now many degrees more eleuated and endured no more to liue after the accustomed manner of his Countrey but went apparelled at Byzantium after the fashion of Persia and when hee went through Thrace had a Guard of Medes and Aegyptians and his Table likewise after the Persian manner Nor was hee able to conceale his purpose but in trifles made apparant before-hand the greater matters hee had conceiued of the future Hee became moreouer difficult of accesse and would bee in such cholericke passions toward all men indifferently that no man might indure to approch him which was also none of the least causes why the Confederates turned from him to the Athenians When the Lacedaemonians heard of it they called him home the first time And when being gone out the second time without their command in a Gallie of Hermione it appeared that hee continued still in the same practices and after hee was forced out of Byzantium by siege of the Athenians returned not to Sparta but newes came that hee had seated himselfe at Colonae in the Countrey of Troy practising still with the Barbarians and making his abode there for no good purpose Then the Ephori forbore no longer but sent vnto him a publique Officer with the Scytale commanding him not to depart from the Officer and in case hee refused denounced Warre against him But he desiring as much as he could to decline suspition and beleeuing that with money hee should bee able to discharge himselfe of his accusations returned vnto Sparta the second time And first he was by the Ephori commited to ward for the Ephori haue power to doe this to their King but afterwards procuring his enlargement hee came forth and exhibited himselfe to Iustice against such as had any thing to alledge against him And though the Spartans had against him no manifest proofe neither his enemies nor the whole Citie whereupon to proceed to the punishment of a man both of the Race of their Kings and at that present in great authority for Plistarchus the Sonne of Leonidas being King and as yet in minority Pausanias who was his Cousin german had the tuition of him yet by his licentious behauiour and affectation of the Barbarian customes hee gaue much cause of suspicion that hee meant not to liue in the equality of the present State They considered also that hee differed in manner of life from the discipline established amongst other thingâ— by this that vpon the Tripode at Delphi which the Grecians had dedicated as the best of the spoile of the Medes hee had caused to bee inscribed of himselfe in particular this Elegiaque Verse PAVSANIAS Greeke Generall Hauing the Medes defeated To Phoebus in record thereof This gift hath consecrated But the Lacedaemonians then presently defaced that inscription of the Tripode and engraued thereon by name all the Cities that had ioyned in the ouerthrow of the Medes and dedicated it so This therefore was numbred amongst the offences of Pausanias and was thought to agree with his present designe so much the rather for the condition hee was now in They had information further that hee had in hand some practice with the Helotes and so hee had For hee promised them not onely manumission but also freedome of the Citie if they would rise with him and cooperate in the whole businesse But neither thus vpon some appeachment of the Helotes would they proceed against him but kept the custome which they haue in their owne cases not hastily to giue a peremptory Sentence against a Spartan without vnquestionable proofe Till at length as it is reported purposing to send ouer to Artabazus his last Letters to the King hee was bewrayed vnto them by a man of Argilus in time past his Minion and most faithfull to him who being terrified with the cogitation that not any of those which had beene formerly sent had euer returned got him a Seale like to the Seale of Pausanias to the end that if his iealousie were false or that hee should need to alter any thing in the Letter it might not bee discouered and opened the Letter wherein as he had suspected the addition of some such clause hee found himselfe also written downe to bee murdered The Ephori when these Letters were by him shewne vnto them though they beleeued the matter much more then they did before yet desirous to heare somewhat themselues from Pausanias his owne mouth the man being vpon designe gone to Taenarus into Sanctuary and hauing there built him a little Roome with a partition in which hee hid the Ephori and Pausanias comming to him and asking the cause of his taking Sanctuary they plainely heard the whole matter For the man both expostulated with him for what hee had written about him and from point to point discouered all the practice saying that though hee had neuer boasted vnto him these and these seruices concerning the King hee must yet haue the honour as well as many other of his seruants to bee slaine And Pausanias himselfe both confessed the same things and also bade the man not to be troubled at what was past and gaue him assurance to leaue Sanctuary entreating him to goe on in his iourney with all speed and not to frustrate the businesse in hand Now the Ephori when they had distinctly heard him for that time went their way and knowing now the certaine truth intended to apprehend him in the Citie It is said that when hee was to bee apprehended in the Street hee perceiued by the countenance of one of the Ephori comming towards him what they came for and when another of them had by a secret becke signified the matter for good will he ranne into the Close of the Temple of Pallas Chalciaeca and got in before they ouertooke him Now the Temple it selfe was hard by and entring into a House belonging to the Temple to auoyd the iniurie of the open ayre there staid They that pursued him could not then ouertake him but afterwards they tooke off the roofe and the doores of the house and watching a time when hee was within beset the House and mured him vp and leauing a Guard there famished him When they perceiued him about to giue vp the Ghost they carried him as hee was out of the House yet breathing and being out hee dyed immediately After hee was dead they were about to throw him into the Caeada where they vse to cast in Malefactors yet afterwards they thought good to bury him in some place thereabouts But the Oracle of Delphi commanded the Lacedaemonians afterward both to remoue the Sepulcher from the place where hee dyed so that he lyes now in the entry of the Temple as is euident by the inscription of the Piller and also as hauing beene a Pollution of the Sanctuary to render two bodies to the Goddesse of Chalciaeca for that one Whereupon they set vp two brazen Statues and dedicated the same vnto her for
