and having secured the Town and Castle gave order to the Sieur de la Grange Mestre de Camp to march with his Regiment into Bellegarde which place Monsieur had left behind him he sent the Regiment de Piedmont into Auxerre and St. Jean de Lone he left three hundred horse in garrison on the Frontiers in such places as were most requisite to secure Bourgogne from any incursions and the Sieur de Hauterine to command them as Marshal de Camp Monsieur's Ministers did every where give out that he had not forsaken the Kingdom but only to secure himself from them who pursued him but it was without truth His Agents indeed having designed under his name to fortifie themselves in that frontier of the Kingdom his Majesty was obliged to follow them at hand to prevent their effecting what they had contrived it being of great consequence not to lose any time in such occasions his longer delay could but have given them leave to second their own with forraign forces which as was well known they had negotiated But if he would not have left the Kingdom why did he not condiscend to those fair proposals made to him both at Orleans and Auxerre The King was ready to imbrace him and to give him fresh testimonies of that affection which he had alwaies born to him but his not assenting to them forced his Majesty to pursue him that he might divert the storm which seemed to threaten not only Bourgogne but France it self Politique Observation IT is a great misfortune to a Kingdom when a Faction is once fomented within its bosome but that once being so it were a great imprudence in the King of that Country go give time and opportunity to the heads of the Conspirators to draw their forces together wherewith they might carry on a War against him He ought to be before hand with them and not to stay until revolted Princes are in a condition to put their designs in execution He must not indeed be too credulous in beleeving all reports nor take the field upon the first news of a Revolt but being once well informed and assured he ought no longer to delay Thus Alexander the Great made not the least stop that he might prevent the rising of his enemies in Greece and he came so suddenly upon them with his Army that himself brought the first news of his comming It was his usual saying that a quick dispatch in preventing an enemy is the thing which obtains great advantages against him for this reason it was that Apelles painted him with lightning in his hand which hath a motion so swift that how little soever it be yet it reduceth every thing to ashes Grandees when once revolted want neither courage nor power provided they have but time to raise their Forces They have for the most part persons of knowledge and valour neer them who are capable of setling their affairs in a good equipage if they have but leisure to effect it For this cause is a King obliged to go in person and encounter them whereby he may break the neck of their Rebellion A small matter will sometimes suffice to set all right again the Kings presence is a terrour to Rebels and takes away their courages who are not yet come up that they have but little will to ingage themselves and in case they return not to their obedience by fair means he is then in a capacity to compel them by force seeing they cannot be in a condition to defend themselves Henry the third committed a great oversight by withdrawing himself from Paris at the mutiny of the Barricadoes for a Kings obedience diminisheth the respect due to him imboldneth the Ring-leaders of a faction and animateth the fury of the people Bajazet the second did not thus in the rebellion of
not then consider how they themselves abuse it by resisting it and that whilest they violate his Authority their own flowing from his cannot remain entire and survive it When as the Moon jealous of the Sun attempts to obscure his Rays and sets her self just before his face she depriveth us of his light but we all know she loseth her own likewise and that she receiveth her whole light from those Rays which she obscureth As true it is that Magistrates who become jealous of their Princes Authority which alone hath cloathed them with lustre and made them to shine in the eye of their fellow Subjects and attempt to abridge their Majesties of their Power and Glory cannot so do without wounding themselves and eclipsing their own light Monsieur's Request to the Parliament to Indict the Cardinal THe Cardinals ruine was the main design at which all they who were with the Queen-mother and Monsieur did drive they verily beleeved that in case they could induce the Parliament to impeach him that then his Majesty would begin to have is Fidelity in suspicion and to give credit unto those Crimes wherewith he should be charged but this was a resolution very inconsiderately taken seeing they could not be ignorant that it lay not in the Parliaments Power and withall seeing they could not but know that his Majesty being better acquainted with his integrity and services then any other person whatever would never permit that he should be intreated with such ingratitude However in order to this design of theirs they caused a request signed by Monsieur to be presented unto the Parliament wherein he protested that the persecutions which he had received from the Cardinal had forced him to go out of the Kingdom He desired an instrument of his Protest that the Declaration made in the Parliament of Bourgogne might not prejudice either himself nor his Dependencies and that he might be admitted as a Party against the Cardinal This Request indeed was one of the causes which ingaged the Parliament in the Declaration of which we shall anon speak and which made them culpable in not publishing that of his Majesty But the King having commanded the Request to be brought unto his Councel it was ordered by Arrest that it should be suppressed as contumelious contrary to the good of his Service the Peace of his Subjects the safety of his State and as presented to that intent by those who had induced Monsieur his Brother to withdraw himself out of the Kingdom whereby they might escape the punishment of their Crimes and traduce his Majesties chief Ministers against whom no charge or complaint can or may be given although there were cause for it but by way of humble Petition to his Majesties own person who hath the particular cognizance of their services and proceedings Besides his Majesty not satisfied with this bare Arrest dispatched a large Declaration unto Fontainbleau to let his Subject know that the evil Counsels which had been given unto Monsieur had carried him out of the Kingdom as those given unto the Queen-mother had caused her removal from the Court and that the Cardinal could not in the least be taxed therewith including a most honourable mention of his Integrity and Sincerity concluding that his Majesty was well satisfied and assured by a long and continued experience that the Cardinals chief ends and designs did only tend to advance the glory of his Crown and the good of his State and lastly conjuring his Subjects and Successours still to preserve his memory in their minds Thus was this great Minister secured by his own sublime vertue and his high services from the violences of a factious potent Party Politique Observation NEeds must that Minister be indued with an extraordinary Prudence and Wisdom who can preserve himself immovable in all the shocks which are raised to his ruine Low and mean souls are frequently constrain'd to stoop under the violence of calumny and to give way unto those storms which are falling upon them but great persons like rocks are not to be shaken though in the greatest turbulence of wind or weather It is said that of all Birds the Eagle alone can soar above the Clouds whereby he may secure himself from storms and upon this reason it is that the ancient Heathens feigned Jupiter to have committed the guard of his Thunder unto the Eagle Now great men are like the Eagle and they only can support themselves amidst all the storms and designs which are raised and contrived for their ruine These are those Suns whom the clouds can only dusk for some small time which once pass'd they dissipate of themselves and become annihilated All the attempts made against their Fortunes are but like so many blows in the Ayr so ineffectual they are either to hit or move them The Prudence wherewith they are endued affordeth them the means to foresee all their enemies designs as also to secure themselves and to command even Fortune her self to be favourable unto them their innocence is so great a Bulwark of their glory that it gives Truth power to tryumph over Calumny There needs nothing more to preserve them in their Masters affection then the services they do him for those alone will easily make apparent that all the slanders spread abroad against them are only inventions of some base people who would endeavour to destroy honest men of their reputation whereby they might be made useless amidst their disgrace and that themselves might get somwhat by their shipwrack notwithstanding all which they still persist in the prosecution of those glorious designs which they have laid and make it daylie evident that souls which are truly great do but laugh at those who endeavour to injure them and wipe off with their fingers such Vipers without receiving any hurt neither will they be discouraged from continuing to act what they have well begun Their generousness is like and armed Souldier prepared to resist what-ever shall oppose their Reputation Their Fidelity is like a Wall impregnable against all Force and Artifice Their Wisdom maketh them Masters of their Passions neither will they suffer themselves to be surprized by them so that any advantage may be taken against them Their address dictates unto them to watch the time when they may gain that from their enemies which they designe to obtain Their Abilities are enough to secure them from discredits and disgraces with their Prince where it is impossible for him to get their like In a word those excellent qualities of theirs do discover unto them their enemies contrivances and renders them Masters of their own Fortune which is impossible to be ravished out of their power The Queen-Mothers Request to the same effect THis Request was only the beginning of those Calumnies wherewith Monsieur's Agents did endeavour to bespatter the Cardinals glory for from that time laying their heads together with those of the Queen-Mother they never ceased from inventing and spreading of defamatory Letters and Libels The
this But without making of comparisons it shall only suffice to say this complaint was ridiculous seeing the Cardinal had at that time only two places which were of any importance and his Kindred as many whereas some great Houses of France had more Besides what cause of Jealousie could there be seeing he was every week twice or thrice at least with his Majesty and still brought with him a surrender of his Offices it being in his Majesties power not only to dispose of his Charges but of his Person likewise He had indeed over and above the Government of Bretagne But how Was it not at the earnest intreaties of those of the Country who considering themselves to be invironed with Ports concluded that he could most effectually establish their Trade by means of his Superintendency upon the Sea which had been much decayed during the late Governours times because of the frequent differences between them and the Admirals of France each of them pretending to command upon the Sea coast That which made these factious exclaim more loud then all the rest was because his Majesty had discharged some Governours from their places and committed them to him But what Was not his Majesties so doing a piece of great Discretion when he foresaw the ruine of the Kingdom by the little obedience of such Governours who having the possession of Towns and Places in their Families a long time together would hardly be perswaded they were beholding unto his Majesty for continuing them unto them but would presently fly out into Rebellion upon the first noise of any insurrection Hereupon his Majesty resolved to punish them according to their deserts and deprived some of them of their Offices and Governments with intent of bestowing them on such persons of whose fidelity he was well assured as upon those of the Cardinals Family who were never seen to intermeddle in any Cabal against his Majesties service and who knowing the honour of his Majesties favour to be the only support of their Fortunes were careful of not being ingaged in such Designs as might make them unworthy of it The advantage which this alteration brought with it was soon after apparent for how would it have been if one had continued Governour of Brest if another had kept his Government of Brouage and if Calais had not been dispossessed of its Commander would they not have served for so many Citadels and Magazins to countenance all Revolts which they designed And what I pray is become of all those places which were entrusted with the Cardinal or his Allies Have they not continued in their Obedience to his Majesty and those who engaged the Queen-Mother and Monsieur in their differences could not dispose of any of them according to their own desires And that indeed was the only and chief motive of their complaints Politique Observation NOthing gives greater tranquility to a State then the disposal of Governments into the hands of such persons whose affection and fidelity are well known unto their Prince The experience which France hath so often had hath been too sad to be forgotten seeing the most part of Civil wars nay of Forraign too had not been broached but by the defect of Governours more solicitous of their own Interests then of their Masters glory and service Few are the Grandees who are not discontented if they have not Governments conferr'd upon them nay if they have not some kind of assured settlement in their Commands that their Authorities may be greater A King therefore is obliged to be the more inquisitive whether with their Gandeur they have loyalty and zeal for his service otherwise it were only to give them the means of combining one with the other to raise Factions and to diminish the Soveraign by advancing their own private power Admit they be discontented 't is without cause for no one hath any right to prescribe a Law to his Prince how he shall chuse such persons as he is pleased to employ in his service It is prudence not to regard such discontents they are inconsiderable when the publike Peace is in question A King cannot distribute his Governments with more discretion then by intrusting them with such persons whose loyalty is impregnable and who he is assured will never interest themselves with any party but his own if any Division should arise Now of whom can he better be assured then of such a Minister of whose fidelity he receives daily testimonies and who when he sees him brings with his Person all the Governments and Charges which have been conferred upon him As for those related to him seeing they absolutely depend upon him and that their Power is as his own dependant upon his Majesties good favour they are equally obliged to be faithful For this reason it is that the greatest Princes have not only not been backward to bestow the chief Governments upon them but have looked upon it as a thing very necessary for their service Touching the distribution of Governments I add That a King is obliged what he may to displace those persons who have enjoyed their Offices any long time unless he be very well assured of their fidelity they are so used to hold them when long continued that the fear of losing them doth oftentimes engage them in some Faction which gives them hopes of a longer continuance Besides when not received by his Majesty but his Predecessors they are the sooner ingaged in a Faction because they think not themselves beholden to him for them Withal in processe of time they get so absolute a Power that somtimes it exceeds their Masters it being usual that long command is accompanyed with pride and insolence Hence it is that in the most politique States their Governments were never but temporary Rome lost her Liberty by continuing her Magistrates too long in their Power and Caesar could never have mastered his own Country but by acquiring too great a Power over the souldiers by his long command The Cardinals Riches not to be envied NExt of all these factious spirits would have the Cardinal 's possessing of his Majesties favours to pass for a great crime although his free humor acquits him to every one from the guilt of covetousness and concludes him to be so naturally generous that he values not all the goods of the world but only in order to the well disposing of them The place which he holds under his Majesty in the State necessitateth him to great expences and without them sure it is that both he and all those who are in the same employment would fall into dis-esteem and that inevitably unless they be accompanied with some splendour and extraordinary magnificence else how should they cause his Majesty to be obeyed Those charges once defrayed the rest he doth employ in good uses to the poor oâ— some actions becoming his virtue and bounty Ought his moderate estate to be envied who hath done so great services for France We have in our times beheld a
