the porte of Southhampton But as Polydorus sayeth and Fabian affirmeth the same that it was by Thames side at London When his flatterers comming about him began to exalt him vp with high wordes calling him a king of all kings most mighty who had vnder his subiection both the people the land and also the sea Canutus reuoluing this matter in his minde whether for pride of his heart exalted or whether to trâe and refell their flattering words coÌmaunded his chaire of estate to be brought to the sea side at what time it should begin to flowe Polydore sayth that no seate was brought but sitting vpon his garments being folded together vnder him there charged and commaunded the floudes arising comming toward his feete that they shoulde not touch neither him nor his clothes But the water keeping his ordinary course came nearer and nerer First to his feete and so growing higher began to wash him welfauoredly Wherewith the king abashed partly also afeard starte backe and looking to his Lordes Loe sayth he ye call me such a mighty king yet can I not commaunde backe this litle water to stay at my worde but it is ready to drowne me Wherfore all earthly kings may know that all their powers be but vaine and that none is worthy to haue the name of a king but he alone which hath all things subiect to the power authoritie of his word which is the Lord of heauen earth the creatour aboue of all thinges the father of our Christ and Lorde who with him for euer is to be glorified him let vs worship and extoll for our king for euer After this as histories witnes he neuer suffred the crowne to come vpon his head but went to Winchester or as some say to Canterbury but both those may be true for his going to CaÌterbury was to acknowledge that there was a Lorde much higher of more power then he himselfe was and therewithal to render vp his crowne for euer With that Egelnothes Archbyshop of Canterbury informed him of the image of the Crucifix before meÌtioned which dissolued the matter betweene maried Priests and life of Monkes and did many other myracles moe being then at Winchester Wherewith the King prouoked to go to Winchester to the roode there resigned vp hys regall Crowne and made the roode king ouer all the land Here is also to be noted in this Canutus that although as is said he coÌdescended in the beginning of his raigne vpon king Edgares lawes yet after in proces of time hee set forth peculiar lawes of his own Among which diuers there be that concerne as well causes Ecclesiasticall as also temporal Whereby it may appeare that the gouernmeÌt of spirituall matters not to depende then of the Bishop of Rome but to appertaine to the lawfull authoritie of the temporall Prince no lesse then of matters and causes temporall As for example by these ordinaunces of the foresayd Canutus may be well considered as here folowe Pecunia sepulturae iustum est vt aperta terra reddatur Si aliquod corpus a sua parochia deferatur in aliam pecunia sepulturae c. In English It is mete and right that in funerals money be geuen for opening the earth If anybody or corse be caried from his owne Parishe into an other the money of the buriall shal pertaine by the law to his owne Parish Church All ordinaunces and ceremonies of God let them be obserued as neede in all things requireth Uppon the Sonday we forbid all publique âayres or markets all Synodes or conuenticles huntinges or any such seculare actions to be exercised vnlesse vrgent necessitie compell therunto Let euery ChristeÌ man prepare himself thrise a yere to approche to the receauing of the Lords body so to eate the same as not to his iudgemeÌt but to his wholsome remedy If a minister of the altare doe kill any man or haue intangled himselfe in any notorious crime let him be depriued both from his order and dignitie If any maried woman her husband being aliue haue committed adultery be proued with the same to her opeÌ shame in the world let her haue her nose and eares cut of Let euery widow after the death of her husband so remaine sole xij monethes or if shee marrye let her loose her ioynter And heere an ende of the Danish kyngs Nowe to the English kings againe whose right line coÌmeth in againe in Edward here following King Edward called the Confessor FOr so much as God of his mercye and prouidence who is onely the maker of heires thought it so good after the wofull captiuitie of this Englishe nation to graunt now some respite of deliuerance in taking away the Danish kings without any issue left behind them who reigning here in EnglaÌd kept the english people in miserable subiection about the space of xxviij yeares and that from their firste landing in the time of King Brightricus wasting and vexing this land the terme of cc. âv yeres Now their tiranny here comming to an ende the next election right of the crowne fell as appertained to Edwarde the yonger sonne of king Egelred and Emma a meere Englishman who had bene now long banished in Normandy as is aboue declared A man of gentle and soft spirite more appliable to other mens couÌsailes then able to trust to his owne of nature condition so geuen from al warre and bloudshed that being in his banishment he wished rather so to continue all his life long in that priuate estate then by warre or bloudshed to aspire to any kingdome This Edward after the death of Canutus the seconde or Hardecanute being sent for of the Lordes into NormaÌdie to take possession of the Realme although he something mistrusted the vnconstant and fickle heads of EnglishmeÌ yet hauing sufficient pledges laid for him in Normandie came ouer with a few Normands accompanied and not long after was crowned at Winchester an 1043. by Edsius then Archbishop of Cant. And not long after that he maried Goditha or Editha daughter of Earle Godwyne whome he entreated after such sort that he neither put her from his bed nor yet delt with her fleshly Whether it ãâã for hate of her kin as most like it was or for loue of chastitie it remaineth vncertaine But most writers agree that he continued his lyfe without offence with women âor the which he is highly exalted among our story writers and called holy king Edwarde After he had thus taken vpon him the gouernement of the realme he guided the same with much wisedome and iustice the space of 24. yeres lacking two monethes from whome issued as out of a fountaine much godlinesse mercy pitie and liberalitie towarde the poore gentlenes and iustice toward all men and in all honest life he gaue a vertuous example to his people He discharged the Englishmen of the great tribute called Dane gelt which before
thereby to anger whose anger yet notwithstaÌding had bene easily swaged if the other woulde haue submitted himselfe and acknowledged his default But he adding stubburnnesse to his trespasse through the quantitie and greatnesse of his excesse was the author of his owne punishment which nowe by the law ciuill he sustaineth and yet shameth to craue pardone for his desert at the kings hande whose anger he feared not to sturre vp in such a troublesome time of the persecution of the Church greatly against the profite of the same augmenting increasing therby the persecution which now the Church lieth vnder Much better it had bene for him to haue tempered himself with the bridle of moderation in the high estate of his dignitie least in exceeding too farre in straining the straite poyntes of things by ouer much presumption peraduenture through his presumption being not in meane and tollerable things might fall from higher And if the detriments of the Church woulde not moue him yet the greât benefits and preforments of riches and honours ought to perswade him not to be so stubburn against the king But here peradueÌture his friend and our aduersary wil obiect that his bearing and submitting to the king in this behalfe were preiudiciall against the authority and sea Apostolical as though he did not or might not vnderstand that although the dignity of the Church should suffer a little detriment in that iudgement yet he might ought to haue dissimuled for the time to obtaine peace into the Church He will obiect againe alleaging the name of father that it soundeth like a poynt of arrogancie for children to procede in iudgement of coÌdemnation against the father which thing is not conuenient But he must vnderstand againe that it was necessary that the obedience and humilitie of the children shoulde temper the pride of the father least afterwarde the hatred of the father might redounde vpon the children Wherefore of these promises your fatherhoode may vnderstand that the action of this our aduersary ought to fall downe as void and of none effect who only vpon the affection of malice hath proceeded thus against vs hauing no iust cause nor reason to ground vpon And forsomuch as the care and charge of all churches as yeâ knowe lieth vpon vs it standeth vs vpon to prouide concerning the state of the Churche of Canterbury by our diligence and circumspection so that the sayd Church of Canterbury through the excesse of his pastor be not driuen to ruine or decay By this Epistle it may appeare to the Reader therof that Becket being absent from Englande went about to worke some trouble against certaine of the Clergy and of the laitie belike in excommunicating such as he tooke to be his euill willers Now to vnderstand further what his working was or who they were whom he did excommunicate this letter sent to William Bishop of Norwitch shall better declare the matter A letter of Becket to the B. of Norwitch HE bindeth himselfe to the penalty of the crime whosoeuer receiuing power and authoritie of God vseth and exerciseth not the same with due seueritie in punishing vice but wincking diâsimuling doth minister boldnesse to wicked doers maintaining them in their sinne For the bloud of the wicked is required at the hand of the Priest which is negligent or dissembleth And as the Scripture sayth thornes and brambles grow in the handes of the idle dronkard Wherfore least through our too much sufferance and dissembling the transgressions of manifest euil doers should also be laid to our charge and redound to the destruction of the Church through our giltie silence We therfore following the authoritie of the Popes commaundement haue laid our sentence of curse excommunication vpon the Earle Hugo commaunding you throughout all your Diocesse publickely to denounce the sayde Earle as accursed so that according to the discipline of the Church he be sequestred from the fellowship of all faithfull people Also it is not vnknowen to your brotherhoode how long we haue borne with the transgressions of the Bishop of London Who amongest other his factes I would to God were not a great doer and fautor of this schisme and subuerter of the right and liberties of holy Church Wherefore we being supported with the authoritie of the Apostolicke sea haue also excommunicated him besides also the Bishop of Salesbury because of his disobedience and contempt and others likewise vpon diuers and sundrie causes whose names here followe subscribed Hugo Bernardes sonne Radolph of Brocke Robert of Brocke a clearke Hugode of S Cleare and Letardus a clearke of Northfolke Nigellus of Scacauil and Richard Chapleine William of Hasting and the Frier which possesseth my Church of Monchote We therfore charge and commaunde you by the authoritie Apostolicall and ours and in the vertue of obedience and in the perill of saluation and of your order that yee cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate throughout all your Diocesse and to command all the faithful to auoide their companie Fare ye wel in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled nor feare for we stande sure thorough the assistance of the Apostolike sea God being oure borowe against the pretensed shiftes of the malignant sorte and against all their appellations Furthermore all such as haue bene solemnely cited of vs shall sustaine the like sentence of excommunication if God will in the Ascension day vnlesse they shall otherwise agree with me That is to witte Geffray Archdeacon of Canterburie and Robert his vicare Rice of Wilcester Richard of Lucie William Gifferd Adam of Cheringes with suche other moe which eyther at the commaundement of the king or vppon their own proper temeritie haue inuaded the goods and possessions either appertaining to vs or to our clearkes about vs. With these also we doe excommunicate all suche as be knowen eyther with aide or counsel to haue incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king against the liberties of the Churche and exiling of the innocents And such also as be knowen to Impeche or let by any maner of way the messengers sent either from the Pope or from vs for the necessities of the Churche Fare you well againe and euer Hetherto hast thou seene gentle reader diuers sundry letters of Thomas Becket whereby thou maist collect a sufficient historie of his doings demeanor though nothing els were said further of him concerning his lusty and hauty stomack aboue that beseemed either his degree or cause which he tooke in hand And here peraduenture I may seme in the story of this one man to tary tâo long hauing to write of so many others better then it yet for the weaker sort which haue couÌted him and yet do count him for a Saint hauing in themselues little vnderstanding to iudge or discerne in the causes of men I thought to adde this letter more wherein he complaineth of his king to a forreine power doing what in him did lie to stirre for
preseÌted or els themselues to place fit men in their churches as neede required So did the Emperours of Constantinople receiuing the order and maner from Constantine the great vse and geue the right of Ecclesiasticall function with the consent both of the people and ecclesiastical persons long so retayned they the same As Honorious the Emperor vnto Boniface canon 8. dist 79. canon 2. dist 97. Also of Pelagius and Gregorius Magnus of the whiche one in the raigne of Justinian the Emperour and Totila gouerning Italy the other in the tyme of Mauritius the Emperour when the Lombardes possessed Italy were appoynted Byshops to the Church of Rome can 15.21 24. And where as Bratianus in the beginning of the 96. and 97. distinction doth declare that the rescript of Honorius the Emperour is voyde and of none effect for that he determined the election of the bishop of Rome coÌtrary to the authoritie of the holy canons when as yet neither to that ciuill magistrate nor to any of the ecclesiasticall order caÌbe read of any licence geuen them for to dispence withal each man may playnly see and discerne his great foly and want of vnderstanding As though at that tyme any decrees were made which shoulde debarre Emperours for the consritituring of that ecclesiasticall ministers Or that it were doubtfull whether the Emperours at that time had past any coÌstitutions touching the causes of Ecclesiasticall discipline and the same lawes then put in vre when that contrary most manifestly both by the lawes histories of that age and time as well of the church as of the Empire may appeare And that we need not seek farre for the matter this thing is sufficiently proued by these titles De sacrosanctis Ecclesijs Episcopis Clericis besides other eccclesiasticall chapters matters touching religion All which are to be seene in the bookes of the principall and chiefest constitutions collected and set forth by Iustinian Amongst the whiche many of the chapiters are said to be accepted and allowed of Honorius Theodosius So in like case the 21. can in the 63. distinction doth declare that the Grecian Emperours that next insued after Iustinian did obserue that maner of ordeining and election of the Bishop of Rome although theÌ at that tyme interpellatum erat it was somewhat sporned at Amongst whom mention is made of Constantinus the fourth which was surnamed Pogonatus Carolus Magnus in like maner followed theyr steps and maner in the same as in the 22. canon and the same distinctioÌ is declared And farther it was at a Synodal couÌcell in Laterane Adrian beyng hygh Bishop where were conuented and assembled 153. other Bishops decreed that the power and authoritie of creating the bishop of Rome and ordayning of all other prelates ecclesiasticall orders should be in the power and will of Carolus Magnus as well in Italy as other his dominions and prouinces and that whosoeuer was not promoted allowed by him should not be consecrated of any And that those which repugned and disobeyed this decree should incurre the most sharpe paine of proscription and publication of law The worthy example hereof is extaÌt in the 18. can and 18. title Yet notwithstanding Stephanus the 4. author of this rescript agaynst the sayd decree and wtout the Emperours consent was made Bishop of Rome who to the intent he might delude the decreed solemnised penalty therby to excuse himselfe went into Fraunce to Ludouicus Pius the sonne of Carolus Magnus at Rheimis crowned he him with the Imperiall diademe Neither could this Byshop here stay himselfe but spying the great lenitie of the Emperour assayed to make frustrate the foresayd constitution For hys purpose was so brought it to passe as in the 27. canon and the lame distinction appeareth that it might be lawful for the Ecclesiasticall order with the people and senate of Rome without the authoritie of the Emperour to chuse the Byshop of Rome reseruing that he shoulde not be consecrated without the will and consent of the Emperour Thus is it manifest that the Byshops of Rome themselues not regarding but despising the straite penalty and sanction of the foresayd decree of the Laterane Councell were not onely the first that brake the same but also by contrary rescriptes and constitutions laboured endeuoured to extoll set vp themselues aboue al other Whereupon Lotharius afterward being Emperor and nephew to Carolus Magnus comming into Italy there to dissolue the coÌspiracy and confederacy of Leo the fourth about the translation of the Empire renewed stablished agayne the Synodal decree of Laterane touching the iurisdiction of the Emperour for the election of the Byshop of Rome and other ecclesiasticall persons And hereof it came that those Epistles were written of Leo in the 16. 17. canon and the same distinction which also as in the 9. canon and x. distinction made a profession that the same Imperiall preceptes should be kept in all ages This Leo when he was reproued of treason and other euils pleaded his cause before Ludouicus the 2. Emperoure of Rome and sonne of Lotharius aboue recited 2. q. 7. canon 40. But after this as tyme grew on the bishops of Rome nothing relinquishing their ambitious desires Otho the first Emperour of that name depriued and put from the sea of Rome that most filthy and wicked Bishop Iohn the xiij both for diuers and sundry wicked and haynous acts by him committed as also for his great treasons conspiracies agaynst his royall person and did substitute in hys place Leo. the 5. who calling a Synode at Laterane in the same temple and place where the other before was keptâ did promulgate a new constitution with consent of the Senate people of Rome concerning the Emperours iurisdiction in the foresayd election whiche in the 23. canon is contained and 63. distinction Whereby the old right and power of the Emperour in the election of the Byshop of Rome and other ecclesiasticall prelates was agayne with more sharper and straighter sanctioÌ confirmed ratified Agayn Iohn the 18 whoÌ Cressentius the Romayn vsurping that Imperiall crowne had made bishop by the conseÌt of the people of Rome the Ecclesiasticall order hauing his nose cut off hys eyes put out so thrust out of the capitoll was agayn of Otho 3. established and made Byshop But when as yet notwithstanding the Byshops of Rome would not alter their olde accustomed disposition but with all their industry indeuoured to abrogate that iurisdiction of the Emperor ouer the bishop of Rome as people loth to be vnder subiection Henry the 3. then Leo the 9 beyng constituted byshop did once agayne ratifie that same and caused the byshop which extolled himself before al his fellow bishops to stoup and geue place to Moguntinus So after the death of Henry the 3. Emperor Nicholas the 2. although in hys decree whiche in the first canon and
perisheth in the Church of God for want of preachers all that shal be demaunded of them at the day of iudgement As Iacob confesseth to Laâan whose sheep he fedde Genesis 31 I did restore all thy losse and that which was stolne I made aunswere for I will demaund his bloud at thy handes Ezechiell 3. This is sayd to the Pastor or Prelate But if the other thinges which we haue spoken of before could not mooue the Prelates and Cardinals this at the least should mooue them Because that then the spirituall power which doth consist for the most part in the exercise of preaching in hearing confessions enioyning of penaunce shall be taken away froÌ them by litle little For by piece mele doth the wolfe dânour the poore needy man 3. q. cap 1. when the authority Ecclesiasticall therfore shall be quite taken from them and disposed to other such as either by their order or Apostolicall grauÌt do challenge to haue the same Then doubtles shall neither the iurisdictioÌ of ciuile causes and pleadings nor any authority that such Prelates haue yet remaining neither yet the possessions of the temporall goodes of the Church any longer remayne amongest them Shall suche haue the temporall goods of the church which minister not the spirituall treasure thereof 1. Cor. 9. Know ye not that they which kill the sacrifice ought to eate of the sacrifice they that serue at the aultar are partakers of the aultar For as the body without the soule cannot stand so corporall thinges without spirituall things cannot continue 1. q. 1. if any shall take away the same Thus haue you had the 39 arguments for the which both he was coÌdemned and his bookes burned In the dayes of this Guilielmus there was a most detestable and blasphemous booke set forth by the Friers mentioned also in Math. Parisiens which they called Euangelium aeternum or Euangelium spiritus sancti That is the euerlasting Gospell or the Gospell of the holy Ghost In which book many abhominable errors of the Friers were conteyned so that the Gospell of Iesus Christ was vtterly defaced which this booke sayd was not to be compared with this euerlasting Gospel no more then the shell is to be coÌpared with the carnell then darknes to light c. More ouer that the Gospell of Christ shal be preached no longer but fifty yeares and then this euerlasting Gospell should rule the Church c. Item yâ whatsoeuer was in the whole Bible was in the saide Gospell contayned At length this Friers Gospell was accused to the Pope and so 6. persons chosen of the whole vniuersitye to peruse and iudge of the booke as Christianus Canonicus Baluacensis Odo de Doaco Nicholaus de Baro Ioannes de Sicca Vella Anglus Ioannes Belim Gallus Among whom this Guilielmus was one who mightely impugned this pestiferous and deuillish booke These 6. after the perusing of the booke were sent vp to Rome The Friers likewise sent their messengers withall where they were refuted and yâ errors of the booke condemned but so that the Pope with the Cardinals commaunded the sayd booke to be abolished and condemned not publickly tendering the estimation of the religious orders as of his own most chiefe champions but that they should be burned in secret wise and the books of the foresayd âuilielmus to be burnt with all Besides other his bookes 2. Sermons we haue of his yet remayning one vpon the Gospell of S. Luke of the Pharisy and the Publicane the other vpon the Epistle redde in the Church on May day where in the first he resembleth the Phariseis to our Monkes and that he proueth by all the properties of the Phariseis described in the Gospell The Publicane he resembleth to the Laity such as for because the sooner they are reduced to acknowledge their sinnes the more hope they haue of mercy The other because they stand confident in their own righteousnesse are therefore farther from their instification In the latter sermoÌ he setteth forth and declareth what perils and dauÌders be like to fall vpon the Church by these religious orders of Monkes and Friers Among the other besides of that age which withstood the bishops of Rome his Antechristian errors was one LaureÌce an Englishman and maister of Paris An other was Petrus Ioannes a Minorite Of whome the foresayde Laurence was about the yeare of our Lord. 1260. who in his teaching preaching writing did stoutly defeÌd yâ part of the forsayd Guilielmus the rest of his side agaynst the Friers Against the which Friers he wrote 2. bookes One in the defence of William afore meÌtioned the other vpoÌ this argument and title To beware of false prophets c. Certayn other things also he wrote wherin by diuers proofes and testimonies he argued proued that Antichrist was not farre of to come The other Petrus Ioannes was about the yeare of our Lord. 1290. which taught and maintained many things agaynst the Pope prouing that he was Antichrist and that the sinagogue of Rome was great Babilon He wrot vpon Mathew vpon the Epistles and vpon the Apocalips Mention of this Petrus Ioannes is made in Nicholaus Emericus in Lib. Inquisitionum c. And sayth moreouer that Miâhael Cesenas of whoÌ Christ willing shall followe hereafter took of him a great part of his opinioÌs And because the pope could not burne him aliue after his death he caused his bones to be taken vp and burned To these and with these aboue specified is to be added Robertus Gallus who being borne of a right noble parentage for deuotion sake was made a Dominicke Frier about the same yeare of our Lord aboue touched an 1290 This man as appeareth by his writing had diuers and sundry visions whereof part is annexed with the visions and prophecy of Hildegardis His visions al tend against the spiritualty of Rome where in the fift chapter he calleth playnely the Pope an Idoll which hauing eyes seeth not neither lusteth to see the abhominatioÌs of his people nor the excessiue enormity of ther voluptuousnes But only to see to the heaping vp of his own treasure hauing a mouth speaketh not but sayth I hane set good men ouer them which is sufficieÌt for me to do them good either by my selfe or by some other And foloweth in the same chapter wo to that Idoll woe to the mighty and proud who shall be equall in all the earth to that Idoll He that exalted vp his name in earth saying who shall bring me vnder Is not my house compared with the mighty Potentates of the land I am higher then Dukes Knightes on their horsebacke do seruice vnto me That which my Fathers had not before me yâ haue I done to me My house is strowed with siluer gold and pearle are the pauement of my palace c. Agayn in the 12. chapter and also in the first vnder the name of a SerpeÌt he paynteth out the Pope whom he
the sayd Iohn Wickliffe to be apprehended and cast in prison And that the king and the nobles of England should be admonished by them not to geue any credite to the saide Iohn Wickliffe or to his doctrine in any wise c. ¶ Beside this Bill or Bull of the Pope sent vnto the Archbyshop of CaÌterbury and to the Byshop of London bearyng the date 11. Kalend. Iuni. and the 7. yeare of the raigne of the Pope I finde moreouer in the sayd story two other letters of the Pope concernyng the same matter but differyng in forme sent vnto the same Byshops and all hearyng the same date both of the day yeare and moneth of the raigne of the sayd Pope Gregory Whereby it is be supposed that the Pope either was very exquisite and solicitous aboue the matter to haue Wickliffe to be appreheÌded which wrote three diuers letters to one person and all in one day about one businesse or els that he did suspect the bearers thereof the scruple wherof I leaue to the iudgement of the Reader Furthermore beside these letters writteÌ to the Uniuersitie and to the Byshops he directeth also an other Epistle bearyng the same date vnto kyng Edward as one of my stories sayth but as an other sayth to the kyng Richard whiche soundeth more neare to the truth forasmuch as in the 7. yeare of Pope Gregory the xi which was the yeare of our Lord. 1â78 Kyng Edward was not aliue The copy of his letters to the kyng here followeth The copy of the Epistle sent by the Byshop of Rome to Richard kyng of England to persecute Iohn Wickliffe VNto his welbeloued sonne in Christ Richard the most noble kyng of England health c. The kyngdome of England which the most highest hath put vnder your power and gouernaunce beyng so famous and renowmed in valiancy and strength so aboundaunt and flowyng in all kynde of wealth and riches but much more glorious resplendent and shynyng through the brightnesse and clearenesse of all godlynesse and fayth hath accustomed alwayes to bryng forth men endued with the true knowledge and vnderstandyng of the holy Scriptures graue in yeares feruent in deuotion and defenders of the Catholicke fayth The which haue onely directed and instructed their own people through their holesome doctrine and preceptes into the true path of Gods commaundementes but also as we haue heard by the report and information of many credible persons to our great grief hart sorow that Iohn Wickliffe Parson of Lutterworth in the Dioces of Lincolne professor of diuinitie I would to God he were no author of heresie to be fallen into such a detestable and abhominable madnes that he hath propounded and set forth diuers and sundry conclusions full of errours and coÌteinyng most manifest heresie the which do tende vtterly to subuert and ouerthrow the state of the whole Churche Of the whiche some of them albeit vnder coloured phrase and speache seeme to smell and sauour of peruerse opinions and the foolishe doctrine of condemned memory of Marsilius of Padua and Iohn of Ganduno whose bookes were by Pope Iohn the 22. our predecessour a man of most happy memorye reproued and condemned c. ¶ Hetherto gentle reader thou hast heard how Wickliffe was accused by the Byshop Now you shall also heare the Popes mighty reasons and argumentes by the which he did confute him to the kyng It followeth Therefore for so much as our Reuerend brethren the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Byshop of London haue receiued a speciall commaundement from vs by our authoritie to apprehend and committe the forenamed Iohn Wickliffe vnto prison and to transporte his confession vnto vs If they shall seeme in the prosecution of this their businesse to locke your fauour or helpe we require and most earnestly desire your maiestie euen as your most noble predecessors haue alwayes bene most earnest louers of the Catholicke fayth whose case or quarell in this matter is chiefly handled that you woulde vouchsafe euen for the reuerence of God and the fayth aforesayd and also of the Apostolicke seat and and of our person that you will with your helpe and fauour assist the sayd archbishop and all other that shall goe about to execute the sayd busines Wherby besides the prayse of men you shall obtayne a heauenly rewarde and great fauour and good will at our hand and of the sea aforesaid Dated at Rome at S. Mary the greater the 11. Kal. of Iune in the 7. yeare of our Byshoprick an 1378. The Articles included in the popes letters whiche he sent to the Bishoppes and to the king against Wickliffe were these as in order do follow The conclusions of Iohn Wickliffe exhibited in the conuocation of certayne Bishops at Lambeth ALl the whole race of mankinde here on earth besides Christ hath no power simply to ordayne that Peter and all his ofspring should politickely rule ouer the world for euer 2. God cannot geue to any man for him and hys heyres anye ciuill dominion for euer 3. All writinges inuented by men as touching perpetuall heritage are impossible 4. Euery man being in grace iustifiyng hath not onely right vnto the thing but also for his time hath right in deede aboue all the good thinges of God 5. A man cannot onely ministratoriously geue any temporal or continuall gift eyther as well to his naturall sonne as to his sonne by imitation 6 If God be the temporall Lordes may lawfully and meritoriously take away the riches from the Church when they do offend habitualiter 7. We know that Christes Vicar cannot neyther is able by hys Bulles neyther by his owne will and consent neither by the consent for his colledge eyther make able or disable any man 8. A man cannot be excommunicated to his hurt or vndoyng except he be first and principally excommunicate by himselfe 9. No man ought but in Gods cause alone to excommunicate suspend or forbid or otherwise to proceede to reuenge by anye ecclesiasticall censure 10. A curse or excommunication doth not simply binde but in case it be pronounced and geuen out agaynst the aduersarye of Gods law 11. There is no power geuen by any example eyther by Christ or by his Apostle to excommunicate any subiect specially for the denying of any temporalties but rather contrariwise 12. The disciples of Christ haue no power to exact by anye ciuill authoritie temporalties by censures 13. It is not possible by the absolute power of God that if the Pope or any other Christian doe pretend by any meanes to bynd or to lose that thereby he doth so bynde and loose 14. We ought to beleue that the Vicar of Christ doth at suche tymes onely bynde and loose when as he worketh conformably by the law and ordinaunce of Christ. 15. This ought vniuersally to be beleued that euery priest righly and duely ordered according vnto the law of grace hath power according to his vocation whereby he may minister the sacramentes and
for els as this Doctor saith priests take now tithes wrongfully ¶ And the archb said to his clarkes Heard ye euer Losell speake thus Certaine this is the learning of them all that whersoeuer they come and they may be suffered they enforce them to expugne the freedome of holy Church â And I said Sir why call you the taking of tithes and of such other duties that priests chalenge now wrongfullie the freedome of holy church Since neither Christ nor his apostles chalenge nor tooke such duties Herefore these takings of priests now are not called iustly the freedome of holy church but all such geuing and taking ought to be called and holden the slanderous couetousnes of men of the holy church ¶ And the archb said to me Why Losell wilt not thou and other that are consedered with thee seeke out of holy scripture of the sence of doctors al sharpe authorities against lords knights and squiers against other secular men as thou doest against priests â And I said Sir whatsoeuer men or women lords of ladies or any other that are present in our preaching specially or in our coÌmoning after our cuÌning we tell out to theÌ their office their charges But sir since Chrisostome sayth that priests are the stomack of the people it is nedeful in preaching also in commoning to be most busy about this priesthode Since by the viciousnes of priestes both Lordes coÌmons are most sinfully infected led into the worst And because yâ the couetousnes of priests pride the boast that they haue make of their dignity and power destroyeth not onely the vertues of priesthod in priests theÌselues but also ouer this it stirreth God to take great vengeance both vpon the Lords vpon coÌmons whych suffer these priests charitably ¶ And the Archb. said to me Thou iudgest euery priest proud yâ wil not go arayed as thou doest By god I deme him to be more meke yâ goeth euery day in a scarlet gown thaÌ thou in thy threed bare blew gown Wherby knowest thou a proud man â And I said Sir a proud priest may be known when he denieth to follow Christ his Apostles in wylfull pouerty and other vertues coueteth worldly worship and taketh it gladly gathereth together with pleding manasing or with flattering or with simony any worldly goodes And most if a priest busy him not chiefly in himselfe after in all other men and women after his cunning power to withstand sinne ¶ And the Archb. sayd to mee Though thou knewest a priest to haue al these vices though thou sawest a pryest louely lye now by a womaÌ knowing her fleshly wouldst thou therfore deme this priest daÌnable I say to thee that in the turning about of thy hand such a sinner may be verily repented â And I sayd Sir I wil not damne any man for any sinne that I know done or may be done so that the sinner leaueth his sinne But by authoritie of holy Scripture he that sinneth thus openly as ye shew here is damnable for doing of such a sinne and most specially a priest the shoulde be example to al other for to hate flye sinne And in how short time that euer ye say the such a sinner may be repeÌted he ought not of him the knoweth his sinning to bee iudged verily repentant without open euidence of great shame harty sorow for his sinne For whosoeuer and specially a priest that vseth pride enuy couetousnes lechery simony or any other vices sheweth not as open euideÌce of repentance as he hath geuen euil exaÌple occasion of sinning if he coÌtinue in any such sinne as long as he may it is likely that sinne leaneth him he not sinne And as I vnderstaÌd such a one sinneth vnto death for whoÌ no bodye oweth to pray as S. Iohn sayth ¶ And a Clerke saide then to the Archb. Sir the lenger that ye appose him the worse he is and the more ye busye you to amend him the waywarder he is For he is of so shrewd a kinde that he shameth not onely to be himselfe a soule nest but withou shame he busyeth him to make his nest souler â And the Archbishop saide to hys Clerke Suffer a while for I am at an ende with him for there is an other poynt certyfyed agaynst hym and I will heare what hee sayth thereto ¶ And so thaÌ he said to me Lo it is here certified against thee that thou preachedst opeÌly at Shrewsbury that it is not lawful to sweare in any case â And I said Sir I preached neuer so openlye nor I haue taught in this wise in any place But sir as I preached in Shrewsbury with my protestation I say to you now here that by the authoritie of the Gospell of S. Iames by witnes of diuers Saints doctours I haue preached opeÌly in one place or other that it is not leful in any cause to sweare by any creature And ouer this Sir I haue also preached and taught by the foresaid authorities the no body should sweare in any case if that without othe in any wise he that is charged to sweare might excuse him to them that haue power to compel him to sweare in leful thing lawful But if a man may not excuse him without oth to them that haue power to coÌpel him to sweare than he ought to sweare onely by God taking him onely that is southfastnesse for to witnes the southfastnes And then a Clarke asked me if it were not leful to a subiect at the bidding of his Prelate for to kneele downe and touch the holy Gospel booke and kisse it saying So helpe me God and this holydome for he should after hys cunninge and power doe all thynges that hys Prelate commaundeth hym â And I said to them Sirs ye speake here full generally or largely What if a prelate commauÌded hys subiect to do an vnlawful thing should he obey therto ¶ And the Archb. said to me A subiect ought not to suppose that his prelate wil bid him do an vnlawfull thinge For a subiect ought to thinke that his prelate wil bid him do nothing but that he wil aunswer for before God that it is leful And then though the bidding of the prelate bee vnleful the subiect hath no peril to fulfil it since that he thinketh iudgeth that whatsoeuer thing his prelate byddeth him do that it is leful to him for to do it â And I sayd sir I trust not thereto But to our purpose Sir I tel you that I was once in a gentlemaÌs house and there were then two Clarkes there a maister of diuinity and a man of law which man of law was also communing in diuinitie And among other things these men soake of othes the man of law sayd at the bidding of his soueraigne which had power to charge him to sweare he would lay his