I conceiue it and assembled the said Forces not so much vpon fauour as by feare For it is cleere that he himselfe both conferred most Ships to that Action and that some also hee lent to the Arcadians And this is likewise declared by Homer if any thinke his testimony sufficient who at the deliuery of the Scepter vnto him calleth him Of many Iles and of all Argos King Now he could not liuing in the Continent haue beene Lord of the Ilands other then such as were adjacent which cannot bee many vnlesse hee had also had a Nauy And by this Expedition we are to estimate what were those of the Ages before it Now seeing Mycenae was but a small Citie or if any other of that Age seeme but of light regard let not any man for that cause on so weake an Argument thinke that Fleet to haue beene lesse then the Poets haue said and Fame reported it to bee For if the City of Lacedaemon were now desolate and nothing of it left but the Temples and floores of the buildings I thinke it would breed much vnbeliefe in posterity long hence of their power in comparison of the Fame For although of fiue parts of Peloponnesus it possesse two and hath the leading of the rest and also of many Confederates without yet the Citie being not close built and the Temples and other Edifices not costly and because it is but scatteringly inhabited after the ancient manner of Greece their power would seeme inferiour to the report Againe the same things happening to Athens one would coniecture by the sight of their Citie that their power were double to what it is Wee ought not therefore to bee incredulous concerning the Forces that went to Troy nor haue in regard so much the externall shew of a Citie as the power but we are to thinke that that Expedition was indeed greater then those that went before it but yet inferiour to those of the present Age if in this also we may credit the Poetry of Homer who being a Poet was like to set it foorth to the vtmost And yet euen thus it commeth short For hee maketh it to consist of 1200. Vessels those that were of Boeotians carrying 120. men apiece and those which came with Philoctetes 50. Setting forth as I suppose both the greatest sort and the least and therefore of the bignesse of any of the rest hee maketh in his Catalogue no mention at all but declareth that they who were in the Vessels of Philoctetes serued both as Mariners and Souldiers for he writes that they who were at the Oare were all of them Archers And for such as wrought not it is not likely that many went along except Kings and such as were in chiefe authority especially being to passe the Sea with Munition of Warre and in Bottomes without Deckes built after the old and Peiraticall fashion So then if by the greatest and least one estimate the meane of their Shipping it will appeare that the whole number of men considered as sent ioyntly from all Greece were not very many And the cause heereof was not so much want of men as of wealth For for want of victuall they carryed the lesser Army and no greater then they hoped might both follow the Warre and also maintaine it selfe When vpon their arriuall they had gotten the vpper hand in fight which is manifest for else they could not haue fortified their Campe it appeares that from that time forward they employed not there their whole power but that for want of victuall they betooke themselues part of them to the tillage of Chersonesus and part to fetch in Booties whereby diuided the Trojans the more easily made that tenne yeeres resistance as being euer a Match for so many as remained at the Siege Whereas if they had gone furnished with store of prouision and with all their Forces eased of Boothaling and Tillage since they were Masters of the Field they had also easily taken the Citie But they stroue not with their whole power but onely with such a portion of their Army as at the seuerall occasions chanced to bee present when as if they had pressed the Siege they had wonne the place both in lesse time and with lesse labour But through want of money not onely they were weake matters all that preceded this Enterprize but also this which is of greater name then any before it appeareth to bee in fact beneath the Fame and report which by meanes of the Poets now goeth of it For also after the Trojan Warre the Grecians continued still their shiftings and transplantations insomuch as neuer resting they improued not their power For the late returne of the Greekes from Ilium caused not a little innouation and in most of the Cities there arose seditions and those which were driven out built Cities for themselues in other places For those that are now called Boeotians in the sixtieth yeere after the taking of Troy expelled Arne by the Thessalians seated themselues in that Country which now Boeotia was then called Cadmeis But there was in the same a certaine portion of that Nation before of whom also were they that went to the Warfare of Troy And in the eightieth yeere the Doreans together with the Heracleides seazed on Peloponnesus And with much adoe after long time Greece had constant rest and shifting their seates no longer at length sent Colonies abroad And the Athenians planted Ionia and most of the Ilands and the Peloponnesians most of Italy and Sicily and also certaine parts of the rest of Greece But these Colonies were all planted after the Trojan Warre But when the power of Greece was now improoued and the desire of money withall their reuenues being enlarged in most of the Cities there were erected Tyrannies for before that time Kingdomes with honours limited were hereditary And the Grecians built Nauies and became more seriously addicted to the affaires of the Sea The Corinthians are said to haue been the first that changed the forme of shipping into the neerest to that which is now in vse and at Corinth are reported to haue beene made the first Gallies of all Greece Now it is well knowne that Aminocles the Ship-wright of Corinth built 4. Ships at Samos And from the time that Aminocles went to Samos vntill the end of this present Warre are at the most but 300. yeeres And the most ancient nauall Battaile that we know of was fought betweene the Corinthians and the Corcyraeans and from that Battaile to the same time are but 260. yeeres For Corinth seated on an Isthmus had beene alwaies a place of Traffique because the Grecians of old from within and without Peloponnesus trading by Land more then by Sea had no other intercourse one to another but thorow the Corinthians Territory And was also wealthy in money as appeares by the Poets who haue surnamed this Towne the Rich. And after the Grecians
that contriued the deposing of the People and the setting vp of the gouernment of the 400. For which also he was put to death when the Pâ—â—plâ— againe recouered their authority notwithstanding that he pleaded his owne cause the best of any man to that day It need not be doubted but from such a Master Thucydides was sufficiently 〈◊〉 to haue become a great Demagogue and of great authority with the People But it seemeth he had no desire at all to meddle in the gouernment because in those tiâ—â—s it was impossible for any man to giue good and profitable counsell for the Common-wealth and not incurre the displeasure of the People For their opinion was such of their owne power and of the facility of atchieuing whatsoeuer action they vndertooke that such men onely swayed the Assemblies and were esteemed wâ—se and good Common-wealths men as did put them vpon the most dangerous and desperate enterprizes Whereas he that gaue them temperate and discreet aduice was thought a Coward or not to vnderstand or else to maligne their power And no maruell for much prosperity to which they had now for many yeeres been accustomed maketh men in loue with themselues and it is hard for any man to loue that counsell which maketh him loue himselfe the lesse And it holdeth much more in a Multitude then in one Man For a man that reasoneth with himselfe will not be ashamed to admit of timerous suggestions in his businesse that he may the stronglyer prouide but in publique deliberations before a Multitude Feare which for the most part aduiseth well though it execute not so seldome or neuer sheweth it selfe or is admitted By this meanes it came to passe amongst the Athenians who thought they were able to doe any thing that wicked men and flatterers draue them headlong into those actions that were to ruine them and