wrought upon in condescending to their commands they are never at quiet but do alwaies take the liberty of making new requestâ— in hopes of a like success This doth likewise much contribute to maintain them in obedience to support their quiet without which they will easily revolt it is the true beginning of the peoples happiness and cutteth up the root of their rebellions Affairs of Lorrain ABout the end of this year the King could no longer endure that the Duke of Lorrain should abuse his clemency in continuing to be the supporter of those who troubled the Kingdom They had chosen him for their Brave and an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men which he had raised about Spring were the chief of their hopes when Mounsieur went out of the Kingdom they were so inconsiderate as to believe that these Forces entring into France would be like Rivers falling from great mountains increase as they go as if the King assisted by the sage counsels of the Cardinal were not able to ruine all their Souldiers upon their first taking the Field It was however a great satisfaction to his Majesty that he was not put to that trouble the cause was either Fortune or peradventure the Cardinals prudence which so wrought that the Emperour finding himself oppressed by the King of Swede commanded the Duke of Lorrain with his Army to assist him in his occasions so that leaving Monsieur's affairs for some moneths he addressed himself to attend the Emperour and exercise the charge of Generallissimo of his Armies but like the Grey-hound who running after two Hares takes neither he forsook Monsieur's assistance as he had promised and instead of comming to the Randezvouz assigned by the Emperour 7000 of his men disbanded and were scattered whether by a Panick fear or by some accident which so disordered them that it was impossible to rally them again It was a sensible displeasure to him to fall into this disorder after which he was forced to return to Nancy to take care of his promises made unto Monsieur and to make a recruit which the Emperour pressed him to do The Cardinal did not lose so favourable an opportunity to teach him that he did but wrong himself in provoking the King as he had done for three or four years last past by fomenting of Cabals against his Majesty It was well known that he entertained Monsieur with turbulent hopes not only of raising a potent Army in his Country but withall of bringing forces from Germany and the Low Countries sufficient to force the King himself to grant him his desires It was well known that he had exasperated those divisions in the Kings Family by particular intelligences which he maintained with several embroilers that he had received Madam du Forgis with great honour after her disgrace as his chief correspondent that there was not any forraign Prince whom he did not indeavour to make an enemy to France and if he did apprehend that any one of them were discontented that he would with him hold a particular friendship and all this without considering that building without a foundation his superstructure would soon fall to the ground and that his Majesty would effect as many generous enterprizes in his chastisement as himself had conceived imaginary signâ— which were ever successelesse It was resolved that the Duke of Lorrain should be made sensible of the injury he had done himself by provoking his Majesty by his Intreagues and devices His Majest would not however demand satisfaction from him which was not conformable to justice the rule of all his actions and in this he took the sweetest course he might with justice have seized on Barr because he had neglected to pay his fealty and homage and have invaded his Countries in revenge of the injuries he had received But he contented himself with attempting to recover such places only as the said Duke and his Predecessors had against all reason usurped from the Bishopprick of Metâ— in particular whiles the Kings Arms were in Italy he only seeking occasions to incense France that he might render himself the more considerable to the House of Austria induced the Emperour to make himself Master of Moyenvic and to give it him in keeping the chiefest place of the Bishopprick of Mets and the Emperour animated by the Spaniards was glad to have it and fortifie it though against reason by a meer attempt against the rights of the Crown and his Majesties reputation who was Protector thereof The Cardinal whose courage could not put up such wrongs seeing the Peace of Italy concluded and the Emperour sufficiently diverted in Germany perswaded the King to retake it with as much justice as it had with little reason been usurped from France The King who needs no additional heat to his courage when the maintaining of his glory is in question did easily resolve upon it and his Forces being come to the Frontiers of Lorrain under the Marshal de la Force defeated a Regiment of Liege commanded by Collonel Mars who had the confidence to advance into the Kingdom he sent him Order to lead them before Vic and Moyenvic Vic presently yeelded but Moyenvic did not For the Governour was in hopes of relief which made him resolve to hold out he advised Collonel Offa the Emperours Commissary with the condition of the place and the little hopes of long holding it if not relieved but he was answered that it was to him a great astonishment that the Duke of Lorrain who had promised the Emperour to relieve this place should be so carelesse of it that himself was now upon return and that to him he ought to redresse himself for relief In conclusion the Duke of Lorrain was charged by the Emperour to defend it after it had been fortifi'd at his charges and that with such passion that it was observed he caused the money for payment of the workmen to be carried in his own Coach He addressed himself to the Duke but he fearing left the storm he raised should fall upon himself durst not openly assist them but gave order to the Governour of Marsal to assist him with Men Ammunitions and Victuals yet these succours were too weak is likewise the place to resist the Kings power whereupon a parley followed and conditions were agreed on for the surrendring of the place if within six days an Army able to relieve it did not appear No Army appeared the Duke of Lorrain wanting forces but not ill will The garrison marched out making it appear that unjust usurpations are not of long continuance and serve only to expose people to the misfortunes of War when they are committed against a Prince able to carve his own satisfaction Politique Observation NO Prince whatever may usurp without injustice but for a mean Prince to attempt it relisheth of meer imprudence It was pardonable in Brennus who boldly answered the Romans that it was neither outrage nor injustice to seize the goods of another if he can
had lately acquired There was not any one but this victorious Prince who had cause to except against them yet the honour he owed the King obliged him to sign them About the same time the Sieur de Varennes then near Sarbruck carried them in all diligence unto his Majesty and they were dispatched unto the persons interessed by sundry Courriers The King having received them sent the Sieur de Charnce unto the Duke of Baviers the Electors of Colâ—gne and Treves the heads of the League to induce them to confirm the Treaty He found them in such sensible apprehensions of the Swedish forces then ready to assault their Gates and hopelesse of repelling them and yet notwithstanding so passionately bent towards the Interests of the House of Austria that it was easie to perceive how all the Proposals of accommodation made unto the King by the Bishop of Wirtsbourg tended to no other end but to protract the proceedings of the Swidâ— and in the interim to strengthen themselves and then to make use of their advantages This inclination of theirs did not much surprise him for that the Cardinal who is not ignorant of any thing and whose Soul pierceth into the very depth of affairs had cold him that he could expect no other overtures from them yet his zeal for the Churches good so animated him that he was very pressing upon them to imbrace the means necessary for a good accommodation Indeed they ought to have duly considered thereof seeing the League which united them was called Catholique and two of them were Feclesiastiques But the first Article was the stumbling block of all for they could not find in their hearts to withdraw themselves from the Emperours Interests The Sieur de Charnace represented unto the Duke of Bavies how that he professing to imbrace the Churches interests ought to prefer the preservation thereof both in his own and his Neighbour States before all other considerations whatever and that being now the thing in question he ought much sooner to sorsake the house of Austria then indanger the other Notwithstanding these reasons he could not find the least inclination in him so to do but rather on the contrary the Duke publiquely declared he could not conclude upon it in regard of the great reason the Emperor would thereby have to complain against him unto which he replied that there was not any cause to apprehend the Emperours being discontented therewith seeing every Princes proper interest is to be preferr'd before all others whatever and that the resolving on this neutrality with the King of Swede was the only visible way to preserve his State from a ruine which else was unavoidable However this discourse though grounded upon reason and piety could not prevail upon him He said as much unto the Elector of Cologne unto whom he made his next address from his Majesty neither here could he effect any thing considerable so much were they disposed to uphold the Interests of the House of Austria before those of the Church as if they had not much regarded the beholding Gods houses demolished Altars profaned Sacred things plundered Priests and Religious men despoyled provided they might not see the House of Austria abased or reduced to the necessity of being contented with those States alone which did justry belong unto them It was a bewitching blindness not to be enough admired that these two Electors by embracing the Neutrality might preserve themselves their Religion and States and yet would by refusing it expose all to assured ruine But will not every one be more surprized with astonishment when he shall understand That they despising that accomodation which his Majesty had mediated should in the end ascribe all the calamities of the German Church unto his Majesty's fault As if he who furnished them with assured means to preserve it could be blamed for their non-acceptance and ruining it For my part I must needs conclude them alone guilty of those afflictions which befel both the Church and themselves for that he who refuseth the means for obtaining any end can complain against no one but himself if he miss of his Designe In fin they desired a prolongation of the Treaty the fifteen days being expired that they might consider on some other ways of Agreement The King that he might lay the whole fault at their own doors as also that hee might not seem to decline any Proposals tending to the Churches good dispatched the Marquis de Breze a second time into Germany for that purpose But the King of Sweden having laid before him how that there was not any more likely way then that of Neutrality by them refused and that delays which was but Truth gave his Enemies opportunity to fortifie themselves against him he desired to be excused And thus their own wilful stubborness was the cause of his pursuing his conquests Politique Observation IT is in petty Princes a fault not to be pardoned if they stand off and submit not to that Conquerour who will undoubtedly be their ruine They cannot alledge any reasons to justifie themselves for that Necessity is a lawful excuse for all our actions and Justice obligeth the weaker to receive the Law from the stronger But much greater is their fault who without any detriment to themselves or Interests may by sitting still make their Peace Caesar one of the greatest Captains amongst the Ancients advised to agree upon what condition soever provided it were sure rather then to be obstinate in a War with an Enemy more potent then ones self Thus of evils the least is to be chosen neither is the Pilot to be discommended who that he may prevent an absolute shipwrack parteth with some of his Lading unto the Sea Humane hopes are deceitful so that it was the choice of a wise man rather to secure himself from an evil then to assure himself of an uncertain good it often hapneth That he who refuseth an advantage offered unto him liveth to repent his non-acceptance thereof Thus the City of Tyre was sorry but too late that they had not sooner accepted of Alexander's conditions by which they might have been exempted from the calamities of a long siege which refusing did not long after behold their beautiful Buildings ruin'd part of their inhabitants kill'd and the rest brought into captivity But it is not to be doubled that Catholique Princes are obliged to comply with a Victorious King if their continuation of the War may bring any detriment unto Religion nor can any Alliance dispence with this Law The Pagans themselves were so just in the observation thereof that they never encroached upon it And indeed what reason can be alledged to prefer any mans State before Gods And what reason is there to endure the profanation of his House who is Lord of Lords for the advancing of an earthly Princes Interests Which being so Is it not just that they acknowledge the Obligation they owe unto God by preferring Religion the only mark of our service