remissioÌ where no earnest repentaunce is sene before to number remission by dayes yeares to dispense with thynges expressely in the word forbiddeÌ or to restrayne that which the word maketh free to deuide Religion into Religions to binde and burthen consciences with constitutions of men to excommunicate for worldly matters as for breakyng of parkes for not ringyng bels at the Byshops commyng for not bringyng litter for their horse for not paying their fees and reÌtes for withholding the church goods for holding on their princes side in princely cases for not going at the Popes commaundement for not agreeyng to the Popes electioÌ in an other princes Realme with other such thyngs mo more vayne then these c. Agayne although the Scripture geueth leaue and authoritie to the Byshop and Churche of Rome to minister Sacraments yet it geueth no authoritie to make Sacramentes much lesse to worshyp Sacraments And though their authoritie serueth to baptise meÌ yet it extendeth not to Christen bels neither haue they authoritie by any word of God to adde to the word of God or take from the same to set vp vnwritten verities vnder payne of damnation to make other articles of belief to institute straunge worship otherwise theÌ he hath prescribed which hath told vs how he would be worshipped c. The third abuse of the Popes iurisdiction standeth in this that as in spirituall iurisdiction they haue vehemeÌtly exceeded the bouÌdes of Scripture so they haue impudeÌtly intermedled them selues in temporall iurisdictioÌ wherein they haue nothing to do In so much that they haue traÌslated the Empire they haue deposed Emperours Kyngs Princes rulers Senatours of Rome set vp other or the same agayne at their pleasure they haue proclaymed warres haue warred them selues And where as Emperours in auÌcient tyme haue dignified theÌ in titles haue enlarged theÌ with donations they receauyng their confirmation by the Emperours haue like ingratfull clients to such benefactors afterward stampte vpon their neckes haue made theÌ to hold their sâurrup some to hold the bridle of their horse haue caused them to seeke their confirmation at their hand yea haue bene Emperours theÌselues Sede vacante in discordia electionis and also haue bene Senators of the Citie Moreouer haue extorted into their owne handes the plenary fulnes of power iurisdiction of both the swordes especially since the tyme of Pope Hildebrand which Hildebrand deposing Henricus the iiij Emperour made him geue attendance at his Citie gate And after him Pope Bonifacius the viij shewed him selfe vnto the people on the first day like a Byshop with his keyes before him the next day in his robes Imperiall hauyng a naked sword borne before him like an Emperour an 1298. And for so much as this inordinate iurisdiction hath not onely bene vsed of theÌ but also to this day is mainteined in Rome let vs therefore now compare the vsage hereof to the old maner in tymes past meanyng the primitiue and first age of the Church of the Romaines Wherein the old Byshops of Rome in those dayes as they were then subiect to their Emperours so were other Byshops in like maner of other nations subiect euery one to his Kyng Prince acknowledgyng them for their Lordes were ordered by their authoritie obeyed their lawes and that not onely in causes ciuile but also in regiment Ecclesiasticall as appeareth Dist. 10. cap. 1. 2. Dist. 97. cap. De illicita Also 24. q. 3. So was Gregorius surnamed Magnus subiect to Maââitius and to Phocas although a wicked Emperour So also both Pope people of Rome tooke their lawes of the Emperours of Constantinople were submitted to theÌ not onely in the time of Honorius an huÌdreth yeares after Constantine the great but also in the tyme of Martianus an 1451. so further vnto the tyme of Iustinian of Carolus Magnus and also after the dayes of them In all which coÌtinuance of tyme it is manifest that the Emperiall law of Martiane did rule bynde in Rome both in the days of Iustinian an 150. yeres after til the tyme of the Empire beyng translated from Grece vnto FrauÌce Whereby it may appeare false that the Citie of Rome was geueÌ by Constantine the first vnto the bishop of Rome to gouerne for that Pope ãâã the first writyng to the Emperour Honorius câââeth in the same place Rome the Emperours Citie Dist. 97. cap. 1. And Lotharius also Emperour appointed Magistrates and lawes in Rome as is aboue mentioned Moreouer for further probation hereof that both the Byshop of Rome all other Ecclesiasticall persons were in former tyme and ought to be subiect to their Emperours and lawfull Magistrates in causes as well spirituall as ciuile by many euidences may appeare takeÌ out both of Gods law and mans law And first by Gods law we haue exaÌple of godly kyng Dauid who numbred all the Priestes and Leuites disposed theÌ into xxiiij orders or courses appointyng theÌ coÌtinually to serue in the ministery euery one in his proper order turne as came about which institution of the Clergy also good king Ezechias afterward renued of whoÌ it is written he did that was right in the sight of the Lord accordyng to all things as his father Dauid had done before he tooke away the high groues and brake downe Images c. 4. Reg. 8. The sayd Ezechias also reduced the Priests Leuites into their orders prescribed by Dauid before to serue euery one in his office of ministratioÌ .2 Paralip 30.31 And this order froÌ Dauid still continued till the time of Zachary at the coÌmyng of Christ our Lord beyng of Abias course which was the viij order of the Priestes appointed to serue in the tabernacle Luc. 1. To passe ouer other lighter offices translated from the Priestes to the Kyngs authoritie as coÌcernyng the orderyng of oblations in the Temple and reparations of the Lordes house kyng Salomon displaced Abiathar the high Priest by his kyngly power and placed Sadoch in his stede 3. Reg. cap. 6 Also dedicatyng the temple of the Lord with all the people blessed the whole congregation of Israell 3. Reg. 8. Iudas Machabeus also elected Priestes such as beyng without spot had a zeale to the law of the Lord to purge the Temple which the Idolatrous Gentiles had before prophaned 1. Machab. 4. Also kyng Alexander writyng to Ionathas appointed him chief Priest in his couÌtrey 1. Mac. 10. Demetrius ordeined Simon Alchinus in the like office of Priesthood Iosaphat likewise as in the whole laÌd did set Iudges so also in Hierusalem he appointed Leuites Priestes and heades of families to haue the hearyng of causes and to minister Iudgement ouer the people 2 Paral. 19. By these many other is to be sene the Kynges Princes in the old tyme as well when Priestes were borne Priestes as wheÌ they were made by election had the dealyng also
is said Romanam Ecclesiam non a concilio aliquo sed a diuina voce primatum accepisse that the church of Rome tooke not his primacie by any Councell but onely by the voyce of God And this is to be said although it were true that these titles termes were so giuen to the bishop of Rome in the olde time yet how and by whom they were giuen ye sâe Now to trie this matter as ioyning an issue with our aduersaries whether those foresaid titles of soueraigntie were applied in the old tyme of the Primitiue church to the Bishop of Rome as to be called the vicare generall of Christ the hed of the whole church and vniuersall bishop remaineth to be proued Wherunto this in my minde is to be answered that albeit the bishops of Rome of some peraduenture were so called by the names of higher preeminence of that citie of some going about to please them or to craue some helpe at their handes yet that calling 1. First was vsed then but of a few 2. Secondly neither was giuen to many 3. Thirdly was rather giuen then sought for of the most 4. Fourthly was not so giuen that it maketh or can make any generall necessitie of law why euery one is so bound to call them as the bishop of Rome now seeketh to be taken and called and that by necessitie of saluation as the decree of Pope Boniface 8. witnesseth where is said quòd sit de necessitate salutis vt credatur Primatus Ecclesiae Rom. ei subesse That it standeth vpon necessitie of saluation to beleue the Primacie of the church of Rome and to be subiect to the same c. As touching therfore these titles and termes of preheminence aforesaide orderly to set foorth and declare what histories of times doe saye in that matter by the grace of Christ. First we will see what be the titles the Bishop of Rome doth take and chalenge to himselfe and what is the meaning of them 2. When the first came in whether in the primitiue time or not and by whom 3. How they were first giuen to the Romane Bishops that is whether of necessary duety or voluntary deuotion whether commonly of the whole or particularly of a few and whether in respect of Peter or in respect of the Citie or els of the worthines of the Bishop which there sat 4. And if the foresayd names were then giuen of certaine Bishops vnto the bishop of Rome whether all the saide names were geuen or but certaine or what they were 5. Or whether they were then receaued of all Byshops of Rome to whoÌ they were giuen or els refused of some 6. And finally whether they ought to haue bene refused beyng giuen or not Touching the discourse of which matters although it appertaine to the profession rather of Diuines then hystoritians and would require a long and large debating yet for so much as both in these diuers other weighty controuersies of Diuinity the knowledge of times and histories must needes helpe Diuines disputing about the same so much as the grace of Christ shall assiste me therein I wil ioyne to the seeking out of truth such helpe as I may And first to begin with the names and titles now claymed and attributed to the sea and Byshop of Rome and what they be is sufficiently declared aboue that is the cheife Preist of the worlde the Prince of the Church Byshop Apostolicall the vniuersall head of the Church the head and Byshop of the vniuersall Church the successor of Peter most holy Pope the vicar of God on earth neither God nor man but a mixt thing betweene both the Patriarche or Metropolitane of the Churche of Rome the Byshop of the first sea etc. Unto the which titles or stile is annexed a triple crowne a triple crosse two crossed keyes a naked sword seauenfold seales in token of the seauenfolde giftes of the holy Ghost he being carried pickbacke vpon mens shoulders after the maner of heathen kynges hauing all the Empire and the Emperour vnder his dominion that it is not conuenient for any terrene Prince to reigne there where he sitteth hauing the plenary fulnes of power as well of temporall things as spirituall things in his handes that all thinges are his and that all such Princes as haue gyuen him any thing haue giuen him but his owne hauing at his will and pleasure to preach indulgencies and the crosse against Christen Princes whatsoeuer And that the Emperour certaine other Princes ought to make to him confession of subiection at their coronation hauing authoritie to depose and that he de facto hath deposed Emperors and the king of France Also to absolue the subiects from their allegeance to their Princes whom kings haue serued for footmen to lead his horse and the Emperour to hold his stirrop that he may and doth geue power to Bishops vpon the bodies of men and hath graunted them to haue prisons without whose authoritie no general Councell hath any force And to whom appellations in all maner of causes may and ought to be made That his decrees be equall with the decrees of Nicen Councel and are to be obserued and taken in no lesse force then if they had bene confirmed with the heauenly voyce of Sainct Peter himselfe ex fra Barth alijs Item that the sayd Byshop of Rome hath the heauenly disposition of thinges and therefore may alter and chaunge the nature of thinges by applying the substance of one thing to an other cap. Quando de transl Epis. tit 7. Item that he can of nothing make something and cause the sentence which before was none to stande in effect and may dispence aboue the lawe and of iniustice make iustice in correcting and chaunging lawes for he hath the fulnes of power And againe dist 40. cap. Si Papa If the Pope doe leade with him innumerable soules ââ flockes into hell yet no man must presume to rebuke his faultes in this worlde Item that it standeth vpon necessitie of saluation to beleeue the Premacie of the sea of Rome and to be subiect to the same c. These thinges thus declared now let vs see whether these names and titles with the forme and maner of this authoritie and regalitie aboue rehearsed were euer attributed of any in the primitiue tyme to the byshop of Rome For al these he doth chalenge and clayme vnto him by old possession from the time of S. Peter And here a question is to be asked of our aduersaries the Papistes whether they will auouch all these aforesaide titles together wyth the whole forme and tenour of regalitie to the same belongyng as is afore touched or not if they wil let them come foorth with their allegations which they neuer haue done yet nor euer shal be able if they will not or can not auouch them all together in maner as is specified then why doth the byshop claime them altogether so stoutly
an 405. as appeareth dist 61. cap. Miserum Item Zosimus Byshop of the sayd Citie of Rome an 420 as witnesseth dist 59. cap. 1. who speaketh de summo sacerdotio that is of high priesthood not onely of the church of Rome but of all other churches Vrbanus the first was Byshop of Rome an 226. who in his writinges alleaged by Gratian referreth the name place Summi pontificis of the hygh Byshop not onely to the seate of Rome but vniformely to euery Byshop as appeareth in the wordes of the dist 51. cap. Si officia c. And thus much as touching the name or title of high Priest or supreme Byshop Which title as I doe not deny to haue bene vsed in maner forme aforesayd so do I denye this tytle and style of Summus orbis pontifex as it is now vsed in Rome to haue bene vsed or vsually receaued duryng all the primitiue tyme of the Church that is v. huÌdred yeares after Christ after the manner and sort I mean of that authoritie and glory which in these dayes nowe is vsed and is giuen to the same vntil the time of Phocas the wicked Emperour which was after the yeare of the Lord 608. The which title as it is to glorious for any one Byshop in the church of Christ to vse so is it not to be found in any of the approued and most auncient writers of the church namely these as Cyprianus Basilius Fulgentius Chrysostomus Hieronymus Ambrosius Augustinus Tertullianus but rather writeth against the same especially of the last And therfore not with out cause it is written and testified of Erasmus who speaking of the sayd name of Summus orbis pontifex denieth plainely the same to be hearde of among the olde writers whose wordes be these Certe nomen hoc nondum illis temporibus erat auditum quantum ex veterum omniuÌ scriptis licet colligere c. lib. Epist. 3. Epist. 1. art 37. c. as whosoeuer readeth the same authours shall finde to be true The like is to be affirmed also of other presumptious titles of like ambition as the head of the vniuersal church the Uicar of Christ in earth Prince of Priestes with such like which all be new found termes straunge to the cares of the old primitiue writers and Councels and not receiued openly and commonly before the tyme of Boniface the third and Phocas the aforesayd Now remaineth the name of the Pope which of his nature and by his first origine being a word of the Syracusane speech called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and signifieth as much as Pater Father was then vsed and frequented of them in the old tyme not so as proper onely to the Byshop of Rome but common and indifferent to all other Byshops or personages whosoeuer were of worthy excelleÌce as is partly before declared But nowe contrarily the generalitye of this name is so restrayned and abused that not onely it is appropriate to the Byshop of Rome but also distincteth and disceuereth the authoritie and preminence of that Byshop alone from all other Byshoppes for which cause it is now worthely come into contempt and execration No lesse is to be reiected also the name of vniuersalis or oecumenicus pontifex Summus orbis Episcopus Caput vniuersalis Ecclesiae Christi in terris Princeps vicariê° sacerdotuÌ c. Al which termes and vocables tending to the derogation of other Bishops Patriarches as they were neuer receaued nor allowed in Rome if we beleeue Gregory during the tyme of the Primatiue church so now are worthely of vs refused Although it cannot be denied but certaine were in the Primatiue time which began priuately to pretende that proude and wicked title of vniuersall Byshop as Menna and especially Ioannes Patriarche of Constantinople who calling a Counsell at Constantinople went about to stablish and ratifie and to dignifie his throne by the consent of the Councell and the Emperour of Constantinople and obtained the same as appeareth in the v. generall Councell of Constantinople the 2. where both Menna is named Oichumenicus Patriarcharum and also Ioannes in the sayde Councell is titled Oicumenicus Patriarcha ex Concil general 5. cap. Domino Concerning the which title although it was then vsed to Constantinople through the sufferaunce of the Emperours being then willing to haue their imperiall City aduaunced yet notwithstanding this foresayde title all this while was not in the City of Rome And in Constantinople it stoode not then in force Iure aliquo diuino but onely by mans lawe And thirdly it was then but onely verbalis titulus hauing no true dominacion vpon all other Churches or any reall subiection belonging to the same Forasmuch as neither the Bishop of Rome nor any of the West churches were subiect or did acknowledge seruice vnto them but rather did repugne the same namely Pelagius the 2. Gregorius the 1. both Byshops at that time of Rome whiche Pelagius writing to all Byshops sayth playnely in these wordes that no Patriarch should take the name of vniuersalitie at any time because that if any be called vniuersall the name of Patriarch is derogate from all other But let this be farre saith he from all faithfull men to will to take that thing to him wherby the honor of his brethren is diminished Wherefore the sayd Pelagius chargeth all such Byshops that none of them in their letters will name any Patriarche to be vniuersall least he take from him selfe the honour due to him while they giue that which is not due to another What can be more euident then these wordes of Pelagius who was Bishop of Rome next before Gregory an 583 In lyke maner or more plainely and more earnestly writeth also Gregory of this matter in his register prouyng and disputing that no man ought to be called vniuersall Byshop Moreouer with sharpe wordes and rebukes detesteth the same title calling it new folish proude peruerse wicked prophane and such as to consent vnto it is as much as to denye the fayth He addeth further and saith that whosoeuer goeth about to extoll himselfe aboue other Byshops in so doing followeth the fact of Sathan to whoÌ it was not sufficient to be counted equall or like vnto other angels In his Epistles how oft doth he repeate and declare the same to repugne directly against the Gospell and auncient decrees of Counsels affirming that none of his predecessours did euer vsurpe to himselfe that style or title and concludeth that whosoeuer so doth declareth himselfe to be a forerunner of Antichrist c. With this iudgement of Gregory wel well agreeth also the wordes of S. Augustine Lib. 3 cap. 3. De Baptismo where reciting the wordes of Cyprian thus saith Neque enim quisquam nostrum se Episcopum EpiscoporuÌ constituit aut tyrannicomore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suns aâigit c. That is for none of vs doth euer set himselfe to be Bishop
the same For in matters of the church which are spirituall all preeminence standeth vpon spirituall inward gifts spiritualia enim spiritualibus comparantur as fayth pietie learning and godly knowledge zeale and feruencie in the holy ghost vnitie of doctrine c. which giftes many tymes may excel in a church where the minister or bishop is inferiour to bishops or ministers of other churches As the most famous schoole in a realme hath not alway the most famous schoolemaister neither doth make him therby most excellent in learning aboue of all other So if our aduersaries do meane by this preemineÌce of the church of Rome such inward gifts of doctrine faith vnitie and peace of religion then say I the excellencie hereof doth not inferre or argue the excellencie of the Bishop And thus concerning the principallitie of the Church of Rome commended at that time of the Doctors it may be true so well expounded one way And thus do I graunt the antecedent of this argument and deny the consequent But here will our aduersaries peraduenture reply againe and say that the principallitie of the church of Rome which is commended by the Doctours is not ment here so much by inward gifts and induments belonging to a christian church as by outwarde authoritie and domination ouer other churches whereto is to be aunswered First what necessitie is there or where did our Papists learne to bring into the spiritual church of Christ this outward forme of ciuile regimeÌt and pollicie that as the Romaine Emperours in tyme past gouerned ouer all the world so the Romaine bishop must haue his monarchie vpon the vniuersall Clergy to make all other churches to stoupe vnder his subiection And where then be the wordes of our Sauiour Vos autem non sic If they hold their affirmatiue quòd sic where then is Christes negatiue non sic if they say there must needes be distinction of degrees in the church and in this distinction of degrees superioritie must necessarily be graunted for the outward discipline of the church for directing matters for quieting of schismes for setting orders for commensing of Conuocations and Councels as neede shall require c. Against this superioritie we stand not therefore we yeld to our superior power kings and princes our due obedience and to our lawfull gouernours vnder God of both regiments Ecclesiasticall and Temporall Also in the Ecclesiasticall state we take not away the distinction of ordinarie degrees such as by the Scripture be appointed or by the primatiue church allowed As Patriarchs or Archbishops Bishops Ministers and Deacons for of these foure we especially read as chiefe In which foure degrees as we graunt diuersitie of office so we admitte in the same also diuersitie of dignitie neither denying that which is due to ech degree neither yet maintaining the ambition of any singuler person For as we geue to the minister place aboue the Deacon to the bishop aboue the minister to the Archbishop aboue the Bishop so we see no cause of inequalitie why one minister should be aboue an other minister One bishop in his degree aboue an other bishop to deale in his Diocesse or one Archbishop aboue another Archbishop And this is to keepe an order duely truly in the church according to the true nature and definitioÌ of order by the authoritie of August lib. De ciuit Dei Where he thus defineth that which we call order Ordo est parium dispariumque rerum sua cuique loca tribuens dispositio Order saith he is a discretion or diâposition giuen to all things according as they are matches or not matches proportionally to euery one his owne right and proper place This definition of S. Augustine standing with the things before premised now here ioyneth the questioÌ betwene vs and the Papistes whether the Metropolitane Church of Rome with the Archbishop of the same ought to be preferred before other Metropolitane churches Archbishyps through vniuersall Christendome or not To the answer wherof if the voyce of order might here be heard it would say geue to things that be matches like like honour to things vnlike vnlike honour c. Wherefore seyng the sea of Rome is a Patriarchall sea appointed by the Primitiue Church and the Bishop thereof an Archbishop limited within his owne bordering churches which the Councel of Nice calleth suburbicas Ecclesias as other Archbishops be he ought therfore orderly to haue the honor of an Archbishop ordering himselfe thereafter such outward preeminence as to other Archbishops is due More if he do require he breaketh the rule of right order he falleth into presumption and doth wrong vnto his fellows and they also do wrong vnto themselues whosoeuer they be which feeding his humour of ambition geue more vnto him theÌ the foresaid rule of order doth require For so much as they yeld to him more theÌ is his right so much they take froÌ theÌselues which is due to theÌ And the same is the cause why both Gregory and Pelagius his predecessour reprehendeth them which gaue to the Archbishop of Constantinople that which now the bishop of Rome clauneth to himselfe charging them with the breach of order in these words Nedum priuatim aliquod daretur vni honore debito sacerdotes priuarentur vniuersi that is least that while any singular thing is giuen to due person all other Priestes be depriued of their due honour And for the like case Pelagius exhorteth that no Priest do giue to any one Archbishop the name of vniuersall bishop ne sibi debitum subtrahat cum alteri honorem offert indebitum That is least saith he in so doing he take from himselfe his due honour while he yeldeth that which is not due to another And also in the same Epistle Quia si summus Patriarcha vniuersalis dicitur Patriarcharum nomen caeteris derogatur For saith he if he be called the chiefe vniuersal Patriarch then is the name of Patriarchs derogated from other c. Wherefore as is said seing the bishop of Rome is an Archbishop as other be Order giueth that he should haue the dignitie which to Archbishops is due whatsoeuer is added more is derogation to the rest And thus much concerning distinction of degrees and order in giuing to euery degree his place and honour The second reason or answer to the obiectioÌ before moued pag. 16. is this that beyng graunted to the Papists that the Doctours aforesaid speaking of the principallitie of the church of Rome doe meane not onely of the inward vertues of that church but also of the outward authoritie and iurisdiction of the same aboue other churches yet the cause wherfore they did attribute so much to the church is to be expeÌded which was this as before was alledged out of the Councel of Calcedon cap. 28. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is for the title and Imperie which that citie of Rome had then aboue other
properly appertain briefly with this one short distinction I answer these all such other like places where S. Peter with his successours are called head of the church chiefe of Bishops Prince of the Apostles c. In which places this worde head chiefe and Prince of the Apostles may be taken two maner of waies to note either dominioÌ or els commendation For so we read sometime Caput and princeps to be wordes not of authoritie but of excellencie wherby is declared the chiefest and worthiest part among many parts and not possessour and gouernour of the whole Like as in the person of maÌ the hed is the principal part of the whole body being endued with reason furnished with most excelleÌt senses by the which the whole body of maÌ is directed so thereof is deriued by a metaphor to what man or thing soeuer nature or condition hath giuen the greatest excelleÌcie of gifts and properties aboue other partes or meÌbers the same societie to be called of the said parties Caput or Princeps head or Prince And yet the same head or Prince so called hath not alwayes dominion or iurisdictioÌ of the rest So we call in our vulgar speach the head or chiefe men of the parish who for their riches wisdom or place are most specially noted After like phrase of speach we call the head man of the Inquest him that hath the first place And yet neither they nor these haue any dominion or iurisdiction vpon the residue In a schoole the chiefest Scholer in learning is not therefore the maister or gouernour of his fellowes Neither hath M. Cicero any title thereby to claime subiection and seruice of all other Oratours because he is named Princeps eloquentiae and goeth before them in that kind of phrase The same Cicero Lib. 1. offic calleth CratippuÌ principem huius aetatis Philosophorum as Homerus also may be called Poetarum Princeps And yet neither Philosophers to Cratippus nor Poetes to Homere owe anye thing els but onely fame and praise And what if S. Peter the blessed Apostle be called and counted of the old auncient Doctours as head and Prince of the Apostles which is as much as Coryphaeus Apostolorum for his excellent faith for his deuine confession singular affection to the Lorde Iesus yet what Interest or charge either hath he to chalenge ouer the Apostles or the Pope after him ouer all other bishops the whole church of Christ although the Pope haue the like excellencie of Christes faith which Peter had as would God he had As concerning these allegations therfore out of the Doctors two thinges are to be obserued First that neither these names and titles though they be geuen to Peter doe geue him any state or dominion aboue other Apostles nor yet the succession of him doth further any whit this celsitude and regalitie of the Pope to aduance him aboue his fellow Archbishops as he now doth And if our aduersaries would needs prouoke vs to the numbring of testimonies deuiding the house speaking of the writers and Counsels of the Primitiue age for these aforesaid testimonies alleaged on their side I could on the contrary part recite out of the witnesse of Doctours out of the examples of Councels practises of Emperors no lesse then 60. voices much more repugnant against their assertion then there is for the Pope The tractation wherof for this present I do refer either to them that haue more laisure at this time to discourse them or els omit it to an other time if the good pleasure of the Lord shall be to graunt me further laisure in an other Booke to intreat thereof at large in such order as if the Lord so graunt shal appeare sufficient matter to proue by the Doctors general Councels examples and histories of time that the Bishops of Rome during the first 500. yeres after Christ although for the greatnes of the Empire were somewhat more magnified then the other and therfore were sought of many and were flattred of some and they themselues diuers did set forth themselues more then they should yet by the commoÌ consent of churches were stopped of their purpose so that by the consension of the most part within the compasse of that age the Bishops of Rome had not this regall state of title iurisdiction and fulnes of power which now they vsurpe but were taken as Archbishops of equal honour of equal merite with other Archbishops rulers of the church And if any preferment was giuen vnto them some thing aboue the rest yet neither was it so giuen of all nor of the most part secondly neither was it so giuen of them for any such necessitie of Gods worde aut iure aliquo diuino as which did so bind them thereunto nor yet so much for the respect of Peter his succession as for certaine other causes and respects as may be gathered to the number of 13. Of which the first is the greatnesse of the citie and Monarchie of Rome The second is the authoritie of the Emperor Constantine the great first of the Emperors conuerted to the faith and ruling in the same citie by whom the vniuersal libertie of the church was first promooted and the causes of the bishops being then at variance were committed partly to the bishop of Rome partly to other bishops nere by to be decided as appeareth Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5. The third was the Councel of Nice which confirmed the preeminence of that church to haue the ouersight of the churches bordering about it The fourth cause of aduauncing the church of Rome was the vnquiet state of the Greek church much troubled in those dayes with sects factions and dissentions wherof we may read Socrat. lib. 2. cap 15. Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 8. The fift when Synodes were called by other Metropolitanes then if it chanced the bishops of Rome to be absent and their sentence being absent to be required by the occasion therof they began at length to take their sentence for a Canon or rule Ecclesiasticall thereby to refuse other Synodes where their decree or senteÌce was not required An other cause was that when any common matter was in hand in other places whatsoeuer was done commonly the maner was to write to the Romaine bishop for his approbatioÌ in the same for publike vnitie and consent to be had in Christes church as appeareth Lib. 10. Epist. 78. Ambrosij ad Theophilum Item for that the testimonie somtimes of the Romain bishop was woont in those dayes also to be desired for admitting teachers and bishops in other churches whereof we haue example in Socrat lib. 4. cap. 37. Moreouer this was a great setting vp of that church when as their sentence not only was required but also receiued diuers times of other bishops And when Bishops of other prouinces were at any dissention among theÌselues they of their owne accord appealed to the bishop of Rome desiring him to
M CC.L. and threw them in prison And not long after the sayd Alexander with Euentius his Deacon and Hermes and the rest were burned in a fornace Theodulus an other Deacon of Alexander seeyng and rebuking the crueltie of the tyrant suffered also the same Martyrdome Quirinus also the same tyme as sayth Antoninus hauyng first his tongue cut out then his hands and feete afterward was beheaded and cast to the dogs Equilinus saith that he was beheaded and cast into Tyber in the raigne of the Emperour Claudius but that cannot be Albeit Platina maketh relation but onely of Alexander with his two Deacons aforesayd Declaring moreouer that in the tyme of this Bishop Saphira of Antioch and Sabina a Romaine suffred Martyrdome Florilegus the Author of Flores Historiarum affirmeth that Alexander Byshoppe of Rome was beheaded seuen myles out of Rome where he lyeth buried anno 105. but that agreeth not with the Chronicles aboue recited Eusebius recordeth of him no more but that in the third yeare of Hadrian he ended his life and office after he had bene bishop ten yeares Diuers miracles are reported of this Alexander in the Canon Legends and liues of Saintes which as I deny not but may be true so because I cannot auouch them by any graue testimony of auncient writers therefore I dare not affirme them but dd referre them to the authors Patrons thereof where they are founde Notwithstandyng whatsoeuer is to be thought of his miracles this is to bee affirmed and not doubted but that he was a godly vertuous Bishop And as I say of his miracles the like iudgement also I haue of the ordinaunces both of him and of Euaristus his predecessour testified in the Popes Decrees by Gratianus as 93. Dist. cap. Diaconi where is sayd that Euaristus deuided diuers titles in the Citie of Rome to the Priestes also ordeined in euery Citie vij Deacons to associate and assist the bishop in his preaching both for his defence and for the witnes of truth NotwithstaÌding if probable coniectures might stand against the authoritie of Gratianus and his decrees here might be doubted whether this absolute ordination of Priestes was first forbidden by Euaristus and whether the intitulation of Priestes was first by hym brought in or not wherein an instaunce may be geuen to the contrary that this intitulation seemeth to take his first beginning at the Councell of Chalcedon and of Pope Vrbane in the Councell of Placent In the which Councell of Chalcedon the wordes of the Canon making no mention of Euaristus at all doe expressely forbid that any Ecclesiasticall person eyther Priest or Deacon should be ordayned absolutely otherwise the imposition of handes without some proper title of the party ordayned to staÌd voyde and frustrate c. And likewise Vrbanus in the counsell of Placentia doth decree the same alledging no name of Euaristus but the statutes of former Councels Moreouer in the time of Euaristus the Church then being vnder terrible persecutions was deuided in no peculiar Parishes or Cures wherby any title might rise but was scattered rather in corners and desertes where they could beast hide themselues And as the Church of Rome in those dayes was not deuided into seuerall Parrishes or Cures as I suppose so neyther was then any such open or solemne preaching in Churches that the assistaunce or testimony of vii Deacons eyther could auayle among the multitude of the Heathen or els needed amongst the christian secret congregations Agayne the constitution of vii Deacons seemeth rather to spring out of the counsell of Neocesaria long after Euaristus where it was appoynted that in euery Citie were it neuer so small there should be vii Deacons after the rule And this rule the sayd Councel taketh out of the booke of the Actes of the Apostles making no word or mentioÌ of Euaristus at all Dist. 93. but these as is said be but onely coniectures not denying that which is commonly receiued but onely shewing what may bee doubted in their Epistles Decretall More vnlike it seemeth to be true that is recorded and reported of Alexander that he should be the first founder and finder of holy water mixt with salt to purge and sanctifie them vpon whom it is sprinckeled The wordes of the Dist. be these Aquam sale conspersam in populis benedicimus vt ea cuncti aspersi sanctificentur purificentur quod omnibus sacerdotibus facienduÌ esse mandamus c. That is We blesse water mixt with salte among the people that all men being sprinckled therewith may be sanctified and purified And this we commaund all Priests to do c. The opinion is also but how true I haue not to affirme that by him first was ordained water to bee mixte with wine in the chalice Item that by him was brought in the piece of the Masse Canon beginning Qui pridie c. And thus much of these foresayd Bishops of Rome martired in the dayes of Traian and Hadrian * The third Persecution BEtwene the second Romain persecution and the third was but one yeare vnder the Emperour Nerua After whom succeeded Traianus And after him followed the third persecution So the second and the third are noted of some to be both one hauing no more difference but one yere betwene them This Traianus if we looke well vpon his politike and ciuill gauernance might seeme in comparison of other a right worthy and commendable Prince Much familiar with inferiors and so behauing himself toward his subiectes as he himselfe would haue the Prince to be to him if he himselfe were a subiect Also he was noted to be a great obseruer of iustice in so much that when he ordained any Pretour geuing to him the sword he would bid him vse the sword against his enemies in iust causes and if he him selfe did otherwise then iustice to vse then his power against him also But for all these vertues toward christian Religion he was impious and cruel who caused the third persecution of the Church In the which persecution Plinie the second a man learned and famous seyng the lamentable slaughter of Christians and mooued therewith to pitie wrote to Traianus of the pitifull persecution certifiyng him that there were many thousaÌds of them daily put to death of which none did any thing contrary to the Romaine lawes worthy persecution sauing that they vsed to gather together in the morning before day and sing Hymnes to a certaine God whom they worshipped called Christ. In all other their ordinaunces they were godly and honest Wherby the persecution by commaundement of the Emperour was greatly stayd and diminished The forme and copy of which Epistle of Plinie I thought here not inconuenient to set downe as followeth * The Epistle of Plinie an Heathen Philosopher to Traiane the Emperour IT is my propertie and maner my soueraigne to make relation of all those thinges vnto you
openlye night and daye and spoyle those which doe no harme And it followeth after which if it be done by your commaundement be it so well done For a good Prince wyll neuer commaund but good things And so we wil be contented to sustaine the honor of his death This onely wee most humblye beseech your Maiestie that callyng before you and examining the authors of this tumult and coÌtention then your grace would iustly iudge whether we are worthy of cruell death or quiet life And then if it be not your pleasure and that it proceedeth not by your occasion which indeede against your barbarous enimies were to badde the more a great deale we are petitioners to your hyghnes that hereafter you wyll vouchsafe to heare vs thus so vexed and oppressed with these kinde of vylanous robberies And verily our Philosophy doctryne did first among the barbarous take place which doctrine fyrst in the daies of Augustus your predecessor when it did raygne and florish thereby your Empire became most famous fortunate and from that time more and more the state of the Romane Empire increased in honor wherof you most happely were made successour and so shall your sonne to Honor therefore this Philosophie which with your Empire sprang vp and came in with Augustus whiche your progenitors aboue al other honored most esteemed And verily this is no small argumeÌt of a good beginning that since our doctrine flourished in the Empire no misfortune or losse happened froÌ Augustus time but contrary alwaies victory good and honorable yeres as euer any maÌ would wishe Onely among all and of all Nero and Domitian beyng kindled by diuers naughty and spitfull persons cauillingly obiected against our doctrine of whom this Sicophanticall slaundring of vs by naughty custome first came and sprang vp But your godly fathers espying the ignoraunce of these oftentimes by their writing corrected their temerous attemptes in that behalfe Among whom your granfather Adrian with many other is read of to haue wrytten of Fundayne the Proconsul and LieutenaÌt of Asia And your father your own father I say with whom you ruled in al things wrote to the Cities vnder his signet as the Laersens Thessalonicenses Athenienses and Grecians rashly to innouate or alter nothing of your highnes therfore who in this case is of that sect as your predecessours were yea of a more benigne Philosophicall minde we are in good hope to obtaine our peticion and request Thus much out of the Apologie of Melito who writing to Onesimus geueth to vs this benefite to knowe the true Catalogue the names of al the autentike bookes of the olde Testament receaued in the auncient time of the prymitiue Church Concerning the number names wherof the said Melito in his letter to Onesimus declareth howe that he returning into the parts where these things were done and preached there hee diligently inquired out the bookes aprooued of the old Testament the names wherof in order he subscribeth sendeth vnto him as followeth The fiue bookes of Moses Genesis Exodus Leuiticus Numeri Deuteronomi Iesus Naue The Iudges Ruth Foure bookes of Kings Two bookes Paralipomenon The Psalmes Prouerbes of Salomon The booke of Wisedome The Preacher The song of songs Iob. The Prophets Esay Hieromie twelue Prophetes in one booke Daniel Ezechiel Esdras And thus much of thys matter which I thought here to record for that it is not vnprofitable for these latter times to vnderstande what in the first times was receaued and admitted as autentike and what otherwise But from this little digression to returne to our matter omitted that is to the Apologies of Apolinarius and Melito in the story so it followeth that whether it was by the occasioÌ of these two Apologies or whether it was through the writing of Athenagoras a Philosopher and a Legate of the Christians it is vncertaine but this is certaine that the persecution the same time was staid Some do thinke which most probably seeme to touch the truthe that the cause of staying this persecution did rise vpon a wonderfull myracle of God shewed in the Emperours campe by the Christians the story wherof is this At what time the two brethren Marcus Antonius and Marcus Aurelius Commodus Emperours ioyning together warred against the Quades Vandales Sarmates and Germaines in the expeditioÌ against them their army by reason of the imminent assault of their enimies was cooped shut in within the straights and hoate dry places where their souldiours besides other difficulties of battaile being destitute of water fyue dayes were like to haue perished which dread not a little discomfited them did abate their courage Wherin this their so great distresse and ieopardy sodainely wythdrew from the army a legian of the christian souldiours for their succour who falling prostrate vpon the earth by ardent praier by by obtained of God double reliefe by meanes of whom God gaue certaine pleasaunt showers from the element whereby as their souldiors quenched their thirst so were a great number of their enimies discomfited put to flight by the continual lightnings which shooted out of the aire This miracle so pleased won the Emperour that euer after he waxed gentler gentler to the Christians dyrected his letters to diuers of his rulers as Tertullian in his Apologie witnesseth commauÌding theÌ therin to giue thankes to the Christians no lesse for his victory then for the preseruation of him and all his men The copy of which letter hereafter ensueth ¶ Marcus Aurelius Antonius Emperour to the Senate and people of Rome I Giue you hereby to vnderstande what I intend to doe as also what successe I haue had in my warres in Germany and with how much difficultie I haue viteled my campe being compassed about with 74. fierce Dragons whome my Scottes descryed to be within ix miles of vs and Pompeianus our Liefetenaunt hath viewed as he signified vnto vs by hys letters Wherefore I thought no lesse but to be ouerunne and all my bandes of so great multitude as well my vaward mayne warde as reere warde with all my souldiours of Ephrata In whose host there were numbred of fighting men ix hundreth seuenty and fiue thousand But when I saw my selfe not able to encounter with the enemy I craued ayde of our countrey Gods at whose hands I finding no comfort and being driuen of the enemye vnto an exegent I caused to be sent for those men which we call Christians who being mustred were found a good indifferent number with whom I was in farther rage then I had good cause as afterwardes I had experience by their merueilous power who forthwith did their indeuour but without either weapon munition armour or trumpets as men abhorring such preparation and furniture but onely satisfied in trust of their God whome they cary about with them in their consciences It is therefore to be credited although we call them wicked men that they worship God in