the good men either durst not oppose or if they did vndid themselues Thucydides therefore that he might not be either of them that committed or of them that suffered euill forbore to come into the Assemblies and propounded to himselfe a priuate life as farre as the eminency of so wealthy a person and the writing of the History he had vndertaken would permit For his opinion touching the gouernment of the State it is manifest that he least of all liked the Democracy And vpon diuers occasions hee noteth the emulation and contention of the Demagogues for reputation and glory of wit with their crossing of each others counsels to the dammage of the Publique the inconstancy of Resolutions caused by the diuersity of ends and power of Rhetorique in the Orators and the desperate actions vndertaken vpon the flattering aduice of such as desired to attaine or to hold what they had attained of authority and sway amongst the common people Nor doth it appeare that he magnifieth any where the authority of the Few amongst whom he saith euery one desireth to be chiefe and they that are vnderualued beare it with lesse patience then in a Democracy whereupon sedition followeth and dissolution of the gouernment Hee prayseth the gouernment of Athens when it was mixt of the Few and the Many but more he commendeth it both when Pisistratus raigned sauing that it was an vsurped power and when in the beginning of this Warre it was Democraticall in name but in effect Monarchicall vnder Pericles So that it seemeth that as he was of Regall descent so he best approued of the Regall Gouernment It is therefore no maruell if he meddled as little as he could in the businesse of the Common-wealth but gaue himselfe rather to the obseruation and recording of what was done by those that had the mannaging thereof Which also he was no lesse prompt diligent and faithfull by the disposition of his mind then by his fortune dignity and wisedome able to accomplish How he was disposed to a worke of this nature may be vnderstood by this that when being a young man he heard Herodotus the Historiographer reciting his History in Publique for such was the fashion both of that and many Ages after he felt so great a sting of aemulation that it drew teares from him insomuch as Herodotus himselfe tooke notice how violently his mind was set on letters and told his Father Olorus When the Peloponnesian Warre began to breake out he coniectured truely that it would prooue an Argument worthy his labour and no sooner it began then he began his History pursuing the same not in that perfect manner in which we see it now but by way of Commentary or plaine Register of the Actions and passages thereof as from time to time they fell out and came to his knowledge But such a Commentary it was as might perhaps deserue to be preferr'd before a History written by another For it is very probable that the eighth Booke is left the same it was when he first writ it neither beautified with Orations nor so well Cemented at the Transitions as the former seuen Bookes are And though he began to write as soone as euer the Warre was on foot yet began he not to perfect and polish his History till after he was banished For notwithstanding his retyred life vpon the Coast of Thrace where his owne possessions lay he could not auoyd a seruice of the State which proued to him afterwards very vnfortunate For whilest he resided in the I le Thasus it fell out that Brasidas the Lacedaemonian besieged Amphipolis a Citie belonging to the Athenians on the Confines of Thrace and Macedony distant from Thasus about halfe a dayes sayle To relieue which the Captaine thereof for the Athenians sent to Tbucydides to leuy a power and make haste vnto him for Thucydides was one of the Strategi that is had authority to raise forces in those parts for the seruice of the Common-wealth And he did accordingly But he came thither one night too late and found the City already yeelded vp And for this he was afterwards banished as if he had let slip his time through negligence or purposely put it off vpon feare of the Enemy Neuerthelesse he put himselfe into the Citie of Eion and preserued it to the Athenians with the repulse of Brasidas which came downe from Amphipolis the next morning and assaulted it The author of his banishment is supposed to haue been Gleon a most violent Sycophant in those times and thereby also a most acceptable Speaker amongst the people For where affaires succeed amisse though there want neither prouidence nor courage in the Conduction yet with those that iudge onely vpon euents the way to calumny is alwayes open and Enuy in the likenesse of Zeale to the Publique good easily findeth credit for an accusation After his Banishment he liued in Scaptâ—-Hyle a Citie of Thrace before mentioned as Plutarch writeth but yet so as he went abroad and was present at the Actions of the rest of the Warre as appeareth by his owne words in his fift Booke Where he saith that he
Pausanias Now the Aâ—henians the God himselfe hauing iudged this a Pollution of Sanctuary required the Lacedaemonians to banish out of their Citie such as were touched with the same At the same time that Pausanias came to his end the Lacedaemonians by their Ambassadours to the Athenians accused Themistocles for that hee also had medized together with Pausanias hauing discouered it by proofes against Pausanias and desired that the same punishment might be likewise inflicted vpon him Whereunto consenting for he was at this time in banishment by Ostracisme and though his ordinary residence was at Argos hee trauelled to and fro in other places of Peloponnesus they sent certaine men in company of the Lacedaemonians who were willing to pursue him with command to bring him in wheresoeuer they could finde him But Themistocles hauing had notice of it before-hand flyeth out of Peloponnesus into Corcyra to the people of which Citie he had formerly beene beneficiall But the Corcyraeans alleaging that they durst not keep him there for feare of displeasing both the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians conuey him into the opposite Continent and being pursued by the men thereto appointed asking continually which way hee went hee was compelled at a streight to turne in vnto Admetus King of the Molossians his enemie The King himselfe beeing then from home hee became a suppliant to his Wife and by her was instructed to take their Sonne with him and sit downe at the Altar of the House When Admetus not long after returned hee made himselfe knowne to him and desired him that though hee had opposed him in some suite at Athens not to reuenge it on him now in the time of his flight saying that being now the weaker he must needes suffer vnder the stronger whereas noble reuenge is of equals vpon equall termes and that hee had beene his Aduersary but in matter of profit not of life whereas if hee deliuered him vp telling him withall for what and by whom hee was followed hee depriued him of all meanes of sauing his life Admetus hauing heard him bade him arise together with his Sonne whom he held as he sate which is the most submisse supplication that is Not long after came the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians and though they alledged much to haue him yet hee deliuered him not but sent him away by Land to Pydna vpon the other Sea a City belonging to Alexander because his purpose was to goe to the King where finding a Ship bound for Iönia hee embarqued and was carried by foule weather vpon the the Fleet of the Athenians that besieged Naxus Being