Germany to shew them that they might safely put themselvs under his protection although he wanted not Forces who were already advanced unto the Borders of their Country to secure them in a case of need and to defend them from any violences which they might apprehend from the Emperonr if the wheel of Fortune should turn about This Army consisted of about twenty four thousand men commanded joyntly by the Mareschals de la Force and d' Effiat The Elector of Treves adhering unto the Neutrality under the Kings protection it was thought requisite for his greater security that his Towns should be delivered into his Majesties power for that the Imperialists hold all for enemies who do not countenance their ambitious Designs and consequently would force the rest as they had already done part of his Towns out of his hands which if they should effect what were it but to run upon one Rock by endeavouring to avoid another He was soon perswaded of the necesity of this advice which easily induced him to admit French Garrisons into his Cities During these things the Generals of the Army press'd him to conclude the Treaty in order to his promises which he seemed but coldly to receive having already been assured from the Swedish King that for his Majesty's sake nothing should be attempted against him whilest he was under his protection They press'd him to be as good as his word telling him it was dishonourable for their Master to receive him into his protection and that others should hold his Towns from him whereupon he deposited the Castle of Hermesteine into their hands a place considerable both for its Form and Scituation which is such that it may block up the River Rhine at the foot whereof it is seated Twelve Companies of French marched into it under the command of Saludie who had long treated with the said Elector as well as the Sieur de Charnace The like he would have done with his chief City had it been within his power but the Chapter being gained by the Imperialists had forced him to quit it to the Comte d' Ysembourg who kept it with a Garrison of Spaniards sufficient for its defence The next thing he did was to deliver Philipsbourg into their hands but his Governour in stead of obeying his commands in receiving the Garrison protested he would not deliver the Places unless unto those whom the Emperour did appoint Hereupon the Spaniards apprehended the Elector being in this humour that Goblens might also be designed for his Majesty to prevent which they found means to clap a Garrison into it This place was more important then strong is scituate upon the mouth of the Rhine and Mozelle where they joyn their waters so that the Rhine only parted the French and Spaniard which had been enough to have kept them at peace had not the Elector of Treves Interests given them occasions of falling out The King was engaged to project him neither could the waters of that large River quench the heat of their Fury which egg'd them on to skirmish as often as occasion required which was the cause that they continued not long so neer together without engagements on either party and their emulation had increased had they continued their Neighbourhood any longer together The City of Treves besieged and the Arch-Bishop established by the Kings Forces THe Cardinals advices and indeavours still tended to preserve a good correspondency between the two Crowns neither was he to seek for an effectual means to continue it at this time which he did by the King of Swede's interposition who perswaded them to march forth from thence and divers other places The Design was concluded and the Marshal Horn advanced thither from Mayence with eight thousand Horse and six score Companies of Foot all well appointed The Rhinegrave had a particular Commission for the re-taking of Coblens before which he came about mid June invested the place and soon forced the Garrison to surrender upon composition which once delivered he restored unto the French having first dealt with the inhabitants to discharge the expences of the siege and his march thither The taking of this place strook such a fear and terror into the Spaniards that they resolved to quit divers others at least there needed but little perswasion to intreat their removal only they made some difficulty in relinquishing the City of Treves which they hoped to keep by the means of some new fortification they had there raised and a sufficient Garrison to defend it The Marshal d' Effiat was commanded to besiege it but whilest he was drawing his Army thither Death which excuseth neither Alexanders nor Caesars deprived him of his life at Lutzelstein but could not rob him of the glory of having served the King his Master with an extraordinary Prudence both in his Councels and Embassies with an approved integrity in the management of his Treasuries and with an illustrious courage in the command of his Armies The King received the news hereof with grief and there being no time to be lost in preventing the Spaniards fortifying themselves his Majesty soon dispatched the Marshal d'Estree into his place whose Prudence and Courage had been experimented in several occasions and had acquired him the quality of Marshal de France ever since the year 1624. He departed from Paris by Post towards the Army where he found the Vicomte de Arpajon and the Comte de la Suze Marshals de Camp who had undertaken the command of the Army since the Marshal d' Effiats death already advanced near Treves which they had summoned to deliver the garrison refused being resolved to sustain the siege and defend the place Hereupon the Vicomte de Aspajon made his approaches with the Army and gave orders to invest the place which was performed with such expedition that the inhabitants found themselves unexpectedly surrounded the very next day The Comte de Yemsbourg had not confidence enough in the strength of the place to suffer himself to be pent up in it but quartered at Grafeumacher neither had he furnished it with above eight hundred men which considering the French power he thought to augment by clapping three hundred horse and twelve hundred foot into it together with a good convoy of Ammunition In order to which he made his approaches but the Marshal d' Estree comming to the Army just as intelligence was brought of this design he took such course that they could not effect it for he no sooner received the news but he commanded the Comte de la Suze and the Vicomte de Apajon to a place by which they were of necessity to passe thither they went and perceiving the enemy sent to discover their Forces by Lievtenant Alexis and twenty light horse who advancing further then was requisite were quickly ingaged by five squadrons of horse who forced them to give ground but were not long unseconded by the Sieur de Moulinet with five and twenty Gallants by the Companies of
Interests in any thing That Town is of no small consideration it having formerly given the English when and as often as they desired an uncontrouled entrance into the Kingdom and with them Monsieur held but too strict an intelligence at this very time This was a disease not to be suffered to grow any older yet the cure of it had been almost desperate to any other but the King for Calais as it is far removed from Paris so is it likewise more distant from Lorrain But his Majesty whose vigilance doth oftentimes give him great Victories did easily endure the troubles of the Journey He knew from his cradle it was not without great reason that an Emperour designing to represent upon the Reverse of a Medail the means which the Roman Republique had used in conquering the Universe contrived a Rome with wings upon its feet and hands intimating that Vigilance had made her Mistress of the world In order whereunto he never apprehended any embroyl elther within or without the Kingdom which he did not readily encounter in his own person upon the least assurance that he might take them unproprovided who had contrived any thing against his State or person and thereby overcome them with less trouble and more ease The King departed then from Saint Germain about the beginning of May and not long after came to Calais where being arrived he placed six Companies of the Regiment of Navarre in the Cittadel commanded the Sieur de Vaâ—ance to retire himself to one of his Houses left the Sieur de Râ—mbures to command it until his Majesty should otherwise dispose of it and having stay'd two days he departed towards Lorrain that he might let the Duke know his proceedings had made him guilty both of Injustice and Rashness which two things he was come to chastise by the force of his Arms. Politique Observation GOd having constituted Kings as the Images of his Power doth no less require them to punish any injuries committed against their Majesty then the crimes of their Subjects To what other end is it that they have the sword of Justice intrusted with them unless it be as an assured testimony of the power they have to Right themselves for any injuries He who hath so little courage as to pass them by will soon become the object of his Neighbours scorn every one will trample on him and God himself being offended at his little care in preserving those stamps of his Majesty which he hath imprinted on his Forehead will justly permit him to be despoyled of that honour which he had bestowed upon him God hath unto private men given no other means to repel the injuries offered unto them then the Justice of their Soveraigns whom he hath commanded to right them but otherwise it is with Kings unto them he hath given power to punish those who offend them be they of what quality soever There is not a man above them who can arbitrate their differences themselves are the only Judges of their own Rights and they may lawfully take up Arms both when and as often as their Prudence and Justice shall think fit The Primum Mobile hath no dependence on any other Orb in point of his motion and Kings those primary causes of a State have no superiour authority over them to direct them in point of War It is sufficient that they against whom they take up Arms have given them cause so to do Hence it is that one of the eminent'st lights of the Church calleth that War just which is undertaken to revenge injuries And Archidamus in Thucydides saith Every War is just which is made to revenge any groundless injury Now amongst all the things which may provoke a Prince to take up Arms that of raising Forces to invade his Kingdom of violating Treaties and recommencing old Quarrels are most justifiable The Rules of Politique Justice do not only permit a War as lawful against them who come and besiege Towns and commit disorders in another State no they are not bound to sit still in expectation of that storm but it sufficeth to have only known discovered their designs and malicious intentions for otherwise it were a very great imprudence the ablest Commanders having ever concluded it better to carry a war into his Country who designeth to invade then to expect him in our own In fine The Breach of Treaties and Promises hath alwaies been accounted highly injurious unto Princes Gentlemen have their throats cut for breach of word and Princes may not put it up if it be of never so little concernment without making war upon it With the Spaniards indeed it is proverbial Wind carries Words and Feathers The wisest Politicians do tell us That to promise in a Treaty what is not intended to be performed is to scorn a Prince and Homer saith He who promiseth one thing and intendeth another ought to be reputed for an Enemy Mounsieur entreth Lorrain in Arms. THe King being at Laon was inform'd by a Courier from the Mareschal de la Force that Monsieur had pass'd by Malatour a little Village between Verdun and Mets and that his Forces were joyned with the Duke's and by another near the same time that Monsieur no sooner arrived but he began the war having cut off a Troop of Carabines sent by the Mareschal d' Effiat in peace the Duke being obliged to give his Ma Majesties Troops free passage and in fine that he was entred the Kingdom in Arms. Hereupon the King advanced in â—ast towards the Army which was numerous and strong the Mareschal d' Effiat being arrived from Germany and commanded the Duke de Chaune and Mareschal d' Effiat to draw together the Nobility which came to attend him upon the Frontiers To make short he came to Saint Monehoust the 15. of June ready to fall with his Army upon the Duke of Lorrain in case he offered to stir a foot or send and Forces with Monsieur into France but he was better advised as it fell out then so to do The Mareschal d' Effiat without more loss of time presented his Army before Pont-a Mousson which so terrified the Inhabitants that they opened their Garet without resistance The Duke of Lorrain was no less astonished and now beginning to foresee his ruine desired a meeting with the Mareschal d' Effiat where he accused Monsieur's arrival at Nancy protesting it was not by his procurement and telling him he would give his Majesty any satisfaction or assurance of his fidelity The Mareschal acquainted his Majesty therewith who thought it not best to pardon him a second time without some kind of revenge especially seeing there was no trust to be given to his promises after so manifest a discovery of his malice and designs against France whereupon he drew up to Vaubecourt to enter upon Lorrain In the mean time having Intelligence brought that a Regiment of the Duke's Horse commanded by the Sieur de Lenoncourt was not far from Rouuray that he might teach him
Majesties Forces should have free passage through his Country In consideration whereof the Cardinal undertook in his Majesty's behalf to surrender the City and Castle of Bar unto the Duke as also the City and Castle of Saint Mihel Pont-a-Mousson and generally what-ever his Majesty had taken from him to with-draw his Forces from Lorrain and to protect the Person and Estates of the said Duke against all persons without exception The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to confirm these conditions which could not be well misliked they being advantagious for the glory of France and leaving his Majesty at full liberty to go and chastise them who abusing Monsieurs name had set the Kingdom in an uproar And thus was the Treaty of Liverdun signed upon the 26. day of June This Treaty being thus concluded the King went to Pont-a-Mousson where the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet him and to give caution for performance of his Brothers promises in order whereunto Stenay was put into the possession of the Sieur de Lambertie Jametts of the Sieur de Plessis who entred with their several Regiments into them and the King surrendred what places he had lately taken in Lorrain From thence the King went to Sechâ—pre whither the Duke came to wait upon him testifying himself to be sorrowful for having given his Majesty any cause of discontent and beseeching him to forget what was pass'd The King receiv'd his Highness with all demonstrations of kindness assuring him he should no more remember what was pass'd and hoping his good conduct for the future would never give him occasion to think of it hereafter The Duke was not backward to make many protestations though he little intended to perform any part of them In conclusion his Majesty returned into France and so to Paris chusing rather to follow the instigations of his goodness then of distrust which he had however cause to return Politique Observation IT is ever more commendable in a Prince to exceed rather in credulity then jealousie especially if it be not to his disadvantage whereas on the other side Distrust is praise-worthy in Treaties with a person not to be credited and where an easie Belief may breed inconveniences It is equally bad to believe no man and to believe every man and as it is prudence not to trust a man whom there is cause to suspect so it is a signe of courage not to fear where there is no cause of distrust It somtimes hapneth that confidence breaketh the courage of an enemy reduceth him to his devoir and forceth him to relinquish his Designs For as distrust doth extreamly much dis-oblige the truest friends so confidence hath such charms that it is able to captivate the most mortal enemies Mens passions are not unconquerable somtimes clemency and bounty may effect more then force and violence A soyl though bad of it self and apt to produce nothing but Thistles and Brambles yet when cultivated and manured with industry may bring forth good grain and spirits though naturally deceitful and false yet may be reformed by reason and generous dealing The Venetians did heretofore shew a notable example hereof when having taken a certain Prince of Mantua prisoner who extreamly much slighted them and had sworn their ruine they not only restored him to Liberty but withal made him General of theâ—r Armies and he finding himself overcome by so great a confidence layed out the utmost of his care and courage to serve them And th'Emperour Augustus by his confidence in Lucius Cinna accused for having designed to murther him so absolutely wrought upon him that he had not afterwards any person more faithful or affectionate to his service Monsieur goeth into Burgogne WE have before declared how the King being just upon his March into Lorrain Monsieur pass'd by with his Forces The sight of his Majesty's Forces hindred him from making any great stay as also from carrying the Duke of Lorrain's Troops along with him which he intended and was a thing very necessary in order to his designs because the business in Languedoc was not yet so forward as was expected From Lorrain he went into Bassigny and quartered at Andelot on the 13 of June where they who abused his favour and made use of his Name published the most seditious Libel that was ever yet heard it was fraught with infinite protestations of doing his Majesty service their usual pretexts who imbroyl the State As if to trouble the whole Kingdom to besiege Towns and Cities to oppress his Subjects to seize on the money belonging to the Exchequer to engage the Nobility in a Revolt were to do his Majesty service and all this expresly against his Majesty's command and inhibition Were not these Protestations a specious veyl wherewith Monsieurs followers endeavoured to hide the impatiency of their spirits when they saw those predictions which foretold the King's death above two years before come to nothing upon which they built all the hopes of their advancements That indeed was the true cause which induced them to spread those libellous calumnies against the Cardinal with such absurd exaggerations that they made them incredible so true it is that slanders of excess and contrary to any probable appearance make but small impressions upon them who are masters but of never so little reason Indeed who could well believe him to be a disturber of the Publike peace an enemy to the King and Royal Family as they published in their Manifest who in fifteen days time procured by his prudent conduct so many glories for France and his Majesty in Lorrain What probability was there to perswade the world that he would make himself Master of the State as they endeavoured to convince unto Monsieur who had used such great industry to cause his return into France when he first left the Kingdom and who never stirred towards Piedmont until his return was certainly concluded And in the end he forced them to dis-own that imputation by his perswading the King to shew him so much clemency and such extraordinary magnificence to oblige him to a second return What reason could they then have to take up Arms upon his accompt They had not any the least just ground for it which is evident to all the world neither were all their slanders able to sully his glory in any particular what-ever But rather on the contrary as Musk and Civet acquire a pleasant and delightful smell amidst the dunghil and Ordure by the same Anti-peristasis that fire is hottest in the coldest of Winter so all their slanders proclaimed against him serv'd only to increase the sweet odour of his Reputation which his Services and Qualities more then humane had acquired unto him That I may say somthing touching his own particular resentment it is most certain his soul was more affected with compassion for France then concern'd for his own Interests amidst all those Thunders which did not much trouble him All the vain attempts of those storms did but redouble his