Cyprian writing in his Epistles so much of one Byshop and of the vnity to be kept in Ecclesiasticall regimeÌt as appeareth Lib. 4. Epist. 2. De simplicit praelat item Lib. 3. Epist. 11. c. And in like sort writeth also Cornelius himselfe of one Byshop saying Itaque Vindex ille Euangelij ignorauit vnum esse debere EpiscopuÌ in Catholica Ecclesia c. That is He knew not that there ought to be one Byshoppe in a Catholicke Church c. This by the way not out of the way I trust I haue touched briefly to detect or refute the cauiling wrastling of the Papistes which falsely apply these places of Cyprian and Cornelius to mainetayne the Popes supreme maistershippe alone ouer the whole vniuersall Church of Christ in all places WheÌ their meaning is otherwise how that euery one Catholicke Church or dioces ought to haue one Byshop ouer it not that the whole world ought to be subiect to the dominion of him onely that is Byshop of Rome Now to the story againe Nouatus beyng thus Bishop tooke not a little vpon him goyng about by all meanes to defeat Cornelius and to allure the people from him Insomuch that as in the foresayd book of Eusebius appeareth wheÌ Nouatus came to the distributing of the offrings and should geue euery man his part he coÌpelled the simple persoÌs euery man to sweare before they should receiue of the benediction of the collectes or oblations holding both their handes in his holding them so long speaking these wordes vnto them Sweare to me by the body and bloud of our Lord Iesu Christ that thou wilt not leaue me and goe to Cornelius till that they swearing vnto him instead of AmeÌ to be sayd at the receauing of the bread should aunswere I will not returne to Cornelius c. Where note by the way that the Latine booke of Christofersons tanâlation in this place craftely leaueth out the name of bread This story being written in Eusebius also contained in Nicephorus although not in the same order of wordes yet in effeât drawne out of him doth declare in playne wordes in both the Authors who so will marke the same that the sacrament of the bodye of Christ is termed with the playne name of bread after the consecration It followeth more in the story that Maximus Vrbanus Sydonius and Celerinus before mentioned perceiuing at length the crafty dissimulation and arrogancy of Nouatus left him and with great repentance returned agayne to the Church were reconciled to Cornelius as they theÌselues writing to Cyprian and Cyprian likewise writing to them an Epistle gratulatory doth declare Lib. 3. Epist. 3. Cornelius also in his Epistle to Fabê° witnesseth the same In thiâ Epistle the sayd Cornelius moreouer writeth of one Moses a worthy Martyr which once being a follower also of Nouatus after perceiuing his wickednesse forsooke him and did excommunicate him Of him Cyprian also maketh mention calleth him a blessed confessour Lib. 2. Epi. 4. Damasus in his pontificall sayth that he was apprehended with Maximus and Nicostratus aboue mentioned was put with them in prison where he ended his life And thus much of Nouatus agaynst whom as Eusebius testifieth a Synode was holdeÌ at Rome of lx sondry Byshops in the tyme of Cornelius and vnder the reigne of Decius an 255. whereby it may be supposed that the heat of the persecutioÌ at that tyme was somewhat calmed After Fabianus or as Zonaras calleth him Flauianus next succeeded into the bishoprick of Rome Cornelius whoÌ Cyprian noteth to be a worthy Byshop and for his great vertue maydenlye continency much commeÌdable chosen to that roome not so much of his owne consent as of the full greement both of the Clergy men and also of the people Hierome addeth also that he was a man of great eloqueÌce wherby it may appeare those two Epistles decretal which go in his name not to be his both for the rudenes of the barbarous and grose stile and also for the matter therin conteined nothing tasting of that tyme nor of that age nor doings then of the Church Wherof in the first he writeth to all ministers brethren of the Church concerning the lifting vp of the bodyes bones of Peter Paule De cathecumbis and transposed to Vaticanum at the instance of a certayne deuoute woman named Lucina hauing no great argumeÌt or cause to write therof vnto the churches but onely that he in that letter doth desire theÌ to pray vnto the Lord that through the intercession of those Apostolicall Sayntes their sinnes might be forgeuen them c. In the second Epistle writing to Ruffus a Byshop of the East Church he decreeth and ordaineth that no oth ought to be required or exacted of any head or chiefe Byshop for any cause or by any power Also that no cause of Priestes or Ministers ought to be handled in any straunge or forreine Court without his precinct except onely in the Court of Rome by appellation wherby who seeth not the trayn of our latter Byshops going about craftely to aduaunce the dignity of the Court of Rome vnder and by the prtenced title of Cornelius and of such auncient Byshops If Cornelius did write any Epistles to any in deede in those so turbulent times of persecution no doubt but some signification thereof he would haue touched in the sayd his letters either in ministring consolation to his brethreÌ or in requiring consolation and prayers of others Neither is there any doubt but he would haue geueÌ some touch also of the matter of Nouatus with whom he had so much to do as in deed he did for so we finde it recorded both in Eusebius and in Hierome that he wrote vnto Fabius Byshop of Antioche of the decreementes of the counsell of Rome and an other letter of the maner of the Counsell the third also of the cause of Nouatus and agayne of the repentaunce of such as fell wherof there is no word touched at all in these foresayd Epistles decretall What trouble this Cornelius had with Nouatus sufficiently is before signified In this persecution of Decius he demeaned himselfe very constantly and faythfully whiche sustayned great conflictes with the aduersaries as S. Cyprian geueth winesse Lib. 1. Epist. 1. Hierome testifieth that he remayned Byshop after the death of Decius to the tyme of Gallus and so appeareth also by S. Cyprian which hath these wordes Et tyrannum armis bello postmodum victum prior sacerdotio suo vicit But Damasus and Sabellicus his folowers affirm that he was both exiled also martired vnder the tyrannous reigne of Decius Of whom Sabellicus writeth this story taken out as it seemeth of Damasus and sayth that Cornelius by the commauÌdement of Decius was banished a towne called Centumcellas bordering in Hetruria from whence he sent letters to Cyprian Byshop of Carthage and Cyprian agayne to him This comming to
to the brethren of Fraunce and of Spayne appointeth such an order and forme of the church as seemeth not to agree with the time then present For so hee declareth in that Epistle that a Byshop in al places whether soeuer he goeth should haue two Priestes with three deacons waiting vpoÌ him to be witnesses of al his waies and doings Which ordinaunce although I deny not but it may be and is conuenient yet I se not how that time of Lucius could serue then for a Bishop to cary such a pompe of Priestes Deacons about him or to study for any such matter for so much as Bishops commonly in those daies were seldome free to go abroad went they neuer so secrete but either were in houses close and secret or in prison or els in banishment Moreouer in the said Epistle how poÌpously he writeth to the Church of Rome This holy and Apostolycall Church of Rome sayth he the mother of all Churches of Christ which by the grace of God omnipotent hath neuer bene proued to swerue out of the pathe of Apostolicall tradition neyther hath euer fallen or bene depraued with heretical innouations but euen as in the first beginning it receaued the rule of the Apostolicall faith by his first instructers the Princes of the Apostles so it continueth euer immaculate and vndefiled vnto the end Unto this Lucius also is referred in the decrees of Gratian this constitution that no minister whatsoeuer after his ordination should at any time reenter to the chamber of his owne wife in paine of loosing his Ministery in the Church c. Eusebius in his vij booke making mention of the death of Lucius and not of his Martyrdome saith that he sate but eight moneths But Damasus in his Martyrologe holdeth that hee sat thre yeares was beheaded the second yeare of Valerian and Galienus Emperours And so doth also Marianus Scotus and Nauclerus with other that folow Damasus affirme the same After him came Stephanus next Bishop of Rome following Lucius whome Damasus Platina and Sabellicus affirme to haue sit vij yeares fine monethes to die a martir Contrary Eusebius and Volateranus holding with hym giue him but two yeares which part commeth most neare to the truth I leaue to the readers iudgement of his two Epistles decretall and of his ordinaunces out of the same collected I nede not much to tary for two respects eyther for that concerning these decretal Epistles suspiciously intituled to the names of the fathers of the primitiue church sufficiently hath bene said before or els because both the phrase barbarous and incongrue and also the matter it self therin contained is such that although no testimony came against it yet it easely refelleth it selfe As wherein the second Epistle he decreeth that no Byshop being expulsed out of hys seate or depriued of his goodes ought to be accused of anye or is bound to aunswere for himselfe before that by the lawe regularly he be restored agayne fully to his former state and that the Primates and the Synode render to him agayne all such possessions and fruites as were taken froÌ him before his accusation as is agreeing both to the lawes Canon also seculare First here I would desire the Reader a little to stay this to consider to himself who be these here ment which either vsed or might despoile these bishops of their goods expulse theÌ froÌ their seates for such wroÌgfull causes but only Kings Emperours which at this time were not yet Christened nor vsed any such proceedinges against these Bishops in such sort as either Primates or Synodes coulde restore them again to their places and possessioÌs Againe what priuate goodes or possessions had Byshops then to be taken from them when as Churches yet neither were indued wyth patrimonies nor possessions And if any treasures were coÌmitted to the church it pertained not properly to the Byshop but went in general to the subuention of the poore in the Church as in the Epistle of Cornelius to Fabius maye appeare alleaged in Eusebius Lib. 6. cap. 43. where he speaking of his Church declaring how there ought to bee but one Byshoppe in the same ânterreth mention of xlvj Priestes vij Deacons with vij Subdeacons xlij Acoluthes of widowes and poore afflicted persons to the ââber of a 1500 and aboue founde and nourished in the same Church by the mercifull benignitie and prouidence of god Eusebius Lib. 6. cap. 43. It followeth more in the ende of the said Canon which thing is forbidden both by the lawes Ecclesiastical also seculer c. Now what lawes seculer were in the time of Stephen for bishops not to be charged with any accusation before they were restored againe to their state let any Reader marking well the state or the Heathen lawes that then were iudge and in iudgeing I doubte not but this matter alone though there were no other will be ynough to descry the vntruth hereof Moreouer by diuers other probable notes and arguments in the saide seconde Epistle of Stephanus it maye be easely espied this Epistle to be famed and ââauthored especiall by the fift Canon of the saide Epistle where hee so solemnely entreateth of the difference betweene Primats Metropolitanes and Archbyshops which distinction of degres and titles sauoring more oâ ambition then of persecution giueth me verily to suppose this Epistle not to be written by this Stephen but by âine other man either of that name or of some other time when the Churche began to be setled in more prosperitie and orders therein to bee taken for euery man to know his âegââe and limits of his authoritie according as tâ specified by the vj and vij Canon of Nicene Councell âââceeing of the same matter The like ãâ¦ã of the seuenth Canon of the said Epistle where he writeth and appointeth all causes iudiciarie to be decided determined within the precinct of their owne proper Prouince and not to passe ouer the boundes theron vnlesse saith he the appeaâe be made to the Apostolical sea of Rome which sanâreth in my nose rather of a ââacke of Popery then of the veine of Christianity especially in these times during this terrible persecution among the Byshops of Christ. And thus much of the second decretall Epistle of Stephanus although of the first Epistle also written to Hilarius some thing may be said as where he speaketh in the said Epistle of holy âââtimentes and holy vessels and other ornaments of the aulter seruing to diuine worship and therfore not to be touched nor handled of any maÌ sauing of Priests alone Concerning all which implements my opinion is this that I thinke the Church of Rome not to haue beene in so good state theÌ that either Stephanus or Sixtus before him beyng occupied about other more earnest maters and scarce able to hide their owne heades had any minde or cogitation to studie vpon such vnnecessary inuentions seruing in
the house together men of one accord c. And so by the occasion hereof he writeth vnto them in the foresayd Epistle and moueth them to prayer and mutuall agreement For sayth he if it be promised in the Gospell to be graunted whatsoeuer any two consenting together shall aske what shall then the whole Churche do agreeing together or what if this vnanimitie were among the whole fraternitie which vnanimitie sayeth Cyprian if it had bene then among the brethren non venissent fraetribus haec mala si in vnum fraternitas fuisset animata that is these euiles had not happened to the brethren if the brethren had ioyned together in brotherly vnanimitie c. After the causes thus declared of this or other persecutions the sayd S. Cyprian moreouer in the forenamed Epistle worthy to be read of al men describeth likewise a certayne vision wherin was shewed vnto them by the Lord before the persecutioÌ came what should happen The vision was this There was a certayne aged father sitting at whose right hand set a young man very sad and pensiue as one with an indignation sorrowfull holding hys hand vpon hys brest hys countenaunce heauy and vnchearefull On the left hand sate an other person hauing in hys hand a net whiche he threatned to lay to catch the people that stode about And as he was marueiling that saw the sight thereof it was sayd vnto him The young man whoÌ thou seest sit on the tight hand is sad and sory that hys preceptes be not obserued But he on the left hand daunceth and is merry for that occasion is geuen him to haue power of the aged Father geuen him to afflict men And this vision was seene long before this tempest of persecution happened Wherein is declared the same that before is sayd the sinnes of the people to be the cause why Sathan in this persecution and all other hath had and hath still such power with hys net of destruction to rage agaynst the bloud of Christen men and all because sayth Cyprian we forslacke our praying or be not so vigilant therein as wee shoulde wherefore the Lord because he loueth vs correcteth vs correcteth vs to amend vs amendeth vs to saue vs. c. Cyprian Furthermore the same Cyprian and in the same Epistle wrtting of his own reuelation or message sent to him thus sayth And to hys least seruaunt both sinfull and vnworthy meaning by himselfe God of his tender goodnes hath vouched safe to direct this word Tell him sayth he that hee be quiet and of good comfort for peace will come Albeit a litle stay there is for a while for that some remain yet to be proued and tryed c. And sheweth also in the same place of an other reuelation of his wherein he was admonished to be spare in hys feeding and sober in hys drinke least hys minde geuen to heauenly meditation might be caryed away with worldly allurements or oppressed with to much surfet of meates and drinkes should be lesse apt or able to prayer and spirituall exercise Finally in the latter end of the foresayd Epistle mention also followeth of other reuelations or shewinges wherein the Lord sayth Cyprian doth vouchsafe in many of hys seruantes to foreshew to come the restauring of hys Church the stable quiet of our health and safegard after rayne fayre weather after darcknes light after stormy tempest peaceable calme the fatherly helpe of his loue the wont old glory of hys diuine maiesty whereby both the blasphemy of the persecutors shall be repressed and the repentance of such as haue fallen be reformed and the strong and stable confidence of them that stand shall reioyce and glory Thus much hath S. Cyprian writing of these thinges to the Clergy Lib. 4. Epist. 4. As touching now the crymes and accusations in this persecution layd to the charge of the Christians thys was the principall first because they refused to doe worship to their Idols and to the Emperours then for that they professed the name of Christ. Besides all the calamities and euils that happened in the world as warres famine and pestilence were onely imputed to the Christians Agaynst all which quarreling accusations Cyprian doth eloquently defend the Christians in his booke Contra Demetrianum Like as Tertulian had done before writing Contra Scapulam page 55. And first touching the obiection for not worshipping Idoles he cleareth the Christians both in his booke Contra Demeir also De vanitate idol prouing those Idols to be no true Gods but Images of certayne dead kinges which neyther could saue themselues from death nor such as worship them The true God to be but one and that by the testimony of Sosthenes Plato and Trismegistus the which God the Christians doe truely worship And as concerning that the Christians were thought to be causes of publique calamities because they worshipped not the Gentiles Idoles he purgeth the Christians thereof prouing that if there be any defect in increase of thinges it is not to be ascribed to them but rather to the decrease of nature languishing now toward her age and latter end Agayne for that it hath bene so foresayd and prophecied that toward the end of the worlde should come warres famine and pestilence Moreouer if there be anye cause therof more proper then other it is most like to be imputed to their vaine Idolatry and to the contempt of the true God Also that such euils be increased by the wickednes of the people so that to speake in his owne words famem maiorem faciaâ rapacites quam siccitas i. famine cometh more by auarice of men then by drought of the aire but especially the cause therof to procede of the cruell shedding of the innocent bloud of the Christians c. Thus with many other mo probations doth Cyprian defend the Christians against the barbarous exclamatioÌs of the heatheÌ Gentiles Of which Cyprian forsomuch as he suffered in the time of his persecution I mynde Christ wylling to recapitulate here in ample discourse the ful summe first of his life and bringing vp then of his death Martyrdome as the worthines of that man deserueth to be remembred Of this Cyprian therfore otherwise named Statius thus writeth Nicephorus Nazianzenns Iacobus de Voragine Henricus de Erfordia Volateranus Hieronymus and other that he being an Aphrican and borne in Carthage first was an Idolater and Gentill altogether giuen to the study and practise of the Magicall Artes of whose parentage and education in letters from his youth no mention is made but that he was a worthy Rethorician in Aphrica Of whose conuersion and baptisme he himselfe in his first booke second Epistle writeth a florishing and eloquent Hystory Which his conuersion vnto the christian fayth as Hieronimus affirmeth in his commentary vpon Ionas was through the grace of God and the meanes of Cecilius a Priest whose name after he bare and through the occasion of
had not chauÌsed vnles the wicked deuinatioÌs of Apollos oracles had deceiued bewitched theÌ To thee therfore now I pray oh most mightie God that thou wilt vouchsafe to be mercifull and pardon all the east parts and inhabitaunts of the same being oppressed with present calamitie and that by mee thy seruaunt thou wilt of thy goodnes helpe and relieue the same And these things rashly craue I not at thy hands oh Lord most mighty and holiest God of all For I being perswaded by the onely oracles haue both begone and also finished wholesome and profitable things and further by the bearing and shewing of thine ensigne haue ouercome a mighty and strong host and when any necessitie of the common weale to my charge committed requireth thereunto following those signes tokens of thy vertues I bouldly go forth and fight against mine enimies and for this cause haue I sacrificed my soule vnto thee purified and clensed both with thy loue and feare Yea truely thy name doe I sincerely loue and thy power doe I reuerence which by many tokens and wonders hast shewed and confirmed thereby my beleefe faith Therefore will I doe my endeuour and bende my selfe thereunto that I may redifie thy most holy house which those wicked vngodly Emperours haue with so great ruine laid wast thy people do I desire to bring stablish in firme peace traÌquilitie that for the publike vtilitie of all the inhabitants of the earth Those which yet erre are out of the way enioy the benefite of peace and quietnes with and amongst the number of the faithful sort for I trust the restitution of the like societie and participation may be a meanes to bring them also that erre into the perfecte way of verity Let no man therfore be greeuous one vnto another but what euery man thinketh best that let him doe For such as are wiâe ought throughly to be perswaded that the onely meane to liue holily and as they should doe whome the spirite of God moueth to take their delight and recreation in reading his holye will And if others wilfully will go out of the way cleauing to the Synagogues of false doctrine they maye at their owne perill as for vs we haue the most worthy house or congregation of Gods veritie which he according to his owne goodnes nature hath giuen vs. And this also we wish vnto the that with like participation common consente they may fele wyth vs the same delectation of mind For this our religioÌ is neither new nor newly inuented but is as old as wee beleeue the creation of the worlde to be and which God hath commaunded to be celebrated with such worship as both seemed and pleased him But all liuing men are lyeâs and are deceiued with diuers and sundrye illusions Thou O God for Christ thy sonnes sake suffer not this wickednes againe to take roote thou hast set vp a cleare burning light that thereby as manye as thou hast chosen maye come vnto thee These thy myracles approoue the same It is thy power that kepeth vs in innocencye and fydelitye The Sunne and the Moone runne their appointed course neyther yet in ranging wiâe wander the starres to what place of the worlde they list themselues The dayes yeares monethes and times keepe their appoynted turnes The earth abideth firme and vnremoueable at thy worde and the winde at the time by thee directed stormeth bloweth The streaming waterie floudes ebbe in time according as they flow The raging sea abideth within her bounded limites And for that the Ocean Sea stretchech out her selfe in equall length and breadth with the whole earth this must needes be wrought with some marueilous workmanship of thine owne hand which thing vnlesse it were at thy will made and disposed without all doubt so great difference and partition betweene woulde or this time haue brought vtter ruine destructioÌ both to the life of man as to all that beloÌgeth to man beside Which for that they haue such great and huge conflictes amongest themselues as also the inuisible spirites haue we geue thee thankes O Lorde most mighty God of all Gods that al mankinde hath not bene destroyed thereby Surely euen as greatly as thy benignitie and gentlenes is manifested by diuers sundry benefites bestowed vpon vs so much also is the same set foorth and declared in the discipline of thy eternall word to those that be heauenly wise apply themselues to the attainement of sincere true vertue But if any such there be that litle regard or haue but small respect vnto the consideration thereof let them not blame or lay a fault in others that do the same For that Phisicke whereby health is obtained is manifestly offered vnto all men now therefore let no man go about to subuert that which experience it selfe doth shew of necessitie to be pure and good Let vs therefore altogether vse the participation of this benefite bestowed vpon vs that is to say the benefite of peace and tranquillitie setting a part all controuersie And let no man hurt or be preiudiciall to his fellowe for that thing wherein he thinketh him selfe to haue done wel If by that which any man knoweth and hath experience of hee thinketh he may profite hys neighbour let him doe the same if not let him geue ouer and remit it til on other time For there is a great diuersitie betwixt the willing and voluntary embracing of religion and that wheÌ a man is thereunto inforced and coacted Of these things haue I made a more larger discourse then in deede the scope of mediocritie requireth especially because I woulde not haue my faith touching the veritie to be hid For that I heare there be some which complaine the olde accustomed haunting of their temples that the power of such darkenesse is cut of and taken away which thing surely I would take in better part were it not that the violent rebellion of flagitious errour were so fixed in many mens heartes whereby they thirst after the vtter subuersion of the common weale and Empire Such was the goodnesse of this Emperour Constantinus or rather such was the prouideÌce of almighty God toward his Church in stirring him vp that all his care and study of minde was set vpon nothing els but onely howe to benefit enlarge the commodities of the same Neither was it to him inough to deliuer the Church and people of God from outward vexation of foraine tyrants and persecutors No les beneficial was his godly care also in quieting the inward dissentions and disturbaunce within the Church among the Christian bishops themselues according as we read of Moses the deliuerer of the Israelits in agreing the brethren together when he saw them at variance Exod. 2. No lesse also did his vigilant study extend in erecting restoring enriching the Churches of God in al Cities and in prouiding for the ministers
Vortiperius Malgo. Carecius Here is to be vnderstand that these Britaine kings aboue mentioned did not so raign here in this land froÌ the time of Vortigerne that they had the full possession and gouernement ouer all the whole realme but only ouer parcels or partes such as by force of armes they could either hold or win from the Saxons which coÌming in daily and growing vpon theÌ did so replenish the land with multitudes of them that the Britains at leÌgth were neither able to hold that which they had nor to recouer that which they lost Leauing exaple to al ages countreis what it is first to let in forreine nations into their dominion but especially what it is for Princes to ioyne in mariage with infidels as this Vortiger did with Hengistus daughter which was the mother of al this mischief geuing to the Saxons not only streÌgth but also occasion and courage to attempt that whych they did Neyther was this vncoÌsidered before of the Britaine Lords and Nobilitie who worthely being therew t offended iustly deposed their king inthroned Vortimerus hys sonne in his roume By the which Vortimer being a punaÌt prince the Saxons were then repulsed and driuen againe into Germany where they stayed a while till the death of Vortimer whome Rowen daughter of Hengistus caused traiterously to be poysoned Then Vortiger being again restored to his kingdome through the entreatie of Rowen hys wife sent into Germanie againe for Engist who eftsoones making his returne came in wyth a name of 300. shippes wel appointed The Nobles of Britain hearing this prepared them selues to the contrary side in all forceable wise to put them of But Engist through Rowen hys daughter so laboured the king excusing himselfe and saying that he brought not the multitude to worke any violence eyther against him or against his couÌtrey but only thinking that Vortimer had yet bene aliue whom he minded to impugne for the kings sake and to take hys part And nowe for so much as he heareth of the death of Vortimer hys enemie hee therefore committeth both himselfe his people to his disposition to appoint how few or how many of theÌ he wold to remaine within his land the rest should returne And if it so pleased the King to appoynt day place where they might meete and talke together of the matter both he and his would stande to such order as the king with his counsaile should appoynt With these faire words the king and his nobles wel contented did assigne to them both day place which was in the towne of Ambry where he ment to talke with them adding thys condition with all that eche part shoulde come without any maner of weapon Engist shewing him selfe well agreed thereto gaue priuy intelligence to his side that eche man should cary with him secretely in his hose a long knife with their watch worde also geuen vnto them wheÌ they should draw their kniues wherwith euery Saxon shoulde and so did kill the Britayne wyth whoÌ he talked as is aboue declared The Britaine Lords being slayne the Saxons tooke Vortigerne the King and bound him for whose ransome they required to be deliuered to them the Cittie of London Yorke Lincolne Winchester with other the most strongest holdes within the lande whych being to them graunted they begin to make spoile hauocke of the Britaine nation destroying the Citizens plucking downe Churches killing vp the Priestes burning the Bookes of the holy Scripture leauing nothyng vndone that tyrannie could worke whych was about the yeare of our Lorde 462. The King seeing thys miserable slaughter of the people fled into Wales This whyle Aurelius Ambrosius Vter Pendragon brethren to king Constans aboue mentioned whoÌ Vortigerne wickedly caused to be killed were in little Britayne To whome the Britaynes sent woorde desiring theyr ayde in helping their countrey Aurelius vnderstanding the wofull state of the Realme speedeth hym ouer to satisfie their desire and to rescue what in him was their necessitie Who at his first commyng eftsoones being crowned for theyr king seeketh out wicked Vortigerne the cause of all thys trouble and murder of king ConstaÌs hys brother And finding him in Wales in a strong tower wherein he had immured him selfe setteth hym and his castell on fire That done he moued his power against the Saxons with whom and wyth Elle Captaine of the Southsaxons who then was newly come ouer he had diuers conflicts Our English old Chronicles make record that Horsus the brother of Engist was slaine before in the time of Vortimer The same also doe recorde that thys Engist was taken prisoner in the fielde fighting against Aurelius Ambrosius who then coÌsulting with his Nobles and Barons what was to be done with him the Byshop of Glocester called Eldadus standing vp gaue this counsaile saying that ãâã all men would deliuer him yet he with his owne haÌds wold cut him in peeces alleaging the exaÌple of Samuel against Agag King of the Ameleches taken by King Saul in the field whome the sayde Samuel caused to be cut in peeces Euen so saith he do you to this Agag here that as he hath made many a woman widow and without childreÌ so his mother mai be made this day of him likewise And so was Engist taken out of the Citie by Eldo Consull or Maior of Glocester and there was beheaded if truth or credit be to be geuen to these our old Britaine stories wherof I haue nothing certainly to pronouÌce but that I may suspect the truth therof which was about the yeare of our Lord. 490. Henr. Hunting Galfr. cum alijs A certaine auncient written history I haue in Latine compiled in the .xiiij. yeare of king Richard the seconde and by him caused to be writteÌ as the title declareth whych because it beareth no name of the author I cal it by the name of him of whom I borowed thys booke wyth many other likewise without name Historia Cariana This hystorie recordeth that Hengistus dyed in Kent the xxxii yeare of hys raigne which if it be true then is it false that he was taken at Cunynburgh and slaine in the North. Thys Aurelius Ambrosius before mentioned is thought of Polidorus Vergilius citing the authoritye of Bede to descende of the stocke of the Romaines whych as it is not vnpossible to be true so this is certaine by the full accord of al our old wrytten stories that both the sayde Aurelius and his brother Vter Pendragon being the sonnes of Constantinus brother to Andoenus king of litle Britaine were nursed and brought vp in England in their tender age and instructed by Gultelinus Archbyshop of London and after the murder of Constans their elder brother were conueied from hence to litle Britaine whereby it is manifest that they were borne in thys land and though their father were a Romaine as Polydorus preteÌdeth yet lyke it is that they were Britains borne and
in effect were these Quid autem acciderit vt Theodorus sanctiss Archiepiscopus me superstite in sede quam licet indignus dispensabam absque consensu cuiuslibet Episcopi ex sua autoritate mea humilitate non acquiescente ordinauit tres Episcopos omittere magis quam vrgere pro eiusdem viri reuerentia * coÌdecet Quem quide pro eo quod ab hac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est accusare non audeo c. In English Howe it chaunceth that Theodorus the most holy reuerend Archbishop my selfe being aliue in the sea which I though vnworthy did rule and dispose hath of his own authority without the coÌsent of any bishop neither hauing my simple voice agreing to the same ordained iij. Bishops I had rather passe ouer in silence then to stir any farther therin because of the reuerence of that man and no lesse thought I it my duetie so to doe The which man for that he hath beene dyrected by the authoritie of this sea Apostolicall I wyll not nor dare not here accuse c. Thus the cause of the sayd Wilfride albeit it was sufficiently knowne in the Court of Rome to be well allowed for iust and innocent yet it was not then redressed In such estimation was this Theodorus then among the Romaines Upon this controuersie of these two Bishops I may wel here inter the words of W. Malmelbury not vnworthy in my minde to be noted whiche be these in his Latine story Vbi videri doleri potest humana miseria quod videlicet quantum libet quis sanctitate polleat non ad plenum peruicaces mores exuat c. That is In the whiche Theodore saith hee the weake and miserable infirmitie of man may be sene and also lamented considering that although a maÌ be neuer so holy yet in the same man is some thing whereby it may be perceaued that hee hath not vtterly put of all his stubburne conditions c. In the time of this Theodorus and by the meanes of hym a prouincial Synode was holden at Thetford mentioned in the storye of Bede the principall contents wherof were these First that Easter day shoulde bee vniformely kept and obserued through the whole Realme vpon one certayne daye videlicet prima 14. Luna mensis primi Secondly that no Byshop should entermedle within the Dioces of an other Thirdly that monasteries consecrated vnto GOD should be exempt and free from the iurisdiction of the byshops Fourthly that the Monkes should not stray from one place that is from one Monastery to another without the license of his Abbot also to kepe the same obedience which they promised at their first entryng Fiftly that no Clergyman shoulde forsake his owne Byshop and to be receaued in any other place wyth out letters commendatory of his owne Byshop Sixtly that forraine Byshops Clergimen coÌming into the Realme should be content onely with the benefite of such hospitality as should be offered theÌ neither should entermedle any further within the precinct of any bishop without his speciall permission Seuenthly that Synodes prouinciall should be kept within the Realme at least once a yeare Eightly that no Bishop shoulde preferre himselfe before an other but must obserue the time and order of hys consecration Ninthly that the number of Byshops should be augmented as the number of the people encreaseth Tenthly that no mariage should be admitted but that which was lawfull No incest to be suffered neyther any man to put away his wyse for any cause except onelye for fornication after the rule of the Gospell And these bee the principall chapters of that Synode c. In the next yere following was the sixt general councell kept at Constaunce whereat this Theodore was also present vnder Pope Agatho where Mariage was permitted to Greeke priests and forbidden to the Latin In this Councell the Latine Masse was first openly saide by Iohn Portuensis the Popes Legate before the Patriarche and Princes at Constantinople in the temple of S. Sophy After the decease of Alfride king of Northumberlande from whom he was digressed succeeded his sonne Osredus raigning xj yeares After whome raigned Kenredus 2. yeares And next Osricus after him .xj. yeares In the time and raigne of these 4. kings of Northumberland king Iua reigned in westsaxe who succeding after Cadwalder the last king of the Britaines began his reigne about the yeare of the Lorde 689. and raigned with great valiauntnes ouer the westsaxons the tearme of xxxvij yeares Concerning whose actes and wars mayntayned against the Kentish saxons and other kinges because I haue not to entermedie withal I referre the reader to other Chroniclers About the sixt yeare of the raigne of this Iua or Iue Polychronicon other make mentioÌn of one Cuthlacus whoÌ they call S. Cuthlake a confessour who about the 24. of hys age renouncing the pompe of the world professed himself a Monke in the abby of Repindon and the third yeare after went to Crowlande where he led the life of an Anker In the which Ile and place of his buriyng was builded a faire Abbey called afterward for the great resort and gentle entertainment of straungers Crowlande the courteous but why this Cuthlake should be saincted for his doinges I see no great cause as neither doe I thinke the fabulous miracles reported of him to be true as where the vulgare people are made to beleeue that he enclosed the deuill in a boyling pot and caused wicked spirits to erecte vp houses with such other fables and lying miracles c. Among which lying miracles also maye be reckened that which the stories mention in the xi yeare of the raigne of Iua to be done of one Brithwalde or Drithelmus who âeing dead a long season was restored to lyfe againe told many wonders of straunge things that he had seene causing thereby great almes deedes of charitie to bee done of the people And so the disposing of his goods giuen in iij. partes went to the Abbey of Mailroos where he continued the rest of his life Moreouer about the xvj yeare of the saide Iua Etheldred king of Mercia after he had their raigned 30. yeares was made a Monke and after an Abbot of Bacducy And about the xviij yeare of the raigne of Iue died the worthy and learned bishop Aldelmus first Abbot of Malmesbery afterward bishop of Schirborn of whoÌ William Malmesbery writeth plenteously with great commendation and that not vnworthelye as I suppose especially for the notable praise of learning and vertue in him aboue the rest of that time nexte after Bede as the great number of bookes and Epistles and Poemes by him set forth will declare Although concerning the miracles which the sayd author ascribeth to him as first in causing an infant of ix daies old to speak at Rome to cleare pope Sergius which was then suspected the father of the said child Also in hanging his cauiule vpoÌ the