afraid hee discouered to the Master for hee was vnknowne who hee was and for what hee fled and said that vnlesse hee would saue him hee meant to say that hee had hired him to carry him away for money And that to saue him there needed no more but this to let none goe out of the Ship till the weather serued to bee gone To which if hee consented hee would not forget to requite him according to his merit The Master did so and hauing lyen a day and a night at Sea vpon the Fleet of the Aâ—henians he arriued afterward at Ephesus And Themistocles hauing liberally rewarded him with money for hee receiued there both what was sent him from his friends at Athens and also what he had put out at Argos hee tooke his iourney vpwards in company of a certaine Persian of the Low-Countries and sent Letters to the King Artaxerxes the Sonne of Xerxes newly come to the Kingdome wherein was written to this purpose His Letter to Artaxerxes I THEMISTOCLES am comming vnto thee who of all the Grecians as long as I was forced to resist thy Father that invaded mee haue done your House the maniest damages yet the benefits I did him were more after once I with safety hee with danger was to make retreat And both a good turne is already due vnto mee writing here how hee had forewarned him of the Grecians departure out of Salamis and ascribing the then not breaking of the Bridge falsely vnto himselfe and at this time to doe thee many other good seruices I present my selfe persecuted by the Grecians for thy friendships sake But I desire to haue a yeeres respite that I may declare vnto thee the cause of my comming my selfe The King as is reported wondred what his purpose might bee and commanded him to doe as he had said In this time of respite hee learned as much as hee could of the Language and fashions of the place and a yeere after comming to the Court he was great with the King more then euer had beene any Grecian before both for his former dignity and the hope of Greece which hee promised to bring into his subiection but especially for the tryall hee gaue of his wisdome For Themistocles was a man in whom most truely was manifested the strength of naturall iudgement wherein hee had something worthy admiration different from other men For by his naturall prudence without the helpe of instruction before or after he was both of extemporary matters vpon short deliberation the best discerner and also of what for the most part would bee their issue the best coniecturer What hee was perfect in hee was able also to explicate and what hee was vnpractised in he was not to seeke how to iudge of conueniently Also hee foresaw no man better what was best or worst in any case that was doubtfull And to say all in few words this man by the naturall goodnesse of his wit and quicknesse of deliberation was the ablest of all men to tell what was fit to bee done vpon a sudden But falling sicke hee ended his life some say hee dyed voluntarily by Poyson because hee thought himselfe vnable to performe what hee had promised to the King His monument is in Magnesia in Asia in the Market place for hee had the gouernment of that Countrey the King hauing bestowed vpon him Magnesia which yeelded him fifty Talents by yeere for his bread and Lampsacus for his Wine for this City was in those dayes thought to haue store of Wine and the Citty of Myus for his meate His bones are said by his Kindred to haue beene brought home by his owne appointment and buryed in Attica vnknowne to the Athenians for it was not lawfull to bury one there that had fled for Treason These were the ends of Pausanias the Lacedaemonian and Themistocles the Athenian the most famous men of all the Grecians of their time And this is that which the Lacedaemonians did command and were commanded in their first Ambassage touching the banishment of such as were vnder the curse AFTER THIS they sent Ambassadours againe to Athens commanding them to leuy the Siege from before Potidaea and to suffer Aegina to bee free but principally and most plainely telling them that the Warre should not bee made in case
by the Megareans thought good to make an attempt vpon Piraeus the Hauen of the Athenians Now it was without guard or barre and that vpon very good cause considering how much they exceeded others in the power of their Nauy And it was resolued that euery Mariner with his Oare his Cushion and one Thong for his Oare to turne in should take his way by Land from Corinth to the other Sea that lyeth to Athens and going with all speed to Megara lanch forty Gallies out of Nisaea the Arsenall of the Megareans which then were there and sayle presently into Piraeus For at that time there neither stood any Gallies for a watch before it nor was there any imagination that the enemies would on such a sudden come vpon them For they durst not haue attempted it openly though with leasure nor if they had had any such intention could it but haue been discouered As soone as it was resolued on they set presently forward and arriuing by night lanched the said Gallies of Nisaea and set Sayle not now towards Piraeus as they intended fearing the danger and a wind was also said to haue risen that hindred them but toward a Promontory of Salamis lying out towards Megara Now there was in it a little Fort and vnderneath in the Sea lay three Gallies that kept watch to hinder the imporâ—ation and exportation of any thing to or from the Megareans This Fort they assaulted and the Gallies they towed empty away after them And being come vpon the Salaminians vnawares wasted also other parts of the Iland By this time the fires signifying the comming of enemies were lifted vp towards Athens and affrighted them more then any thing that had happened in all this Warre For they in the Citie thought the enemies had been already in Piraeus And they in Piraeus thought the Citie of the Salaminians had been already taken and that the enemy would instantly come into Piraeus Which had they not been afraid nor been hindred by the wind they might also easily haue done But the Athenians as soone as it was day came with the whole strength of the Citie into Piraeus and lanched their Gallies and imbarking in haste and tumult set sayle toward Salamis leauing for the guard of Piraeus an Army of Foot The Peloponnesians vpon notice of those succours hauing now ouer-runne most of Salamis and taken many prisoners and much other booty besides the three Gallies from the Fort of Budorus went backe in all haste to Nisaea And somewhat they feared the more for that their Gallies had lyen long in the water and were subiect to leaking And when they came to Megara they went thence to Corinth againe by Land The Athenians likewise when they found not the Enemy at Salamis went home and from that time forward looked better to Piraeus both for the shutting of the Ports and for their diligence otherwaies About the same time in the beginning of the same Winter Sytalces an Odrysian the sonne of Teres King of Thrace made Warre vpon Perdiccas the sonne of Alexander King of Macedonia and vpon the Chalcideans bordering on Thrace vpon two promises one of which hee required to be performed to him and the other hee was to performe himselfe For Perdiccas had promised somewhat vnto him for reconciling him to the Athenians who had formerly oppressed him with Warre and for not restoring his Brother Philip to the Kingdome that was his Enemie which hee neuer paid him And Sytalces himselfe had couenanted with the Athenians when he made League with them that he would end the Warre which they had against the Chalcideans of