courage all those Thunders did break themselves against the Rocks of his constancy which seemed to have grown harder from those many blows struck against him in the course of one year In fine all those waves and huge Billows which threatned to overwhelm him served only to manifest that his services had made his favour inexpugnable Politique Observation IT cannot but be an unjust reward to repay the services of a grand Minister with calumnies If good offices do by all kinds of Justice oblige a grateful return what reason can there then be injuriously to attaint his honour who imployeth his whole time in his Countries good It is faith an Ancient a great mans misery when he seeth himself appayed with slanders yet notwithstanding the most famous men of Antiquity and those very persons from whom our Kings have received most signal services have found themselves ingratefully rewarded Let us a little look back into the beginning of this Monarchy and take a view of those who have served our Kings hardly shall we find any one whose conduct hath not been blamed accused condemned We have hereof laid down the reasons in other places at present I shall insert this only That the Favour of their Master the Benefits they receive from Him and the Glory which they obtain by their services are a sufficient cause to procure them hatred so great an Empire hath Envy in the Courts of Princes Not that this misfortune is only appropriate to this Monarchy No it is of longer standing and more universal For did not the Athenians banish Themistocles the greatest man of his time and one who had done them unspeakable service Was not Coriolanus hated accused banished by the Romans whom nothing but meer necessity could reduce to a sense of their fault And how often did the Israelites rebel against Moses who had how-ever done so many miracles before their eyes A thousand other examples might be produced were the universality hereof a thing questionable Surely a deplorable thing it is either in respect of its injustice it being unreasonable that a person who hath done the State good service should be therefore ill requited or else in respect of the ill consequences it being frequently seen that it begets troubles to which only end such defamations are spread abroad Marlius Capitolinus had no other way to raise a Sedition in Râ—me against Camillus after he had secured the City from the French who had surprized it then by raising of scandals upon him and endeavouring to perswade the people that he had embezelled the Publike Treasure But what may it not I pray in general be said That aspersions have been the seeds of all the Revolts which ever hapned in France and that the Authors of them have seldom gotten any thing thereby except shame hatred and confusion Monsieur the Duke of Orleance's Entry into Burgogne IT is said that Dogs do never bark so much against the Moon as when she is at her full and shineth brightest and true it is that those factious spirits which abused Monsieurs name and favour did never spread abroad more aspersions against the Cardinal then just when he acquired most glory by his services against the Spaniard the English the Dukes of Savoy and Lorrain Every one knoweth how that their Libels were published at that very time But as the fair star which ruleth the night ceaseth not to prosecute her course notwithstanding all the snarlings and barkings here beneath so likewise this grand Minister whose merits had raised him to the Government of affairs and whom God seemed to have bestowed upon France as a bright star to dissipate all those clowds wherewith the hatred and envy of the French indeavoured to eclipse him did noâ— discontinue his Career nor suffer the effects of his courage to be diverted out of a sence of fear either of the one or the other All their attempts served only to reinforce his diligence that he might stifle the fire in its first eruption which was designed to burn the whole Kingdom Monsieur was marched into France with about two thousand Horse Liegeois Walloons and Germans commanded by the Sieur Meternie Canon of Treves and des Granges of Liege at first he fell into Bourgogne because Monsieur de Montmorency's Letters acquainted him how the affairs of Languedoc were not yet ripe for his service which made him resolve to spend some time there Being advanced within four or five Leagues of Dijon he writ unto the Mayor and Sheriffs as also unto the Parliament to induce them to favour his stay and to furnish him with means for his Armies subsistance thinking with himself that in case they should condiscend thereunto he might quickly find some way or other to get himself into the City and become Master thereof But as it fell out they were not inclined to give him that content rather on the contrary having received his Letters with great respect they sent them all unto the King and beseeched his Highnesse that he would approve of their proceedings herein to the intent that receiving his Majesties directions they might follow his instructions in that particular In the mean time they raised the whole City and mounted their Canon in case need should require Whereupon a Body of Monsieurs Horse comming up to fire the Fauxbourg Saint Nicholas the great shot gave them so hot a welcome that they were forced to retire with the losse of about twenty men whom they lest upon the place amongst whom was a certain Captain a Liegeois much esteemed by Monsieur who departed the next morning Monsieurs Forces were so netled at this disaster that they resolved to be revenged In conclusion they committed such disorders that most part of the adjacent Villages were burned being first of all plundered But it was not the backwardnesse of Dijon which forced him to leave that Country the Marshal de la Force who followed him at hand was the chief cause of his removal from those parts For as soon as ever the King understood of Mousieur's march into France knowing no time ought to be lost in preventing a Revolt and that delays may afford such persons opportunity to raise Forces and seize upon strong places he commanded the Marshal de la Force to take with him about ten thousand foot and two thousand horse of the Lorrain forces and to attend upon his motions to prevent any further inconveniency so that the Treaty of Liverdun being once concluded Monsieur had but little time of rest in that Country His Majesty likewise thought fit to send the Marshal de Schomberg upon the same design with fifteen hundred Maistros Gensdarmes and Light-horse as also nine hundred Musquetiers mounted which himself chose out of the Regiment of his Guard so that hating these two in his Rear he was forced to march with the more speed His Troops being all composed of strangers committed great insolencies where-ever they went which thing besides the obedience they owed unto his Majesty obliged
divers Provinces in his absence AS in times of Revolts there ought alwaies especial eye to be had upon the Insurrections which a Rebellious party may make especially in the absence of heir Soveraign His Majesty before his removal from Paris thought good to commit the Government of that place and the adjacent Provinces unto the management of some Princes of the Blood Accordingly he dispatched his letters unto Monsieur le Prince de Conde to impower him to command in Nivernois Berry Bourbon Tourain Poictou Aunis Zainctonge Haut and Basse Marcke Limosin and Auvergne to preserve them in peace and quiet which he intrusted with him especially in confidence that his loyalty and zeal for his service as also his Prudence and good Conduct would effectually cause him to be very sollicitous and diligent in preventing any troubles what ever The Letters were accompanied with an extraordinary and unlimitted power which did a little surprize some people of small understanding who think a King never ought to intrust so great a power with any Prince of the Blood But indeed it was an effect and that a very remarkable one of the Cardinal's Prudence who knew there is not any cause to fear the power of a Grandee where there is any assurance of his being discreet The Laws of Gratitude and Submission do both oblige them to oppose any thing which incroacheth upon their Kings glory and it cannot be denied but that they preserve their own in particular by preserving their Kings Authority Whilst the Duke of Montmorency was disposing all things in order for the war Monsieur marched into Albigieis and the Bishop delivered Alby into his hands He rested there some time to refresh his Army and from thence he went leaving five hundred horse behind him unto Carcassenne where he held some intelligence but having been inform'd of the Sieur Mangot Villarceaux his great care to preserve the Inhabitants in their duties he passed on Beziers and gave order for a new Fortification From thence he designed to march to Narbone and make sure of that place by the help of some Intelligence which he there had which would have been a Port at command to have received any assistance from Spain as likewise to retire unto in case of necessity But he was presently discomfited to hear that those of his party had been over pow'red by the Arch Bishop and some other of his Majesty's servants who under pretence of assisting him got into the place and so mastered it Now the King being informed of all these proceedings The Result of the States she Revolt of Cities and of the inclinations of some Lords thought his presence would be necessary about those parts The Cardinal was of the same opinion and assured his Majesty that if he would undertake the trouble of the journey all those storms would pass away in fix weeks time as it fell out accordingly Hereupon the King concluded upon the expedition and before he left Paris caused the Parliament to publish a Declaration in common form against all those who followed Monsieur or favoured his designs proclaiming them to be Rebels guilty of high Treason and Disturbers of the Publike Peace commanding all Officers to proceed against them according to the Rigour of the Law yet with so particular a testimony of affection unto Monsieur that his Majesty would not have him declared guilty but it s the Declaration published That he would totally forgive him if he acknowledged his error within six weeks after publication thereof His Majesty likewise made a Declaration sent unto the Parliament of Tholose to proclaim the Duke of Montmorency guity of high Treason degraded from all honours and dignities the Dutchy of Montmorency extinct and re-united in the Crown and all his goods confiscate enjoyning the Parliament of Tholose to make his Process and requiring all Prelats Barons Consuls and Deputies of any Cities who had assisted subscribed or assented unto the Result of the States to appear before the Parliament at Tholose or the next Presidial to their dwelling houses within fifteen days after publication thereof to dis-own their Actions and Consents and in case of non-obedience to be deemed as Rebels and Traytors degraded from all honour and dignity prohibiting the imposing of any Taxes by vertue of any order from the said States Moreover his Majesty expresly commanded the Mareschals de la Force and de Schomberg to be careful that Monsieurs levies might not draw into a Body together but that they should fall upon them upon their first appearance These things thus setled he departed from Paris the eleventh of August The very news of his march out of Paris so encouraged his Majesties servants and disheartned the Rebels that all their contrivances did forthwith begin to fall The first thing which befel them but which was a great good Fortune for France was a division between their Leaders which gave the two Mareschals a great advantage upon them The Sieur de Puy-Laurens had been accustomed to command all who came neer Monsieur and could not now well endure that the Duke of Montmorency should issue out Orders for the carrying on of the War whereupon there grew a great jealousie between them Moreover the Duke d' Elboeuf being of another quality then the Duke of Montmorency pretended to be Monsieurs Lievtenant General which however the Duke would not admit off in regard he was Governour of the Province where all the Tragedy was to be acted Hereupon it being hard to make any accommodation between them it was thought requisite to part them and to assigne every one what he should command who being thus divided by and amongst themselves were easily overcome by his Majesties Forces Politique Observation THere is not any thing which giveth more advantage against Revolts and in general all enemies then the division of their Commanders and Forces if unexpectedly they fall into this disorder fortune is to be thanked and if it be possible to contribute in the least thereunto it ought the more industriously to be attempted in regard the effect cannot but be advantagious All great Captains have been chiefly solicitous of this one thing Coriolanus warring against the Romans destroyed the possessions of all their principal men but saved those of the people that so he might provoke the one against the other Hannibal on the contrary he preserved those of Fabius but burnt all the rest The Thebans advised Mardonius to send great Presents to the most eminent of the Grecians that the rest might be jealous of it And Cleomenius the Athenian assaulting the Fraezenians cast certain darts into the City with Letters fastened to them which served to raise a sedition amongst them in the heat whereof he fell upon them and became Master of the City To prevent this disorder the wisest Politicians have ever thought it proper that there should not be several Heads of an Army of equal power unlesse every one so commanded in particular that there should be only one