cuppe vnto the king chanced in the middle of the floure to stumble with one foote helping and recouering himselfe with the other saying in these wordes Thus one brother as ye see helpeth an other These wordes being thus spokeÌ in the hearing of the king so moued his mind that forthwith he commaunded the false accuser of his brother to be had out to execution Whose iust recompence I would wish to be a warning to all men what it is to sowe discorde betwixt brother and brother King Ethelstane besides his vij yeares lamentation for this acte builded the two Monasteries of Midletone and of Michelenes for hys brothers sake or as the stories say for his soule Whereby it may appeare what was the cause most speciall in those daies of building monasteries to wit for releasing the sinnes both of them departed and them aliue which cause howe it standeth wyth the grace and veritie of Christes Gospell and of his passion let the Christen reader trie examine with himselfe This cruell fact of the king towarde Edwyne caused him afterwarde to be more tender and careful toward his other brethren and sisters left in his handes vnmarried Which sisters as is partly in the Chapter before declared he richly bestowed in great mariages As one to the king of NorthumberlaÌd Sithericus an other he gaue to Lewes King of Aquitania the thirde to Henricus Duke of Almaine for hys sonne Otho who was the first Emperour of the Germanes Whereby it is to be vnderstand that the Empire at this time began first to be translated from Fraunce where it remained about C. yeares and halfe vnto Germanie where it hath euer since continued The fourth of his sisters being a virgine of singulare benty Hugo the French king required to be geuen vnto him sending to King Ethelstane pretious and sumptuous presents such as were not before seene in England Among the which presents gifts besides the rare odours of sondry fauours fine spices and besides the precious costly gemmes namely of Smaradges of most redoleÌt grene besides also many and great coursers and palfries richly trapped especially of one iewell as wryters make inention which was a certaine vessell finely and subtilly made of the precious stone Onichinus so radiantly wrought that in it appeared the liuely corn growing and mens images walking c. Ouer and besides was sent also the sworde of Constantine the great with the name of the possessor wrytten in golden letters where in the hast of the same al beateÌ in gold was one of the yron nailes wherwith our Sauiour on the crosse was nailed Of the veritie whereof I am not disposed at thys present muche to say what I suspect but that this in the Ecclesiasticall storie of Eusebius is euideÌt That two of the foresaid nailes of Christ was speÌt on the bridle of Constantine the 3. he cast into the Sea in a raging tempest Wherfore if Christ were nailed with 4. nailes perhappes this naile might be one If he were nailed but with iij. I see not how this storie can stand with other stories neither howe this fourth naile can stand with truthe Among the rest moreouer was the speare as is reported wherwith the side of our Sauiour was opened which also the sayd ConstaÌtine was woÌt to cary in the field against his enemies with a portion likewise of the holy crosse inclosed in Cristall Also a part of the crowne of thorne in like maner inclosed c. Of the whych Reliques part was geuen to Winchester part to the Church of Malmesbury where king Ethelstane was buried As this King was indued and enlarged by the gift of God the serter vp disposer of all kings with great victories of worldly renowne hauing vnder hys subiection both the Scottes and Britons and the whole Monarchie of the land So he deuised diuers good and holesom lawes for the gouernment of the same as wel concerning the state of the orders Ecclesiasticall as also of the secular or lay people Whereby it is to be vnderstaÌd that the vsurped power of the bishop of Rome did not then extend it selfe so largely nor so proudly to derogate froÌ the authority of kings princes but that euery one in his owne dominion had vnder God and not vnder the Pope the doing of all matters within the same his dominion contained whether they were causes teÌporal or spiritual As by the decrees and constitutions of this king also of other as well before him as after him may euidently be testified as where hee among other lawes thus ordeineth âouching the bishop in wordes as folowe Episcopo iure pertinet omnem rectitudinem promouere Dei videlicet ac seculi In primis debet omnem ordinatum instruere quid ei âit agendum iure quid hominibus secularibus iudicare debeant Debet etiam sedulò pacem concordiam operari cum seculi iudicibus qui rectum velle diligunt in compellationum allegationem edocere ne quis alij perperam agat in iureiurando vel ordalio Nec pati debet aliquam circumuentionem iniustae mensurae vel iniusti ponderis Sed conuenit vt per consilium testimoniuÌ eius omne legis rectum burgi mensura omne pondus sit secundum ditionem eius institutum valde rectuÌ ne quis proximum suum seducat pro quo decidat in peccatum Et semper debet Christianis prouidere contra omnia quae praedicta sunt ideo debet se de pluribus intromittere vt sciat quomodo grex agat quem ad Dei manum custodire suscepit ne diabolus cum dilaniet nec malum aliquod superseminet Nunquam enim erit populo benè consultum nec dignè Deo conuersabitur vbi lucrum impium magis falsum diligitur Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est eneruare quod iustum est eleuare nec pati vt propter falsum pecuniae questum homines se forisfaciant erga verè sapientem Deum cui displicet omnis iniustitia Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est vt rectum diligant iniqua condemnent faltem sacris ordinibus euecti iustum semper erigant praua deponant Hinc debent Episcopi cum iudicibus iudicia dictitare interesse ne permittant si possint vt illinc aliqua prauitatuÌ gramina pullulent Et sacerdotibus pertinet in suo Dioecesi vt ad rectum sedulò quemcumque muent nec patiantur si possint vt Christianus aliquis alij noceat non potens impotenti non summus infirmo non praelatis subditis non Dominus hominibus suis seruis aut liberis Et secundum ditionem per mensuram suam conuenit per rectum vt necessaria serui operentur super omnem scyram cui praeest Et rectum est vt non sit aliqua mensurabilis virga longioâ quà m alia sed per
thunder If a man geue eare to the noise and cracke it semeth a terrible thing but if ye consider the causes and effect therof it is a most vaine ridicle In the reigne of this Nicolas An. 1060. Aldredus Byshop of Worcester after the decease of Kinsius his predecessor shuld be made Archbishop of Yorke who comming to Rome with Tostius erle of NorthumberlaÌd for his palle as the maner was could not obtein it but was depriued of all his dignitie for some default I can not tell what in his aunswer And furthermore after his reuersion home was spoyled also of all that he brought with him Whereupon he returning againe to Rome with Tostius the foresayde Erle there made his complaint but could not be heard til Tostius a man of stout courage taking the matter in hand tolde the Pope to his face that his curse was not to be feared in farre countreâs which his owne neighbours yea most vile vacabonds derided and despised at home Wherfore he required the Pope either to restore Aldredus again to his goods lost or els it should be known that they were lost through his meanes and subtlery And furthermore it would come to passe that the king of England hearing this would debar him of s. Peters tribute taking it for a great shame to him his realme if Aldredus should come from Rome both depriued of dignity spoiled also of his goods c. In fine the Pope thus perswaded by the argument of his purse was content to sende home Aldredus with his palle according to his request After the death of Nicholas the Lombardes being oppressed before by pope Nicholas and brought vnder fear were the more desirous and thought it good to haue a Bishop of their company and so elected the bishop of ParnieÌ called Cadolus to be Pope sending to the emperour and desiring his fauour and supportation therein For the election of the Pope sayd they most properly apperteined vnto him The emperor wel pleased and content geueth his good leaue and voice wtal Hildebrandus no lesse a wicked Necromancer then a stoute mainteiner of popish liberties against good emperors hearing this setteth vp by a coÌtrary faction an other bishop Anselmus after called Alexander the 2. Cadolus thus elected by the emperor the Cardinals setteth forwarde to Rome with a sufficient army strength of meÌ Alexander also no les prepared there receiueth him with an other army where they had a great conflict many slaine on both sides But Cadolus as he had the better cause so had he the worse fortune who being repelled yet repaired himself and came again with a greater power Albeit he preuailed not The Emperor seeing this hurly burly to take vp the matter sent thither his embassador Otho Archbishop of Colen who coÌming to Rome beginneth sharply to chide the pope for taking so vpoÌ him without the leaue or knowledge of the emperor declaring how the election of that sea ought chiefly to appertein to the right of the emperor as it hath done for the most part in the time of his predecessors tofore But Hildebrande all set on wickednes and ambition and also puft vp not a litle with his late victories not suffering the embassador to tel to the end interrupted him in the middle of his tale affirming that if they should stand to law and custome the libertie of that election shuld rather belong to the clergy then to the Emperor To make short Otho the embassador bearing belike more with the Clergie then with the emperour was content to be perswaded onely required this in the emperors name a couÌcell to be had to decide the matter wherat the emperor should be present himselfe And so he was In the which councel being kept at Mantua Alexander was declared pope the other had his pardon graunted In this councell amongst many other coÌsiderations was concluded concerning priests to haue no wiues such as haue coÌcubines to say no masse priests children not to be secluded from holy orders no benefices to be bought for mony Alleluya to be suspended in time of Lent out of the church c. This also was decreed which made most for Hildebrandus purpose that no spirituall man whatsoeuer he be shoulde enter in any Church by a secular persone that the Pope should be elected onely by the Cardinals c. Benno Cardinalis wryteth thus of Alexander that after he perceiued the frauds of Hildebrande and of other the Emperours enemies and vnderstanding that he was set vp and inthronised but onely for a purpose being at his Masse as he was preaching to the people told them he wold not sit in the place vnlesse he had the licence of the Emperour Which when Hildebrandus heard he was stroken in suche a furie that scarsly he could keepe his handes of him while Masse was done After the Masse being finished by force of soldiours strength of men he had him into a chamber and there all to be pomild Pope Alexander with his fistes rating and rebuking him for that he would seeke for fauoure of the Emperor Thus Alexander being kept vp in custody and being stinted to a certaine allowance as about v. groates a day Hildebrand incrocheth all the whole reuenues of the Church to him selfe procuring thereby muche treasure At length Alexander vnder the miserable endurance of Hildebrand died at euentide after 11. yeares half of his popedome And thus much of Romish matters These things thus discoursed concerning the matters of Rome now returning againe to our owne country story the order therof would require to enter againe into the reigne of William Conqueror the next king following in England But as a certain oration of K. Edgarus which should haue bene placed before chanced in the meane time to come to my hands not vnworthy to be read I thought by the way in the ende of this booke to insert the same although out of order yet better I iudge it out of order then out of the booke The oration of king Edgar to the Clergie BEcause God hath shewed his great mercy to worke with vs it is meete most reuerend Fathers that with worthy works we should answer his innumerable benefites For we possesse not the land by our owne sworde and our owne arme hath not saued vs but his right hande and his holy arme because he hath bene delighted in vs. Therfore it is meete that we should submit both our selues and our soules to him that hath subiected all these thinges vnder our gouernement and that we ought stoutly to laboure that they whome he hath made subiect to vs might be subiect to his lawes It belongs to me to rule the lay people with the lawe of equitie to doe iust iudgement betwene man and his neighbour to punish Church robbers to holde vnder rebelles to deliuer the helplesse from the hande of the stronger the needye also and the poore from
his yerely tribut vnto the same Inferring moreouer how the king as he was of nature very liberall so also of courage a prince stout and valiant Then what a shame wold hee thinke it be to him as it were in deede if hee who in mighte and dignitie farre exceeded all his progenitours should not defend and maintaine the liberties customes by them procured wherefore he desired the Pope to see to the matter so as might stande both with the kings honor and also with his owne profite and aduaÌtage who otherwise no doubt shoulde loose a great peece of money out of the realme vnlesse he did remit some thing of the seueritie of his canons and lawes decretall With these and such other perswasions like to the same effect the court of Rome was well coÌtented agreeing that the kings request ought with al fauor to be graunted But the Pope Anselme sate still marking their doings The ambassadour supposing their silence to be halfe a yeelding to him added moreouer and sayd that the king no not for the crowne of his realme would loose the authority of Inuesting or admitting his Prelates within his Dominion Whereunto the proude Pope answering againe brast out in these wordes Nor I sayde he for the price of his heade as thou sayst wil lose the geuing of spirituall promotioÌs in Englande and confirming it with an othe before God sayth he I speake it know it for a certaine c. Then it followeth in the storie of Malmesberie with this word of the P. the mindes of the rest were chaunged saying Benedicta fit cordis tui constantia benedicta oris tui loquela The kings attourney also was therewith dashed who notwithstanding yet brought to passe that certaine of the Kinges customes vsed before of his father were released vnto hym At the which tune in the same court was decreed that the king onely which had inuested them being excepted the other which were inuested by the king to be excommunicated the absolution and satisfaction of whome was left to Anselme the archbishop Thus Anselme being dismissed from Rome tooke his iorney toward England But the ambassador pretending to go to S. Nicholas remained behinde to see whether he could winne the popes mind to the kings purpose Which when he saw it would not be he ouertaketh Anselmus by the way at Placentia and opened to him the kings pleasure The king sayth he geueth to you in charge and commaundement that if you will come to England and there behaue your selfe to him as your predecessours did to his father you should be receiued and retained in the Realme accordingly if not you are wise inough sayth he ye know what I meane and what will followe c. And so to these wordes parting from him retourned againe to the King Anselmus remained at Lions a yeare and a halfe writing diuers letters to the King after this effect and wordes as followeth ¶ To his reuerend Lord Henry king of England Anselme Archbishop of Canterburie faithful seruice with prayers Epist. 224. Although ye vnderstand by William Warlwast what we haue done at Rome oyet I shall shortly shewe you that belongeth to me When I came to Rome I declared the cause wherefore I came to the Lorde Pope He answered that he woulde not swarue from the statutes of his predecessours Furthermore he commanded me that I should haue no fellowship with them that receiued inuestings of Churches at your hands after the knowledge of this prohibition except they woulde doe penaunce and forsake that they had receiued without hope of recouerie nor that they shuld not communicate with the other Byshoppes that had consecrated suche menne except they woulde present them selues to the iudgement of the Apostolike sea The foresayde William can be a witnesse of all these things if he will This William when we departed a sonder reconing vp in your behalfe the loue and liberalitie which yee haue had alwayes towardes me warned mee as your Archbyshoppe that I shoulde shewe my selfe such a one that if I would come into Englande that I might be wyth you as my predecessoure was wyth your Father and ye might entreate mee wyth the same honoure and liberalitie that youre father entreated my predecessor By which wordes I vnderstand that except I woulde shewe my selfe suche a one you woulde not haue me come into England For your loue liberalitie I thanke you but that I shoulde be with you as my predecessour was with your father I cannot do it For I dare not do homage to you nor dare communicate with them that take inuestings of Churches at your hands because of the foresaid inhibition made I my selfe hearing it Wherfore I desire you to send me your pleasure herein if it please you whether I may returne into England as I sayde with your peace and power of mine office In the meane while great businesse there was much posting went to and fro betwene the king the archbishop and the Pope but nothing was done for neither woulde the Pope agree to the king neither woulde the King condescende to the Archbishop At last the Archbishop seeing by no meanes he could preuaile against the king thought to reuenge himselfe by excoÌmunication and so went about the same The king hauing word thereof by the Countesse Adala his sister desireth her to come to him to NormaÌdie and bring Anselmus with her whereupon through the meanes of the Countesse reconcilement was made the archbishop was restored to his former possessions againe Only his returne into England was differred because he would not communicate with those whome the King had inuested So the king tooke his passage ouer into England and Anselme made his abode at the Abbey of Becke Then were ambassadors againe directed vnto Rome W. Warlwast Baldwin aboue named Abbot of Ramesey who at length coÌcluded the long controuersy betwene the king the Pope vpon this agreement that the King should take homage of the Bishops elect but shoulde not deale with inuesting them by staffe and ring c. While the Embassadours were thus in their sute at Rome diuers complaintes were daily brought from Englande to Anselme against the Priestes and Chanons who in his absence contrary to the late councel holden at London receiued their wiues vnto their houses againe so were permitted by the king paying him certaine mony for the same Anselme the fore enemie against lawfull mariage agreeued therwith addresseth his letters vnto the King requiring hym to refraine from any more taking of suche exactions declaring moreouer and affirming that the offences of all such Ecclesiasticall ministers must be corrected by the instance of Byshops and not of lay men To this the king answereth gently againe by letters tempering himselfe howe he purposed shortly to come ouer into Normandie and if he had done any thing amisse either in these or other things he would reforme it by his obedience It was
the byshop of Salisbury and of Norwiche who for old matters indangered to the king long before came weeping lameÌting to the archbishop desiring him to haue some coÌpassion of them to remit this pertinacy to the king left if he so continued through his stoutnes to exasperate the kinges displeasure happely it might redound to no small daunger not onely of theÌ which were in ieoperdy already but also of himselfe to be imprisoned and the whole Clergy to be indaungered Besides these two byshops there wet to hym other two noble pieres of the realme labouring w e him to relent condiscend to the kings desire If not they should be inforced to vse violence as neither would stand with the kinges fame and much lesse with his quietnes But yet the stout stomack of the maÌ would not geue ouer After this came to him ij rulers of the temple called Templars one Richard de Hast an other Costans de Heuerio with their company lamenting bewayling their great peril which they declared vnto him to hang ouer his head yet neyther with their teares nor with their kneelinges would he be remoued At length came the last message from the kyng signifying vnto him with expresse wordes and also with teares what he should trust to if he woulde not geue ouer to the kinges request By reason of which message he either terrified or els perswaded was content to submit hymselfe Whereupon the king incontinent assembling the states together the Archbishop first before all other beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission vnto his custome and that Cum Bona fide leauing out of hys former addition Saluo ordine mentioned before in steede whereof he promised in Verbo veritatis to obserue and keep the kings customes and sweare to the same After him the other Byshoppes likewise gaue the like othe Whereupon the king commaunded incontinent certayne instruments obligatory to be drawne of the which the king should haue one the archbishop of Canterbury an other the Archbishop of Yorke the third requiring also the sayde Archbishop to set hys hand and seale To the whiche the Archbishop although not denying but that he was ready so to do yet desired respite in the matter while that he being but newly come to hys bishoppricke might better peruse with himselfe the foresayd customes and ordinaunces of the king This request as it seemed but reasonable so it was lightly graunted and so the day being well spent they departed for that season and brake vp Alanus one of the iiij writers of the life of this Thomas Becket recordeth that the archbishop in his viage toward Winchester begaÌ greatly to repeÌt that he had done before partly through the instigation of certayne about him but chiefly of hys crossebearer who going before the Archbish. did sharply and earnestly expostulate with him for geuing ouer to the kings request agaynst the priuelege liberties of the Church polluting not onely his fame and conscieÌce but also geuing a pernitious example to them that should come after with many like wordes To make the matter short the Archbishop was so touched vpon the same with such repentaunce that keeping himselfe from al company lamenting with teares with fasting and with muche penaunce macerating and afflicting himself did suspend him selfe from all deuine seruice and would not receaue comfort before that word being sent to hys holy graundfather the pope he shoulde be assoild of him who tenderyng the teares of hys deare chicken directed to him letters agayne by the same messenger which Thomas had sent vp to hym before In whiche letters not onely he assoyled hym from hys trespasse but also with words of great consolation did incourage him to be stout in the quarrel he tooke in hand The copy of which letters consolatory sent from the Pope to Popish Becket here follow vnder written ALexander Byshop c. Your brotherhoode is not ignoraunt that it hath bene aduertised vs how that vpon the occasion of a certayne transgression or excesse of yours you haue determined to cease henceforth from saying of Masse and to abstayne from the consecration of the body and bloud of the Lord. Which thing to doe how daungerous it is especially in such a personage and also what inconuenience may rise thereof I will you aduisedly to consider and discreetly also to ponder Your wisedome ought not to forget what difference there is betwixt them which aduisedly and willingly doe offend and those whiche through ignoraunce and for necessitie sake do offend For as you reade so muche the more greater is wilfull sinne as the same not being voluntary is lesser sinne Therefore if you remember your selfe to haue done any thing that your owne coÌscience doth accuse you of whatsoeuer it be we couÌsell you as a prudent and wyse prelate to acknowledge the same Which thing done the mercifull and pittifull God who hath more respect to the hart of the doer then to the thing done will remit and forgeue you the same according to his accustomed great mercy And we trusting in the merites of the blessed Apostles S. Peter and Paule doe absolue you from the offence committed and by the authoritie Apostolicall we release you vnto your fraternitie counsailing you and commaunding you that henceforth you abstayne not for this cause from the celebration of the Masse Thys letter with other moe after like sort the pope theÌ wrote to him animating and comforting him in this quarrell so neerely pertaining to the popes profite By the occasion whereof Becket toke no small hart and consolation In so much that thereof seemeth to me to proceed al the occasioÌ the made him so stout malipart against his prince as hereafter followeth to be seene by his doynges What the other letters were that the pope wrote vnto hym shortly after when we come to the appellatioÌs made to the pope shall appeare God willing In the meane season as he sat thus mourning at home the king hearing of hym howe be denyed to set hys seale to those sanctions which he condesceded to before tooke no little displeasure against him In so much that he threatning to him and hys banishmeÌt death began to call hym to reconinges and to burden hym with paymentes that all men might vnderstand that the kings minde was sore set agaynst him The Archbishop hereupon whether more for the loue of the pope or dread of hys prince thought to make an escape out of the realme and so weÌt about in the night with two or three with hym stealing out of hys house to take the sea priuely Now amongest other the kinges ordinances and sanctions this was one that none of the prelacy or nobilitie without the kinges licence or of his iustices shoulde depart out of the realme So Becket twise attempted the sea to flee to the see of Rome but the wether not seruing was driueÌ home agayne and hys deuise for that tyme frustrated After his
excommunicate 12 Theodosius the great Emperour for a fault which seemed not so waighty vnto other Priestes and shut him out of the Church who afterward by condigne satisfaction was absolued There are many other like examples for Dauid when he had committed adulterie and murther the prophet Nathan was sent vnto him by God to reprooue him and he was soone corrected And the king laying aside his scepter and Diademe and setting apart all princely maiestie was not ashamed to humble himselfe before the face of the Prophet to confesse his faulte to require forgeuenes for his offence what wil you more he being stricken with repentance asked mercy and obtained forgeuenes So likewise you most beloued king and reuerend Lord after the example of this good king Dauid of whom it is sayde I haue founde a man after mine owne heart with a contrite and humble heart turne to the Lorde your God and take holde of repentaunce for your transgressions For you are fallen and erred in many things which yet I kepe in store still if peraduenture God shall inspire you to say with the prophet haue mercy on me O god according to thy great mercye for I haue sinned much against thee donâ euil in thy sight Thus much I haue thought good to write to you my deare Lorde at this present passing other things in silence till I may see whether my wordes take place in you and bring foorth fruits in you worthy of repentance and that I may heare and reioyce with them that shall bring me worde and say Oh king thy sonne was dead and is aliue againe was lost and is founde againe But if you will not heare me looke where I was wont before the maiestie of the body of Christ to pray for you in aboundance of teares sighes There in the same place I will crie against you and say Rise vp Lord and iudge my cause forget not the rebukes and iniuries which the king of England doeth to thee and thine forget not the ignominie of thy Church which thou hast builded in thy bloud Reuenge the bloud of thy saintes which is spilt reuenge O Lord the afflictions of thy seruants of whome there is an infinite number For the pride of them which hate persecute thee is gone vp so highe that we are not able to beare them any longer Whatsoeuer your seruant shall do all those things shall be required at your handes for he seemeth to haue done the harme which hath geuen the cause thereof Doubtlesse the sonne of the most highest except you amende and cease from the oppressing of the church and clergie and keepe your hand from troubling of them wil come in the rod of his furie at the voices of such as cry to him and at the sighes of them that be in bands when the time shal come for him to iudge the vnrighteousnesse of men in equitie and seueritie of the holy ghost For he knoweth how to take away the breath of Princes and is terrible among kings of the eartheâ Your deare and louing grace I wish well to fare Thus fare ye well againe and euer ¶ Certaine notes or elenches vpon this Epistle which by the figures you may finde out and their places 1. The scope of this Epistle is this to proue that bishops and priests ought not to come vnder the court and coÌtrolment of temporall power 2. This similitude holdeth not For though the smalnesse of a Citie blemisheth not the prerogatiue of a kingdome yet the euilnes and rebellion of a Citie doth worthely blemish his owne prerogatiue 3. So sayth the Popes decrees Dist. 10. but the Scripture of God importeth otherwise Abiathar the Priest was deposed of king Salomon not for any heresie but for other causes 3. Reg. 1.2 Ionathas tooke his priesthoode of king Alexander And Simon of Demetrius 1. Mach. 7. Christ offered tribute to Cesar for him and for Peter Also Peter sayeth be ye subiect to euery humaine creature and it followeth whether it be to the king as to the chiefe c. Item Pope Leo submitted himselfe to Ludouicus the Emperor with these words And if we do any thing incompetently and do swarue from the path of righteousnes we wil stand to your reformation or of them whom you shall send 2.9.7 Hos. 4. Notwithstanding the saide Constantinus wryting to the bishops coÌgregated at Tyrus first chideth them then commaÌdeth them to resort vnto his presence to haue their cause iudged and decided Trip hist. lib. 3. cap. 7. 5. The father vnder obedience c. If fatherhoode goe by age I suppose that king Henry was elder then Becket If fatherhoode consist in authoritie I iudge the authoritie of a king to be aboue the authoritie of an Archbishop If the see of Canterburie make the fatherhoode yet had Becket no cause to claime fatherhood ouer the king seeing the sonne ordeined the father that is seeing the king made him his Archbishop and not he made him his king 6. By wicked bonds Al is wicked with the Papists that bringeth them in subiection to their Princes 7. Ecclesiasticall matters be suche as properly belong to doctrine and deuine knowledge for the institution of the soule and information of conscience In which both Princes and subiects ought to followe their pastors so long as they go truely before them without error or els not But what maketh this for the lands liberties of churchmen 8. Punishment due to malefactors and rebelles is not to be called persecution but due correction 9. Saule brake the commandement of God and was reiected Ozias coÌtrary to the commandement of God tooke the office of a priest and was striken Oza against the expresse word of the law put his hand toy arke was punished But what expresse word had k. HeÌry why he should not correct and punish rebellious bishoppes and wicked priests within his owne realme wherefore these similitudes accorde not As for Achas he was not so much punished for taking the priests office as for spoyling the temple of the Lord and offering to Idoles 10. Common lawes S. Augustin wryting to Boniface sayeth thus Whosoeuer obeyeth not the lawes of the Emperor being made for the veritie of God procureth to himselfe great punishment For in the time of the prophets all the kings which did not forbidde and subuert all such things as were vsed of the people against the law of God are rebuked And such as did with stand them are commended aboue the rest August 11. Isidorus hath these wordes Let temporal princes know that they must render accoÌpt to God for the church which they haue at the hands of God to gouerne c. 12. The case of Archadius Theodosius Dauid of this king as touching this mater hath no similitude In them was murder This king doeth nothing but claime that which is his due And though by the spiritual sword those kings were resisted yet it argueth not therefore that the persons of them which haue the
hys owne cause mortall warre to the destruction of many For suppose wrong had bene offred him of his Prince was it not inough for him to flie What cause had he for his owne priuate reueÌge to set potentates in publike discord Now hauing no iust cause but rather offering iniurie in a false quarell so to complaine of his prince what is to be said of this let euery man iudge which seeth this letter ¶ An Epistle of Thomas Archbyshop of Canterburie to Pope Alexander A Mantissimo patri D. Alexandro Dei gratia summo pont Thomas Cant. Ecclesiae humilis minister debitam deuotam obedientiam In English thus To our most louing father and Lord Alexander by the grace of God bishop Thomas the humble minister and seruaunt of the Church of Canterburie due reuerend obedience Long inough and too long most louing father haue I forborne still loking after amendement of the king of England But no fruite haue I reaped of this my long patience Nay rather whilest that vnwisely I doe thus forbeare I augment and procure the detriment and diminishing of my authoritie as also of the Church of God For oftentimes haue I by deuout and religious messengers inuited him to make condigne satisfaction as also by my letters the Copies whereof I haue sent you intimate and pronounced Gods seueritie and vengeaunce against him vnlesse he repent and amende But he that notwithstanding groweth from euill to worse oppressing and conculcating the Church and sanctuarie of God persecuting both me those which take part with me In somuch that with fearefull threatning woordes his purpose is to terrifie such as for Gods cause and mine owne seeke any way to relieue and help me He wrote also his letters vnto the Abbot of the Cistercian order that as hee fauoured the Abbacie of that his order which was in his power sayde he he would not accept me into the fellowship thereof nor doe any thing els for me What should I vse many woordes So much hath the rigour and seueritie as well of the king as of his officers vnder our patience and sufferaunce shewed it selfe that if a great number of men yea and that of the most religious sort should shewe vnto you the matter as it is in deede and that vpon their othe taken I partly doubt whether your holinesse woulde geue credite vnto them or not With heauinesse of minde therefore I considering these things and beholding as well the pearill of the king as of our selfe haue publiquely condemned not onely those pernitious customes but all those peruersities and wicked doings wherby the church of England is disturbed and brought to confusion as also the wryting whereby they were confirmed Excommunicating generally as well the obseruers and exactours thereof as also the inuentours and patrones of the same with their fauourers counsailours and coadiutors whatsoeuer either of the clergie or laitie absoluing also our Bishops from their othe whereby they were so straightly inioyned to the obseruation of the same These are the Articles which in that wryting I haue principally condemned First that it is inhibited to appeale vnto the sea Apostolicall for any cause but by the kings licence That a bishop may not punish any man for periurie or for breaking of his troth That a bishop may not excommunicate any man that holdeth of the king in capite or els to interdicte either their land or offices without the kings licence That Clerkes and religious men may be taken from vs to secular iudgement That the king or any other iudge may heare and decide the causes of the church and tithes That it shal not be lawfull for any Archbishop or bishop to goe out of the realme and to come at the Popes call without the kings licence and diuers others such as these Namely also I haue excommunicated Iohn of Oxenforde who hath communicated with the schismaticke and excommunicate persone Reginalde Coloniensis the which also contrary to the commandement of the Lord Pope ours hath vsurped the Deanrie of the Church of Salisbâââ and hath to renew his schisme taken an oth in the Emperors court Also I haue denouÌced excommunicate Richard of Worceter because he is falne into the same damnable heresie and coÌmunicated with that famous schismatike of Colen deuising forging al mischiefe possible with the schismatikes and Flemings to the destruction of the church of God especially of the Church of Rome by composition made betweene the king of England and them Also Richard de Lucy and Ioceline de Baliol which haue furthered the fauourers of the kings tiranny and workers of their heresies Also Ranulphe de Broe and Hugo de Sancto Glaro and Thomas the sonne of Bernard which haue vsurped the possessioÌs and goods of the Church of Canterbury without our licence consent We haue also excommunicated all those which without our licence do stretch out their haÌds to the possessions goods of the church of Caunterburie The king himselfe we haue not yet excommunicated personally still waiting for his amendement whome notwithstanding we will not defer to excommunicate vnlesse he quickly amende and be warned by that he hath done And therefore that the authoritie of the sea Apostolike and the libertie of the Church of God which in these partes are almost vtterly lost may be by some meanes restored it is meete and very necessary that what we herein haue done the same be of your holinesse ratified and by your letters confirmed Thus I wish your holinesse long to prosper and flourish By this Epistle hee that listeth to vnderstande of the doings quarels of Becket may partly iudge what is to be thought thereof Which his doings although in some part may be imputed either to ignoraÌce of mind or blindnes of zeale or humain fragilitie yet in this point so vilely to complaine of his naturall Prince for the zeale of the Pope hee can by no wise be defended But such was the blindnesse then of the prelates in those daies who measured and estemed the dignity and liberty of Christes church by no other thing then only by goods and possessions flowing and abounding in the clergy and thought no greater point of religion to be in the church then to maintaine the same For the which cause they did most abhominably abuse christian discipline excommunication of the church at that time as by this foresaid Epistle may appeare And what maruaile if the acts and doings of this Archb. seeme now to vs in these daies both fond and strange seeing the suffraganes of his owne church clergy wryting to him could not but reprehend him as in this their Epistle tranflated out of Latin into English may be seene An effectuall and pithie letter full of reason and perswasion sent from all the Suffraganes of the Church of Cant to T. Becket their Archb. QVa Vertro pater in longinquo discessu inopinata rei ipsias noâitate turbata sunt Vestra
vp of your letter where ye bring in for your appellation against me a safegarde for you which rather in deede is an hinderance to you that we shoulde not proceede against the inuaders of the Churche goodes nor against the King in like censure as we haue done against the bishoppe of Salisburie as yee say and hys Deane To this I aunswere God forbidde that we haue or els shoulde heereafter proceede or do any thing against the king or his lande or against you or your Churches inordinately or otherwise then is conuenient But what if you shall exceede in the same or like transgression as the Byshoppe of Salesburie hath done thinke yee then your appellation shall helpe you from the discipline of our seueritie that ye shall not be suspended Marke yee diligently whether this be a lawful appeale and what is the forme thereof We knowe that euery one that appealeth eyther doeth it in his owne name or in the name of an other if in hys owne name either it is for some greeuance inferred alreadie or els for that he feareth after to be inferred against him Concerning the first I am sure there is no greuance that you can complaine of as yet God be thanked that you haue receiued at my hand for the which you should appeale froÌ me neither haue you I trust any cause speciall against me so to doe If ye doe it for feare that is to come least I shoulde trouble you and your Churches consider whether this be the appeale which ought to suspende or stay our power and authoritie that we haue vppon you and your Churches It is thought therefore of wise men and we also iudge no lesse your appeale to be of no force First for that it hath not the right forme of a perfect appellation and also because it is not consonante to reason and lacketh order and helpe of the lawe Furthermore if your appellation be in an other mans name either it is for the King as moste like it is or for some other If it be for the king than ye ought first to vnderstande that appellations are woont to be made to repell and not to inferre iniurie or to release such as be oppressed that they shoulde not be oppressed any more Wherefore if any man shall enter any appellation not trusting to the suretie of his cause but to delay the time that sentence be not geuen vpon him that appellation is not to be receaued For what state will there be of the Church if the libertie therof being taken away the goods of the Church spoyled the bishops driuen from their places or at least not receiued with full restitution of their goodes the inuaders and spoylers therof may defend themselues by appealing thereby to saue themselues from the penalty of their desert What a ruine of the Church will this be See what ye haue done and what ye say Be you noâ the vicares of Christ representing him in earth Is it not your office to correcte and bridle ill doers whereby they may cease to persecute the Church And is it not inough for them to be fierce to rage against the church but that you should take their part setting your selues against vs to the destruction of the church Who euer heard of so monstrous doings Thus it shall be heard and sayde of all nations and countries that the Suffraganes of the Church of Caunterburie which ought to stande with their Metropolitane vnto death in defence of the Churche nowe goe about by the kings commaundement so much as in them doth lie to suspend his autoritie least he shuld exercise his Discipline of correction vppon them that rebell against the Church This one thing I knowe that you cannot sustaine two sortes of persons at once both to be the appeale makers and to be appealed vp your selues You be they which haue made the appellation and you be they against whome the appellation is made Is there any more churches then one and the body of the same And howe meete were it than that you being the members of the Churche shoulde holde together with the heade therof I am afraide brethren least it may be sayde of vs These be the Priestes which haue sayde where is the Lorde and hauing the lawe doe not knowe the law Furthermore this I suppose you being discrete men are not ignoraunt of that such as enter any appellation there are not wont to be hearde vnlesse the matter of their appellation either belongeth to themselues or except speciall commaundement force them thereunto or else vnlesse they take an other mannes cause vpon them First that it belongeth nothing vnto you it is plaine for so muche as the contrary rather pertaineth to your duetie that is to punish and to correct all such as rebell against the Church And if he which subuerteth the libertie of the Churche and inuadeth the goodes therof conuerting them to his owne vse be not heard appealing for hys owne defence much lesse is an other to be heard appealing for him Wherefore as in this case neither he can appeale for himself not yet commaund you so to do so neither may you receiue the commaundement to appeale for him Thirdly as touching the taking of an other mannes cause or businesse vpon you to this I say and affirme that yee ought in no maner of wise so to doe specially seeing the matter pertaineth to the oppression of the Church and whereupon ensueth great damage to the same Wherefore seeing it neither appertaineth to you neither ought yee to receiue any such commaundement nor yet to take vppon you any such cause as that is your appeale is neither to be hard nor standeth with any lawe Is this the deuotion and consolation of brotherly loue which you exhibite to your Metropolitane being for you in exile God forgeue you this clemencie And how nowe will ye looke for your letters and messengers to be gently receiued heere of vs Neither doe I speake this as though there were any thing in hande betwixt your part and oures or that we haue done any thing inordinately against the person of the king or against his lande or against the persones of the Church or intende by Gods mercie so to doe And therefore we say briefly affirme constantly that our Lorde the king can not complaine of any wrong or iniurie to be done vnto him if he being often called vpon by letters and messengers to acknowledge his fault neither will confesse his trespasse nor yet come to any satisfaction for the same haue the censure of seueritie by the Pope and vs laide vpon him For no man can say that he vniustly is entreated whome the lawe doeth iustly punish And briefly to conclude knowe you this for certaine that extortioners inuaders detailners of the Church goodes and subuerters of the liberties therof neither haue any authoritie of the lawe to maintaine them neyther doth their appealing defend them c. ¶ A briefe Censure vpon the