Thrace For these causes therefore hee made this Expedition and tooke with him both Amyntas the sonne of Philip with purpose to make him King of Macedonia and also the Athenian Ambassadours then with him for that businesse and Agnon the Athenian Commander For the Athenians ought also to haue ioyned with him against the Chalcideans both with a Fleet and with as great Land-forces as they could prouide Beginning therefore with the Odrysians he leuied first those Thracians that inhabite on this side the Mountaines Aemus and Rhodope as many as were of his owne dominion downe to the shore of the Euxine Sea and the Hellespont Then beyond Aemus he leuied the Getes and all the Nations betweene Ister and the Euxine Sea The Getes and people of those parts are borderers vpon the Scythians and furnished as the Scythians are all Archers on Horsebacke He also drew forth many of those Scythians that inhabite the Mountaines and are free-States all Sword-men and are called Dij the greatest part of which are on the Mountaine Rhodope whereof some he hyred and some went as Voluntaries He leuied also the Agrianes and Leaeans and all other the Nations of Paeonia in his owne Dominion These are the vtmost bounds of his Dominion extending to the Graeans and Leaeans Nations of Paeonia and to the Riuer Strymon which rising out of the Mountaine Scomius passeth through the Territories of the Graeans and Leaeans who make the bounds of his Kingdome toward Paeonia and are subiect onely to their owne Lawes But on the part that lyeth to the Triballians who are also a free people the Treres make the bound of his Dominion and the Tilataeans These dwell on the North side of the Mountaine Scomius and reach Westward as farre as to the Riuer Oscius which commeth out of the same Hill Nestus and Hebrus doth a great and desart Hill adioyning to Rhodope The Dimension of the Dominion of the Odrysians by the Sea side is from the Citie of the Abderites to the mouth of Ister in the Euxine Sea and is the neerest way foure dayes and as many nights Sayle for a round Ship with a continuall fore-wind By Land likewise the neerest way it is from the Citie Abdera to the mouth of Ister eleuen dayes iourney for an expedite Footman Thus it lay in respect of the Sea Now for the Continent from Byzantium to the Leaeans and to the Riuer Strymon for it reacheth this way farthest into the maine Land it is for the like Footman thirteene dayes iourney The Tribute they receiued from all the Barbarian Nations and from the Cities of Greece in the reigne of Seuthes who reigned after Sitalces and made the most of it was in gold and siluer by estimation 400. Talents by yeere And Presents of gold and siluer came to as much more Besides Vestures both wrought and plaine and other furniture presented not onely to him but also to all the men of authority and Odrysian Nobility about him For they had a custome which also was generall to all Thrace contrary to that of the Kingdome of Persia to receiue rather then to giue and it was there a greater shame to be asked and deny then to aske and goe without Neuerthelesse they held this custome long by reason of their power for without gifts there was nothing to be gotten
be taken Citie after Citie when we know that that only way we are conquerable and when we find them wholly bent to this that by drawing some from our alliance with their words and causing some to vveare each other out with Warre vpon hope of their Confederacie and winning others by other fit language they may haue the power to doe vs hurt But we thinke though one of the same Iland perish yet if he dwell far off the danger will not come to vs and before it arriue we count vnhappy onely him that suffereth before vs. If any therefore be of this opinion that it is not he but the Syracusian that is the Athenians Enemie and thinketh it a hard matter that he should endanger himselfe for the Territorie that is mine I would haue him to consider that he is to fight not chiefly for mine but equally for his owne in mine and with the more safety for that I am not destroyed before and he thereby destitute of my helpe but stand with him in the Battell Let him also consider that the Athenians come not hither to punish the Syracusians for being enemies to you but by pretence of mee to make himselfe the stronger by your friendship If any man heere enuieth or also feareth vs for the strongest are still lyable vnto both and would therefore wish that the Syracusians might be weakned to make them more modest but not vanquished for their owne safeties sake that man hath conceiued a hope beyond the power of man For it is not reasonable that the same man should be the disposer both of his desires and of his fortune And if his ayme should faile him he might deploring his owne misery peraduenture wish to enioy my prosperity againe But this will not bee possible to him that shall abandon me and not vndertake the same dangers though not in title yet in effect the same that I doe For though it be our power in title yet in effect it is your own safety you shall defend And you men of Camarina that are our borderers and likely to haue the second place of danger you should most of all haue foreseene this and not haue aided vs so dully You should rather haue come to vs and that which if the Athenians had come first against Camarina you should in your need haue implored at our hands the same you should now also haue beene seene equally to hearten vs withall to keepe vs from yeelding But as yet neither you nor any of the rest haue beene so forward Perhaps vpon feare you meane to deale euenly betweene vs both and alledge your League with the Athenians You made no League against your friends but against your enemies in case any should inuade you and by it you are also tyed to ayde the Athenians when others wrong thē but not when as now they wrong their neighbour For euen the Rhegians who are Chalcideans refuse to helpe thē in replanting the Leontines though these also be Chalcideans And then it were a hard case if they suspecting a bad action vnder a faire iustification are wise without a reason and you vpon pretence of reason should ayde your naturall enemies and helpe them that most hate you to destroy your more naturall kindred But this is no iustice to fight with them is iustice and not to stand in feare of their preparation Which if wee hold together is not terrible but is if contrarily which they endeuour we bee disvnited For neither when they came against vs being none but our selues and had the vpper hand in Battell could they yet effect their purpose but quickly went their wayes There is no reason therefore wee should bee afraid when wee are all together but that wee should haue the better will to vnite our selues in a League And the rather because wee are to haue ayde from Peloponnesus who euery way excell these men in Militarie sufficiencie Nor should you thinke that your purpose to ayde neither as being in League with both is either iust in respect of vs or safe for your selues For it is not so iust in substance as it is in the pretence For if through want of your ayde the assailed perish and the assailant become Victor what doe you by your neutrality but leaue the safety of the one vndefended and suffer the other to doe euill Whereas it were more noble in you by ioyning with the wronged and with your kindred both to defend the Common good of Sicily and keepe the Athenians as your friends from an act of iniustice To be short wee Syracusians say That to demonstrate plainely to you or to any other the thing you already