and the Marquis de Breze found that they were out of danger and having discoursed some few minutes concerning the present State of affairs they judged that having fought so luckily slain so many persons of quality and taken him prisoner who was the soul of the Rebellion it would be improper to run a second hazard because having the person of Monsieur de Montmorency the residue of the revolt would dissipate of it self without necessitating the King's Forces to go fight Monsieur's Army afresh by a strait Bridge where but few could march together and that within Cannon-shot However they made a stand about and hour in the field to see if the enemy would demand any thing but perceiving them not to advance they drew off the King's Army to the City and Suburbs of Castelnaudary where Monsieur de Montmorency was kept for some time until his wounds would permit him to be conducted to some place of greater security and that his Majesty's pleasure concerning him were known Politique Observation IT is usual with Souldiers upon obtaining any great advantage in fight to prosecute their Victory to the full but a prudent General is obliged to curb in their impetuousness and to enjoy the favours of Fortune with great moderation The satisfaction of seeing his enemies overcome with fear ought not to blind him but he ought to make use of Prudence and not to run the hazard of losing a certain Victory already obtain'd in hopes of a greater but uncertain He who cannot be contented with an indifferent Victory endangereth the losing of that which he hath gotten Briefly It is great rashness to drive an enemy to extremities for to reduce them to a necessity of fighting doth often expel all fear from them filleth them with courage raiseth up one to be as good as four and redeems the Victory they had lost What but necessity made the Locrois behave themselves so couragiously that fifteen thousand of them defeated an hundred and thirty thousand of their enemies Was it not the same necessity as History observes which made the Romans when so hotly pursued by the Lacedemonians that they had not time to retire to their Vessels to turn again make a stand fight like Lyons kill two hundred of them and take as many Prisoners The Consul Manlius that not a man of his enemies might escape him set strong Guards upon all places by which they were to retreat but the enemy perceiving it and knowing the impossibility of saving themselves fell upon him slew him and became so furious that they had likewise cut the rest in pieces had they not had free liberty to retreat granted them For this very reason it was that the French retreating from Naples the ablest Italians were of opinion to let them have free liberty of departure and which is more if occasion were to favour their retreat It is always glory enough to vanquish in what measure soever but who so contenteth not himself renders himself unworthy to keep the Victory he has gotten The Sequel of what hapned at Castelnaudary THe taking of Monsieur de Montmorency was received by Monsieur's Army as the greatest misfortune that could befal them though it was in fine the greatest happiness that his Majesty's servants could wish for either in regard of Monsieur's person who had the Engagement longer continued could not have been kept from it or else in regard of the Interest of France by this means secured from the enterprizes of a Faction exposing her Natives to sundry miseries and violences Every one attributed this accident to the Leaders of Monsieur's Army who had too much courage and too little conduct and to his Souldiers who shewed no courage at all But to omit the causes of this happy defeat I shall say The King received notice hereof at Lyons from whence his Majesty resolved to depart upon the Cardinal 's assuring him that his only presence after such an advantage would soon reduce the whole Province of Languedoc as accordingly it hapned Notwithstanding the satisfaction which his Majesty received from this Victory be could not set forward so apprehensive was he of Monsieur's state without dispatching unto him the Sieur d' Aiguebonne to assure him of his affection who departed upon the ninth of September with order to tell him that his Majesty touched with the same affection he always had for him was ready to receive him to entertain him favourably at Court and to perform the contents of his last Declaration that he should be restored to his Goods Pensions Annuities and Governments in case he would acknowledge his fault and relinquish all his correspondencies both at home and abroad who had engaged him in that Revolt that if he had rather live in any other place his Majesty would assent thereunto Provided it were a place free from suspicion That he would restore the Duke d' Elboeuf and would pardon all his Domestiques their Lives and Estates Could more tenderness and affection towards Monsieur be wished for in the Kings heart then what was here shewed which cannot be denyed to have proceeded from a bounty truly extraordinary The sequel of the Negotiation with Monsieur BUt that I may say somthing of the event of this Treaty I shall tell you how the Sieur d' Aiguebonne coming to Monsieur found him much discontented not only for Monsieur de Montmorency being taken but to see most of the Nobility of Languedoc falling off from him which did not a little affright the Sieur de Puy-Leurens and those of his Faction no less sollicitous of their own then their Master's interst who then began to misdoubt their being taken and made objects of his Majesty's Justice for that he was obliged to punish the whole Rebellion upon their persons they having been the chief contrivers thereof Neither were they less afflicted for having miss'd of those advantages which they fancy'd to obtain by the War But on the other side considering the preservation of life is to be preferr'd before all other Interests they had already concluded that Monsieur wanting Forces to carry on the War should seem to desire Peace from the King the only way to secure them from otherwise unavoydable misfortunes and to betake them to their Arms again upon the first occasion of advantage which might give them hopes of better success Monsieur was the more readily inclined to follow their advice in regard he found himself unable to prosecute the War and reduced to a necessity of submitting to that Law which his Majesty would impose on him so that he had already sent the Sieur de Chaudebonne towards his Majesty to testifie unto him his sorrow for having given him occasion of discontent and to make him all sorts of Protestations of Obedience and Loyaltie for the future beseeching him to forget what was past and by the affection wherewith he had ever honour'd him to moderate that anger he might have conceived against him for his late proceedings Withal Chaudebonne had order to
beg Monsieur de Montmorency's Freedom his re establishment in his Goods and Offices and the like for the Duke de Bellegarde with all other his Adherents or the Queen-Mothers To demand a place of Security for Monsieur That the Queer-Mother should be recall'd That the places deposited by Monsieur de Lorrain should be restored That a million of Livres should be granted to Monsieur to pay off what he had borrowed from the Spaniards and the Duke of Lorrain and that the Arrest issued out against the Lady du Fargis should be repealed All this had been acted before the Sieur d' Aiguibonne's Arrival so that his coming to Monsieur was not a little welcom all his Retinue beholding him as their Deliverer and the Wisest among them were unable to admire the Excess of his Majesty's Bounty Politique Observation AMongst the divers marks of Good-Will Compassion the Mother thereof is the most assured it being certain that none is sollicitous to set a person indifferent to him or against whom he hath some cause of anger reduced to extremity Indifferency is too stupid to excite any sentiments of grief at others sufferings and the heat of blood and choler cause joy rather then sadness A man from the top of some Hill beholdeth with delight his enemies Vessel beaten by a Tempest with his Masts already broken and Sayls torn ready to be swallowed up by the fury of the Winds and Waves but otherwise is he affected if the Ship contain any person who is dear unto him at such a sight he would be wholly transported with grief his eyes would be lifted up to Heaven and he would presently addresse himself to send him assistance In the same manner is a great Prince touch'd with compassion for those who relate to him or are esteemed by him when he sees them reduced to any deplorable condition The Arms which they have carried against him cannot prevent such sentiments it being most certain that true generousnesse never delights to behold a very enemy reduced to the utmost extremity of misfortune A well-grounded courage will rejoyce to obtain a victory against his enemy but then he useth all means he can to comfort him in his affliction and beareth some part of his sadnesse with him Thus a noble Roman Captain having defeated the Macedonians began to shed tears when he saw their King brought Prisoner before him and rising from his seat went to receive him with all honour as a grand person fallen by accident into such misfortune and when he cast himself at his feet would not suffer it but raised him with a sence of compassion for that estate wherein he then beheld him In the same manner the Samnite having overthrown two Roman Consular Armies at the Furcae Caudinae and brought them into slavery would not enter into the City of Capua but by night as if they would compassionately hide the confusions which they saw them suffer under the obscurity of darknesse In conclusion pittying their distresse they restored to the Consuls their dgnities their fasces their Ushers with the rest of their Train and thus entring into Capua both Magistrates and people came to comfort them In the same manner the ruine which befalleth persons of eminent quality deserves the more pity from the greatnesse of their fall and in regard their confusion is exposed not onely to a family or City but many times to all Europe A Treaty of Peace with Monsieur MOnsieur received these testimonies of the King's Clemency whilest he was yet at Castelnaudary and though his present extremity caused him to receive them with a great deal of satisfaction yet his affection for the D. of Montmorency kept him off from concluding any thing untill he had indeavoured to obtain some assurances of his life and liberty He seemed unto the Sieur de Aiguebonne to be exceeding sensible of his Majesties goodnesse beseeching him to assure his Majesty that he was very sorry for having offended him that he was firmly resolved to render him all manner of obedience for the future and never to thwart his pleasure In brief he desired him to beseech his Majesty in his behalf as himself most humbly did to grant according to his usual clemency those graces he had already requested by Chaudebonne particulary in the behalf of the D. of Montmorency That he respectfully accepted his Majesties offers but that adding that one favour to the person who he loved and one who had not ingaged but for his sake he should be infinitely much more obliged and that he would then go any whither where his Majesty should think fit The Sieur de Aiguebonne returned with this answer of Monsieurs to the King being yet at Pont-Saint Esprit but there had been a return made thereunto by Chaudebonne who had set forward the day before by whom his Majesty writ to Monsieur that he could not grant him any other thing that what had already been proposed to the Sieur de Aiguebonne and conjur'd him to accept of them without making other pretensions his demands being neither agreeable to his Majesties dignity the good of the State nor his own proper interest Now Chaudebonne returning with this Letter to Monsieur his Highnesse was not a little troubled to see the difficulty of delivering the D. de Montmorency from the danger wherein he was but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens not forgetfull of those jealousies which had been between them was solicitous to extinguish those thoughts and pressed Monsieur to withdraw himself from the Precipice by laying before him the obsolute necessities as his affairs then stood either of ruine or accommodation neither did he much care as every one observed to let the Dâ—de Montmorency to be cast away provided himself might be safe from shipwrack Monsieur however could not be so soon induced to that resolution though he was somewhat staggered but sent Chaudebonne a second time to make new instances upon his first Propositionâ— and then retired into Beziers with part of his Forces which however quartered thereabouts but neither the Governour nor Inhabitants would permit them to enter This was the cause that he made no long stay there but departed on the twentieth of September before four in the morning by torch-light having received an Aâ—arm that the Kings Army commanded by the Marshals de Vitry and de la Force were making their approaches to besiege him Mean while the King removed from Pont-Saint Esprit and came to Nismes where Chaudebonne who but three days before had returned towards Monsieur came again to meet his Majesty and re-inforce the former Propositions and more especially to procure that the favour which his Majesty granted unto Monsieur might be extended unto all of his party But his Majesty persisted in admitting of no other conditions whereupon Chaudebonne gave some hopes that Monsieur might be perswaded to submit in case any one went to treat with him from his Majesty for that the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was labouring to perswade him thereunto
of every thing which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Monsieur's Revolt had been so clipp'd that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders All good Frenchmen were touched with such joy as they who having been long weather-beaten by a Tempest at Sea do at length safely arrive unto their wished Haven But those joys were short lived the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down which threatned France with a furious storm The Sieur de Puy-Laurens and some others who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King with design to ingage him in some new Revolt as occasion should present and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions then they had done in Languedoc they were not long without a pretence to palliate their intentions Monsieur de Montmorency's death should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life who was a person of such neer concernment to him he could not think himself over secure of his own freedom in case there should be any suspicion upon him that however it was a strange affront put upon him in the sight of all Europe seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests At the same time they gave out that his life had been promised unto Monsieur upon his accommodation whereas on the contrary the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez did never give him any such assurance that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg proposed Lorrain the place where his heart was and advised him to retire thither it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place The rest found but little safety in Lorrain by reason of the Dukes weaknesse unable to secure their retreat or stay there but were of opinion that Monsieur should retire into Cazal where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras would receive his Highnesse and where he might live secure from all fear The little assurance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain did somewhat touch him but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain in consideration of him and how that he would alwaies be received there his birth rendring him considerable swayed his former resolutions and made him incline to that side so powerfull was his credit with him although the rest represented to him that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards then in any other place whatever that they might perchance entertain him with honour but that it was to be feared he would not long continue Master of his own liberty or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it The resolution of departing being concluded Monsieur went into Lorrain in November and for the more specious pretext of their relapse they presumed to write unto the King persisting to abuse his name and pen how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life and the procuring of his liberty having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him was so publique an affront and slight that he could no longer indure it and withall that it was impossible he should longer continue in France without giving cause to suspect he had made his own accommodation with other intentions then of obtaining that favour of which he was still fed with great hopes Besides that he could expect little satisfaction for his own person seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him whose life was equally dear to him with his own and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor This was the substance of the Letter whereunto there need no other answer but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom for a Crime which could not be let passe without punishment unlesse to the very great detriment of the State especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity after he had conspired with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces after he had been taken in the head of an Army with his sword died with blood in his hand actually fighting against his Majesties service after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family and committed several other enormities as hath been declared there was little reason to expect his pardon and as to the other part that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's pardon when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto having not forces enough to defend himself Such was the reply which the King sent unto him wherein he testified to the whole World how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood to separate themselves from him or to be deficient in paying those respects unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them Politique Observation VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King yet he rendreth himself inexcusable if his Passion transport him beyond his duty He ought to recollect unto his memory how that no one in a well-govern'd State can impose the Law on his Soveraign but that every one ought to submit his own private to his Princes Will. There are in a State as in the Soul superiour and inferiour powers and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way unto the stronger and more able so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince and to comply with his Will without any the least contradiction What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head And what can be looked for from a State where the Nobles flie out and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees This were repugnant to the Order of Justice nothing but misfortunes could attend it It matters not whether they alwaies