dyed which was shortly after the birth of Fredericke committed the protection of him to Constantia his wife to Phillip his brother chiefe gouernour of Hetruria and to the Byshop of Rome then Innocentius the third Constantia not long after the death of Henry her husband being sickely and growing into age and thereby not so well able to gouerne the troubles and vnquiete state of the Empire resigned and willed by her testameÌt the safety both of her sonne Fredericke and also of his dominions to the protectioÌ and gouernment of Innocent 3. thinking thereby safely to haue prouided c. This pope Innocent assone as he had the protection of the young Emperor his Segniories became in stead of a patron and protector to him to hys dominions both an enemy and coÌspiratour The examples are many One is he perswaded Sibill the late wife of Tancredus whoÌ Henry put from the kingdome of Sicile to recouer the same agayne and that she should there unto require Phillip the French kinges ayde whereupoÌ one waltherus being of noble house of the Earles of Brenno which in the prouince of Barrencecis had great liuing and marying with Ateria the eldest daughter of Tacredus once king of Sicile as is said now by the instigation counsell ayd of the french king with the pope well hoping to recouer the kingdom entred and inuaded with great power Campania Apuha At which tyme also the same worthy protectour Innocentius the third sent his legates with letters of excoÌmunication agaynst all those that woulde not admit and take the sayd Waltherus for their king In other was that where the princes Electors and other nobles as before is sayd had promised by their othe to Henricus that they woulde make Fredericke hys sonne Emperor after his discease whoÌ the Pope saw to put their indenour therunto to bring it to passe absolued theÌ all froÌ the othe which they had taken and geuen for the election of Fredericke the Emperour as one not content he shoulde obtain the same And further he raysed slaunders and defamations agaynst Phillip whom the electors had chosen to gouerne the Empire during the minoritie of Frederick hys nephew He wrote hys Epistle which is yet extant to the Duke Barthold of Zaringia to be Emperor who for that he gaue place to Phillip he went about to procure that Otho the sonne of HeÌry Leo should be made Emperor the the Princes Lords electors of Germany wold crown him forthw t after the maner of Aquisgrane He depriued al such Bishops as he knew to fauour Phillip as Emperor in the defence of hys nephewes right But Phillip whose cause was better his skill in martial affayres greater in power strength mightier after diuers and great coÌflicts the maruellous disturbaunce and vastation of the whole Empire by Gods helpe put the other to the worse All which calamities and mischiefes Conradus Lichtenanus at that tyme liuing in his Annales most pitifully complayneth of and accuseth the Bishop of Rome and his adherentes to be the chiefe authors and deuisors of this great and lamentable mischiefe as such that for to make themselues rich by the spoyle thereof sought by all meanes and desired the same Not long after a peace was concluded betwene Phillip Otho and Phillip reconciled again to the pope who within a while after betwene Otho and him was murdered in his chamber and slayne And then was Otho agayn brought to the Imperiall seate and newe elected for Emperour with the counsell and consent of this Innocent the thyrd and so continued till that a great variaunce and discorde chaunced to ryse betweene the sayd Otho the pope Whereupon Innocentius soughe by all meanes howe agaynst him likewise hee might worke mischiefe and bring him to hys end The occasion of this sodayne chaunge and alteration my author maketh no mentioÌ of but that Otho now being of great power inuaded and destroyed these dominions of Frederick as Flamminia Picenum Umbria Hetruria but chiefly Campania and Apulia for that those properly appertayned to the inheritaunce of Fredericke Thus you see how first by the counsell and consent of Pope Innocentius and by his instigation besides his secret conspiracies this good Fredericke and hys domininions were hurt and indamaged Then agayne through his default what damage he sustayned by Otho who by him and hys meanes was made so strong as he was notwithstanding the great trust he was put in for the protection both of Fredericke and his dominions At this tyme. Fredericke was come to the age of xx yeares who in hys youth by the prouision of Constantia his mother was so well instructed in letters and in other artes and vertues so imbued that at these yeares there appeared and did shyne in hym excellent giftes both of wisedome and knowledge He was excellently well scene in the Latine Greeke tongues although at that time learning began to decay barbarousnes to encrease He had also the Germayn tong the Italian tongue and the Saracen tongue He day exercised and put in practise those vertues which nature had planted in him as pietie wisedome iustice and fortitude in so much that well he might be compared and accompted amongest the worthiest and most renowmed Emperours hys predecessours Fazellus the historician of Sicilia in this tyme writeth that Fredericus was agayne after this had in great honor and estimation with InnoceÌtius but yet notwithstanding he had no sure confidence in him for that he had the suspected name of Fredericke hys graundfather often in remembrance and for that occasion was much desirous to haue him farre from Italy When Fredericke had gathered his power he purposet to set vpon Otho his enemy of which thing Otho hearing as he was painfull in trauell came out of Italy with his army into Germany thinking to haue met Frederick at the riuer of Rhene and to haue stopped his passage but he was deceiued of his expectation and Fredericus was crowned as the maner of Aquisgrane is before he came And after that Fredericke in the winter tyme tooke hys iorny to Francosert and after many meetinges in Norico had and that Otho was dead he set the Empire in a stay and the whole couÌtry of Germany he in a maner appealed And then with all hys nobles and princes he returned to Rome and of Honorius the third was with great solemnitie consecrated and called Augustus whiche Honorius succeeded Innocentius 3. in the Papall Sea and was a great helpe to Fredericke although he loued hym not in this behalfe to reuenge hym selfe vpon Otho After the consecration of Fredericke the second he gaue many great and liberall giftes as well to the Byshop of Rome hymselfe as also to the court of Rome besides Also he gaue assured by his Charter to the Church of Rome the Dukedome of Fundanum For by the vnsatiable couetousnes of the Romish
and bridle him withall that peace thereby and loue might dwell vppon the face of the earth But alas the B. of Rome sitting in the chaire of peruerse doctrine or pestilence that Pharisee anoynted wyth the oyle of iniquitie aboue the rest of his consortes in this our time which for his abhominable pride is fallen from heauen indeuoureth with his power to destroy and vndoe all and thinketh I beleeue to stellifie againe himselfe there from whence hee fell Hys purpose is to darken and to shadowe the light of our vnspotted life whilest that altering the veritie into lies his Papall letters stuft with all vntruthes are sent into sondry partes of the world of his owne corrupt humor and vpon no reasonable cause blemishing the sinceritie of our Religion The Lord Pope hath compared vs vnto the beast rising out of the sea full of names of blasphemy and spotted like a Lyberd But we say that he is that moÌstrous beast of whom it is sayd and of whome we thus read And there shall come an other red horse out of the sea and hee that shall sit on him shall take peace away out of the earth let them therefore that dwell vpon the earth destroy him For since the tyme of hys promotioÌ he hath not ben the father of mercy but of discord A dilligent steward of desolation in stead of consolation and hath intised all the worlde to commit offence And to take the wordes in right sense and interpretation he is that great Dragon that dath deceiued the whole worlde hee is that Antichrist of whom he hath called vs the forerunner he is that other Balaam hired for money to curse vs the Prince of darcknes which hath abused the Prophetes This is the Aungel leaping out of the sea hauing his Phials fild with bitternes that he may both hurt the sea and the lande the counterfait Vicar of Christ that setteth forth hys owne imaginations He sayth that we doe not rightly beleue in the Christen fayth and that the world is deceiued with three maner of deceiuers which to name God forbid we should open our mouth seeing that openly we coÌfesse onely Iesus Christ our Lord and Sauiour to be the euerlasting sonne of God coequall with hys father and the holy Ghost begotten before all worldes and in processe of tyme sent downe vpon the earth for the saluation of mankinde Conceaued not by the seede of man but by the holy Ghost which was borne of the glorious virgin Mary after that suffered and dyed as touching the flesh and by hys Godhead the third day he raysed from death that other nature which he assumpted in the wombe of his mother But we haue learned that the body of Machomet hangeth in the ayre and that his soule is buryed in hell whose works are damnable contrary to the law of the most highest We affirme also that Moyses was the faythfull seruant of God and a true teacher of the law and that he talked with God in mount Sinay vnto whoÌ the Lord sayd Rubrum c. By whoÌ also God wrought miracles in Egipt and deliuered the law written to the Israelites that afterwards with the elect he was called to glory In these and other thinges our enemy and enuier of our state causing our mother the church to accuse her sonne hath written agaynst vs venemous and lying sclaunder and sent the same to the whole worlde If hee had rightly vnderstoode the Apostles meaning he woulde not haue preferred his violent will before reason which beareth such sway with him neither would he haue seÌt out his Mandates to the suggestion of those which call light darcknes and euill good whiche suspect hony to be gall for the great good opinion they haue coÌceaued of that holy place which in deed is both weak infirm coÌuerteth al truth into falshood affirmeth that to be that is not Truly my opinion so indifferent on euery side ought not in any case to be infringed and auerted from the fayth to such enemies of so corrupt a conscience Wherefore we greatly are inforced not a little to meruaile which thing also doth much disquyet vs to see that you which be the pillers and assistentes in office of righteous dealing the Senators of Peters Citie and the principal beames in Gods building haue not quallified the perturbation of so fierce a Iudge as doth the planets of heaueÌ in their kynd which to mittigate the passing swift course of the great orbe or sphere of heauen draw a contrary way by theyr opposite mouinges In very deed our Imperial felicitie hath bene almost euen from the beginning spurned agaynst and enueied at of the papall see and dignitie As Simonides being demanded why he had no mo enemies and enuiers of hys state answered and sayd quia nibil falsciter gessi for because sayth he I haue had no good successe in any thing that euer I tooke in hand And so for that we haue had prosperous successe in all our enterprises the Lordes name be blessed therefore especially in the ouerthrow of late of our rebellious enemies the Lombardes to whom in their good quarrell he promised life and absolution and remission of their sinnes is the cause wherefore this Apostolicall bishop mourneth and lamenteth And now not by your councels I suppose he laboureth to impugne this our felicitie but of hys owne power of bynding losing wherof he glorieth so much he impugneth it But presently where power and habilitie wanteth to redresse there doth abuse take place We see in hym which was so mighty a king and the worthiest prince amongst all the Prophetes to desire craue the restitution of Gods holy spirit when he had polluted the dignitie of hys office But the prouerbe is Vti indissolubilia non solnuntur ita inligabilia non ligantur As thinges indissoluble are not to be losed so thinges that cannot be bound are not to be bound Which thing manifestly is proued in him For why the scriptures of God doe instruct men how to liue they mortifie our soules whiche are immortall and quicken the same whiche are dead for want of lyfe And doubtles he is able to humble and bring downe those that are vnworthy of dignitie as much as him pleaseth and when him pleaseth Doubtlesse if the Byshop of Rome were a true Byshop indeed innocent impolute and not associate with wicked liuers and euill men his life should declare him so to be He would not then be an offerer of dissentious sacrifice but a peaceable offerer of loue charity would cense not with the incense of griefe hatred but with the sweet smelling incense of concord and vnity neither yet would alter suum pontificium in maleficium That is make of a sanctified office an execrable abuse If he were such a Byshoppe as he ought to be he would not wrest or abuse the preaching of the word into the fruite and gayne of his owne dissention neither
the city by the Barons and Citizens for the space of 40. dayes And Octobonus the Legate who for feare was fled into the Tower they narowly layd for that he shoulde not escape At length by the intreaty of the Earle of Gloucester and other Earles that were his friendes both the Barons and Cittizens were pardoned and admitted to the kinges fauour And 4. Byshops and 8. other noble men were chosen such as were at Couentry first nominated that they should order and dispose all matters betweene the King and suche as had lost theyr inheritaunce as also the forme of theyr peace and raunsome And proclamation was made vppon the feast of all Sainctes of perfect peace and record throughout al the Realme The 52. yeare of this king Henries raigue 8. daies after the feast of S. Martin he held a parliament at Marlberge in the yeare of our Lord aboue recited where by the aduise of wise and discrete men with all the consentes of the nobles he ordeined and enacted diuers good and profitable statutes for the reformation and bettering of the state of the realme execution of common iustice which are called the statutes of Marleberge The same yeare vpon S. Gregoryes day Octobonus the Legate called a Councell at London where were fine Archbishops and a great number of Byshops Abbots other Prelates which Councell also within three dayes brake vp agayne The same yeare vpon S. Iohns day the Baptist Edward the kinges sonne diuers other noble men of England took vpon theÌ the crosse by the legates hands at Northhampton to the reliefe of the holy land and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ which done the legate that same yeare weÌt out of England not purposing after that to returne agayne This holy Legate sayth mine author whiche might well bee resembled to Lynx the monstrous beast whose quicke sight penetrateth euery thing enrolled to perpetuall memorye the valuation of all the churches in the realme of England so narowly as by any meanes possible be might enquire the certainty thereof The same was he that made all the Cathedral Conuentuall Churches to pay pencions so that those Churches whiche gaue not the vacancie of their benefices to their Clerkes and straungers should pay vnto them a certein yearly pencion during the vacaÌcy of the benefices which they should haue The same yeare died Pope Clement 4. after whose death the Church of Rome was two yeares vacant then was chosen an archdeacon Cardinall whose name was Theardus as hee was taking hys iourny into the holy lande and called hym Gregory the 10. Then also dyd Edmunde Earle of Lancaster and Leicester and seconde sonne of king Henry take to wife the Earle of Albemark his daughter and the Niece of yâ Earle of Gloucester at whiche maryage was the king and the Queene and all the Nobilitie of England The same yeare was the body of S. Edward the king Confessour by Walter Gifford Archbishop of Yorke and other Bishops intombed in a new rich Schrine of golde and siluer beset with precious stones in the preseÌce of HeÌry the king of EnglaÌd In which yeare also fel great rayne and inundation of waters suche as hath not lightly bene seene which increased and continued the space of 40. dayes and more The same yeare died Walter de Lawile Bishop of Sarum the third day before the nones of Ianuary After whoÌ succeeded Robert of Northampton the Deane of the same Church And because the see of Cant. was then vacant he was confirmed by the Chapter of Canterbury whiche Chapter had alwayes the iurisdiction in spirituall causes during the vacancy of that see in as ample maner as the Byshop hymselfe had beyng aliue After thys the Byshop elect comming thither thinking to haue had hys consecration was notwithstanding put backe for two causes one was for that there was present then no more but one Byshop the other was for that all the other Bishops had appealed that he might not be consecrated to their preiudice that is by the authoritie of the Chapter of Cant. saying that they would not be vnder the obedience of the monks After this solempne Messengers were for this cause sent to the Cardinals of Rome for that then that see of Rome was vacant who receiued aunswere that during the vacation of that see the confirmation and consecration of the Byshop elect pertayned to the foresayd Chapter of Caunterbury The same yeare also was the Lord Henry the sonne heyre of the Lord Richard king of Almayne and brother to king Henry 2. slayne at Uiterbium in a certayne Chappel hearing Masse by the Lord SimoÌ and Buido the sonnes of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earle of Leister During this kinges raigne there was made a great generall expedition of diuers and sondry Christian princes to Ierusalem taking vpon them the Lords character that is the Crosse among whome was also Edward the kings sonne one to the which expeditioÌ was graunted him a subsidie throughout al the realme And the month of May the yeare of our Lord. 1270. or as sayth Florilogus an 1269. he set forward on his iourny About the time when Prince Edward was preparing his iourny toward Asia Boniface the Archbishop of Canterbury ended his life in the country of Sebaudia goyng belike to Rome or comming thence After whose death the Monks of Canterbury proceeding to a new election graÌted by the king agreed vppon the Prior of their house named Adam Chelendene But the king his sonne Prince Edward consenting and speaking in the behalfe of Robert Burnell theyr Chauncellour did sollicite the matter with the Monkes partly intreating partly threatning them to chuse the said Robert to be Archbishop Notwithstanding the Monkes being stoute woulde neyther relent to their curteous request nor yet bow to theyr boystrous threates but constantly persisting in their former election appealed from the king and prince to the Pope Prince Edward being now on his iourny and seing himselfe thus frustrated of the Monkes writeth backe to the king his father deuoutly praying and beseching in no wise to admit the election of the foresayd Monks And so passing to Douer with HeÌry the sonne of Rich. his vncle king of Romanes with their wiues tooke their passage in the month of August After this the Prior thus elected as is foretold but not admitted by the king to be Archbishop went vp to Rome In the meane tyme the Monkes in the absence of their elect ordayned one Geoffrey Pomenall to be theyr Official who seing himself aduaunced to that dignity bearing belike some old grudge agaynst the Prior of Douer caused him to be cited vp to appeare in the Chapter house of Canterbury The Prior of Douer seing this citation to be preiudiciall to him and to the Church of Douer whereas the Monkes of Cant. haue no such iurisdiction the see of
wisdome and fatherly loue The almighty preserue your holinesse to his holy church a long time These things thus discoursed and done then followed the yeare of our Lord 1304. In the which yeare about the natiuity of our lady came a garison of harnessed soldiours wel appointed sent partly by the French king partly by the Cardinals of Columpua whom the Pope before had deposed vnto the gates of AnraguÌ where the Pope did hide himself because he was borne in the towne The captains of which armie was one Shaira brother to the foresayde Cardinalles And an other William de Longarero high steward to the French king Who inuading the popes towne and finding the gates open gaue assault to the popes frontire where the Pope with his nephew a Marques and 3. other Cardinals were immured The townes men seeing all their intent strength to be bent against the Pope caused the common bel to be rong so assembling themselues in a coÌmon counsaile ordeined Adulphus one of the chiefest rulers of the towne for their captaine who vnknowing to them was a great aduersary to the Pope This Adulphus bringing with him Reginaldus de Supine a great lord in Campania the 2. sonnes of Iohn Chitan a noble maÌ whose father the pope had then in prison at length ioyned him with the French company against the Pope and so beset his palace on euery side And first setting vpoÌ the palacies of the 3. Cardinals which were then chiefe about the pope rifled spoiled all their goods The Cardinals by a backe-doore hardly auoided their handes but the Popes palace through munition strength of the Marques was something better defended At length the Pope perceiuing him selfe not able to make his partie good desired truce wyth Schaira his company which was to him grauÌted from one til nine During which time of truce the Pope priuily sendeth to the townesmen of Aruagium desiring them to saue his life which if they would doe he promised so to enrich them that they should all haue cause neuer to forget or repent their benefite bestowed To this they made answer againe excusing themselues yâ it lay not in their hability to do him any good for that the whole power of the towne was with the captaine Then the Pope all destitute desolate sendeth vnto Schaira beseeching him to draw out in articles wherin he had wronged him and he wold make hym amends to the vttermost Shaira to this maketh a playne answer signifying to him againe that he should in no wise escape with his life except vppon these 3. conditions First to restore againe the 2. Cardinals of Columpna his brethren whom he had before depriued with al other of their stocke and kinred secondly that after their restitution he should renounce his papacie thirdly his body to remaine in hys power custody These articles seemed to the pope so hard that in no case he woulde agree vnto them wherefore the time of truce expired the captaines soldiors in all forceable meanes bending themselues against the bishop first fired the gates of the pallace wherby the army hauing a full entrance fel to rifle spoile the house The Marques vpon hope to haue his life the life of his children yealdeth him to the hands of Schaira the other captaine which when the Pope heard he wept and made great lamentation After this through windowes and doores at length with much a doe they brast into the pope whome they intreated wyth words threats accordingly VpoÌ this he was put to his choise whether hee woulde presently leaue his life or geue ouer his Papacie But that he denied stifly to doe to die for it saying to them in his vulgar toÌgue Eccle col eccle cape That is lo here my necke lo here my head protesting that he would neuer while he liued renounce hys Popedome Then Schaira went about and was redy to slay him but by certaine that were about him he was staide whereby it hapned that the pope receiued no harme although diuers of his ministers and seruants were slaine The souldiors which ranged in the meane time through all the corners of the Popes house did lade themselues with such treasure of golde siluer plate and ornaments that the wordes of my autor whom I follow do thus expresse it Quod omnes reges mundi non possent tantum de thesauro reddere infia vnum annum quantum fuit de papali palatio asportatum de palatijs trium Cardinalium Marchionis That is that all the kings of the earth together were not able to disburse so much out of their treasury in a whole yeare as then was taken caried out of the popes pallace and of the pallace of the three Cardinals and the Marques Thus Boniface bereued of all his goodes remained in their custodie 3. daies Duryng the which space they had set him on a wilde and vnbroken colte his fate turned to the horse taile causing the horse to runne and course while the Pope was almost breathlesse Moreouer they kept him so wythout meate that hee was thereby neare famished to death After the 3. day the Aruagians and people of the town mustering themselues together to the number of x. M. secretely brast into the house where the Pope was kept and so slaying the kepers deliuered the Pope by strong hand Who then being brought into the middle of the towne gaue thankes with weeping teares to the people for his life saued promising moreouer that for so much as hee was out of all hys goodes hauyng neither bread nor drink to put in his mouth gods blessing and his to al them that now would relieue him wyth any thing either to eate or drinke And heere nowe to see what pouertie and affliction can worke in a man The Pope before in all his pompe most ruffling wealth was neuer so proud but nowe was as humble lowly that euery poore simple man as mine author testifieth might haue a bolde and free accesse to his person To make the story shorte the Pope in that great distresse of famine was not so greedy of their vitails as they were gredy of his blessing Whereupon the women people of the towne came so thicke some with bread some with wine some with water some with meat some with one thing some with an other that the Popes chamber was too litle to receiue the offring in so much that when there lacked cups to receiue the wine they poured it downe on that chamber flore not regarding the losse of wine to win the popes holy blessing Thus Pope Boniface being refreshed by the towne of Aruagum tooke his iourney from thence accompanied with a great multitude of harnessed soldiors to Rome where he shortly vpon the same partly for feare which he was in partly for famine partly for sorrow of so inestimable treasure lost died After whom succeded Benedictus the 11. of
gouernement of both the states as well secular as also ecclesiasticall The king therfore not suffering the excessiue proceedinges of Pope Clement the 5. aboue specified directeth his letters mandatory to the Prelates and Barons of the realme of FrauÌce to conneÌt assemble themselues together at Paris about the beginning of December the yeare aboue prefixed The tenor of which letters of the king directed to the Prelates followeth in this forme and maner ¶ The Sommons of a Parliament by Philip the French king PHilip by the grace of God king of Fraunce to our welbeloued Bishop of Eduens greeting and salutation Reuerend Father in God right trusty and welbeloued we greete you well The more sight and knowledge you haue in diuinitye and the holye Scriptures of God with the practise and experience of other good qualityes and vertues you know the better a great deale how that the Clergy and layty of this our Realme as members of one body ought to cleaue and sticke together and how by theyr helping hand vnity and peace should bee maynetayned of all and the contrary eschued and auoyded euery state conteÌting it selfe not incroching one vpon another And because we are aduertised how that our Barons and officers as well in time past as of late haue diuersly in diuers poyntes iniuried you as semblably you and yours in many causes haue wrongfullye damaged them by occasion wherof the knot of vnitie and concord which ought to haue florished among you is quite loosed and vndone To the end therefore by Gods grace some good reformation and redresse may be had herein We most studious of vnity and concord requere you and by these our letters commauÌd you to appeare personally before vs at Paris the 15. day of DeceÌber next ensuing the dare hereof and there before vs to make relation of such wrong as ye haue receiued at the laities haÌds And wee likewise straightly charge and commaund you our Barons Bailiffes and officers not to fayle but to make your personall appearaunces before vs the day and place aboue written there to exhibite before vs a bill of such complayntes wherewith you burden our Prelats and Clergy with their officials that we with our counsell consulting thereupon with due regard may see redresse therin wherby perpetuall loue and charity may euer hereafter raigne and remayne among them for euer Geuen at Paris the first day of September an 1329. At the day in the letters aboue specified the Prelates and Clergy assembled themselues before the King at hys palace in Paris that is to witte The L. Baturicen the L. of Auxitan the L. Turonen the L. Rothom and the L. Senon all Archbishops The L. Beluaren the L. Cathalan the L. Laudun the L. of Paris the L. Nousonon the L. Carnoten the L. Constan the L. Andegauen the L. Pictauen the L. Melden the L. of Cameracen the L. of S. Feri the L. Brioce the L. of Cabition the L. of Eduen all Byshops Where after due reuerence done vnto the Kinges grace there sitting in his owne person wyth his Barons and counsell about him a certayne noble and wise person Lord Peter de Cugnerijs being one of the kinges counsell rose vp and openly in the Parliament house spake in the kinges behalfe on this wise taking for hys Theame Reddite quae sunt Caesaris Caesari quae sunt Dei Deo which is to say geue and render vnto Cesar whiche is his and vnto God which is Gods which he uery artificially prosecuted and applyed deuiding it into 2. partes First that obedience and reuerence is due vnto the king Secondly that there ought to be a difference betweene the iurisdiction of the clergy and laity so that spirituall matters should be defined and ordered by the Prelats and spirituall men and temporall causes ruled and determined by the king his Barons and temporall men Which all he proued by many reasoÌs both of fact and law as more fully appeareth beneath in the answere of the Byshop of Eduen finally he concluded that the Clergy ought onely to deale and haue to doe with spirituall matters in defence whereof the kings highnes would stand their good Lord and maintayner His Oration being ended he repeated certayn wordes in the French toung which imported that the kinges will and pleasure was in some poyntes to renew the temporall state and iurisdiction therewith exhibited a certaine bill in French whereof also he gaue a copy to the Prelates contayning certaine pointes and articles vnder writteÌ the contentes wherof he affirmed not to appertaine to the order iurisdiction of the spiritualty but onely to the temporalty complayning that the Clergy had wroÌgfully proceeded in yâ same But notwithstanding the premisses for all this his complaint he sayd that yâ Prelates should haue time to consult and deliberate thereupoÌ with the king The copy of which articles with answers ensuing vpon the same and the grieuaunces of the kingdome of Fraunce wrought by the clergy and exhibited to the king hereafter foloweth 1. First the cognition of causes reall whether they touch possession or their propriety or not by commoÌ law apperteineth to yâ iurisdicion temporall But the Prelates wyth their officials to yâ end to infringe the teÌporall iurisdiction take vpon them the determination of such causes reall especially concerning possession and all other interdictes 2. Item when a temporall man is sued by any Clerke or spirituall man for the possession of his land obtayning an adiornament of the secular power in the cause of nouite or otherwise The prelates officials stopping hereby the teÌporall iurisdiction at the instaunce of the Clerke calleth by proces before them both the secular iudge and the party inhibiting them to proceed any farther in the cause vnder payne of excommunication and forfeiture of a certayne summe 3. Item although the secular iudge haue the cognition of all lay mens matters except in spirituall causes yet wil yâ Bishops Officials at the instaunce of any partye call such before them And if the teÌporall meÌ do except against their iurisdiction alleadging the incompitency of the iudge or els if they require the cause to be remitted to them vnder whom they are as the right iudges yet doth the Officials refuse this to do yea and by excommunication compell the parties to proceed before them 4. Item the Byshoppes Officials at the instaunce of the clerks alledging that they are iniuried in matters of inheritance by a lay man call by proces the laity And if it be alledged that those causes stand vpoÌ reality being so indeed for that consideration the cause to be remitted to the teÌporall law This notwithstanding the Officials prohibit them vnder payne of excommunication or some great forfeit not to proceed but before them 5. Item the Bishops Officials take vpon them to heare the plea of such contractes as either be conceiued in writings or made by word of mouth in the temporall law
none of them whom he could there finde so he neuer ceased all hys life after to enquire out and to be reuenged of all suche as had bene in any part or consenting to that matter For the which his extreme and implacable tyranny he was in such hatred of all the people that as he sayd he could not fynde one of all the commons to take his part when need required Among all other which were for that matter troubled was one Adam Byshop of Hereford who being unpeached of treason with other moe was at length arested in the Parliament to appeare and answere to that should be to him obiected Many thinges there were layde agaynst him for taking part with them that rose agaynst the Kyng with matters moe and haynous rebukes c. Whereunto the Byshop a great while aunswered nothing At length the Byshop clayming the liberties and priuiledges of the Church answered to the king in thys form The due reuerence of your Princely maiesty euer saued Ego Sanctae Ecclesiae Dei minister humilis membrum eius Episcopus consecratus licèt indignus ad tam ardua nequeo respódere nee debeo absque D. Cant. Archiepiscopi post summum pontificem mei directi iudicis cuius etiam sum suffraganeus autoritate aliorum parium meorum Episcoporum consensu That is I an humble minister and member of the holy Churche of God and Byshop consecrate albeit vnworthy cannot neither ought to answere to these so hye matters without the authoritie of the Archbishop of Caunterbury my direct iudge next vnder the high Bishop of Rome whose suffâagane also I am and the consent likewise of the other my fellow Bishops After which wordes by him pronounced the Archbishop and other Byshops with him were ready to make humble intercession for hym to the king and did But when the king would not be wonne nor turned with any supplication the sayd Byshops together to the Archbishop and the Clergy comming with their crosses tooke him away challenging him for the Churche without any more answere making charging moreouer vnder the censures of the Churche and excommunication none to presume to lay any further handes vpon him The king moued with thys boldnes and stoutnes of the clergy coÌmandeth notwithstanding to proceede in iudgement and the iury of 12. men to go vppon the enquiry of his cause who finding and pronouncing the Bishop to be gilty the kyng caused immediately al his goods possessioÌs to be coÌfiscate vnto himselfe moreouer made hys plate and all his housholde prouision to be throwne out of his house into the streete but yet he remained so stil vnder the protection and defence of the Archbishop c. This Archb. was Walter Winchelsey after whom succeeded Simon Mepham in the same see of Caunterbury an 1327. Ex Thom. Walsingham After pope Clement the 5. by whose decease the Romish see stood vacant as ye heard two yeares and 3. moneths next was elected Pope Iohn 22. a Cistercian monke who fare in that papacy 18. yeares He was stout and inflexible geuen so much to the heaping of riches that he proclaymed them heretickes whiche taught that Christ and hys Apostles had no possessions of theyr owne in thys world At this time was Emperour Ludonicus Bauarus a worthy man who with this Pope and other that folowed hym had no lesse contention then had Fredericus before mentioned in the time of king Henry the thyrd Insomuch that this contention and variaunce continued the space of 24. yeares The cause and first origene of this tragical conflicte rose vpon the constitution of ClemeÌt the 5. predecessor to this pope by whom it was ordayned as is afore meÌtioned that Emperours by the Germayne Princes elected might be called kinges of the Romaynes but might not inioy the title or right of the Empyre to bee nominated Emperour without theyr confirmation geuen by the Pope Wherefore this foresayd Emperour because he vsed the emperiall dignitie in Italy before he was authorised by the pope the sayd Pope therefore excommunicated the Emperour And notwithstanding the Emperoure oftentimes did profer himself to make intreaty of peace and coÌcorde yet the Pope inflexible woulde not bend The writinges of both partes yet be extant wherein the sayd Byshop doth make his auaunt that he had full power to treat and depose kinges and Emperours at his pleasure In the same time were diuers learned men which seeing the matter did greatly disalow the Bishop of Romes doynges among whome was Guillerne Ocham whose tractations were afterward condemned by the Pope for writing agaynst the temporall iurisdiction of theyr see And an other named Marselius Patauius which wrote the booke intituled Defensor pacis geuen vp to the handes of the sayd Emperour wherein the controuersie of the Popes vnlawful iuiurisdiction in things temporall is largely disputed the vsurped authoritie of that see set forth to the vttermost It is found in some wryters that a great cause of this variaunce first began for that one of the Emperours secretaries vnknowing to the Emperour in certayne of hys letters had likened the Papal see to the beast rising out of the sea in the Apocalips At length when the Emperour after much sute made to the pope at Auinion could not obtayne his coronation comming to Rome was there receaued with great honour where he with his wife were both crowned by the full consent of all the Lordes and Cardinals there and moreouer an other pope there set vp called Nicholas the fift After which thinges done the Pope not long after departed at Auinion in France after whom succeeded then Benedictus 12. a monke of Benedicts order and rayned 7. yeares Who by the counsayle of Phillip the French kyng confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursinges that Iohn his predecessour had published agaynst Lewes the Emperour Moreouer depriued him of his Emperiall Crowne and also of hys Dukedome of Bauaria The Emperour vpon this commeth to Germany and assembling the Princes electors Dukes Bishops Nobles and the learned in a councel at Francford there declared before them out of the auncient lawes and customes of the Empire how it standeth onely in the Princes Electours and in none other to elect the k. or the Emperors of the Romaines for in both these names was no difference so that the same Electors in chusing the king of the Romaynes did also elect and chuse the Emperour whiche Emperour so by them constitute had lawfull right without any information of the Apostolicall see to exercise the administration of the Empyre And if he were lawfully elect ought to be annoynted of the Romayne Byshop which if hee doe refuse then might hee be annoynted and declared Emperour and Augustus by any other Catholicke Bishoppe thereunto appoynted as by the olde maner and custome hath bene especially seeing these iniunctions are but certaine soleÌnities added and inuented by the bishops onely for a token of vnitie betweene the church