know is no hard matter but wee pray you and withall if you reiect our words wee protest that whereas the Ionians who haue euer beene our enemies doe take counsell against vs you that are Doriens as well as wee betray vs. And if they subdue vs though it bee by your counsels that they doe it yet they onely shall haue the honour of it And for the prize of their victory they will haue none other but euen the Authors of their victory But if the victory fall vnto vs euen you also the cause of this our danger shall vndergoe the penalty Consider therefore now and take your choice whether you will haue seruitude without the present danger or sauing your selues with vs both auoyd the dishonour of hauing a Master and escape our enmity which is likely otherwise to be lasting Thus spake Hermocrates After him Euphemus Ambassadour from the Athenians spake thus THE ORATION OF EVPHEMVS THough our comming were to renew our former League yet seeing wee are touched by the Syracusian it will bee necessary wee speake something heere of the right of our Dominion And the greatest testimonie of this right he hath himselfe giuen in that he said the Ionians were euer enemies to the Doriens And it is true For being Ionians we haue euer endeuoured to finde out some meanes or other how best to free our selues from subiection to the Peloponnesians that are Doriens more in number then wee and dwelling neere vs. After the Medan Warre hauing gotten vs a Nauie wee were deliuered thereby from the command and leading of the Lacedaemonians there beeing no cause why they should rather bee Leaders of vs then wee of them saue onely that they were then the stronger And when wee were made Commanders of those Grecians which before liued vnder the King vvee tooke vpon vs the gouernment of them because wee thought that hauing power in our hands to defend our selues vve should thereby be the lesse subiect to the Peloponnesians And to say truth vvee subiected the Ionians and Ilanders whom the Syracusians say we brought into bondage being our kindred not without iust cause for they came with the Medes against ours their Mother Citie and for feare of losing their wealth durst not reuolt as wee did that abandoned our very Citie But as they were content to serue so they
the feare that the other hath of their owne danger if we should come are brought by necessity the one to moderation against his will the other into safety without his trouble Refuse not therefore the security now present common both to vs that require it and to your selues But doe as others vse to doe come with vs and in stead of defending your selues alwayes against the Syracusians take your turne once and put them to their guard as they haue done you Thus spake Euphemus The Camarinaeans stood thus affected They bare good will to the Athenians saue that they thought they meant to subiugate Sicily And were euer at strife with the Syracusians about their borders Yet because they were afraid that the Syracusians that were neere them might as well get the victory as the other they had both formerly sent them some few horse and also now resolued for the future to helpe the Syracusians but vnderhand and as sparingly as was possible and withall that they might no lesse seeme to fauour the Athenians then the Syracusians especially after they had wonne a battell to giue for the present an equall answer vnto both So after deliberation had they answered thus That for as much as they that warred were both of them their Confederates they thought it most agreeable to their oath for the present to giue ayde to neither And so the Ambassadours of both sides went their wayes And the Syracusians made preparation for the Warre by themselues The Athenians being encamped at Naxus treated with the Siculi to procure as many of them as they might to their side Of whom such as inhabited the Plaine and were subiect to the Syracusians for the most part held off but they that dwelt in the most inland parts of the Iland being a free people and euer before dwelling in Villages presently agreed with the Athenians and brought Corne into the Army and some of them also money To those that held off the Athenians went with their Army and some they forced to come in and others they hindred from receiuing the aydes and garrisons of the Syracusians And hauing brought their Fleet from Naxus where it had been all the Winter till now they lay the rest of the Winter at Catana and re-erected their Campe formerly burnt by the Syracusians They sent a Gally also to Carthage to procure amity and what helpe they could from thence And into Hetruria because some Cities there had of their owne accord promised to take their parts They sent likewise to the Siculi about them and to Egesta appointing them to send in all the Horse they could and made ready Brickes and Iron and whatsoeuer else was necessary for a Siege and euery other thing they needed as intending to fall in hand with the Warre early the next Spring The Ambassadours of Syracuse which were sent to Corinth and Lacedaemon as they sayled by endeauoured also to moue the Italians to a regard of this action of the Athenians Being come to Corinth they spake vnto them and demanded ayde vpon the Title of consanguinity The Corinthians hauing forthwith for their owne part decreed cheerefully to ayde them sent also Ambassadours from themselues along with these to Lacedaemon to helpe them to perswade the Lacedaemonians both to make a more open Warre against the Athenians at home and to send some forces also into Sicily At the same time that these Ambassadours were at Lacedaemon from Corinth Alcibiades was also there with his fellow fugitiues who presently vpon their escape passed ouer from Thuria first to Cyllene the Hauen of the Eleans in a Ship and afterwards went thence to Lacedaemon sent for by the Lacedaemonians themselues vnder publique security For he feared them for his doings about Mantinea And it fell out that in the Assembly of the Lacedaemonians the Corinthians Syracusians and Alcibiades made all of them the same request Now the Ephores and Magistrates though intending to send Ambassadours to Syracuse to hinder them from compounding with the Athenians being yet not forward to send them ayde Alcibiades stood foorth and sharpned the Lacedaemonians inciting them with words to this effect THE ORATION OF ALCIBIADES IT will be necessary that I say something first concerning mine owne accusation lest through iealousie of me you bring a preiudicate eare to the common businesse My Ancestors hauing on a certaine quarrell renounced the office of receiuing you I was the man that restored the same againe and shewed you all possible respect both otherwise and in the matter of your losse at Pylus Whilest I persisted in my good will to you being to make a Peace at Athens by treating the same with my aduersaries you inuested them with authority and me with disgrace For which cause if in applying my selfe afterwards to the Mantineans and Argiues or in any thing else I did you hurt I did it iustly And if any man heere were causelesly angry with mee then when hee suffered let him bee now content againe when hee knowes the true cause of the same Or if any man thinke the worse of mee for enclining to the People let him acknowledge that therein also hee is offended without a cause For wee haue beene alwayes Enemies to Tyrants and what is contrary to a Tyrant is called the People and from thence hath continued our adherence to the multitude Besides in a City gouerned by Democracie it was necessary in most things to follow