you will do me the honor to believe me This Rhetorique had been powerfull enough to have retain'd them in their devoirs had not their souls been pre-possessed by Passion that alone prevented it insomuch that most of them persevered to run on in their Rebellion Hereupon the King finding them who should have preserv'd the people in obedience both by exhortation and example to excite them to Rebellion could not put up such disorders but appointed Collectors in their several Bishopricks to receive their Revenues and to employ them in reparation of Religious Houses and Episcopal Seas and thinking it improper to intrust the care of Souls with such disloyal persoâ—s he procured a breviat from the Pope address'd to the Arch-Bishop of Arles the Bâ—shops of St. Flâ—ur and St. Malo to draw up their process against them His Majesty might have made use of his own power and have punished them by his ordinary Justice inasmuch as it was Treason from which there is no exemption neither could it have been thought strange by themselves seeing Jesus Christ himself and the two Apostles whom we acknowledge for the chief of Ministers of the Gospel refused not to be judged by the Laiety Yet his Majesty ever a great respecter of Ecclesiastical men would not commit their judgment but unto persons of their own Coat who deposed the Bishops of Alby and Nismes only death preventing the Bishop of Vssez from receiving the like punishment the rest they restored to their Bishopricks having not evidences enough to condemn them although they might peradventure be sufficiently guilty Politique Observation ALthough Bishops by their places are raised to an high degree of honour yet they wrong themselves if they think they are exempted from their Kings Authority seeing the Popes have in their writings as Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius Pelagius to Childebert one of our first Kings and St Gregory to the Emperor Manritius acknowledged themselves depending upon their authority It is moreover true that Bishops are more especially obliged beyond any other Subjects to live in an exemplary Loyalty and by their indeavours to preserve the people in peace Upon their promotion to that spiritual dignity the take a new Oath of Allegiance which as it were a second Chain tieth them to the yoke of obedience but admitting that were not so yet the Ministers of the Church conforming themselves to the temper of their Mother which is a spirit of peace are bound to appease and pacifie the people when they are tumultuously given and much more not to blow the Coals of their dissention Savanarola was exceedingly condemned for exasperating an insurrection in Florence against the Medicis when he publiquely preached that it was Gods Will and Pleasure to have a popular Government established to the intent the chief of the City might have no longer power to dispose of the safety of some and the Libertie of others They who are so inconsiderate as to follow such sedicious tracts do render themselves the more unworthy of their callings by how much the Church doth abhor War and Blood We should think it very strange if Heaven which was created by the eternal Providence of God to inlighten the World with its stars to produce nourishments by its influences for the preservation of all creatures to enamel the earth with all sorts of Flowers and to overspread it with a thousand kinds of Fruits should in a sudden alter its nature and only fill us with darknesse terrifie us with Thunders and load the Earth with Briars and Thorns And would it not be more wonderfull to behold the Son of God having not more strictly charged his Disciples with any one thing then to be obedient and to preserve that Peace which he had brought unto Man-kind Bishops their Successors indeavouring to their utmost to destroy and die the land with blood to divert people from their duties to arm them against their lawfull Prince and by their power of Souls to ruine that Authority which Christ their Master hath given to their Soveraigns This were absolutely repugnant to the Orders by him established and directly opposite to the Laws to them prescribed If any of them should be so forgetfull of their duties the Ministers of State are the more obliged to punish them in regard the reverence wherewith they are esteemed and the opinion which men have of their sanctity and Doctrine rendreth their example of a more dangerous consequence and their discourses more powerfull to perswade whatever they are disposed to inculcate For this very reason was it that Giles Arch-Bishop of Rheimes was deposed by Childebert that Pretextatus was deprived of the Arch-Bishoprick of Rouen In the time of Childery that Theodor lost that of Arles by the command of Clovis upon this score it was that Lewis the Debonair forced the Arch-Bishop of Milan to give an account of his disloyalties Abon Arch-Bishop of Rheims Volsphod Bishop of Cremone and Theodolph Bishop of Orleans accomplices in the Conspiracy of Bernard King of Italy Did not Hugh Capet cause Arnoul convicted of Falshood and Treason to be drawn from the Sea of Rheims It is the ancient politique custom of France a Right belonging to our Kings and which Pope Zachary himself advised Pepin to put in execution without any scruple when and so often as occasion should require And what probability I pray is there that the Bishops and Church-men of a Kingdom should have a priviledge to ingage men in Rebellion and not be punished for so doing to instill sedicious Tenents in the minds of men and that Magistrates should not call them to accompt for it or depose them from their functions after they had rendred themselves unworthy of them by their evil deportment Divers Cabals made by the Duke de Guise THe King having secured the Peace in Languedoc Monsieur le Cardinal invited him to have an eye after the establishment of it in Provence where the Duke of Guise held divers practices tending to Rebellion and which were depending upon the same design with Monsieur de Montmorency The King having been inform'd of his evill deportment for at least a year before had often moved him to surrender the Government of that Province in consideration of other recompences offered unto him and upon his refusal had commanded him to come to Court that he might fairly and handsomly dis-ingage him without taking notice of those contrivances in which he was then imbarking It having ever been the Cardinal's advice unto his Majesty not to proceed unto the extremities of rigor but when he should be as it were inforced it by the extremities of dis-obedience But the Duke of Guise kept himself in Provence being fearfull lest his actions might be a means of stopping him at Court and laying him up in a place where he could not be capable of imbroiling whereupon instead of waiting upon his Majesty he caused his Mother the Dutchesse of Guise to beg leave of his Majesty that he might passe away two
ought to beware that their disobedience do not cause the Flower de luces to fade and that they do not instead of cultivating them with care to render them more beautifull to the French and more respected by strangers indanger them by their ill examples and render themselves unworthy to sit upon them Know they not that their obedience and the integrity of their judgements is the foundation of the peoples submissions The Rebellion of such men ought not to be connived at in regard it may not be tolerated without putting all things into disorder The People are like clay without form in themselves but easily wrought by the Potters In fine they behold most affairs with the eyes of their Magistrates and suffer themselves easily to be directed by their motions they dislike what the other reject and if they should rise against their Soveraign they would make no difficulty to follow them In affairs of this nature Kings are obliged to conform themselves to the example of the Sun who finding the Moon to oppose her light to his and indeavouring to eclipse his light presently depriveth her of all her light and turneth her Christaline into a dark body King ought to re-assume to themselves their Justice which formerly they had intrusted with them and to punish their Rebellions with severity They who are the most mild are forc'd by such crimes to draw their Swords of Justice to prevent the eclipsing of their power to take the Thunder-bolts of severity into their hands and dart them against them to reduce them to nothing Divers Changes of Governours in sundry Provinces made this year THose were not the only Changes which happened this year there were divers others in the governments of Provinces some that they might be intrusted with persons incapable of ingaging in any divisions which were suspected by reason of Monsieur's absence and others for a recompence of several persons of quality which have deserved them and which I cannot passe by unobserved The Marshal de Thoyras Governour of Cazal had given some cause of jealousie though indeed his fidelity was invincible as hath since been seen however that place is of such importance that nothing ought to be hazarded for the preservation of it The King sent the Marquesse de Tavannes in his place and gave the Marshal permission to slay in Italy upon some difficulties which he made upon comming to Court Le Sieur de Malissi Captain of the Regiment des Gardes was at the same time made Governour of Pignerol the Duke de Vantadour was gratified with the Government of Limosin and having surrendred into the Kings hands the Lieutenancy of Languedoc his Majesty divided it amongst four and bestowed it upon the Comte de Tournon the Vice Comte d' Arpajon the Marquesse d' Ambres and the Vice Comte de Polignac Le Comte de Joncac was made Governour and Lievtenant General of Xaintong Angoulmois Aunis and the City of Rochel the Baron de Pont Chasteau Lievtenant General of Low Brittain Le Comte de Palisse Sieur do St. Geran was made Governour of Bourbonnois le Comte de Cheravet of Stenay le Sieur de la Serre first Captain of the Regiment of Picardy of Jamets le Duc de la Valette of the Bishoprick of Mets the Duc de Chaune of Picardy le Duc d'Alvin of Languedoc and the Cittadel of Montpellier le Marquesse de Seneçay of Bourgogne au Bailliage de Masconnois insomuch that there are few years which produce so great changes of government That it is necessary to commit the Government of Provinces and Places into the hands of trusty Persons in times of danger IT is very important when there is any suspicion of civil dissentions to intrust the Government of Provinces and places with persons of fidelity I do much approve of the King of Spain's rule who often changeth his Governours A man must be altogether ignorant of History if he knoweth not the great services which Gonzalvus did the King of Aragon his Master in the Kingdom of Naples However that wise prudent King would not alwaies intrust the Government of that place with him for fear lest in processe of time he might keep it to himself The continuation of the Government of France granted unto Julius Caesar incouraged him to attempt upon the Roman liberty whereupon remembring that nothing had made him so ambitious of commanding as that continuation upon his return to Rome after the Affrick War he ordained that to Praetor should injoy his Office above one year nor no Consul above two The Governour who hath long resided in a Province may make creatures contract frienships an so play his game that he may act the little King and will be apt to ingage himself to some Revolt if Ambition which great men seldom want should once inflame him This made the Dictator Mamercus say the short continuation of Governours is the surest preservative of the publick besides the liberty of changing of Govenours after some few years and substituting others in their places is of great advantage for that a Soveraign may thereby render more persons capable of great affairs then if he should alwaies continue them in the same places The memory of new benefits disposeth men to be gratefull and doubtlesse maketh Kings to be served with more affection Great men long accustomed do so habituate themselves that they look upon their Governments as their Demesne without any sense of obligation to him who permitteth him whereas he who is but lately possessed of them having the favour fresh in his memory indeavoureth to deserve it with more industry and affection This maxime I know wil not very much agree with the sense of most great men but surely their dislike relisheth more of Ambition then reason I may likewise adde that it is little considerable to their Fortunes seeing if they acquit themselves as they ought of a place their merit will be a sufficient recommendation to attain them others It were to be wished that such men in their own concerns were of Quintus Fabius Maximus his humour who having been five times Consul and considering with himself that his grand-father and great grand-father had often been charged with the same Office and how it was very dangerous to continue great Offices in a family was very earnest with the people of Rome to divert them from conferring that honour on his son The Creation of Knights of the Holy Ghost THe King had for many years receiv'd so many proofs of the valour of his Nobility that he could not refuse them the honour of being Knights of his Orders and his Majesty who hath a particular inclination to recompence valour resolved to grant them this honourable reward He was confirm'd in this resolution by Monsieur the Cardinal who represented to him that the French Nobility could not be tied to his service by any stricter Banes then those of honour and that this would not a little augment that courage and fidelity which they had