the Englishmen calling them cowards dastards with many such approbrious words tending to that effect The king not knowing whereunto the words of the foole did appertayne asked the foole why he called the Englishmen such weakelings and cowards c. why sayth the foole Because the fearefull and cowardly Englishmen had not the hartes to leape into the sea so lustely as our Normands Gentlemen of Fraunce had Whereby the French kyng began to vnderstand the victory of his part to be lost and the EnglishmeÌ to be victorers This victory atchieued the fame therof spreading abroad in England first was not beleued till letters thereof came from the king to Prince Edward his sonne being then at Waltham directed to the bishops prelates of the realme the effect of which letters here followeth vnder written THe bountifull benignitie of Gods great clemency powred vpon vs of late for your true certification and reioycing we thought good to intimate vnto you It is not vnknowne we suppose to you and to other our faythfull subiectes which also haue bene partakers with vs of the same with what stormes of boysterous warres of late we haue bene tossed and shaken as in the great Ocean But although the rising surgies of the sea be merueilous yet more merueilous is the Lord aboue who turning the tempest into calme in so great daungers so mercifully hath respected vs. For where as we of late did ordaine our passage vpon vrgent causes into Flaunders the Lord Phillip de Valoys our bitter enemye vnderstanding thereof layd agaynst vs a mighty nauy of ships entending thereby eyther to take vs or at least to stop our voyage Which voyage if it had bene stayd it had bene the cutting of of all the great enterprises by vs intended and taken in hande moreouer we our selues brought to a great confusion But the God of mercies seing vs so distressed in such perils and dangers hath gratiously aud beyond mans expectation sent to vs great succour strength of fighting souldiours and a prosperous wynde after our owne desires By the meanes and helpe whereof we set out of the hauen into the seas where we estsoones perceaued our enemies well appointed and prepared with a mayne multitude to set vpon vs vpon midsommer day last past Agaynst whome notwithstansting Christ our Lord and Sauiour hath rendered to vs the victory through a strong and vehement conflict In the which conflict a mighty number of our enemies were destroyed and well neare all theyr whole Nauy was taken with some losse also of our part but nothing like in comparison to theirs By reason whereof we doubt not but our passage by the seas hereafter shal be more quiet and safe for our subiectes and also many other commodities shall ensue therof as we haue good cause to hope well of the same For which cause we deuoutly considering the heauenly grace so mercifully wrought vpon vs do render most humble thankes praise to Christ our Lord and sauior Beseeching him thar as he hath ben and alwayes is ready to preuent our necessities in time of oportunitie so he will continue hys helping hand euer towardes vs so to direct vs here temporally that we may raigne and ioy with him in heauen eternally And in like sort we require your charitie that you also with vs rising vp to the prayse of God alone who hath begon so fauourably to worke with vs to our goodnesse in your prayers and deuine seruice do instantly recommend vs vnto the Lord traueiling here in these foreigne countries and studying to recouer not onely our right here in Fraunce but also to aduaunce the whole Catholicke Churche of Christ and to rule our people in iustice And that also ye call vpon the Clergy and people euery one through his diocesse to do the same inuocating the name of our Sauiour that of hys mercy he will geue to vs his huÌble seruaunt a docible hart so to iudge and rule hereupon rightly doing that which he hath commaunded that at length we may attaine to that which he hath promised c. Which letter was written to the Byshops and prelates an 1340. After this foresayd victory vpon the sea newes therof with due thanks to our Sauiour sent into England the Kyng striking into Flaunders came to Gaunt in Brabaute where hee had left the Queene who ioyfully receaued him being a little before purified or churched as we terme it of her fourth sonne whose name was Iohn and commonly called Iohn of Gaunt and was Erle of Richmonde and Duke of Lancaster At Uillenorth the king assembled his councell whereat the noble men of Fraunce Brabant and Hennalt conioyning together in most firme league the one to helpe and defend the other with the king of England agaynst the French king purposing and determining from thence to march toward Turncy it to besiege But the French king vnderstanding theyr counsell fortified and victualed the same before theyr comming thither Furthermore the sayd Frenche king the same tyme to stop the sige of king Edward sent with king Dauid of Scotland a great power to that intent to make inuasioÌ in England thereby the sooner to cause the king to remoue hys siege In the meane time while king Edwarde wrote his letters to Philip de Ualous making vnto him certain requestes as in the same his letters here folowing is to be seen who for the he wrote not vnto him as K. of France but by the name of Philip de Ualous refused to answer him touching the same as by their letters here placed may be seene * The letter of the king of England to Phillip de Valous the French king goyng to the siege of Turney PHillip de Valous of long time we haue gently requested you by our Embassadours by all the reasonable meanes we might to that intent you should haue rendered vnto vs our lawful right and inheritaunce to the crowne of Fraunce which from vs a long time you haue by great wrong and force deteined And for that we well perceaue you meane to perseuere in the same your purpose and iniurous detinue without making any reasonable aunswere to our demaund We let you vnderstand that we are entred into the country of Flaunders as the soueraigne Lord of the same and so passe through the country and further signifie vnto you how that by the helpe of our Sauiour Iesus Christ and our righteous cause therein and with the power of the sayd country our people and allyes we purpose to recouer the right which we haue to that inheritaunce you deteine from vs by your iniurious force and therefore approche we towardes you to make a shorte end of this our rightfull challenge if you also will doe the like And for that so great an host asseÌbled which we bring with vs on our part supposing you also on the other part to doe the like cannot loÌg remayne together without great destruction both to our people and country
which thing euery good Christian ought to eschue especially Princes and others which haue the gouernment of the same auoyding by as short an end as may be the mortality of christen men according as the quarrell is apparaunt betweene you and me For the which causes here touched let the challenge if you thinke meete betweene our own persons and bodyes discussed that the great Nobillitie and prowesse of each other may of euery one be seene And if you refuse this way then let there to finish this challenge be an hundreth of the best souldiours you can chuse out of your part matched with so many of our liege subiects to try the same And if of these two wayes you refuse both the one the other then that you will assigne vnto vs a certain day before the town of Turnay to fight with vs power agaynst power which may be within ten dayes next insuing after the date of these our letters offering the sayd conditions vnto you aboue specified as we would all the world to know and vnderstand not vppon anye orgoile presumption or pride we take therein but for the causes before alledged and to the end that the will of our sauiour Iesus Christ betwixt vs two herein declared and shewed rest and peace might grow amongst Christen men The power and force of gods enemies abated and in fine the limites of Christianitie enlarged and enfranchised And therefore hereupon consider with your selfe what way you will take concerning our foresayd offers and by the bearers of these our letters send vnto vs herein quicke and speedy aunswere Geuen vnder our great seale at Chyn in the playne of Leece the xxvii day of this present month of July * The aunswere of the Lord Phillip de Valois vnto the letter aforesayd PHillip by the grace of God king of Fraunce to Edward king of England We haue seene the letters whiche you haue sent vnto our Court to Phillip de Valois wherein are contayned certayne requestes which you make to the sayd Phillip de Valois But for that the sayd letters come not as directed vnto vs neyther yet the sayd requestes seeme to be made vnto vs which thing clearely by the tenour of the sayd letters appeareth we therefore write vnto you no aunswere touching the same Notwithstanding this suffiseth that we vnderstand by the said letters of yours as also otherwaies that you are entred into our Realm of Fraunce to the great damage both vnto vs our realme and people more proceeding of wil then reason not regarding that which a liege man ought to do vnto his Lord. For you are entred into our homage by you lieged vnto vs acknowleging your self as reasoÌ is a liege maÌ vnto the king of France and haue promised vnto vs such obeisance as men are wont to do vnto their liege Lordes as more plainly by your letters pateÌts appeareth ensealed with your great seale the which we haue with vs for the which thing we will you to vnderstande that our purpose is when it shal seme good vnto vs to driue you out of our realme to the honor both of vs and our kingdome and to the profité and commodity of our people And this thing to do we haue firme and assured hope in Iesus Christ from whome we haue all our power and strength For by your vnreasonable demaund more wilful then reasonable hath bene hindred and staide the holy voyage to those partes of beyonde the seas where a great number of Christen men haue bene slaine the deuine seruice diminished and the seruice of the churche lesse reuerenced And as touching that where you say ye intende to haue the obeysance of the Flemmings we thinke and beleeue that the good people and commons of that country will behaue themselues in such sort toward our Cosin the Countes of Flaunders their Ladie as it be not their reproche and to vs their soueraigne Lorde they will respect their honour and loialty And that thing wherein they haue done otherwise then well hitherto hath beene by the euill counsaile of such people as neither regarde the weale publike nor honour of their countrey but their owne onely gaine and commoditie Geuen in the fielde neere adioyning to the Priorie of S. Andrew vnder our priuie Seale in absence of our great Seale the 30. day of Iuly An. 1340. Mention was made a little before of Dauid King of Scots whome the French king had supported and stirred vp against the king and realme of England which Dauid with the aide of the Scots and Frenchmen did so muche preuaile that they recouered almost againe al ScotlaÌd which before he had lost and was coÌstrained to liue in the forrest of Gedworth many yeres before Then inuaded they Enland came with their armie wasting and burning the countrey before them till they came as farre as Durham then returned againe into Scotland where they recouered all their holdes againe sauing the towne of Barwike Edenborough they tooke by a stratageme or subtile deuise practised by Douglas certaine other who apparaising themselues in poore mens habites as vitailers with corne and prouender other things demanded the porter early in the morning what neede they had thereof who nothing mistrusting opened the outward gate where they shoulde tary til the Captaine rose and perceiuing the Porter to haue the kaies of the inward gate threw downe their sackes in the outward gate that it might not be shut againe slewe the Porter taking from him the kaies of the towne Then they blew their horne as a warning to the bandes which priuily they had laid not farre off who in hastie wise comming finding the gates ready opened entred vpon the sodaine and killed as many as them resisted and so obtained againe the citie of Edenborough The Scots thus being busie in England the Frenche king in the meane season gathered together a puissaunt power purposing to remoue the siege froÌ Turnay and among other sent for the king of Scots who came to hym with great force besides diuers other noble men of France in so much that the French king had a great army thought himselfe able inough to raise the siege and thither bent his host But the French K. for al this his foresaid huge power force durst not yet so neare approch the king as either to geue him battaile or els remoue his siege but kept him self with his army aloofe in a sure place for his better defence And notwithstanding the king of England wasted burnt spoiled and destroyed the couÌtry 20. miles in maner compasse about Turnay and tooke diuers and sundry stronge townes and holds at Ortois Urles Greney Archis Odint S. Amand and the towne of Lisâe where he slewe aboue 300. men of armes and about S. Omers he slue and kild of noble men the Lorde of Duskune of Maurisâelou of Rely of Chastillion of Melly of Fenis of Hamelar of Mounfaucon and other Barons to the number of 14. and
for that we had left so long vncorrected the insolencie of the byshops and other officers that if remedy in these cases were not had with spede they wold withdrawe themselues from our allegeance and the couenaunt which they had sworne vnto to the vtter subuersion of our kingdome our perpetuall ignominie and the euerlasting shame of our English nation which God our most mercifull father forbid shoulde come to passe in our daies in whom is fixed immoueably the anchor of our hope Whereuppon entending the due correction of our officers we remoued from offices as semed good to our wisdome diuers persons whom we suspected in causes euideÌt of euil administration of iustice of subuersion and oppressioÌ of our subiects of corruption of bribes and other hainous offences Others also of inferiour degree offending in the premisses we caused to be deteined in safe custody least by their liberty iustice might be troden vnder foote and the inquisition of the trueth concerning the premisses not to come to light Forasmuche therefore as the knowledge of the trueth in these cases might of none more certainly be knowen then from the secrete brest of our sayd Archbishop for that nothing pertaining to our information ought to lie hid from him vnto whome of so long a time had bene committed the administration of our whole common weale and summe of our businesse Wee sent vnto him our faithfull subiect Nicholas de Cantilupe with special commandement from vs all delayes set a part that he should forthwith make his personall appearance before vs at our City of London But he as one alwaies timerous as wel in prosperity as in aduersity and fearing where no feare was vntruely alleageth that some of our assistents had threatned hym and laid wait for his life if at any time he departed froÌ the Church of Cant. which God wee take to witnesse and a pure conscience wee neuer meant nor any of our assistents Wee suppose he touched thereby our Cousin although to all other aswell of the cleargy as comminalty through his malicious misdemeanors he was become odious Wherfore intending the safegarde of our subiects by letters or otherwise called before vs we appoynted our trustie and welbeloued Rasse Stafforde our Harbynger to offer vnto hym safeconducte and moreouer to present vnto him our letters patentes vnder our seale willing and commanding him therby againe personally to come before vs that we might be enformed what of so long a time hee had done touching the affaires of the kyngdome Wherunto contemning our commanndement gentle request he answereth that neither he wold in person appeare neither yet in any matter conferre wyth vs except it were in a full Parliament which for diuers reasonable causes coulde not then be called Thus may you see this archb whom our royal benignity had amplified wyth large honours admitted into all familiarity receiued into the bonde of vnnimitie and frendship vpon whome as on a father our whole hope did consist who so long as wee accomplished his will in all things pretended towardes vs a face of counterfet loue cloaked wyth dissembling beneuolence euen as though he had bene a louing father howe cruelly against reason he hath now forsaken vs requiting benefits with ingratitude oppressing his benefactour wyth the arrogancie of feare and finally according to the vulgare prouerbe rewarded vs as a horse in a satchell a Snake in a mannes bosome and fire cherished next the skinne rewardeth their receiuers When we were first exalted vnto the throne of our kingdome descended vnto vs by right of inheritaunce Gods diuine prouidence so working we thought and alwayes thinke it a detestable thyng to abuse so high authoritie but rather desire to gouerne wyth clemencie leuitie and moderation of iustice that peace of all men desired might firmely take place Neuerthelesse our sayde Archbyshop hath gone about to defame our innocencie and the fidelitie and diligence our faithfull counsailers prosecutours of true iustice openly declaring in hys letters patent and publishing abroade in diuers places that hee was oppressed by the kings power contrary to iustice the Clergy and comminaltie confounded and the church ouer charged wyth diuers grieuous taxes exactions He subtilly vsurped the name of a good pastour when in deede he was nothing lesse but rather as it should seeme by his owne coÌfession and the common opinion had of him a very hireling He cloked his craftie subtilnesse with the zeale of defending the Churche although he hymselfe in very deede was the onely cause by his euill counsaile and craftie deuises of the tribulations of the same Hee also fained that not long agoe certaine wrytings were brought vnto him to be sealed containing in effect the defence and excusation of all such in generall that were violaters of the liberties of the Churche hoping thereby to defame the opinion had of vs and our faythfull counsailours to stirre vp sedition amongst the people and finally to withdrawe from vs the hearts of our nobilitie Hee gaue commaundement by hys letters that these things shoulde be proclaimed in all places of great resorte by diuers speciall articles contrary to his former order in his prouinciall Councel Wherefore respecting the integritie of our fame entending to preuent the malice of the sayde Archbishoppe and also to decline from vs the snares prepared for vs and ours wee haue thought good at thys present ouer besides those which before are rehersed amongst so many which wee omitte to declare vnto you some of hys peruerse and wicked actes When in our minoritie wee were constituted ouer our dominions hee caused vs through hys vnaduised counsaile and rash perswasion therby to winne excesiue fauour to geue away so many wastfull giftes and so many vnlawfull alienations that nowe by meanes thereof our treasury is cleane consumed the reuenewes of our Exchequer without all order dimished and he corrupted with bribes innumerable Oftentimes also without cause why when neither necessitie nor vtilitie so required onely through his perswasion wee forgaue diuers men great summes of money due vnto vs yea and the rents and reuenewes which ought to haue bene conserued for our necessitie and profite we applied to the vse of his frendes largely bestowing vppon such as euill deserued it Moreouer accepting aswell persones as money contrary to our minde and hys othe of fidelitie made vnto vs he admitted vnto publique offices throughout our dominions persones vnworthy neglecting those that had well deserued Many other things he rashly tooke in hand to the detrimeÌt of our state the hurt of our dignitie royall and no smal dammage of our subiectes by abusing his authoritie office committed vnto him But if he persist in his proude obstinacie and stout rebellion wee shall heereafter in conuenient time and place cause it to be more openly knowen willing and commaunding you to publish and cause to be published all and singular the premisses openly and distinctly in places where you shall thinke it
is now lately dead and the maister here of the Dominike Friers is not now present Wherfore we dare not determine in such a weighty cause touching the priuileges of our order without the presence of them And ther fore we desire you of the Uniuersity to holde vs therin excused and not to be so lightly stirred against vs for we are not the worst and vilest part of the Uniuersity c. The next day being the 8. day of the same moneth whithe is also dedicate to the conception of our Ladye vpon which day it was determined likewise that one of the dominicke Friers should preach in the Church of the Franciscane or gray Friers and so he did tending to the same end as the other frier in the other church had done before Whereby it may seeme the prouerb well aunswered vnto whereof we read in the Gospell Facti sunt amici Herodes Pilatus in ipsa die It was not long after that the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle folowed in whose Uigile all the heads of the Uniuersity againe were warned the third day after to congregate together in the Church of S. Bernard at the sermon time Which being done and the assembly meeting together an other SermoÌ was made by a Diuine of the Uniuersity whose theame was Prope est Dominus omnibus inuocantibus eum in veritate c. Wherein he with many words and great authorities argued agaynst them that woulde not be obedient vnto theyr Prelats c. The sermon being ended then rose vp againe the Bishop Ambianensis who prosecuting the rest of the Theame and comming to the word in veritate deuided it in three parts according to the common glose of the decretals Est verum vitae doctrinae iusticiaeque Primum semper habe duo propter scandala linque Shewing and declaring by many authorities both of canonicall scriptures and out of the law and by euideÌt demonstratioÌ of experience that the Friers first had no verity of life because they were full of hypocrisy neither had they verity of doctrine because in their hart they bare gall and in theyr toung hony neither verity of iustice because they vsurped other mens offices And thus concluding with the same caused agayn to be read the sayd priuileges with the constitution aboue specified And so expouÌding place by place did argue and proue that the sayd constitution in no part was euacuat or infringed by that priuilegies aforesayd Which thing being declared he added moreouer that where as the Friers say sayd he that I should be present in the obteining of the priuileges I graunt it to be true when word came to me thrise thereof I went to the Pope reclayming requiring the sayd priuileges to be renoked But the next day after it so pleased the Pope to send me out abroad vpon weighty affayres so that then the matter had no end After that we sent also other messengers with our letters for the same cause vnto the Court of Rome whom the Friers say not to haue preuailed but they lye therein For the sayd messengers agayne brought vs letters from the chief of the court of Rome sealed with their seales which letters we haue diuers times presented to our king wil shortly shew them vnto you all In the which letters the Lord Pope hath promised the sayd priuiledges either to be vtterly abrogate or els to be mitigated with some more playnely interpretation of the which we trust shortly to haue the publicke Bulle or writ from the Pope At last the sayd Bishop required desired of all there of what Dioces or countrey so euer they were that they would copy out the foresayd priuiledges and send them abroad into their couÌtries that all men might see what they were and how far they did exteÌd In fine the matter comming into open disputation it was coÌcluded by M. Giles one of the Austine Friers who was thought to be most reasonable of all the other Friers in this wise that after his sentence the Prelates were in the truer part c. Haec ex Godfrido de Fontanis ¶ Concerning this wrangling contention betwene the Uniuersity and Friers of Fraunce heretofore mentioned whereof partly the original cause there may be vnderstand by that which hath bene sayd to rise vpon certaine priuilegies grauÌted by popes to the Friers to intermedle in matters of Parish churches As to heare confessioÌs to preach and teach with power there to annexed to gather for theyr labor to bury within their houses and to receiue impropriations c. because it were long here to describe the full circumstances therof also because the sayd contention dyd endure a long time not onely in frauÌce but also came ouer to englaÌd The whole discourse therof more ample Christ willing shal be declared in the beginning of the next booke folowing when we come to the story of Armachanus About what time yere this brawle was in the Uniniuersity of Paris betwene the Friers and Prelats there as hath bene declared the like conteÌtion happened also in the vniuersity of Oxford in the yeare aboue prefixed 1354. saue onely that the strife amoÌg the maisters of Paris as it rose vpon Frierly ceremonies so it went no farther then brawling wordes and matter of excoÌmunication but this tumult rising of a dronken cause proceeded further vnto bloudy stripes The first originall wherof began in a tauerne betwene a scholer the good man of the house Who falling together in altercatioÌ grew to such heat of words that the student contra ius hospitij poured the wine vpon the head of the host and brake his head with the quart pot Upon this occasion geuen estsoones parts began to be taken betwene townes men the scholers In somuch that a grieuous sedition conflict folowed vpoÌ the same wherin many of the townes men were wounded to the number of 20. slayn Diuers also of the scolers grieuously hurt The space of 2. dayes this hurly burly continued Vpon the second day certain religious and deuout persoÌs ordeined a solemne processioÌ general to pray for peace Yet notwithstanding all that procession as holy as it was it would not bring peace In the which procession the skirmish stil waxing hoat one of the studentes being hardly pursued by the townesmen for succour in his flight came running to the Priest or Frier which caried about as the maner was the pixe thinking to finde refuge at the preseÌce of the transubstaÌtiated God of the aultar there caried inboxed Notwithstanding the God there not preseÌt or els not seing him or els peradueÌture being a sleepe the scholer fouÌd there small helpe For the townesmen in the heate of the chase forgetting belike the vertue of the popes transubstaÌtiation folowed him so hard that in the preseÌce of the pixe they brake his head wouÌded him greuously This done at length some peace or truce for that day was taken The
began greatly to multiply and spread vnto whome this Bakenthorpe was euer a great enemye Whose steppes the scholler also following began to do the like Such was the capacitie and dexteritie of this Fizraf that he being commended to king Edward the 3. was promoted to him first to be Archdeacon of Lichfield then to be the commissary of the vniuersitie of Oxford At length to be Archbishop of Armach in Ireland He being Archbishop vppon a time had cause to come vp to London At what time here in the said citty of London was contention betweene the Friers and the clergie about preaching and hearing confessions c. Whereupon this Armachanus being requested to preach made 7. or 8. sermons Wherein he propounded 9. conclusions agaynst the Friers for the which he was cited vp by the Friers before this pope Innocent the 6. to appeare And so he did who before the face of the pope valiantly defended both in preaching in writing the same conclusions therein stood constantly vnto the death as the wordes of Iohn Wickliffe in his Trialogo do well testifie in this wise Ab Anglorum Episcopis conductus Armachanus nouem in Auinione conclusiones coram Innocentio 6. suorum Cerdinalium coetu contra fratrum mendicitatem audacter publicauit verbóque ac scriptis ad mortem vsque defendit The like also testifieth of him Waldenus in fasciso zizianniorum Also Volateranus reporteth the same Gulielmus Botonerus testifying of him in like maner saith that Armachanus first reproued begging Friers for hearing the confessions of professed nonnes without licence of their superiours and also of maryed women without knowledge of their husbandes What daungers and troubles he susteyned by his persecutors and howe miraculously the Lord deliuered him from their handes In so muche that they meeting him in the open streetes and in cleare day light yet had no power to see him nor to apprehend hym In what perill of theeues and searchers he was in and yet the Lord deliuered him yea and caused his mony being take from him to be restored againe to him by portions in time of his necessitie and famine Also from what dangers of the kinges officers which comming with the kings letters layd all the hauens for him yet howe the Lord Iesus deliuered him shewing him by what wayes how to escape them Moreouer what appeales were layd agaynst hym to the number of 16. and yet how the Lord gaue him to triumph ouer al his enemies How the Lord also taught him brought him out of the profound vanities of Aristotles subtlety to the study of the Scriptures of God All this with muche more he himselfe expresseth in a certaine prayer or confession made to Christ Iesus our Lord in which he describeth almost the whole history of his owne life Whiche prayer I haue to shewe in old written hand and hereafter Christ willing inteÌd as time serueth to publish the same The beginning of the prayer in latin is this Tibi laus tibi gloria tibi gratiarum actio Iesu pijssime Iesu potentissime Iesu dulcissime qui dixisti Ego sum via veritas vita Via sine deuio veritas sine nubilo vita sine termino Quod tute viam mihi oftendisti Tute veritatem me docuiste Et tute vitaÌ mihi promisisti Via eras mihi in exilio Veritas eras in consilio Et vita eris mihi in premio With the rest that followeth in the foresayd prayer Thus what were the troubles of this good man and how he was cited vp by the Friers to the P. you haue partly heard Nowe what were his reasons and argumentes wherwith he defendeth his cause in the popes presence followeth to be declared For the tractation whereof firste I must put the reader in remeÌbrauce of the controuersie meÌtioned before in the story of Guliel de sancto de Amore. Pag. 322. Also in the story of the vniuersitie of Paris contending against the Friers pag. 392. For so long did this controuersie continue in the Churche from the yeare 1240. wheÌ the Oxford men began fiesâ to stand against the Fryers to the time of this Armachanus that is to the yeare 1360. and after this time yet more encreased So it pleased the secret prouidence of God for what cause he best knoweth to suffer his Churche to be entangled and exercised sometimes with matters and controuersies of no great importance Eyther to keepe the vanitie of mens wits thus occupyed froÌ idlenes or els to prepare their mindes by these smaller matters to the consideration and searching out of other thinges more graue and weighty Like as nowe in these our Queenes dayes we see what tragidies be raysed vp in EnglaÌd about formes fashions of ministers wearinges what troubles grow what placing and displacing there is about the same Euen so at this time happened the like stirre about the liberties and priuilegies of the Friers which not a little troubled and occupied al the churches Diuines almost through Christendome The whiche controuersie to the intent it may better be vnderstanded all the circumstances therof being explayned we will first begyn from the originall and foundation of the matter to declare by order and course of yeres vpon what occasion this variance first rising in continuance of time increased multiplide in gathering more matter and brast out at length to this tumultuous contention among learned men Concerning therfore this present matter first it is to be vnderstand that in the yeare of our Lord. 1215. vnder pope Innocent the 3. was called a generall couÌcell at Laterane mentioned before Pag. 253. in the dayes of king Iohn Iu the which councell among many other thinges was constituted a certaine law or Canon beginning Omnis vtriusque sexus c. the tenour of which canon in English is thus Be it decreed that euery faythfull Christian both man and woman comming to the yeares of discretion shall confesse hymselfe alone of all his sinnes to the priest of hys own proper parish once in the yeare at least and that he shall endeuour by hys owne self to fulfil the penance wheÌsoeuer he receiueth the sacrament of Eucharistie at least at the time of Easter Vnlesse by the assent of his Minister vpon some reasonable cause to abstayne for the time Otherwise dooing let him both lacke the communion of the Churche being aliue and Christian buriall when he is dead Wherefore be it decreed that this wholesome constitution shal be published accustomably in Churches to the end that no man of ignorance or of blindnes make to himselfe a cloke of excuse And if any shall confesse himselfe to any other priest then of his owne parishe vpon any iust cause let him aske and obtayne first licence of his owne priest Other els the Priest to haue no power to hinde him or to loose him c. In the time of this Innocentius and of this Laterane councell
treasure to the wasting of ecclesiastical liuings to the withdrawing of diuine seruice almose hospitalitie and other acceptable workes and to the daily increase of all mischiefes Wherfore in person and by hys owne month the king required the whole estate to prouide here of due remedy To be noted finally in thys parliament of the 38. yere that the Acte of prouisors brought in thys parliament although in the printed copy cap. 1.2.3.4 doth agree with the recorde in maner yet in the saide recordes vnprinted are moe biting wordes against the Pope a mysterie not to be knowen of all men Notes of the 40. yeare of king Edward the third IT followeth moreouer in the sayd Acts of king Edward the 3. and in the 40. yere of his raigne an other Parliament was called at Westminster the 3. of May. An. 1366. the Bishop of Ely being Lord Chauncelour and speaker Who in the 2. day of the sayd assembly in the presence of the King Lordes and commons declared howe the day before generally they vnderstoode the cause of thys their assembly and now more particularly shuld vnderstand the same specially howe that the king vnderstode yâ the Pope for the homage which K. Iohn made to the sea of Rome for the Realmes of EnglaÌd Ireland and for the tribute by him granted ment by proces to cite the king of Rome to aunswere thereto Wherein the king required their aduises what were best for him to do if any such thing were attempted The Byshops by their selues required respite of answere vntill the next day So did the Lordes commons euery of them by their selues The same next day the whole estates reassembled together by common consent enacted in effect following vz. For asmuch as neither K. Iohn nor any other kyng coulde bring his realme people in such thraldome subiection but by common assent of Parliament the whyche was not done and therefore done against his othe at hys coronation besides many other causes If therefore the Pope should attempt any thing against the King by processe or other matter in deede That the king shall his subiects should withall their force and power resist the same Here moreouer is not to be omitted howe in the sayd present Parliament the Uniuersities of Oxford Cambridge on the one side and the Friers of the foure orders meÌdicants in the said vniuersities on the other side Made long complaintes the one against the other to the kyng in Parliament and in the ende submitted themselues to the kings order After which the king vpon full digesting of the whole matter by assent of Parliament tooke order that as well the Chancelour scholers as the friers of those orders in the sayd Uniuersities should in al graces and other schole exercises vse eche other in frendly wise wythout any rumor as before That none of those orders shoulde receyue any scholers into theyr sayde orders being vnder the age of 18. yeares That the said Friers shall take no aduantage ne procure Bulles or other processe from Rome against the said vniuersities or procede therein And that the kyng haue power to redresse all controuersies betweene them from thence foorth And the offenders to be punished at the pleasure of the King and of the counsaile Notes of the 50. yeare of king Edward the third IN processe of the foresayd Actes and Rolles it followeth more that in the 50. yeare of the reigne of king Edward the 3. the yeare of our Lorde 1376. an other great Parliament was assembled at Westminster the xxiiij of Aprill Where Syr Iohn Knyuet being Lorde Chauncelour of England a certaine long Bill was put vp against the vsurpatioÌs of the Pope as being the cause of all yâ plagues murrions famine and pouerty of the realme so as thereby was not left the third person or other coÌmodity within the realme that lately was 2. That the taxes payed to the Pope of Rome for Ecclesiasticall dignities doe amount to fiue fold as much as the taxe of al profites as apperteine to the king by the yeare of his whole Realme And that for some one Byshoprike or other dignitie the Pope by way of translation and death hath 3.4 or 5. seuerall taxes 3. That the brokers of that sinfull Citie for money promote many caitifes being altogether vnlearned and vnworthy to a 1000. markes lyuing by yeare where the learned and worthy can hardly obteine 20. marks wherelearning decayeth 4. That aliens enemyes to this land who neuer saw ne care not to se their parishioners haue those liuings wherby they despise Gods seruice conuey away the treasure and are worse then Iewes or Sarasens 5. Also it was put vp in the said Bill to be considered that the lawes of the church would such liuings to be bestowed for charitie onely without praying or paying 6. That reason woulde that liuings geuen of deuotion should be bestowed in hospitality 7. That God had committed his sheepe to the Pope to be pastured and not shoren or shauen 8. That lay patrones perceiuing the couetousnes and simony of the pope do therby learne to sell their benefices to beasts none otherwise then Christ was sold to the Iewes 9. That there is none so rich a Prince in Christendome that hath the fourth part of so much treasure as the Pope hath out of this realme for churches most sinfully 10. Ouer and besides in the sayd Bill repeting againe the tendering zeale for the honor of the Church was declared and particularly named all the plagues whych haue iustly fallen vpon this realme for suffering the same church to be so defaced wyth declaration that it will daily encrease wythout redresse 11. Wherupon with much persuasion this was desired to helpe to reedifie the same and the rather for that this was the yeare of Iubiley the 50. yeare of the kynges reigne the yeare of ioy and gladnesse then the whych there could be no greater 12. The meanes howe to begyn this was to wryte 2. letters to the Pope the one in Latine vnder the kyngs scale the other in French vnder the seales of the nobles importing their particularities requiring redres of the which letter of the Lordes the effect may be seene in a like letter mentioned before pag. 479. 13. And for a further accomplishment hereof to enact that no money were caried foorth of the realme by letter of LuÌbardy or otherwise or paine of forfaiture and imprisonment and to enact the articles hereafter ensuing 14. The king hath heretofore by statute prouided sufficieÌt remedy and otherwise pursueth the same with the holy father the Pope so mindeth to do from time to time vntill he hath obteined aswel for the matters before as for the articles ensuing being in a maner all one 15. That the popes collector other straungers the kings enemies and onely lyger spies for English dignities and disclosing of the secretes of the realme may be
touched 16. That the same collectour being also receauour of the popes pence keepeth a house in London with clerkes and officers therto as it were one of the kings soleÌne courtes transporting yearely to the Pope xx M. markes and most commonly more 17. That Cardinals other aliens remaining at Rome wherof one Cardinall is Deane of Yorke an other of Salisbury an other of Lyncoln an other archdeacon of Canterbury an other Archdeacon of Duresme an other archdeacon of Suffolk an other Archdeacon of York an other prebendary of Thame Nassington an other prebendary of Buckes in the Church of Yorke Haue diuers of the best dignities of England haue sent ouer to them yerely xx M. marks ouer and aboue that whych English brokers lying there haue 18. That the Pope to raunsome the Frenchmenne the kings enemyes who defond Lumbardy from hym doeth alwaies at his pleasure leuie a subsidy of the whole Clergie of England 19. That the Pope for more gaine maketh sundry translations of all the Byshoprickes and other dignities wythin the Realme 20. That the popes collector hath this yeare taken to hys dic the first fruits of all benefices by collatioÌ or prouision 21. To renue all the statutes against prouisors froÌ Rome sith that the Pope reserueth all the benefices of the worlde for hys owne proper gift hath thys yere created 12. new Cardinals so as nowe there are thirty where was wont to be but 12. and all those Cardinals except 2. or 3. are the kings enemies 22. That the Pope in tyme wil geue the temporall mannors of those dignities to the kings enemies sith he so daily vsurpeth vpon the Realme and the kings regalities 23. That all houses and corporatioÌs of religion who vnto the kings raigne nowe had free election of heades the Pope hath encroched the same to hymselfe 24. That in all legacies from the Pope whatsoeuer the English clergie beareth the charge of the legates and all for the goodnesse of our money 25. And so it appeareth that if the money of the Realme were as plentiful as euer it was the Collectors aforesaid wyth the Proctors of Cardinals would soone conuey the same 26. For remedy heereof it may be prouided that no suche Collector or Proctor doe remayne in Englande on payne of lyfe and member And that no Englysh man on the like payne become any such Collector or Proctor or remayne at Rome 27. For better information hereof and namely touchyng the Popes Collector for that the whole clergy beyng obedient to him dare not displease hym It were good that syr Iohn Strensale parsone of S. Botulphes in Holborne may be sent to come before the Lordes and commons of this Parliament who beyng straightly charged can declare much more for that hee serued the same Collector in house 5. yeares ¶ And thus much of this bil touching the popes matters wherby it may appere not to be for nought that hath bene vpon vs reported by the Italians and other straungers which vsed to call English men good Asses for they beare all burdens that be layd vpon them Item in the said parliament it was prouided also that such order as is made in London against the horrible vice of vsury may be obserued throughout the whole realme The commons of the dioces of Yorke complaine of the outragious taking of the Byshop and his clarkes for admission of priestes to their benefices To these recordes of the parliament aboue prefixed of the 50. yere of thys king Edward we will adioyne also other notes collected out of the parliament in the yere next following which was 51. and last yeare of this kings life and raigne An. 1377. the 27. of Ianuary Although in the printed boke these statutes are said to be made at the parliament holden as aboue in the 50. yeare whych is muche mistaken and ought to be referred to the 51. yere as by the recordes of the sayd yere manifestly doth appeare In which Parliament the Byshop of S. Dauids being Lord Chauncelour making a long oration taking his theame out of S. Paul Libenter suffertis insipientes c. Declaring in the sayde Oration many thyngs as first in shewing the ioyfull newes of the olde kings recouerye then declaring the loue of God toward the king and realme in chastising hym wyth sickenesse Afterwarde shewyng the blessing of God vpon the king in seeing hys childreÌs children Then by a similitude of the head members exhorting the people as members to coÌforme themselues to the goodnesse of the head Lastly hee turned his matter to the Lordes and the rest declaring the cause of that assembly that for somuch as the Frenche kyng had allyed hymselfe wyth the Spanyardes and Scottes the kyngs enemyes whych had prepared great powers conspiring to blot out the English tonge and name the king therefore was willyng to haue therein their faithfull counsaile This being declared by the Bishop Sir Robert Ashton the kings chamberlaine declaring that he was to moone them from the king for the profit of the realme the whych wordes percaâe lay not in the Byshops mouth for that it touched the Pope vz. By protesting first that the Kyng was ready to do al that ought to be done for the pope But for that diuers vsurpations were done by the Pope to the Kyng hys crowne and Realme as by particular billes in thys parliament should be shewed he required of them to seeke redresse In thys present parliament petition was made by the commons that al prouisors of things from Rome their ministers should be out of the kyngs protection Whereunto the kyng aunswered that the Pope had promysed redresse whych if hee did not the lawes then should stand It was also in that Parliament required that euery person of what sexe soeuer being professed of any religion continuing the habite of 15. yeares may vpon the triail of the same in any of the kings courts be in law vtterly forbarred of al inheritaunce albeit he haue dispenâation from the pope Against which dispensation is the chief grudge whereunto the king and the lordes answered saying that they would prouide Item in the sayde Parliament was propounded that the statute of prouisors made at any time may be executed and that remedy may be had agaynst such Cardinalles as haue wythin the prouinces of Caunterbury and Yorke purchased reseruations wyth the clause of Anteferri to the value of xx or xxx thousande Scures of golde agaynst the Popes Collector who was wont to be an Englishman and now is a mere French residing at London conueieth yearely to the Pope xx M. markes or xx M. pounde who thys yeare gathereth the first fruites whatsoeuer Alledging the meanes to meete wyth these reseruations and nouelries as to commaund all straungers to depart the Realme during the warres that no English man to become their farmour or to send to them any mony without speciall licence on payne to be out