the present course neuerthelesse wee haue endeuoured to bee more moderate then suteth with the now headstrong humour of the People But others there haue beene both formerly and now that haue incited the Common People to worse things then I and they are those that haue also driuen out mee But as for vs when wee had the charge of the whole wee thought it reason by what forme it was growne most great and most free and in which we receiued it in the same to preserue it For though such of vs as haue iudgement doe know well enough what the Democracie is and I no lesse then another insomuch as I could inueigh against it But of confessed madnesse nothing can be said that 's new yet wee thought it not safe to change it when you our Enemies were so neere vs. Thus stands the matter touching my own accusation And concerning what we are to consult of both you and I If I know any thing which your selues doe not heare it now We made this voyage into Sicily first if we could to subdue the Sicilians after them the Italians after them to assay the dominion of Carthage Carthage it selfe If these or most of these enterprizes succceded then next wee would haue vndertaken Peloponnesus with the accession both of the Greeke Forces there and with many mercenarie Barbarians Iberians and others of those parts confessed to bee the most warlike of the Barbarians that are now We should also haue built many Gallies besides these which
depriued of liberty 150. D. Mitylenian Commons yeeld the City to the Athenians 158. D. sentence at Athens against Mitylene 162. C. 1000 Mitylenians put to death 171. C. Mitylenian Outlawes lose Antandrus 253. B. Molossians 126. C. Molychrium 129 D. 199. E. Moneth Elaphebolium 278. A. 302. A. Gerastion 278 B. Artemisium 302. A. Carneius 323. E Mount raised against Plataea 122 C. Mycale 47. A. Mycalessus 429. E. Mycenae 3. C. Mygdonia 32. A. 140 A. Mylae 193. C. Myonnesus 160. C. Myrcinus 271. C. Myronides 55. C. Myus 74. C. 154. C. N NAuie first built by Minos 3. D The Nauies of old time in Greece 10. B. the Nauy of the Athenians at the greatest when 153. C. Naupactus 54. B. 119. C. defended by Demosthenes 200. A. Naxus the Iland first of the Athenian Confederates that was brought in to seruitude 52. A. Naxus of Sicily 225. C. when and by whom built 351. B. Neapolis of Africke 443. C. Nemea the Forrest 326. B. Neritum 149. A. Nicias goeth with an Army to Melos 193. D. giueth his power to leuy Souldiers to Cleon 228. C. winneth Cythera 241. D. goeth Ambassadour to Lacedaemon 318. B. chosen Generall for the Sicilian voyage 354. D. his opinion touching the mannaging of that Warre 376. D. his Stratagem to get landing at Syracuse 386. B. is assaulted in his Campe 409. A. why vnwilling to rise from before Syracuse 442. A. he yeeldeth himself to Gylippus 466. A. his death 467. A. Nicias of Crete 130 B. Nisaea besieged by the Athenians 249. D. rendred 250. B. Notium 161. B. 162. A. the Number of the Lacedaemonian Army against the Argiues how computed 332. A. Nymphodorus of Abdera 97. D. O OAre One man to one Oare in a Trireme 136. A. Oath Forme of the Oath at the making of the Peace betweene the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians 301. D. Odomantians 141. C. 292. C. Odrysae 98. A. B. 137. D. Oeantheans 199. C. Oeneon 199. D. Oenias 58. B. 128. A. compelled by the Acarnanians into the Athenian League 254. D. Oenöe 92. D. betrayed to the Boeotians 528. C. Oenophyta 56 E. Oenussae 482. A. Oezyme 271. C. Oligarchy of the 400 at Athens 507. C. sequ they enter the Senate house 508. C. they begin to decline 520. D. are assaulted by the Populars 523. C. Olophyxus 273. A. Olpae 203. A. taken by the Ambraciotes 202. C. Olympia 149. B. Olympian Games 5. A. 321. B. Olympiade eighty eighth 149. C. Olympiaeum 386. C. 387. C. 392. C. Olympus 256 A. Olynthus 32. A. 34. A. 280. D. Oneius 237 B. Ophionians 196. C. 197. C. Opus 57. A. Oracle The Corcyraeans referre their cause to the Oracle at Delphi 17. B. Oracle at Delphi consulted by the Epidamnians 15. C. Oracle at Delphi encourageth the Lacedaemonians 61. D. 110 D. Oraedus King of the Parauaeans 126. C. Oration of the Corinthians at Athens 22. B. at Sparta 62. A. of the Corcyraeans at Athens 19 C. of the Athenians at Lacedaemon 34 C. of Archidamus 43. A. of Sthenclaidas 45. D. of Pericles at Athens 75. C. of Archidamus to his Army 87. D. of Pericles at the Funerall 100. D. of Pericles to the incensed People 112. D. of Phormio to his Souldiers 132. C. of Cnemus to his Souldiers 131. B. of the Mitylenians at Olympia 149 B. of Cleon against the Mitylenians 163 of Diodotus for them 167. of the Plataeans 173. of the Thebans 177. of Demosthenes to his Souldiers 216. C. of the Lacedaemonians at Athens 221. A. of Hermocrates to the Sicilians at Gela 244. of Pagondas to his Souldiers 262. of Hippocrates to his Souldiers 264. of Brasidas to the Acanthians 258. D. to the Scionaeans 278. to the Toronaeans 274. to his Souldiers in Lyncus 282. B. to his Souldiers in Amphâ—polis 294. A. Of Nicias against the Sicilian voyage 355. againe 362. to his Souldiers 388. to his Souldiers about to fight in the great Hauen 450. B. to his Souldiers when hee rose from before Syracuse 460. B. Of Alcibiades for the Sicilian Voyage 359. against the Athenians at Lacedaemon 400. D. of Hermocrates in Syracuse 369. A at Camarina 393. A of Athenagoras 371. D. of a Syracusian Generall 374 A. of Euphemus at Camarina 396. A. Orchomenus seased by the Boeotian Outlawes 58. E. Orchomenus of Arcadia besieged by the Argiues and taken 328. B.C. Orestes King of Thessaly 58. A. Orestis of Epâ—â—us 287. B. Orestium 329. C. Orneae pulled downe 354. B. Orobiae 192. D. Oropus 96. A. taken from the Athenians by treason 503. B. P PAches killeth Hippias Captaine of the Arcadians in Notium by fraud 162. A. Paedaritus slaine 501. A. Paeonia 140. A. Paeonians 139. B. Pallas Chalciâ—cà 67. A. 71. B. Pallene 30. D. 34. C. Panactum taken by the Boeotians 291. A pulled downe and why 315. D. Panathenaea 1â— D. 320. C. Pancratium 32â— C. Palenses 98. D. Palirenses 98. D. Pangaeum 140. A. Panormus of Achaia 130. C. of Milesia 481. D. Paralia 111. A.C. Paralians 194 C. Paralus the name of a Gally 160. E. Patrae 128 C. 129. C. 323. B. Pausanias hated by the Confederates 51. B. winneth most of Cypruâ— 50. C. his insolent behauiour ibid. sent for home 50. D. his pride 68. C. driuen out of Byzantium he goeth to Colonae 69. B. his Inscription on the Tripode 69. D. his Medizing 67. C. his letter to Xerxes 67. D he conspireth with the Helotes 70. B is betrayed by an Argilian 70. C. taketh Sanctuary 71. A. his death 71. B. Peace betweene the Lacedaemonians and Athenians for 30 yeres 59. D. Peace in Sicily made by Hermocrates 247. A. Peace betweene the Lacedaemonians and Athenians for 50 yeeres 300. B not liked by the Confederates 302. D why desired by the Lacedaemonians 297. D. 298. D. crossed by the Ephores 311. D. the Peace made after the first ten yeeres Warre no Peace 305. B. broken in the Mâ—ntinean and Epidaurus Warre ibid. Pâ—gâ— 56. B. Peâ—â—â—ce 96. A. Pelasgium 92. B. Pelia 140. A. Pâ—lopiâ—es 6. C. Peloponnesus whence so called 6. B inhabited by the Doreans 8. D. Peloponnesian Warre after the Persian 50 yeeres 61. B. Peloponnesus inuaded by the Athenians 9â— B. 111. B. Peâ—â—ris 225. B. Pelâ—ps â— B. Penâ—acosâ—omedimni 153. A. Pepâ—rethus 193. A. Perdiccas King of Macedony solliciteth the Lacedaemonians to the Warre 12. B. reuolteth from the Athenians 33. B. procureth an Army out of Peloponnesus 256. B. declared by the Athenians for their enemy 257. C. betrayed by the Illyrians 281. D. flyeth out of Lyncus and deserteth Prasidaâ— 281. E. maketh Peace with the Athenians 286. B. stoppeth the passage of the Lacedaemonians through Thessaâ—â— 286. C. is barred the vse of the Sea by the Athenians and why â—40 B. Perâ—â—lis warreth on Samos 60. B. besiegeth Oeneus 58 B. descended of a Stocke that was vnder the curse for violation of Sanctuary 66. â— enemy to the Lacedaemonians 66. E. blamed by the Athenians as author of the Warre 95. A. giues his Land to the State in