that he might not exasperate him and preserve him affectionate to the accommodation whereby some advantage might be made upon the conclusion he would not harp any more upon that string As to his demand of Madam de Combalet he told him that he took it for a very great honour and did not reject it but that he thought it improper to treat of it at that time to avoid the report of having ingag'd his Majesty to come into Lorrain with a great Army for his private ends and intreated him not to insert this affair with the publick though for his part he was not waies averse from it These words of agreement were only an effect of his Purdence which advised him not to estrange this Cardinals good will but to preserve it to be made use of as occasion should require for discoursing to the chief Ministers concerning this Proposition he told them that neither the present nor the future age should have cause to believe that he had mingle his own interests in this affair where his only end was the Kings service and the good of the State that heretofore the Cardinal de Amboise had made Lewis the Twelfth undertake a War in Italy only upon an ambitious design of being Pope but that for his part he should alwaies shun the blame of managing the affairs of State by his own particular Interest and as to that which concern'd the Princesse Marguerite he assured him that the King would willingly accept thereof any that the executing of it would give a great stroke to a conclusion seeing she might much dispose his Majesty to relinquish somewhat of his resolution because he could not but receive her as a pledge of Monsieur de Lorrain's good inclination to be at peace with his Majesty but he told him that his Majesty beleeved it was not in their power for that he was inform'd of what had past The Cardinal de Lorrain made himself ingnorant and assured the Cardinal she was in a place where they could dispose of her but that only served to make the Cardinal distrust his intentions who knoweth that in matters of Treaty an enemies actions are more to be regarded them his words After this they brake up their conference departed each from other and the next morning the Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King That a wise Minister ought to foresee the inconveniences of all Propositions made to him in Treaties It is the property of a wise Minister to foresee the inconveniences of such Propositions as are made in Treaties to surprize him and to be carefull that an enemy who hath not been able to get any advantage by War should not gain it by an accommodation It is to this end that many have thought Prudence to be more necessary for him then valour because the occasions of fighting are but seldom in War whereas Propositions of Peace are daily made which if he should admit of to his Masters detriment would be no lesse prejudicial to him then a defeat To speak truth this vertue is as needfull for him as Art for a Work-man and as the ignorant Workman doth only spoil that substance which he pretendeth to form so the imprudent Minister ruineth the affairs of a State if he accept of injurious conditions for want of fore-seeing the consequences Prudence it is which causeth him to know the means by which he may attain his proposed end preventeth his being deceived serveth to regulate his counsels guideth his actions maketh him speak in agreeable terms conducteth all his motions teacheth him what to do in all Occurrences maketh him clear sighted amidst the Artifices of his enemies and giveth him addresse to obtain whatever he desires The Philosopher saith it is a virtue proper to him that governeth not that it is unnecessary for private persons but because it is so highly necessary for Kings and Ministers that without it they are no more able to govern a State than a Pilot to guide his Vessel without Steer and Rudder He who is Master of it doth easily master all others in matters of negotiation and if his birth hath not made him a Soveraign yet doth it afford him the means to work Soveraigns to what he pleaseth so saith the wise man in his Proverbs The pleasure of a King dependeth upon the Prudence of his servant To make a right use of this vertue he ought advisedly to consider the parts which are proposed to him and to bring them to the Touch-stone of those maximes which he hath laid down for the ground of the Treaty To this end the wise Minister often retires in private as knowing that then he hath full liberty to discusse the Propositions made unto him and is at leisure to consider them a thing saith Periander able to overcome all things He is not ignorant that who so taketh resolutions without due consideration is like those liquorish men who charging their stomacks over hastily do repent it as soon as they rise from the Table wherefore he taketh great care to weigh the Propositions made to him he applieth the Hypothesis to the Thesis particular affairs to general maximes he recollecteth the Experience of things past proportioneth the means to the end observeth if by granting any thing it may not serve the enemy to obtain his pretences examineth what assurance he shall find of performance and generally all other circumstances And lastly being thus secure from all surprizes he is not only in a condition of being not cheated but in a way of obtaining whatever he desireth The King besiegeth Nancy and presseth hard upon the Duke of Lorrain DUring the Cardinal de Lorrains journying too and fro and the divers Propositions of Peace by him made his Majesties Army was not idle The King gave Order to his Commanders that they should seize upon all principal places he summoned in person the Towns of St. Michael and Ponto au Mousson which presently surrendred Espinal surrendred to the Marshal de la Force Charmes to the Comte de la Suze and Luneville to the Marquesse de Sourdis besides these Halon du Chastel and the Castles de Conde la Chausset Trognon Malatour Pargny and Boucouville received the Garisons sent to them so that his Majesty had no sooner entred into the Country but he became Master of the Field but that which was most of all was his Majesty having cause his Army to come to him from the Country of Treves under the command of the Marquesse de St. Chaumond and ordered divers other Troops to draw thither which so invested the City of Nancy that nothing could get in or out without a good passe-port The Regiment de Florinville designing to get in by night was led by M. de Lorrains Huntsmen though Woods and by unknown waies yet they could not carry it so secretly but some French discovered them which strook them into such fear that flying back again through the same Woods they totally routed themselves On the other
the King to treat entred into conference with the Cardinal of Lorrain and concluded a Treaty upon these following conditions 1. That the Duke of Lorrain should renounce all new Alliances it prejudice to that of France 2. Thatt he should oblige himself to serve the King with and against all 3. That he should not make any Levies of War during the present troubles of Germany without his Majesties consent 4. The he should disband as soon as his Majesty should receive notice from the Chancellour Oxenstern that he would not attempt any thing but withdraw the Swedish forces from his Countries 5. That he should deliver the City of Nancy both old and new in Deposit to his Majesties hands within three days until such time as his good behaviour or the pacification of the trubles of Germany should take away all cause of suspicion of the like enterprizes as he had heretofore made against his Majesty and his Allies and also untill such time as the pretended marriage between Monsieur and the Princess Marguerite were declared null by Law and that the differences between the King and the said Duke were decided each of them in the mean while enjoying their rights without prejudice of this Treaty yet however that in case the War of Germany should last four years the conditions of this Treaty being first accomplished his Majesty should restore Nancy into the hands of the said Duke or his Successors 6. That the Princess Marguerite should be delivered into the Kings hands within fifteen days or at least that the said Cardinal and Duke of Lorrain should use their utmost endeavour to recover her from whence she was and to deliver her into his Majesties hands and should so order the business that her retreat should not hinder the dissolution of the marriage 7. That the Dutchy of Bar should continue sequestred untill such time as his Majesty should be satisfied for the homage thereof 8. That the Revenue of Lorrain and the States thereupon depending should be receiv'd by the said Duke with all sort of liberty 9. That he whom his Majesty should place in Nancy during the Deposit should have the absolute command of the Arms without other obligation then that of receiving the word from the Cardinal of Lorrain in case he would make his abode there 10. That Order should be taken that the Garison might not offer any distast to the Inhabitants This was the conclusion made in the Camp before Nancy the 6. of September Whereupon the Cardinal went to the Duke to procure his ratification He brought in and the Cardinal accompanied by Janin his Secretary of State coming to give his Majesty assurance thereof there were three days time alotted for execution of the Treaty and for his Majesties entring into Nancy But the day being come the Cardinal de Lorrain fell off to delays and excuses pretending that his brother had sent order to the contrary by a certain Gentleman named Giton so that the whole businesse was to be begun again However the Cardinal sensible of his own power and not ignorant of the advantages he had upon the Duke of Lorrain would not totally break off the Treaty but sent the Marquesse de Chanvalon to Nancy to the Cardinal of Lorrain with charge to tell him as from himself that the King found himself by divers reasons forced to carry his affairs to the height yet had however some unwillingnesse to put that resolution in execution because of the franknesse and affection he had testified to contribute his endeavours for a reasonable accommodation The Cardinal testified that his good will was no whit diminished that he would once again see what he could work upon his Brother to induce him to adhere to the Treaty in order whereunto he sent a Gentleman to him with such effectual expressions perswading him to settle his affairs then in a declining condition that he at last hearkned to his advice and sent the Sieur de Contrisson to his Majesty to desire a safe conduct to confer with Monsieur the Cardinal at St. Nicholas His Majesty granted it but the morning following thinking it more fit that the Cardinal should go as far as Charmes to treat with him for fear lest he might have propos'd this conference at St. Nicholas that he might the better get away into Flanders where once being there was no lâ—kâ—lyhood of his depositing Nancy it was signified unto him that Charmes would be a place much more proper for the Treaty which he accepting of the Cardinal and he came thither upon the 18. Monsieur le Cardinal came first thither about five in the evening accompanied by the Cardinal de la Valette the Popes Nuntio a great many Lords and Gentlemen and a good party of Horse and Foot The Duke came not untill about eleven at night so that finding the Cardinal in bed and not willing to permit his people to wake him according as he had commanded they met not untill the morning following That day they had two long debates without any conclusion so that every one thought there would be no agreement but in fine the Duke perswaded by the Cardinal's eloquence and addresse submitted just as his eminence was bidding him adieu at his Lodging and pass'd his word to conclude the Treaty which his brother had made by his Order without including any other condition but this that he might make his abode at Nancy with all honours due to his quality as also the Cardinal his Brother and that the Treaty being within three moneths particularly that which ingag'd him to deliver the Princess Marguerite into the Kings hands his Majesty should restore him the City of Nancy without more ado then demolishing the Fortifications if his Majesty should so think fit Monsieur le Cardinal did the more willingly consent unto these two Articles in regard he pretended only to put things into a way of reason not to extend the bounds of France which was of it self large enough to obtain as much glory as his Majesty could desire so that both of them having signed it there wanted nothing but the execution of them Monsieur le Cardinall was not ignorant how important it was not to abandon Monsieur de Lorrain or to leave him to his own honesty which possibly might have been shaken by the natural inconstancy of his humour So that he earnestly laboured to perswade him to meet his Majesty in person in order to the performance of his promises He represented to him that it would be the more glorious for him in regard it would testifie unto all Princes that he had not Deposited Nancy upon compulsion as also of great advantage in regard it would be an ample demonstration of his real intentions of submitting his unto his Majesties Will Who would thereupon be the more indulgent of him and surrender Nancy unto him as soon as ever he should be assured he might be confident of his good deportment Such were the charms of his words that
their designs subsist and end in glory whereas Ambition exposeth them to misfortunes losses and utter ruin Recruits sent to the Marquis de Coeuures in the Valtoline THe Cardinal was no less careful to send supplies to the Valtoline then to Italy For besides those several French Troops which had orders to march thither those others which were raised by the Grisons and those which after much ado were sent from Venice he caused two Regiments to be advanced in the Cantons of Vry and Vndernal making it appear that nothing could over-match his Prudence for that these two Cantons are close Leagued with the Spaniards and that the Marquis d' Ogliang the Spanish Ambassador as also Scagy the Popes Nuntio had used their utmost endeavours to prevent it These Recruits arrived very seasonably for the Spaniards had but very lately before received a very great supply which gave them the means to execute an enterprise which they made under the Conduct of Papenheim upon the Terze of Sotto of the Valtoline and to make themselves Masters of those Trenches which had been committed to the custody of the Albanois and Capelets amongst whom it struck such a terrour that there was no possible means to make them stand to it and besides the Army too was at that time very much weakned The Marquis de Coeuvres who could not let them go away with this advantage unreveng'd resolved with the Council of War to retake it and on the seventeenth of October having appointed Pont de Gâ—des for a Rendezvous he gave order for the Assault The Fight was stoutly begun and after two houres continuance the Intrenchments were re-taken which had been formerly lost but with greater advantage then the Enemies had when they first took them and with more honour for that they were at that time exceedingly strong After this Expedition was over the Duke of Candale received intelligence that eight hundred foot and four hundred of the Spanish party had seized upon the Fortress of Chaumont amongst the Grisons which being once known by the Marquis de Coeuvres he presently dispatched two thousand to reprise it The Duke mustered his Army the better to know his own forces and so went to invest Chaumont and the Spaniards within it made shew of defending themselves but the Duke having finished a Battery of six peeces of Cannon soon made a Breach fit for an Assault and commanded whole showres of Musquet shot to be poured in upon them who should appear to defend the Breach and also clapt two Petards against one of the Gates which forced them in peeces so that two companies of French entred the Town and compelled them within to yeeld upon composition which was that they should march away with their Arms onely and leave behind them what Ammunition they had brought into the Town So accordingly they went out and left the Town to the Duke of Candâ—le There remained onely Morbeignâ— to take in the Valtoline and the Marquis de Cuvres had twice called a Council of War to contrive a means for the taking of it but the major part of them alledged and that very judiciously that the place was strongly scituated and very hard to be come to for any who would assault it guarded by good store of men both within and in the Country thereabouts that it was impossible to shut them up for want of Vessels upon the Lake of Come which was the way which they had all their provisions and withall they concluded it was not much material whether they had it or not seeing it did not at all help to serve the Spaniards either to shut up or open the Passes Their advice was followed and their courages submitted to the Laws of Discretion which made it appear that it was not wisdom at all time to attempt great Enterprises Others did wish that the Conquest of the Valtoline had been begunne in this place as afterwards it was done for that it is the most important of all the other places not in relation to the Passages but the securing of the Valley and to keep all the rest in their dutyes for the Allarm being once