honour and their liues who otherwise if he intended that way were in great daunger But the bishop youthfull and hauty taking occasion by their humblenes to swell the more in himselfe answered that he woulde not be taught by their counsaile but that he wold haue it done though all the commons whome he named Ribals sayd nay Also rebuked the Mayor and his brethreÌ for mecockes and dastardes for so fearing the vulgar sort of people The citizens perceauing the wilfull stoutnes of the bishop meekly answering againe sayde they minded not to resist him but to let him doe therin what he thought good onely desired him that he would liceÌce them to depart and hold them excused for not wayting vppon him conducting hym out of the town with that reuerence which he required For if they should be seene in his company all the suspicion thereof would be vpon them and so should they be all in daunger so much as theyr liues were worth The Byshop not regarding their aduise and counsaile commaunded one of hys men to take the rod borne before the Mayor to cary the same before him Which being done perceaued of the commons the Byshop after that maner went not farre but the rude people ruÌning to shut the gates came out with their bowes some with clubbes and staues soome with other instrumentes some with stones let driue at the Bishop and his men as fast as they might in suche sort that both the bishop his horse vnder him with most part of his men were hurt wounded And thus the glorious pride of this iolly prelate ruffling in hys new scepter was receaued and welcomed there That is was so pelted with battes and stones so wouÌded with arrowes and other instrumentes fit for such a skirmishe that the most part of his men with hys mace bearer all running away froÌ him the poore wounded bishop was there left alone not able to keepe hys old power which went about to vsurpe a new power more theÌ to hym belonged Thus at is coÌmoÌly true in al so is it wel exemplified here which is commoÌly sayd and as it is commonly seene that pride will haue a fall and power vsurped will neuer stand In like maner if the Citizens of Rome following the example of these LeÌnam men as they haue the like cause and greater to doe by the vsurped power of theyr Byshop would after the same sauce handle the pope and vnscepter him of hys mace and regalitie which nothing pertaineth to him They in so doing both should recouer theyr owne liberties with more honour at home and also win muche more commendation abroad Ex chron mon. D. Albani This tragedy with all the partes thereof beyng thus ended at Lennam whiche was little after Easter as is said about the month of April an 1377. the same yeare vpon the 12. day of the moneth of Iune next after dyed the worthy and victorious Prince king Edward the 3. after he had raygned yeares 51. A prince no more aged in yeares theÌ renoumed for many snguler heroicall vertues but principally noted and lauded for his singuler meekenes clemency toward his subiects and inferiors ruling them by gentlenes and mercy without all rigour or austere seueritie Among other noble and royall ornamentes of his nature worthely copiously set forth of many thus he is described of some which may briefly suffice for the compreheÌsion of all the rest Orphanis erat quasi pater afflictis compatiens miseris condolens oppressos releuans cunctis indigentibus impendens auxilia opportuna That is To the Orphans he was as a father compacient to the afflicted mourning with the miserable relieuing the oppressed and to all them that wanted an helper in time of neede c. But chiefly aboue all other thinges in this Prince to be commemorate in my mynde is thys that he aboue all other Kinges of this Realme vnto the time of king Henry the eight was the greatest brideler of the popes vsurped power and outragious oppressions during all the time of whiche king neyther the Pope could greatly preuayle in thys Realme and also Iohn Wickliffe was maintained with fauour and ayde sufficient But before we close vpp the story of this king there commeth to hand that which I thought not good to omit a noble purpose of the king in requiring a viewe to be taken in all his dominions of all benefices and dignities ecclesiasticall remayning in the handes of Italians and Alious with the true valuation of the same directed down by commission in the time of king Richard the second wherof the like also is to be found the tenour of which commission of king Edward I thought here vnder to set down for worthy memory The king directed writtes vnto all the Byshop's of England in this forme EEdward by the grace of God king c. To the reuerend father in Christ. N. By the same grace Bishop of L. greeting Beyng willing vpon certayn causes to be certified what and how many benefices aswell Archdeaconries other dignities as vicaradges personages Prebendes and Chappels within your dioces be at this present in thandes of Italions and other strangers what they be of what valour and how euery of the sayd benefices be called by name And how much euery of the same is worth by the yere not as by way of Taxe or extent but according to the true valor of the same likewise of the names of al singuler such strangers being now incombentes or occupying the same and euery of theÌ moreouer the names of all them whether Englishmen or Straungers of what state or condition soeuer they be whiche haue the occupacion or disposicion of any such benefices with the fruites and profites of the same in the behalfe or by the authoritie of any the foresayd Straungers by way of ferme or title or procuration or by any other wayes or meanes whatsoeuer and how long they haue occupyed or disposed the same and withall if anye the sayd straungers bee nowe residents vppon any benefices commaunde you as wee heretofore commaunded you that you sende vs a true certificat of all and singuler the premisses into our high Court of chauncerie vnder your seale distinctly and openly on this side the feast of thascention of our Lord next comming without farther delay returning vnto vs this our writte withall Witnesse our selfe at Westminster 16 day of April in the 48. yeare of our Reigne of England and ouer Fraunce the 35. yeare BY vertue hereof certificat was sent vp to the king into his chauncerie out of euery dioces of England of al such spiritual liuings as were then in the occupation eyther of Priors Aliens or of other straungers whereof the number was so great as being all set downe would fill almost halfe a quyer of paper Whereby may appeare that it was highe time for the king to seeke remedie herein either by treatie with the Pope
rooted out or otherwise punished by any that hath authoritie and the feare and loue of God And also they are not afrayd openlye to write the same articles and so being written to deliuer theÌ to your kinglye parliament and obstinately to affirme the same The venemous and disdainfull recitall of which articles vpon good aduisement at this present we passe ouer lest the sufferaunce of such sensualitie might fortune to renue the wouÌd that reason may heale Yet notwithstanding least so great and contagious an euil should escape vnpunished and that without deserued vexation and also that it might not get more hart and waxe stronger we therefore according to that our office and duetie is where such neglygence and sluggishnes of our prelates being present where this thing is do commit and geue in commaundemeÌt to our reuerend brethren Canterbury and Yorke Archbishops by other oure letters that they stand vp in the power of God agaynst this pestilent and coÌtagious sect and that they liuely persecute the same in forme of lawe roote out and destroy those that aduisedly and obstinately refuse to withdraw their foote froÌ the same stumbling block any restraint to the contrary notwithstanding But because the assistance counsaile fauour and ayde of your kingly estate highnes are requisite to the execution of the premisses we require exhort and beseech the same your princely highnes by the bowels of the mercy of Iesus Christ by his holy fayth by your owne saluation by the benefit that to all men is common and by the prosperitie assured to euery man and woman that not onelye your kingly seueritie may readily shewe and cause to bee shewed vnto our Archbishops and their Commissaries in this behalfe requyring the foresayd due execution conuenient ayd and fauour as otherwise also to cause them to be assisted But that also you wil enioyne your Magistrates and Iustices of assise and peace more straightly that of their owne good wils they execute the authoritie committed vnto theÌ with al seueritie against such damned men according as they are bouÌd by the office which they are put in trust with Against those I mene which haue determyned obstinatly to defile theÌselues in their malice and sinnes those to expell banish and imprison and there so long to keepe them til coÌdigne sentence shall pronounce them worthye to suffer punyshment For your kingly wisedome seeth that such as they be do not only deceiue poore simple souls or at the least do what they can to deceiue theÌ but also bring their bodies to destructioÌ and further prepare confusion and ruinous fall vnto their temporall Lordes Go to therefore my sweete sonne and indeuour your self to worke so in this matter as vndoubtedly we trust you will that as this firebrand burning and flaming ouer sore beganne vnder your president or gouernment so vnder your seuere iudgement and vertuous diligence might fauour and ayde not one sparke remaine hid vnder the ashes but that it be vtterlye extinguyshed and spedely put out ¶ Geuen at our palace of S. Peter at Rome the xv Calendes of October in the sixt yere of our pontificalitie ¶ The Kynges Commission RIchard by the grace of God kyng of Englande Fraunce and Lorde of Irelande To all those vnto whom these present letters shall come greeting Know ye that where as lately at the instance of the reuerend father William Archbishop of Caunterbury Metropolitane of all England and Legate of the Apostolycal seate we for the redresse and amendement of all those whych would obstinately preach or maintaine publiquely or priuely any conclusions of the holy scripture repugnant to the determynatioÌ of our holy mother the church notoriously redounding to the subuersion of the Catholique faith or coÌtaining any heresie or errour within the prouince or bishopricke of CaÌterburie Haue by our special letters patents in the zeale of the fayth geueÌ authoritie and licence vnto the foresayd Archbishop to all and singular his suffraganes to arest all and euerye of them that will preach or maintaine any such coÌclusions wheresoeuer they may be found and to coÌmit them either to their owne prisons or any others at their owne pleasure and to kepe theÌ in the same vntill they repeÌt them of the errours prauities of those heresies or til that of such maner of arests by vs or by our counsayle it shoulde be otherwise determined that is to say to euery one of them and their ministers throughout their cities and dioces And nowe the reuereÌd father in god Iohn B. of Herford hath for a certaintie informed vs that although the same B. hath accordinge to iustyce coÌuinced a certain felow named W. Swinderby pretending himself to be a chaplaine one StepheÌ Bell a learned man and hath pronounced theÌ heretikes and excoÌmunicate false informers among the coÌmon people and hath declared the same by the definitiue sentence of the aforesaid bishop for that they haue presumed to affirme and preach openly in diuers places within the dioces of Herford many conclusions or naughty opinions notoriously redounding to the subuersion of the Catholike sound faith and tranquilitie of our kingdome The same Bishop notwithstandinge neyther by the ecclesiasticall censures neyther yet by the force and strength of our coÌmission was able to reuoke the foresaid William and Stephen nor yet to bridle the malice and indurate contumacie of them For that they after that they were vpon such heretical prauitie conuict by the same bishop to the intent they might delude his iudgement and iustice conueyed theÌselues by and by vnto the borders of Wales with suche as were their factours and accomplices in keping themselues close vnto whoÌ the force of our said letters doth in no wise extende Whereupon the sayde Bishop hath made supplycation vnto vs that wee will vouchsafe to prouide a sufficient remedye in that behalfe Wee therfore which alwayes by the helpe of almightie God are defeÌdours of the fayth willing to withstand suche presumptuous and peruerse enterprises by the most safest way and meanes we maye geue and coÌmit full power and authoritie to the foresayd bishop and to his ministers by the tenour of these presents to arrest or take or cause to be arrested or taken the foresayde William and Sthephen in any place within the citie dioces of Hereford and our dominioÌ of Wales with al the speede that may be and to coÌmit theÌ either to our prison or els to the prison of the same bishop or any other prison at their pleasure if such neede bee and there to keepe theÌ safe And afterwards vnles they will obey the commaundements of the Church with dilygence to bring them before vs and our couÌsel or els cause them to be brought That we may determine for their further punishment as we shall thinke it requisite conuenient to be done by the aduise of our couÌsell for the defence and preseruation of the Catholike faith And
the obedience of Christs true vicare yet peraduentuâe if euery man were left to his owne libertie he would doubt of the preferring of your dignity or that is worse woulde vtterly refuse it by such doubtfull euidence alleaged on both sides and thys is the subtil craft of the croked Serpent that is to say vnder the pretense of vnitie to procure schismes as the spider of a wholesome flower gathers poyson and Iudas lerned of peace to make warre Wherefore it is liuely beleeued of wise men that except this pestilent schisme be withstand by and by the keyes of the Churche will be despised and they shall binde the consciences but of a few and when either none dare be bolde to correct this fault or to reforme things contrary to Gods lawe so by this meanes at length temporall Lordes will take away the liberties of the Church and peraduenture the Romanes will come and take away their place people and landes they wil spoile their possessions and bring the men of the Churche into bondage and they shall be contemned reuiled and despised because the obedience of the people and deuotions towardes them will almoste bee taken away when the greater part of the Church left to their owne libertye shall waxe prouder than they be wont leauing a wicked example to them that doe see it For when they see the Prelates studie more for couetousnesse than they were wont to pursse vp money to oppresse the subiectes in their punishings to seeke for gaine to confounde lawes to stirre vp strife to suppresse truth to vexe poore subiects with wrong corrections in meat and drinke intemperate in feastings past shame what maruell is it if the people despise them as the foulest forsakers of Gods lawe but all these things doe folowe if the Church shoulde be left long in this doubtfulnesse of a schisme and than shoulde that olde sâying be verified in those dayes there was no king in Israel but euery one did that that seemed right and straighte to himselfe Micheas did see the people of the Lord scattered in the mountaines as they had bene shepe without a shephearde for when the shepheard is smitten the sheepe of the flocke shal be scattered the great stroke of the shepheard is the minishing of his iurisdiction by which the subiects are drawen from his obedience When Iason had the office of the highest Priest hee chaÌged the ordinance of God and brought in the customes of the heathen the priests leauing the seruice of the holy altar applying themselues to wrasting other exercises of the Grecians despising those things that beloÌged to the priests did labor with all their might to learne suche thinges of the Grecians and by that meanes the place people and holy oynting of Priestes whych in time past were hadde in greate reuerence of kynges were troden vnder foote of all men and robbed by the kinges power and was prophaned by thrusting in for money Therefore let the hyghest vicare of Christe looke vnto this with a diligent eye and let hym be the follower of him by whom he hath gotten authoritie aboue others If you mark well most holy father you shal find that Christ rebuked sharpely two brethren coueting the fease of honour hee taught them not to play the Lordes ouer the people but the more grace they were preueÌted with to be so much more humble then other and more lowly to serue their brethren To hym that asked hys coate to geue the cloake to him that smote him on the one cheeke to tourne the other to him For the sheepe that are geuen to hys keeping hee must forsake all earthly thyngs and to shedde his owne bloud yea and if neede required to die These things I say be those that adorne the highest Byshop if they be in him not purple not hys white horse nor his Imperiall crowne because hee among all men is most bounde to all the sheepe of Christ. For the feare of GOD therefore and for the loue of the flocke which yee guide consider these things diligently and doe them wisely and suffer vs no longer to wauer betwixte two although not for your owne cause to whom peraduenture the fulnes of your owne power is knowen yet in pitying our weakenes if thou be he tell vs openly and shew thy self to the world that al we may follow one Be not to vs a bloudy bishop least by your occasion mans bloud be shed least hel swalow such a nomber of soules least the name of Christ be euill spoken of by Infidels thorough suche a worthy personage But peraduenture yee will say for our righteousnes it is manifest inough and we will not put it to other mens disputations If this bald aunswer should be admitted the schisme should continue still seeing neither part is willing to agree to the other and where the world is as it were equally deuided betwixt them neither part can be compelled to geue place to the other without much bloudshed The incarnation of Christ and his resurrection was well inough knowen to himselfe and his disciples yet hee asked of his father to be made knowen to the world Hee made also the Gospel to be wrytten and the doctrine of the Apostles sent his Apostles into all the world to do the office of preaching that the same thing might be knowen to all men The foresayde reason is the subtelty of Mahomet the which knowing himselfe guilty of his sect vtterly forbad disputations If ye haue so ful trust of your righteousnesse put it to the examination of worthy persones in a generall councel to the which it beloÌgeth by right to define such doubts or els commit it vnto able persons and geue them ful power to determine all things concerning that matter or at the lest by forsaking the office on both parties leaue the Churche of God free speedily to prouide for a new shepheard We finde kings haue forsaken their temporal kingdomes vpon onely respect of deuotion and haue taken the apparel of Monkes profession Therefore let Christes Vicar being a professour of most high holinesse be ashamed to continue in his seat of honor to the offence of all people and the preiudice and hurt of the Romish church and the deuotion of it and cutting away kingdomes from it But if you say it is not requisite that the cause of Goddes church should he called in controuersie and therefore we cannot so easily goe from it seeing our conscience gainesayeth it To the which we answer if it be the cause of God and the church let the general councel iudge of it but if it be a personal cause as almost all the world probably thinketh if ye were the follower of Christ ye would rather chose a temporall death then to suffer such a wauering I say not to the hurt of so many but the endles destruction of soules to the offence of the whole world and to an euerlasting shame of the Apostolical dignitie Did
not Clemente named or that I may more truely speake ordeined of S. Peter to the Apostolike dignitie and to be bishop resigne his right that his dede might be taken of his successours for an example Also Pope Siricius gaue ouer his Popedome to be a comfort of the 11000. Virgins Therfore much more ought you if neede require geue ouer your Popedome that you might gather together the children of God which be scattered abroade For as it is thought a gloryous thing to defend the common right euen to bludshed so is it somtimes necessary for a man to wincke at his owne cause and to forsake it for a greater profite and by that meanes better to procure peace Shoulde not he be thought a deuill and Christes enemie of all men that woulde agree to an election made of him for the Apostolicall dignitie and Popedome if it should be to the destruction of Christians diuision of the church the offence and losse of al faithfull people If such mischiefs should be known to al the world by Goddes reuelation to come to passe by such receiuing of the Popedome and Apostolicall dignitie then by the like reason why shall he not be iudged of all men an Apostata and forsaker of hys faith which chuseth dignitie or rather worldly honour then the vnitie of the Churche Christ died that he might gather together the children of God which are scattered abroad but such an enemie of God and the Church wisheth his subiectes bodily to die in battaile and the more part of the worlde to pearish in soule rather then forsaking to be Pope to liue in a lower state although it were honourable If the feare of God the desire of the heauenly kingdoÌ the earnest loue of the vnitie of the church do moue your hart shew in dede that your workes may beare recorde to the truth Clement and Siricius most holy Popes not only are not reprooued but rather are reuerenced of all men because they gaue ouer their right for profitable causes for the same cause all the church of holy men shewe forth their praise Likewise your name should liue for euer and euer if ye would do the like for a necessary cause that is to say for the vnitie of Gods Churche Geue no heede to vnmeasurable cryings of them that say that the ryghte chusing of Popes is lost except ye defend your part manfully but be afraid least such stirrers vp of mischiefe looke for theyr owne commoditie or honour that is to say that vnder your wing they might be promoted to richesse and honour After this sort Achithophel was ioyned and Absolon in persecuting his owne father and false vsurping of hys kingdome Furthermore there shoulde be no ieopardie to that election because both parties sticke stifly to the old fashion of election and either of them couer the preheminence of the Romish Churche counsailing all Christians to obey them And although throughe their geuing ouer the fashion of chusing the Pope should be chaÌged for a time it were to be borne rather then to suffer any longer this diuision in Gods church For that fashion in chusing is not so necessary required to the state of a Pope but the successour of the Apostle as necessary cause required might come in at the doore by an other fashion of chusing and that Canonicall inough And this we are taught manifestly by examples of the fathers for Peter the Apostle appoynted after him Clement and that not by false vsurping of power as we suppose And it was thought that that fashion of apoynting of Popes was lawfull vnto the time of Pope Hillary Which decreed that no Pope shuld apoynt hys successor Afterward the election of the Pope went by the cleargy and people of Rome and the Emperors counsaile agreeing therto as it appeareth in the election of the blessed Gregory But Martinus Pope with the consent of the holy Synode graunted Charles the power to chuse the Pope But of late Nycholas the 2 was the first whome Martine makes mention of in his councels to be chosen by the Cardinals But all the Bishops of Lumbardie for the most part wythstode this election and chose Cadulus to be Pope saying that the Pope ought not to be chosen but of the precincte of Italie Wherefore we thinke it not a safe way so earnestly to stick to the traditions of men in the fashion of chusing the Pope so oft to chaunge least we be thought to breake Goddes traditions concerning the vnitie of the church Yea rather it were better yet to ordaine a newe fashion of his election and meeter for hym as it hath beene afore But all things concerning the same election myght be kept safe if Gods honour were looked for afore youre owne and the peace of the Church were vprightly soughte for such a dishonouring shoulde be most honour vnto you and that geuing place shall be the getting of a greater dignitie the willing deposing of your honour shoulde obtaine you the entrie of euerlasting honour and shoulde procure the loue of the whole worlde toward you and you shoulde deserue to be exalted continually as Dauid was in humbling himselfe O howe monstrous a sight and how foule a monster is a mannes body disfigured wyth two heades So if it were possible the spouse of Christ shoulde be made so monstrous if shee were ruled wyth two such heades but that is not possible she is euer altogether faire in whome no spot is found therfore we must cast away that rotten member thruster in of hys second head We cannot suffer any longer so great a wickednesse in Gods house that we shoulde suffer Gods cote that wantes a feame by any meanes to be torne by the handes of two that violently draw it in sonder For if these two should be suffred to raigne together they woulde so betwixte them teare in pieces that litle coate of the Lord that scarse one piece woulde hange to another They passe the wickednesse of the souldiours that cursed Christ. For they willing to haue the coate remaine whole said Let vs not cut it but let vs cast lots for it whose it shal be But these 2. Popes suffring their right and title to be tried by no lot nor way although not in wordes yet in deedes they pronounce this sentence It shall neither be thine nor mine but let it be deuided for they chose rather as it apeareth to be Lords though it be but in a litle part and that to the coÌfusion of vnitie of the Church then in leuing that lording to seke for the peace of the church We do not affirme this but we shew almost the whole iudgemeÌt of the world of them being moued so thinke by likely coniectures We looked for amendement of thys intollerable cââfusion by the space that these two inuentours of this mischiââliued But wee looked for peace and beholde trouble for neither in their lyues nor in their deaths they
procured any coÌfort but rather dying as it were in a doubt betwixt two wayes left to theyr successoures matters of contention continuall But nowe for the space of 7. yeres of their successors that which we desired and loked for afore that is they shoulde beare good grapes and they bryng foorth wild grapes in thys matter we fall into a deepe despaire But in as much that we heare the comfort of the Lorde which promised that miserably he wold destroy those wicked men let his vineyarde to other husbandmen which will bring him fruit at their times appoynted he hath promised faithfully that he wil help his spouse in her nede to th end of the world we leaning on the sure hope of this promise and in hope contrary to hope beleuing by Gods grace will put our helping handes to easing of this misery when a conuenient time shall serue as much as our kingly power is able although our wit doth not perceaue how these thinges afore rehearsed may be amended yet we being encouraged to this by the hope of gods promise will do our endeuour lik as Abraham beleued his sonne being slaine by sacrifice that the multitude of his seede should encrease to the number of the starres according to Gods promise Now therfore the time drawes near to make an end of this schism least a third election of a schismaticke agaynst the Apostles successour make a custome of the doyng and so the Pope of Auinion shal be double Romishe pope and he shall say with hys partakers as the Patriarch of Constantinople sayd vnto Christes vicar when he forsooke hym The Lorde be with thee for the Lorde is with vs. And is much to be feared of all Christen men For that Pharisie begins now to be called the pope of Auinion among the people But peraduenture it would be thought of some men that it belongeth not to secular princes to bridle outragies of the Pope to whome we aunswere that naturally the members put them selues in ieopardy for to saue the head and the partes labour to saue the whole Christ so decked his spouse that her sides shold cleaue together and should vphold themselues by course of time and occasion of thinges they should correcte one an other and cleaue together tunably Did not Moses put down Aaron because he was vnfaythfull Salomon put downe Abiathar who came by lineall dissent from Anatoth and remoued hys priesthoode from his kindred to the stock of Eliazar in the person of Sadock which had his beginning from Ely the priestâ 3.2 Oâho Emperour deposed Pope Iohn the 12. because he was lecherous Henry the Emperour put downe Gratianus because he vsed Simony in buying selling spirituall liuinges And Otho deposed Pope Benner the first because he thrust in himselfe Therefore by like reason why may not kings and Princes bridle the Romishe Pope in default of the Church if the quallitie of his fault require it or the necessitie of the Church by this compell to helpe the Churche oppressed by tyranny In old time schismes which rose about making the Pope were determined by the power of secular Princes as the schisme betwixt Symachus and Laurence was ended in a Counsaile afore Theodoricus king of Italy Henry the Emperour when two dyd striue to be Pope he deposed them both and receaued the thyrd being chosen at Rome to be Pope that is to say Clement the second which crowned him with the Imperiall crowne And the Romaynes promised him that from thenceforth they would promote none to be Pope without his consent Alexander also ouercame 4. Popes schismatickes all which Fredericke the Emperour corrected Thus looke on the register of Popes and theyr deedes and ye shall finde that schismes most commonly haue bene decised by the powers of secular princes the schismatickes cast out and sometimes new popes made and sometime the olde ones cast out of their dignities and restored to theyr old dignities again If it were not lawfull for secular princes to bridle the outragies of such a Pope lawfully made and afterward becoÌming a tyraunt In such a case he might oppresse ouermuch the Church he might chaunge Christendome into Heathens and make the labour of Christ crucified to be in vayne or els truely God should not haue prouided for his spouse in earth by all meanes as much as is possible by seruice of men to withstand daungers Therefore we counsell you with such a louing affection as becomes Children that ye consider in your hart well least in working by this meanes ye prepare away of Antichrist through your desire to beare rule and so by this meanes as we feare the one of these two shall chaunce Either ye shall cause all the princes of the worlde to rise agaynst you to bring in a true follower of Christ to haue the state of the Apostolicall dignitie or that is worse the whole world despising the ruling of one shepheard shall leaue the Romish Church desolate But God keepe this from the worlde that the desire of honour of two men should bring such a desolation into the Church of God for then that departing away which the Apostle prophecied shoulde come afore the comming of Antichrist were at hand which shold be the last disposition of the worlde peaceably to receaue Antichrist with honour Consider therefore the state of your most excellent holines how ye receaued the power from God to the building of the Church and not to the destruction that Christ hath geuen you wine and oyle to heale the wounded and hath appoynted you his vicar in these thinges as pertayne to gentlenes and hath geuen vs these thinges whiche serue to rigour For we beare not the sword without a cause to the punishement of euill doers the which power ordayned of God we haue receaued our selues being witnes beseeching you to receaue our counsel effectually that in doing thus the waters may returne to the places from whence they came and so the waters may begin to be made sweete with salt least the axe swimme on the water and the wood fineke and least the fruitfull Oliue degender into a wilde Oliue and the lâprosie of Naaman that Noble man cleaue continually to the house of Giezy and least the pope and the Phariseis crucify Christ agayne Christ the spouse of the Churche whiche was wont to bring the chiefe Byshop into the holyest place encrease your holines or rather to restore it being lost Written c. Ex Fragmento libri cuiusdam Dunelm ¶ This Epistle of king Richard 2. written to Pope Boniface the 9. in the time of the schisme about the yeare as appeareth 1397. As it contayned muche good matter of wholsome counsel to be followed so how litle he wrought with the Pope the sequell after warde declared For the schisme notwithstanding continued long after in whiche neyther of the popes would geue ouer theyr holde or yelde any thing to good counsayle geuen them for any respect of publique wealth
of an Accolite Also we Thomas Archb. aforesayd by assent counsel and authority whych vppon thee the foresayd William we haue an Exorcist pretensed in the habite of an Exorcist or holy water clarke being an hereticke twise fallen and by our sentence as is aforesayd condemned we doe degrade depose thee from the order of an Exorcist and in token of thys thy degradation and actuall deposition we take from the booke of coniurations and doe depriue thee of all and singular dignity of an Exorcist Also we Thomas Archbish. aforesayd by assent counsaile and authority as is aboue sayd doe degrade depose thee the foresayde William reader pretensed clothed in the habit of a reader an hereticke twise fallen and by our sentence as is aforesayd condeÌned from the order of a reader And in token of this thy degradation and actuall deposition we take from thee the booke of the deuine sections that is the booke of the Church legende and doe depriue thee of all and singular maner of dignity of such a reader Item we Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury aforesayd by authority counsaile and assent the which we haue as is aforesaid do degrade and put thee foresayd William Sawtre sexten pretensed in the habite of a sexten and wearing a surplice being an hereticke twise fallen by our sentence difinitiue condemned as aforesaid from the order of a Sexten And in token of thys thy degradation and actuall deposition for the causes aforesayd we take from thee the keyes of the Church doore and thy surplice and doe depriue thee of all and singular maner of commodityes of a doore keeper And also by the authority of omnipotent God the father the sonne and holy ghost and by our authority counsaile assent of our whole councel prouinciall aboue written we do degrade thee and depose thee being heere personally present before vs from orders benefices priuilegies and habite in the church and for thy pertinacie incorrigible we doe disgrade thee before the secular Court of the hygh Constable and marshal of England here being personally present and do depose thee from all and singular clerkely honours and dignities whatsoeuer by these wrytings Also in token of thy degradation and deposition here actually wee haue caused thy crowne and ecclesiastical tonsure in our presence to be rased away vtterly to be abolished lyke vnto the forme of a seculare lay man and here doe put vpon the head of thee the foresayd William the cap of a lay secular person beseeching the court aforesaid that they wil receaue fauourably the sayde William vnto them thus recommitted Thus William Sawtre the seruaunt of Christ being vtterly thrust out of the Popes kingdome and metamorphosed from a clerke to a secular lay man was committed as ye haue heard vnto the secular power Which so done the Byshops yet not heerewith contented cease not to call vpoÌ the king to cause him to be brought forth to spedy execution Whereupon the king ready inough and to much to gratify the cleargy and to retaine their fauours directeth out a terrible decree against the said William Sawtre and sent it to the Maior and Sheriffes of London to be put in execution the tenour wherof here vnder emueth ¶ The decree of the king against William Sawtre THe decree of our soueraigne Lord the king his counsel in the Parliament against a certaine new sprong vp hereticke To the Maior Sheriffs of London c. Where as the reuerend father Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke sea by the assent consent counsell of other byshops and his brethren Suffraganes and also of all the whole Clergy within his prouince or dioces gathered together in his prouincial counsel the due order of the law being obserued in al poynts in this behalfe hath pronounced and declared by his definitiue sentence W. Sautre somtime chaplain to be fallen again into his most daÌnable heresy the which before time the sayde W. had abiured thereupon to be a most manifest heretike and therfore hath decreed that he should be disgraded hath for the same cause really disgraded him froÌ al prerogatiue priuilege of the clergie decreing to leaue him vnto the secular power and hath really so left him according to the lawes canonicall sanctions set forth in this behalfe and also that our holy mother the Church hath no further to do in the premisses We therfore being zelous in religion and reuerent louers of the catholike fayth willing and minding to mainteine defend the holy church the lawes liberties of the same to roote al such errours heresies out of our kingdome of EnglaÌd with coÌdigne punishmeÌt to correct punish all heretiques or such as be coÌuict Prouided alwaies that both according to the lawe of God maÌ and the canonical institutions in this behalfe accustomed that such hereticks conuict condeÌned in forme aforesaid ought to be burned with fire We command you as straigtly as we may or can firmely enioyning you that you do cause the said WilliaÌ being in your custody in some publike or opeÌ place within the liberties of your citie aforesaid the cause aforesaid being published vnto the people to be put into the fire and there in the same fire really to be burned to the great horrour of his offence and the manifest example of other Christians Faile not in the execution hereof vpon the perill that will fall thereupon Teste rege apud Westmonast 26. Februar an regni sui ¶ The burning of William Sawtre Thus it may appeare how kinges and princes haue bin blinded and abused by the false Prelates of the Church in so much that they haue bene their slaues and butchers to slay Christes poore innocent members See therefore what danger it is for Princes not to haue knowledge and vnderstanding themselues but to be led by other mens eies specially trusting to such guides who through hipocrisie both deceiue them through crueltie deuour the people As king Henry the fourth who was the deposer of king Richard was the first of all English kings that began the vnmercifull burning of Christes saints for standing against the Pope so was this William Sawtre the true and faithfull martyr of Christ the first of all them in Wickliffes time which I find to be burned in the raigne of the foresaid king which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1400. After the martyrdome of this godly man the rest of the same company began to keepe themselues more closely for feare of the king who was altogether bent to hold with the Popes prelacy Such was the raigne of this Prince that to the godly he was euer terrible in his actions immesurable to few men hartely beloued but Princes neuer lacke flatterers about them Neither was the time of his raigne very quiet but full of trouble of bloud and misery Such was their desire of K.