daughter Thence he is conueyed to Pydna * The Aegean Sea * King of Macedonia * Of Persia. In danger to be cast vpon the Athenians Fleet at Naxus he maketh himselfe knowne to the Master of the Ship He arriueth at Ephesus * The Low-countries of Asia lying to the Aegean Sea The praise of Themistocles His death * There is another Citie of that name in Greece * Cornelius Nepos in the life of Themistocles sayes that the King gaue him these Cities with these words Magnesia to finde him bread Lampsacus wine and Myus meat The Athenians by Ambassadours command the abrogation of the Act against the Megareans The last Ambassadours from Lacedaemoâ— require the Athenians to lay down their dominion The Athenians consult what to answer * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * as liue by their labour * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Of the Peloponnesians and their Confederates some were Doreans some Aeolians some Boeotians * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * That is of victory by Sea where they were to be employed * Thucydides hath his mind here â—pon the Defeat in Sicily which fell out many yeeres after the death of Pericâ—â—â—â—hereby â—hereby it seemes 〈…〉 his speech more to what Pericles might haâ—e said then to what he did say 〈◊〉 also â—e professeth in generall of his course in setting downe Speeches Besides he maketh Pericles here to answer point by point to the Oration of the Corinthians at Lacedaemon as if hee had beene by when it was deliuered and vseth the same manner in all opposite Orations The Answer of the Athenians to the Ambassadours of Lacedaemon THE FIRST YEERE OF THE WARRE * Priestâ—sse of Iuno By whose Priesthood they reckoned their yeeres * The Athenians began their yeeres about the Summer Soâ—â—â—ce Plataea surprised by the Thebans by Treason * Peto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There were 11. of 〈◊〉 in all and had the 〈◊〉 command of the Boeotians in their Warres 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Thebans execute not the designe of the Traytors But offer composition The Plataeans accept it The Plataeans take heart And vnite themselues by digging through the Common Walles of their Houses They assault the Thebans The Thebans fly but cannot get out The Thebans penned vp in a House which they entred into by mistaking the doore for the City Gate They yeeld to discretion The whole power of Thebes come to rescue their Fellowes The Thebans seeke to intercept the Plataeans in the Villages The Plataeans send to the Thebans to be gone and promise to release their prisoners The Thebans goe off and the Plataeans fetch in their men and goods and kill their prisoners The Athenians lay hands on such Boeotians as were in Attica They victuall Plataea and put a Garrison into it and take out their vnnecessary people Preparation of both sides for the Warre * of Persia. * The Lacedaemonian League or Lacedaemonian party not particularly that State Prophecies and Oracles pâ—eceding the Warre * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prophecies in Prose * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sung For those Prophecâ—es which the Oracles deliuered by their Priests were in verse and were not called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The affections of the Grecians to wards the combatant States The Confederates of the Lacedaemonians The Confederates of the Athenians The Lacedaemonians 〈◊〉 meete in the Isthmus inuade Attica The Oration of Archidamus in the Councell of Warre in the Army of the League Archidamus sends before him an Ambassadour to the Athenians And tryes all other meanes to right his Country before Warre The Ambassadours from Archidamus convâ—yed backe without Conference Archidamus marcheth forward Pericles imagining Archidamus might spare his grounds promiseth if he did to giue them to the State The speech of Pericles to the Assembly at Athens touching the meanes of the Warre c. The Treasure of the people of Athens * 600. Talents of our money about 112500. pounds * 6000 Talents of our money about 1125000. pounds * 9700. Talents 1818750. pounds sterling * 500. Talents 93750. pound * Minerua * The weight of 40. Talents in gold at 3. 〈…〉 ounce coines to 9000. pound The length of the walles to which the Watchmen were appointed Their Gallies The Athenians fetch in their Wiues and Children and substance into the Citie The Athenians 〈…〉 to liue in the Countrey * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Guild-Halâ—es plaâ—es where those that admâ—nistred the State did meete where also some for honours cause and seruice were a lowed dyet and wherein Vesta was worshipped and a light continually bâ—rneâ— â—o that some thence deriue the name making 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * King of the Athenians Theseus first brought the inhabitants of Attica to make Athens their capitall Citie * Not that they must needes dwell in it but make it the seate of the gouernment and pay their duties to it This caused the Citie to grow both populous and potent because now the whole Nation vnited into one Citie made vse of the Sea which deuided they could not haue done * Minerua * Cohabitation * There were in Athens 3. Bacchanals whereof this of Bacchus in Limnae that is in the Marishes was principall another were the Rurall Bacchanals and the third the City Bacchanals * This Moneth fell about ouâ— Ianuary and was the second of their Winter quarter The 〈◊〉 remoue 〈…〉 the Borough 〈◊〉 into the Citie vnwillingly a Altars Chappels Household gods Athens thronged with the comming in of the Countrey b Men 〈◊〉 to be gotten between â— Deity 〈◊〉 a Mortall 〈…〉 as exceed the 〈…〉 men 〈◊〉 many degâ—â—es in Magnanimity c 〈◊〉 a Temple in Aâ—hens vsed with great relâ—gâ—on d Pelasgicum a place by the Cittadell where the Pelasgians once fortified themselues againâ—â— the Athenians and for that cause there was laâ—d a curse vpon the habitation of it Paus. in Atticis An old Prophecy against dwelling in the PelasgicuÌ„ The Athenians make ready 100. Gallies to send about Peloponnesus The Peloponnesians Armie assault Oenoe a frontier Towne of Attica in vain Archidamus taxed of backwarâ—nesse and fauour to the Athenians Archidamus with his Army entreth into Attica And comes to Acharnas and stayes there long cutting downe their Corne and Trees * Burroughes The Designe of Archidamus in staying so long at Acharnas The Athenians hardly containe themselues from going out to fight A Skirmish betweenâ— the Athenian and Boeotian Horse Archidamus remoues from Acharnas The Athenians send 100. Gallies to infest the Sea-Coast of Peloponnesus The Peloponnesians goe home The Athenians set by 1000 Talents and 100. Gallies for defence against an inuasion by Sea The Athenians assault Methone Brasidas defendeth it They take Pheia a Town of Elis. * That Locris 〈◊〉 chiefe Citie 〈…〉 where the Locri 〈…〉 The inhabitants of Aegina remoued by the Athenians And receiued by the Peloponnesians Ecclipse of the Sunne