taken in the Vale there are immediately store of Forces clapt into it for the keeping of it as being the most considerable of all and that once done impossible to be taken Politique observation THE greatest Courages are bound to submit to the Laws of Prudence when there is a question in hand for the attempting of any great Enterprise Their Glory is not considered by the successes of their Victories or the taking of Towns which many times have no dependencie upon them but by their Resoluteness and Constancy which they make appear without the least dread in doing all that can be done to vanquish Impossibilities defend them from all blame when as they have done their utmost for no one can be obliged to do that which is above his power In the making of War in a Forraign Country it is needful if possible it may so be done to begin it by assaulting of the strongest place first especially if it may not otherwise be taken then by a surprise The reason is clear for what ever assault is made elswhere gives an Allarm to the whole Country so that that the Prince who stands upon his defence presently claps in both Men and Ammunition into the principal place that afterwards it will become impossible to surprize it Let us first seize on Rome said the Enemies of the Roman Empire in Herodatus which is the heart and Castle of the Empire and we shall quickly have the rest with ease The like did Caesar say that the Romans could never promise themselves any security in Gaul untill they had become Masters of Authun which was the chief City and on which the Conquest of all the rest depended And as it 's true that the chief Head of an Enterprize having once made himself Master of the City Gates may at his own pleasure enter upon the whole so it is likewise most certain that he who hath once taken the chief Fortress hath a curb on the rest so that he may do what he will himself especially if he can but so order his business that he may keep it in his power The Duke of Rohan excuseth himself from accepting of those Articles which were granted to those of his party THese were the most remarkable passages both in Italy and the Valtoline during that year but let us now return to the Affairs at home The Duke of Rohan could not be drawn to conclude a Peace without making some advantage by it so that he desired to be excused from giving his final Answer unto those Articles which the King had granted to those of his party untill he had conferred with an Assembly which he pretended to make of the high and low Languedoc insomuch that his particular Interests and private Ambition were the causes which retarded the Peace In the interim he did his very utmost to surprize
some places in Languedoc either that he might get some advantage whereby to make himself the more considerable which might induce the King to give him that employment in Italy which he desired or some other favourable conditions He made an attempt upon Tillet in Albigeois sending five hundred men to surprize it by night but they were stoutly repulsed and forced to retire He had sometime before caused the Towns of Masdazil Pamiers and several others of Foix to revolt from which places he sent out his Scouts who committed great havocks in the plain Country Now the evil treating of the Country people forced the Consuls of some Towns thereabouts to desire the Marshal de Themines to come with his Majesties Army to assist them and make himself Master of those Towns Divers were of opinion that this Proposition ought to be rejected because admitting it should be followed it would leave the Duke of Rohan at liberty to go whither he list whom at that time the Army kept in such awe that he durst not stir a foot or attempt any new design But however the Count de Carmain considering this proffer of the Consuls and in regard they undertook in behalf of the Towns to contribute to the charge of the War and to refresh the Army which was much distressed before Castres he let himself be perswaded by their entreaties to go and assist them and taking some small Forces with him he went and fell on Calmont a little Town near Mazeres from whence several of the Rebels would make frequent excursions and pillage the neighbour Country They endured the siedge onely three daies and then finding themselves ill handled by the Cannon they ran away in the night but the Marquis d' Ambres who was not farre off with his Troop of Light Horse hearing the noise of their flight charged them and cut the most part of them in peeces Shortly after they took six or seven other small places some by storm and some by composition They of Masdazil hearing of these successes began to be afraid and sent for a Pass to the Army to make their Accomodation But the Duke of Rohan found a means to conveigh in some Forces to them which made them resolve to hold out so that they changed their former resolution and defended themselves which drew down the Marshal de Themines and the Count de Carmaine to besiege them On the fifteenth of September the Town was encompassed round about and shortly after the Cannon made a Breach but whilst the Question was in debate for the giving an Assault the Breach was repaired so that a second was made and they within grown very resolute repelled the Kings Army with great loss and that which was worst of all was the Rains falling encreased the River and so filled up the Trenches with water that Siege was forced to be raised which much troubled the Marquis but it was somwhat moderated by that advantage which the Marquis d' Ambres got over the Duke of Rohan's Troop of Light Horse which he killed took and put to flight The Duke of Rohan was much afflicted at the loss of them and seeing that the holding out of Masdazil did not serve his turn for that it would at another time be taken with ease and that the could not make any further good progress he went to the Assembly at Milhaud where he made those of his party send a Courrier to the King to accept of the Articles of Peace which his Majesty had granted to them His Majesty confirmed them though they had rendred themselves unworthy by their new acts of Rebellion But it was necessary so to be for the better opposing of the enterprises of Spain though Rochel was still excepted by reason of the little inclination they had testified of keeping themselves within their duty Politick Observation THE Ambition of Grandees in a State is oftentimes cause of many evils and every one knows that they are the principal motives either to begin or continue a War There is not any excess into which Ambition doth not hurry them to attain those ends which they propose to themselves It loveth none but it self and it will easily violate all the rights of obedience for the procuring of a happy issue to all their designs It never makes a question of the equity of any cause but looketh on the advantages which will follow it if it succeed well Whence it cometh that the first thing it doth is to shut close the eyes against Justice that it may the more confidently begin or continue it's design They who are possessed with this same Ambition never look on any thing but through a false glass which doth still represent things either more specious or bigger than really they are And by this device it so charmeth their thoughts that they begin to presume that Fortune which hath bestowed some favours on them will never forsake them The rash and fond confidence of their own abilities makes them despise any fair overtures of Peace but they ought to remember that Fortune is like a Glass which falls down when a man thinks he hath it fast enough and that God too who delighteth in peace doth often send down upon them those troubles and calamities which they proposed amongst themselves to measure out to others The Huntsman that he may take the Panther knowing that he loveth Henbane hangeth a good quantity of it up in the air somewhat out of her reach whence it happens that she having once seen it never leaves off leaping and frisking up and down untill she become at last so weary that she falls down unable any longer to stand and so dyeth on the place May it not safely be said that Fortune doth the self same thing with Grandees And that she useth the very same artifices to destroy ambitious persons She proposeth advantages to them Victories and Conquests but which are beyond their reach and above their power and knowing this to be the surest way to allure their minds and that for the obtaining of their extravagant ends they will use any endeavours or run into any rash heady attempts she still draweth them further on untill in fine they are forced to sink under the weight of them and meet with their shame and confusion in those designs where they well hoped for Honour and Glory Prosecution of the History IT was matter of astonishment to see the Hugonots so reduced considering the strong resistances which they had made against the King but a few years before and those great Armies which had been kept in Languedoc all little enough to quel them But they who will but reflect on the strange alteration which the Cardinal brought with him will not much wonder at it I might safely say that the Army which he caused to be maintained about Rochel was one cause of it seeing it did in effect keep under the Country of Aunis and Poicton that neither of them durst to stir I could likewise attribute
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâ—olois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At â—heir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him â—et his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gâ—noa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
reasons which gave the cause of that suspicion were their apparent discontent because Pollette was not restored with such conditions as they desired and because their authority came short of being parallel with his Majesty's and besides the correspondencies which several of Monsieur's and the Queen-Mothers Officers had amongst them It was likewise considered that divers affairs of concernment came to be divulged from their manner of proceedings it being impossible to keep a secret among so great a multitude Whereupon his Majesty resolved to establish a Chamber of Justice composed of persons equally considerable for their ability and integrity who should have full power to judge seeing it was likewise requisite to commissionate some Judges extraordinary for the chastizing of divers Clippers and Counterfeiters of money of which there were store in the Nation the toleration of which did much endamage Trade so that both Commissions were given to the same Judges The King to carry on the businesse with the more sweetnesse was pleased out of his Prudence and usual Goodnesse to elect most part of the Judges out of the Parliament and to appoint their meeting in the Palace the common Seat of Justice But the Parliament little considering this grace raised new difficulties against the confirmation of the Letters of Establishment which obliged his Majesty to remove the Chamber unto the Arsenal and to compose it of two Counsellors of State six Masters of Requests and six Counsellors of the grand Counsel all chosen for their extraordinary merit who began to sit the tenth day of August Politique Observation THe King is the Head of Justice and may commit the administration of it to whom he will The Sea distributeth her waters as she pleaseth by subterranean passages unto all Fountains neither bath any thing right to controul her distribution the Sun that inexhaustible source of all worldly light communicateth splendor unto the Stars as God hath ordained neither can any of them complain of receiving lesse then others So a King whom God hath endued with Soveraign Authority to distribute Justice to his people may commit the charge of it to such as he thinks fit and that with such power and extent as he judgeth proper for the good of his State usually he intrusts this power with Parliaments but they ought to remember that he who hath given them this Authority may likewise take it from them may bound it or give it to others as he pleaseth The Authority of a Senate which is in Common-wealths or Free Cities cannot be altered by any Princes because it partakes of Authority with them and is established to confine their Prudence But it is not so with Parliaments Monarchies where the Magâ—strates have no other glory but that of being Ministers to execute Justice in their Master's behalf they are like Clouds raised by the Sun from the Earth which are by him refined to represent his Image not that he deprives himself of the power of raising others to whom he may impart the same favours Thus is their power a Twig sprung from the Royal Authority without depriving its Root of the power to produce others of the same quality Judgement given against several Persons THis Chamber of Justice being thus established they began to act with as much zeal as integrity to the punishment of the Coyners and those who had brought the State into trouble Divers of either sort were exemplarily punished and amongst the factious Senelles and du Val were for ever condemned to the Gallies the Duke Rouannez the Marquis de la Viâ—ville and the Marquis de Fargis were beheaded in Effigie the rest were remitted till the next year Now as he who condemneth the Body confiscateth the Goods so those of the condemned did undoubtedly belong to the King whereupon that it might be accordingly adjudged his Majesty being at Troyes established a Chamber of Domain composed of Counsellors of State and Masters of Request to attend the Court who declared the goods of the Comte and Comtess de Moret the Dukes d' Elboeuf de Bellegarde and de Rouannez the Marquis de Boissy de la Viâ—ville and de Sourdeac and of the President le Coigneux to be confiscate and forfeited to the Crown In fine they who had any Governments or Offices were deprived of them the Government of Picardy was taken away from Monsieur d' Elboeuf and bestowed on the Duke de Cheâ—reuse that of Burgogne was taken from the Duke de Bellegarde and Monsieur â—e Prince appointed in his place the King's Lievtenance which the Marquis de la Vieville had in Champagne was granted to the Sieur de Senneterre as the charge of President was taken from Coigneux and conferred on the Sieur de Lamognon and so of divers others Now that which did more particularly oblige his Majesty to drive things to this height of finishing the Process of these factious persons and of confiscating their Goods and Offices was a discovery of their designs to attempt the surprizal of divers places in the Kingdom They had gained the Marquis de Valençay who promised them Calais La Louviere was employed to work upon the Marquis Moncavrel and to perswade him to do the like with Ardres The Captain du Val was hanged for having attempted to surprize the Citadel of Verdune Threescore thousand Crowns were given in Monsieur's name to the Duke of Bouillon that he would raise a party in Sedan one of the Ports of the Kingdom and that he would let in Forreigners that way when thereunto desired There were likewise divers Gentlemen seized upon raising of Forces in several parts of the Kingdom and it was not unknown how they had induced the Queen-Mother and Monsieur to send persons of Quality into Spain England and Holland and to all Neighbour Princes to procure what Souldiers they could for him What reason was there longer to let these attempts against the State go unpunished Such a patience had been unjust That difficulty which the Parliament of Paris made to confirm his Majesty's Ordinance which commanded to execute after six moneths the confiscation of such as were guilty of high Treason who had been condemned by Out-lawry in regard of an ancient Ordinance might have seemed just enough in regard of those who are guilty of mean crimes but surely not in the behalf of Traytors such as these were who had made Divisions in his Majesties Family who had attempted against his Authority who had endeavoured to surprize divers places who had raised Souldiers in divers parts of the Kingdom who had published a thousand aspersions to eclipse his Majesty's glory What reason I say could there be that such men as these should longer continue unpunished by confiscating their Offices and Goods seeing their absence would not admit the punishment of their persons And hereupon it was that his Majesty commanded his Ordinance to be proclaimed and the Parliament accordingly obeyed it Politique Observation AMongst the divers Powers of Soveraigns that of making Laws is