and protesting before the face of the people that his comming into the Realme in the absence of the king was for none other cause but that he might in humble sort with the loue and fauour of the king and all the Lords spirituall and temporall haue and enioy his lawfull inheritance descending vnto him of right after the death of his father which thing as it pleased all men so cried they Blessed is he that commeth in the name of the Lord But how this blessing afterwards turned into cursing shall appeare in that which followeth and also ye shall vnderstand his horrible and wicked conspiracie against his soueraigne Lord king Richard and diuers other Lords as well spirituall as temporall besides that his manifest periurie shal wel be known and that he remaineth not only foresworne and periured but also excommunicate for that he conspired against his soueraigne Lord our king Wherefore we pronounce him by these presents as well periured as excommunicate 3. Thirdly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he the said Lord HeÌry immediatly after his entry into England by crasty and subtile policie caused to be proclaimed openly throughout the Realme that no tenths of the Clergy fiftenes of the people sealing vp of cloth diminution of wooll impost of wine nor other extortioÌs or exactions whatsoeuer should hereafter be required or exacted hoping by this meanes to purchase vnto him the voice and fauour of the prelates spiritual the Lords temporall the Marchants comminaltie of the whole Realme After this he tooke by force the kings Castels and fortresses spoiled and deuoured his goodes wheresoeuer he found it crieng hauocke hauocke The kings maiestie subiects as well spirituall as temporal he spoiled and robbed some he tooke captiue and imprisoned them and some he slew put to miserable death wherof many were Bishops prelates Priests and religious men Whereby it is manifest that the said Lord Henry is not only periured in promising swearing that there should be hereafter no more exactioÌs paiments or extortions within the realme but also excommunicate for the violence and iniurie done to Prelats and Priests Wherefore by these presents we pronounce him as afore as well periured as excommunicate 4. Fourthly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he hearing of the Kings returne from Ireland into Wales rose vp against his soueraigne Lord the king with many thousands of armed men marching forward with al his power towards the Castle of Flint in Wales where he tooke the king held him prisoner and so led him captiue as a traitor vnto Leicester from whence he tooke his iourney towards London misusing the king by the way both he and his with many iniuries and opprobrious coÌtumelies and scoffes And in the end committed him to the Tower of London and held a Parliament the king being absent in prison wherein for feare of death he compelled the king to yeeld and resigne vnto him all his right title of the kingdome and crowne of England After which resignation being made the said Lord Henry standing vp in the Parliament house stoutly and proudly before them al said aâââmed that the kingdome of EnglaÌd and crowne of the same with al therunto belonging did pertaine vnto him at that present as of very right and to none other for that the said king Richard by his owne deede was depriued for euer of all the right title interest that euer he had hath or may haue in the same And thus at length by right and wrong he exalted himselfe vnto yâ throne of the kingdome since which time our commoÌ weale neuer florished nor prospered but altogether hath bene void of vertue for that the spiritualtie was so oppressed exercise and warlike practises hath not bin mainteined charitie is waxed cold couetousnes and miserie hath takeÌ place finally mercy is taken away vengeance supplieth the rcome Wherby it doth appeare as before is said that yâ said Lord HeÌry is not only periured false by vsurping the kingdome and dominion belonging to another but also excommunicate for the apprehending vniust imprisoning and depriuing his soueraigne Lord the king of his roiall crowne and dignitie Wherefore as in the articles before we pronounce the said Lord Henry to be excommunicate 5. Fiftly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that he the same Lord Henry with the rest of his fauourers complices heaping mischief vpon mischief haue coÌmitted and brought to passe a most wicked and mischieuous fact yea such as hath not bene heard of at any time before For after that they had taken and imprisoned the king and deposed him by open iniurie against all humane nature yet not coÌteÌt with this they brought him to Poinfret Castle and there imprisoned him where xv daies nights they vexed him with continuall hunger thirst and cold and finally berest him of life with such a kind of death as neuer before that time was knowen in England but by Gods prouidence it is come to light Who euer heard of such a deed or who euer saw the like of him Wherefore O England arise stand vp auenge the cause the death and iniurie of thy king and prince which if thou do not take this for certaintie that the righteous God will destroy thee by strange inuasions and foreigne power and auenge himselfe on thee for this so horrible an act Whereby doth appeare not only his periurie but also his excommunication most execrable so that as before we pronounce the said Henry not only periured but also excommunicate 6. Sixtly we depose c. against the sayd Lord Henry that after he had attained to the crowne and scepter of the kingdome he caused forthwith to be apprehended diuers Lords spirituall Bishops Abbots Priors and religious men of all orders whom he arested imprisoned bound and against all order brought them before the secular iudges to be examined not sparing the Bishops whose bodies were annointed with sacred oyle nor priests nor religious men but commanded them to be coÌdemned hanged and beheaded by the temporall law and iudgement notwithstanding the priuiledge of the Church and holie orders which he ought to haue reuerenced and worshipped it he had bin a true and lawfull king for the first and chiefest othe in the coronation of a lawfull king is to defend and keepe inuiolate the liberties and rights of the Church and not to deliuer anie Priest or religious man into the hands of the secular power except for heresie onely and that after his degradation according to the order of the Church Contrary vnto all this hath he done so that it is manifest by this article as afore in the rest that he is both periured and excommunicate 7. Seuenthly we depose c. against the said Lord Henry that not onely he caused to be put to death the Lords spirituall and other Religious men but also diuers of the Lords
temporall and nobilitie of the Realme and cheifly those that studied for the preseruatioÌ of the commonweale not âcasing as yet to coÌtinue his mischeuous enterprise if by Gods prouideÌce it be not preuented that with speed Amongst all other of the Nobilitie these first he put to death the Earle of Salisbury the Earle of Huntington the Earle of Gloucester the Lord Roger Clarendon the kyngs brother with diuers other knights and Esquiers and afterwards the Lord Thomas Percy Earle of Worcester and the Lord Henry Percy sonne and heyre to the Earle of Northunberland the which Lord Henry he not onely slew but to the vttermost of his power againe and againe he caused hym to be slayne For after that he was once put to death and deliuered to the Lord of Furniuale to be buryed who committed his body to holy sepulture with as much honour as might be commending his soule to almighty God with the suffrages of the blessed masse other praiers the said Lord Henry most like a cruel beast still thirsting hys bloud caused his body to be exhumate brought forth againe and to be reposed betwene two milstones in the towne of Shreusbury there to be ãâã wyth armed men And afterwards to be beheaded anâ quartered commanding his head and quarters to be caried vnto diuers cities of the kingdome Wherefore for so detestable a fact neuer heard of in any age before we pronounce him as in the former articles excommunicate 8. Eightly we depose c. agaynst the said Lord Henry for that after his atteining to the crowne he willingly ratified allowed and approued a most wicked statute set forth renued in yâ parliament holden at Winchester The which statute is directly against yâ Church of Rome the power principalitie therof giuen by our Lord Iesus Christ and vnto blessed S. Peter his successors Bishops of Rome vnto whom belongeth by full authoritie the free disposing of all spirituall promotions as wel superior as inferiour which wicked statute is the cause of many mischiefes vid. of simonie periurie adultery incest misorder disobedience for that many Bishops Abbots priors and prelats we will not say by vertue but rather by errour of this statute haue bestowed yâ benefices vacant vpoÌ yong men rude and vnworthy persons which haue compacted with them for the same so that scarce no one prelate is found that hath not couenanted with the partie promoted for the halfe yearely or at the least the third part of the said benefice so bestowed And by this meanes the said statute is the destruction of the right of S. Peter the Church of Rome and England the Cleargie and vniuersities the mainteuance of wars and the whole common wealth c. 9. Ninthly we say and depose c. against the said Lord Henry that after he had tyrannously taken vpon him the gouernement of the Realme England neuer florished since nor prospered by reason of his continuall exactions of money and oppressions yearely of the cleargie and coÌminaltie neither is it knowen how this money so extorted is bestowed when as neither his souldiours nor his gentlemen are payed as yet their wages and fees for their charges and wonderfull toile and labour neither yet the poore countrey people are satisfied for the victuall taken of them And neuertheles the miserable clergie and more miserable comminaltie are forced still to pay by menaces and sharp threatnings Notwithstanding he sware when he first vsurped the crowne that hereafter there should be no such exactions nor vexations neither of the clergie nor lââtie Wherfore as afore we pronounce him periured c. 10. In the tenth and last article we depose say and openly protest by these presents for our selues all our assistents in the cause of the Church of Rome and England and in the cause of king Richard his heires the clergie and comminaltie of the whole Realme that neither our entention is was nor shall be in word nor deed to offend any state either of the prelats spirituall Lords temporall nor commons of the realme but rather foreseeing the perdition and destruction of this Realme to approch we haue here brought before you certeine articles concerning the destruction of the same to be circumspectlie considered of the whole assembly as well of the Lords spirituall as temporall and the faithfull commons of England beseeching you all in that bowels of Iesus Christ the righteous iudge and for the merits of our blessed Lady the mother of God and of S. George our defender vnder whose displayed banner we wish to liue and die and vnder paine of damnation that ye will be fauourable to vs and our causes which are three in number Wherof the first is that we exalt vnto the kingdome the true lawfull heire and him to crowne in kinglie throne with the diademe of England And secondly that we renoke the weshmen the Irishmen and all other our enimies vnto perpetuall peace and amitie Thirdly and finally that we deliuer and make free our natiue countrey from al exactions extortioÌs vniust paiments Beseeching our Lord Iesus Christ to graunt his blessing the remission of their sinnes life euerlasting to all that assist vs to their power in this godly and meritorious worke and vnto all those that are against vs we threaten the curse of almighty God by the authority committed vnto vs by Christ and his holy Church and by these presents we pronounce them excommunicate These Articles being seene and read much concourse of people daily resorted more and more to that archbishop The Earle of Westmerland being then not far off with Iohn the kings sonne hearing of this mustered his souldiours with all the power he was able to make bent toward the Archbishop but seeing his part too weake to encounter with him vseth practise of policie where strength would not serue And first comming to him vnder colour of frendship dissembled laboureth to seeke out the causes of that great stirre To whome the Archbyshop againe answering no hurt to be entended thereby but profit rather to the kyng and common wealth and maintenance of publicke peace but for so much as he stood in great scare and danger of the king he was therefore compelled so to doo And withall shewed vnto him the contents of the Articles aforesaid which when the Earle had read setting a faire face vpon it seemed highly to commend the purpose and doyngs of the Bishop promising moreouer that he would helpe also forward in that quarell to the vttermost of his power And required vpon the same a day to be set when they with equall number of men might meere together in some place appointed to haue farther talke of the matter The Archbishop easilie perswaded was content although much against the counsaile of the Earle Marshall and came Where the Articles being openly published and read the Earle of Westmerland with his companie pretended well to like vpon the same and to ioyne their
to grace that they might vnderstaÌd truely the truth and haue and vse vertue and prudeÌce and so deserue to be lightned from aboue with heauenly wisedom so that all their words their workes may be hereby made pleasant sacrifice vnto the Lord God and not onely for helpe of their own soules but also for edification of holy Church For I doubt not but all they that will apply them to haue this foresayd busines shall profite ful me kill both to freds foes For some enemies of the truth through the grace of God shall through charitable folkes be made astonied in their conscience and peraduenture conuerted from vices to vertues and also they that labour to know and to keep faythfully the biddinges of God and to suffer paciently all aduersities shall hereby comfort many frendes And the fourth thing that moueth me to write this seÌteÌce is this I knowe by my sodein vnwarned apposing and aunswering that all they that will of good hart wtout faining able themselues wilfully gladly after theyr cunning and their power to follow christ paciently traueling busily priuily and apertly in worke and in word to withdraw whom soeuer that they may from vices planting in them if the may vertues comforting them furtheryng them that stand in grace so that therwith they be not born vp in vaine glory through presumption of theyr wisdome nor inflamed with any worldly prosperitie but euer meek and pacient purposing to abide stedfastly in that wil of God suffering wilfully and gladly without any grutching what soeuer rod the Lord wil chastise them with that then thys good Lord will not forget to comfort al such men and women in all their tribulations at euery poynt of temptation that any enemy purposed for to doe agaynst them To such faithfull louers specially pacient followers of christ the Lord sendeth by his wisedome froÌ aboue them which the aduersaries of the truth may not know nor vnderstand But through their old and new vnshamefast sinnes those tyrantes and enemies of southfastnes shal be so blinded obstinate in eâill that they shall weene themselues to doe pleasant sacrifices vnto the Lorde God in their malicious and wrongfull pursuing and destroying of innocent mens and womens bodyes which men women for theyr vertuous liuing and for their true knowledging of the trueth and theyr pacient wilfull and glad suffering of persecution for righteousnes deserue through the grace of God to be heyres of the endlesse blesse of heauen And for the feruent desire and the great loue that these men haue as to stand in southfastnes and witnes of it though they be sodeinly vnwarnedly brought foorth to be aposed of their aduersaries the holy Ghost yet that moueth and ruleth them thorough his charitie will in that houre of theyr aunswering speake in them and shewe hys wisedome that all theyr enemies shall not agayn say nor agaynst stand lawfully And therfore al they that are stedfast in yâ fayth of God yea which through diligent keeping of his commaundementes for theyr pacient suffering of whatsoeuer aduersitie that commeth to them hope surely in his mercy purposing to stand coÌtinually in perfect charitie For those meÌ and womeÌ dred not so the aduersities of this life that they wil feare after their cunning and their power to knoweledge prudently the truth of gods word when where and to whom they thinke their knowledging may profite Yea and though therfore persecution come to them in one wise or an other certes they paciently take it knowing theyr conuersation to be in heauen It is an high rewarde and a speciall grace of God for to haue and enioy the euerlasting inheritance of heauen for the suffering of one persecution in so short time as is the terme of this life For loe this heuenly heritage endles reward is the Lord God hymselfe which is the best thing that may be This seÌtence witnesseth the Lord God himselfe where as he sayd to AbrahaÌ I am thy meede And as the Lord sayd he was and is the meede of Abraham so he is of all his other saynts This most blessed and best meede he graunt to vs all for his holy name that made vs of naught and sent his onely most deare worthy sonne our Lorde Iesu Christ for to redeeme vs with his most precious hart bloud Amen The examination of William Thorpe penned with hys owne hand KNowne be it to al men that read or heare this writing that on the sonday next after the feast of S. Peter that we call Lammesse in the yeare of our Lord. 1407. I william Thorpe being in prison in the Castle of Saltwoode was brought before Tho. Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and Chauncellor then of Englande And when that I came to him he stode in a great chamber and much people about him and when that he saw me he went fast into a closit bidding all seculer men that followed hym to go foorth from him soone so that no man was left than in that closet but the Archbishop himselfe and a Phisitian that was called Malueren person of S. Dunstanes in London other two persons vnknowne to me which were ministers of yâ law And I standing before them by and by the Archbish. sayd to me William I know well that thou hast this xx winters more trauelled about busily in the north couÌtry and in other diuers countryes of England sowing about false doctrine hauing great businesse if thou might with thine vntrue teaching and shrewd will for to infect poysoÌ all this land But through the grace of God thou art now withstanded brought into my ward so that I shall now sequester thee from thine euill purpose and let thee to enuenime the sheep of my prouince Neuertheles S. Paul sayth If it may be as much as in vs is we ought to haue peace with all men Therfore William if yâ wilt now meckly and of good hart without any feyning kneele downe and lay thy hand vpoÌ a booke and kisse it promising faythfully as I shall here charge thee that thou wilt submit thee to my correction staÌd to myne ordinaunce fulfill it duely by all thy cuÌning and power thou shalt yet find me gracious vnto thee Then sayd I to the archbishop Syr since ye deme me an hereticke out of beleue will ye geue me here audience to tell my beleue And he sayd yea tell on And I sayde I beleue that there is not but one God almighty and in this Godhead and of this Godhead are three persons that is the father the sonne and the sothfast holye Ghost And I beleue that all these three persons are euen in power and in cunning and in might full of grace and of all goodnes For what soeuer that the father doth or can or will that thing also the sonne doth and can and will and in all theyr power cunning and will the holy Ghost is equall to the
whome I shall hereafter know suspected of heresye or errors I shall effectually present or cause to be presented vnto my sayde reuerend father Lord Archbishop or to them which haue his authority so soone as I can conneniently do it and see that they be corrected to my vttermost power This abiuration neuer came to the hands of the Lord Cobham neither was it compiled of them for that purpose but onely therewith to bleare the eyes of the vnlearned multitude for a time After the whiche like fetch and subtle practise was also deuised the recantatioÌ of the Archbishop Thomas Cranmer to stop for a time the peoples mouthes Which subtlely in like manner was also practised with the false recantatioÌ of Bishop âoper and diuers other as in their places hereafter Christ graunting shal be shewed And thus much hitherto concerning the first trouble of sir Iohn Oldcastle Lorde Cobham with all the circumstances of the true time place occasion causes and order belonging to the same Wherin I trust I haue sufficiently satisfied all the parties requisite to a faythfull history with out corruption For the confirmation wherof to the intent the mind also of the wrangling cauiller may be satisfied to stop the mouth of the aduersary which I see in all places to be ready to barke I haue therfore of purpose anexed with all my ground foundation taken out of the Archines and Registers of the Archb. of Cant Ex epist. Thom. Arund ad Rich. Lond. Wherby may appeare the manifest error both of Polydorus and of Edward Hall who being deceiued in the right distinction of the times assigne this citation and examination of the Lord Cobham to be after the councell of CoÌstance when as Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterbury at the councell of Constance was not aliue The copy and testimony of his owne letter shall declare the same written and sent to the bishop of London in forme as foloweth * The copy of the Epistle of the Archbishop of Caunterbury written to the Bishop of London whereupon dependeth the grounde and certaynety of this foresayd history of the Lord Cobham aboue premised TO the reuerend father in Christ and Lord the Lord Robert by the grace of God Bishop of Hereford Richard by the permission of God bishop of London health and continuall increase of sincere loue We haue of late receiued the letters of the reuerend father in Christ and Lord the Lorde Thomas by the grace of God Archb. of Cant. primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke see vnto our reuerend brother the Lord Richard Bishop of London health and brotherly loue in the Lord. It was lately concluded before vs in the conuocation of Prelates and Clergye of our prouince of Caunterb last celebrate in our church of S. Paul intreating amongest other thinges with the sayd prelates clergy vpon the vnion and reformation of the Church of England by vs and the sayd prelates and Clergy that it was almost impossible to amende the hole of our Lordes coate whiche was without seame but that first of all certayne nobles of the realme which are authors fauourers protectors defenders and receiuers of these heretickes called Lollardes were sharpely rebuked and if neede were by the censures of the Churche and the helpe of the secular power they be reuoked from their errours And afterward hauing made diligent inquisition in the conuocation amongest the proctors of the Clergy and others which were there in great number out of euery dioces of our prouince It was found out amongest others that sir Iohn Oldcastle knight was and is the principall receiuer fauourer protector and defender of them and that specially in the Diocesse of London Rochester and Hereforde he hath sent the sayd Lollardes to preach not being licenced by the ordinaryes and Bishoppes of the Dioces or places contrary to the prouinciall constitutions in that behalfe made and hath bene present at theyr wicked SermoÌs greuously punishing with threatnings terrors and the power of the secular sword suche as did withstand him alledging and affirming amongest others that we and our felow brethren Suffragans of out prouinces had not neither haue any power to make any such constitutions Also he hath holden and doth holde opinion and teach as touching the sacramentest of the aultar of penaunce of pilgrimage of the worshiping of Sayntes and of the keyes contrary to that which the vniuersall church of Rome doth teach ond affirme Wherefore on the behalfe of the sayd prelates and clergy we were then required that we would vouchsafe to proceed agaynst the sayd sir Iohn Oldcastle vpon the premisses Notwithstanding for the rouerance of our Lord the king in whose fauour the sayde sir Iohn at that preseÌt was no lesse also for honor of his knighthood we with our fellow brethren and Suffraganes then present with a great part of the Clergy of our prouince comming personally before the presence of our Lord the king being then at hys Manor of Kenington put vp against the said sir Iohn a complaint and partly reciting the defaultes of the sayd sir Iohn But at the request of our Lord the king we desiring to reduce the sayd sir Iohn to the vnity of the church without any reproche we deferred all the execution of the premisses for a great time But at the last for so much as our sayd Lord the king after his great trauelles taken about the conuersion of him did nothing at all profite as our said Lord the king vouchsafed to certify vs both by word writing We immediatly decreed to call forth the sayd sir Iohn personally to aunswere before vs at a certayne time already passed in and vpon the premisses and sent our messengers with these our letters of citation to the sayde sir Iohn then being at his castle of Cowling vnto the which messenger we gaue commaundement that he should in no case go into the Castle except he were licensed But by the meane of one Iohn Butler porter of the kings chaÌber he should require the sayd sir Iohn that he would either liceÌse the sayd messenger to come into the Castle or that he would cite him or on the least that he would suffer himselfe to be cited without his Castle The whiche sir Iohn openly aunswered vnto the sayd Iohn Butler declaring the premisses vnto him on the behalfe of our Lord the king that he woulde by no meanes be cited neither in any case suffer his citation Then we being certified of the premisses lawfully proceeded further First hauing faythfull report made unto vs that he could not be apprehended by personall citation we decreed to cite him by an edict to be openly set vppe in the porches of the Cathedrall Church of Rochester next vnto him litle more then three English miles distant from the sayd castle of Cowling As we had thus caused him to be cited and our edict aforesayde to be publickely openly set vpon the porches of the said
Church that he should personally appeare before vs the 11. day of September last past to aunswere vnto the premisses and certayne other thinges concerning heresye The which day being come we sitting in the tribunall seat in our greater chappell within the Castle of Leedes of our dioces the which we then inhabited and where as we then kept residence with our court and hauing taken an othe whiche is requisite in the premisses and the information by vs heard and receiued as the common report goeth In the partes whereas the sayd sir Iohn dwelleth fortifying himselfe in his sayd castle defending his opinions manifoldly contemning the keâes of the churche and the Arbishops power We therefore caused the sayde Syr Iohn cited as is aforesayd to be openly with a loude voyce called by the cryer and so being called long looked for and by no meanes appearing we iudged him as he was no lesse worthy obstinate and for punishment of his sayd obstinacye we did then and there excommunicate him And for so much as by the order of the premisses and other euident tokens of hys doinges we vnderstand that the sayde sir Iohn for the defence of his errour doth fortify himselfe as is aforesayd against the keyes of the Church by pretence whereof a vehement suspition of heresy and schisme riseth agaynst him We haue decreed if he may be apprehended agayne personallye to cite him or els as before by an edict that he should appeare before vs the Saterday next after the feast of Saint Mathew the Apostle and Euangelist next comming to shew some reasonable cause if he can why we shoulde not proceede agaynst him to more greuous punishment as an open hereticke schismaticke and open enemy of the vniuersall church And personally to declare why he should not be pronounced such a one or that the ayde of the secular power shoulde not be solemnely required agaynst him And further to aunswere do and receiue as touching the premisses whatsoeuer iustice shal require The which time being come that is to say the Saterday next after the feast of S. Mathew being the 24. day of September sir Rob. Morley knight Lieftenant of the tower of London appeared personally before vs sitting in the chapter house of the Churche of S. Paule at London with our reuerent fellowe brethren and Lordes Richard by the grace of God Bishop of London and Henry Byshop of Winchester and brought with him sir Iohn Oldecastle Knight and set him before vs for a little before he was taken by the kinges seruauntes and cast into the tower vnto which sir Iohn Oldcastle so personally present we rehearsed all the order of the proces as it is contayned in the actes of the of the daye before passed with good and modest wordes and gentle meanes That is to say howe he the said sir Iohn was detected and accused in the conuocation of the prelates and clergy of our sayd prouince as is aforesayd vpon the articles before rehearsed and how he was cited for hys contumacy excommunicate And when we were come to that poynt we offered our selues ready to absolue him Notwithstanding the sayd sir Iohn not regarding our offer sayd that he would willingly rehearse before vs and my sayde fellowe brethren the fayth which he held affirmed So he hauing his desire obteining licence tooke out of his bosome a certayne Scedule indented and there openly reade the contentes of the same and deliuered the same Scedule vnto vs and the Schedule of the articles wherupon he was examined which was as in forme folowing * The catholicke fayth and confession of the Lord Cobham I Iohn Oldcastle knight Lord of Cobham desire to made manifest vnto all Christians God to be taken to witnesse that I neuer thought otherwise or would thinke otherwise by Gods helpe then with a stedfast vndoubted fayth to imbrace all those his Sacramentes whiche be hath instituted for the vse of his Church Furthermore that I may the more playnly declare my mynde in these iiii pointes of my fayth First of all I beleue the SacrameÌt of the aulter to be the body of Christ vn der the forme of bread the very same body which was borne of his mother Mary crucified for vs dead and buried rose againe the third day sitteth on the right haÌd of his immortall father now being a triumphant partaker with him of his eternall glory Then as touchyng the Sacrament of penaunce this is my belief that I doe thinke the correction of a sinnefull lyfe to be most necessary for all such as desire to be saued and that they ought to take vpoÌ them such repentaunce of their former lyfe by true confession vnfayned contrition and lawfull satisfaction as the worde of God doth prescribe vnto vs. Otherwise there will be no hope of saluation Thirdly as touchyng images this is my opinioÌ that I do iudge them no poynt of fayth but brought into the worlde after the fayth of Christ by the sufferaunce of the Church so growen in vse that they might serue for a kalender for the lay people and ignorauÌt By the beholdyng wherof they might the better call to remeÌbraunce the godly examples martyrdome of Christ and other holy men but if any man do otherwise abuse this representatioÌ and geue the reuerence vnto those Images which is due vnto the holy men whom they represent or rather vnto him whom the holy âen themselues owe all theyr honour setting all theyr trust and hope in them which ought to be referred vnto God or if they be so affected toward the domb Images that they do in any behalfe addict vnto them eyther be more addicted vnto one Saint then another in my minde they doe little differ from Idolatrye grieuouslye offending agaynst God the author of all honor Last of all I am thus perswaded that there be no inhabitants here in earth but that we shall passe straight either to life or punishment for whosoeuer doth so order his lyfe that he stumble at the commaundementes of God whiche either he knoweth not or he will not be taught them it is but in vayne for him to look for saluation although he ran ouer all the corners of the world Contrarywise he which obserueth his commaundements cannot perish although in all his life time he walked no pilgrimage neither to Rome Caunterbury nor Compostella or to any other place whither as the common people are accustomed to walke This Scedule with the articles therin conteined being read as is aforesaid by the sayd sir Iohn we with our felow brethren aforesaid many other doctors learned meÌ had conference vpon the same And at the last by the counsell and consent of them we spake these wordes folowing vnto the sayd sir Iohn there present Behold sir Ioh. there are many good and catholicke things conteined in this scedule But you haue this time to answere vnto other matters which sauor of errors heresies
day wast shall haue lyuery therof out of the hands of the king of the landes tenements aforesayde so of them holden as hath bene vsed in case of attaynder of felonies except the lands and tenements which be holden of the ordinaries or their commissaries before whom anye such empeached of heresye be conuict which landes and tenements shall wholy remaine to the king as forfeit And moreouer that all the goodes and cattels of such conuicted be forfayt to our right soueraigne Lord the king so that no person conuict of heresye left vnto the secular power according to the lawes of holy Church do forfeit his landes before that he be dead And if any such person so conuicted becuse offed whether it be by fine or by deede or without deed in landes and tenements rentes or seruices in fee or otherwise in whatsoeuer maner or haue any other possessions or cattels by gift or graunt of any person or persons to the vse of any other then only to the vse of such conuits That the same landes tenementes rentes nor seruices nor other such possessions nor cattelles shall not be forfeite vnto our soueraigne Lord the king in no maner wise And moreouer that the Iustices or the kinges bench the Iustices of peace Iustices of Assise haue full power to inquire of all such which hold any errors or heresies as Lolards and who be their mayntayners receiuers fautors and susteiners common writers of such bookes as well of their sermons as scholes conuenticles congregations and confederacies that this clause be put in the coÌmissions of the Iustices of peace And if any persons be indited of any of the points aboue said that the sayd Iustices haue power to award agaynst them a Capias and that the Shriffe be bound to arest the person or persons so indited as soone as he can finde them either by himselfe or by his officers And for so much as the cognisance of heresies errors or Lolardies appertain to the Iudges of holy church and not vnto the secular Iudges that such persons indited be deliuered vnto the Ordinaries of the places or to theyr Commissaryes by Indentures betwene them to be made within x. dayes after their arest or sooner if it may be done to be therof acquited or conuict by the lawes of holy church in case such persoÌs be not indited of any other thing the cognisaunce whereof appertayneth to the Iudges secular officers in which case after they shal be acquited or deliuered before the secular iudges of such thinges as apperteineth to the secular Iudges they shal be sent in safe custody vnto the said Ordinaries or their commissaries to theÌ to be deliuered by Indentures as is aforesayd to be acquited or coÌuicted of the same heresyes errors and Lolardies as is aforesaid according to the lawes of holy church that with in the terme abouesayde Prouided that the saide indightments be not taken in euidence but onely for information before the Iudges spirituall agaynst such persons indighted but that the Ordinaries begin their proces against such persoÌs indited in the same maner as though no such iudgement were hauing no regard to such inditementes And if any be indited of heresy error or Lolardy and takeÌ by the Shiriffe or any other officer of the king he may be let to mayneprise within the sayde x. dayes by good surety for whoÌ the said Shriffes or other officers wil answer so that the person so indighted be readye to be deliuered vnto the sayd Ordinaries or to their Commissaryes before the end of the tenth day aboue recited if he may be any meanes for sicknes And that euery Ordinary haue sufficieÌt Commissaries or Commissary abiding in euery Countye in place notable so that if any such person indited be taken that the sayd Commissaryes or Commissary may be warned in the notable place of his abiding by the Shiriffe or any of hys officers to come vnto the Kinges Bayle within the sayd Countye there to receiue the same person so indighted by Indenture as is aforesayd And that in the Inquestes in this case takeÌ the Shiriffes and other officers vnto whom it apperteineth do impanell good and sufficient persoÌs not suspected nor procured that is to say suche as haue at the least euery one of theÌ that shal be so impanelled in such inquestes within the Realme a hundred shyllinges by the yere of lands tenements or of rent vpon payne to leese to the kings vse xx pouÌd And that those which shal be impanelled vpon such enquestes at sessions and gayles haue euery one of them to the value of xi shillings by the yeare And if any such person arested whether it be by the Ordinaries or the officers of the king either escape or break prison before he be therof acquit before the Ordinary that then all his goods and cattelles which he had at the day of such arest shall be forfeite to the king And his landes and tenementes which he had the same day be seised also into the kings handes and that the king haue the profites therof from the same day vntill he render himselfe to the sayde prison from whence he escaped And that the aforesaid Iustices haue full power to enquire of all suche escapes and breaking of prisons and also of the lands tenements goods and cattels of such persons indighted Prouided that if any such person endighted doe not returne vnto the sayde prison and dyeth not being conuict that then it shall bee lawfull for his heyres to enter into the landes and tenements of his or their auÌcester without any other sute made vnto the king for this cause And that all those which haue liberties or franchises royall in England as the couÌty of Chester the county and liberty of Durham and other like And also al the Lordes which haue iurisdictions and franchises royall in Wales where the kings writs do not run haue like power to execute and put in execution in al pointes these articles by them or by their officers in like maner as doe the Iustices and other the kinges officers aboue declared ¶ Notes touching the statute prefixed Thus hauing recited the wordes of the statute nowe let vs consider the reasons obiections of this aduersary who grounding peradueÌture vpon the preface or preamble of this foresaid statute will proue thereby the L. Cobham and Sir Roger Acton with the rest of their abettours to haue bin traitors to their king and their countrey Wherunto I answere first in generall that although the face or preface prefixed before the statute may shew and declare the cause occasion originall why the statute was made yet the making of the statute importeth no necessary probatioÌ of the preface alwaies to be true that goeth before which being but a colour to induce the making therof geueth no force materiall therunto nor is any necessary part of the body of the said statute But onely adhereth as a declaration
Christenmasse what condites were made what Maiors and shirifes were in London what battails were fought what triumphs and great feasts were holdeÌ when kings began their raigne and when they ended c. In such vulgare and popular affairs the narration of the Chronicler serueth to good purpose may haue his credite wherein the matter forceth not much whether it be true or false or whether any listeth to beleue them But where as a thyng is denied and in cases of iudgement and in controuersies doubtfull which are to be decided and boulted out by euidence of iust demonstration I take them neither for Iudges of the bench not for arbiters of the cause nor as witnesses of themselues sufficient necessarily to be sticked vnto Albeit I deny not but hystories are takeÌ many times and so termed for witnesses of times and glasses of antiquitie c. yet not such witnesses as whose testimony beareth alwaies a necessary truth and bindeth beliefe The two witnesses whych came against Susanna being seniours both of auncient yeares bare a great countenance of a most euideÌt testimony wherby they almost both deceiued the people oppressed the innocent had not yoÌg Daniel by the holy spirite of God haue take theÌ aside and seuerally examining them one from the other found them to be falsliers both leauing to vs therby a lesson of wholsome circumspection not rashly to beleeue euery one that commeth and also teaching vs how to try theÌ out Wherfore M. Cope following here the like example of Daniel in trying these your records whom ye inferre against these men we wil in like maner examine them seuerally one froÌ an other and see how their testimonie agreeth first beginning wyth your Robert Fabian Which Robert Fabian being neither in the same age nor at the deede doing can of himselfe geue no credite herein without due proofe and euidence conuenient Now theÌ doth Rob. Fabian proue this matter of treason true what probation doeth he bring what authoritie doth he alleage And doth Rob. Fabian thinke if he were not disposed to conceiue of the L. Cobham and those men a better opinion but to be traitors that men are bounde to beleue him only at his word without any ground or cause declared why they shuld so do but only because he so saith and pleased him so to write And if yee thinke M. Cope the word only of this witnes sufficient to make authority speaking against the Lord Cobham and prouing nothing which followed so many yeres after him why may not I as well and much rather take the worde and testimonie of Richard Belward a Northfolke man and of the towne of Crisam who liuing both in his time possible knowing the party punished also for the like trueth is not reported but recorded also in the registers of the church of Norwich to geue this testimonie among other his articles for the foresaid L. Cobham that is that sir Iohn Oldcastle was a true Catholike man and falsely condemned and put to death wythout a reasonable cause c. Ex Regist. Noruic Agaynst this man if you take exception say that one hereticke will hold with an other why may not I with the like exception reply to you agayne say as well one Papist hold with an other and both coÌiure together to make and say the worst agaynst a true Protestant Further yet to examine this foresayd Fabian witnes agaynst Sir Iohn Oldcastle as Daniell examined that witnesses agaynst Susanna I will not here aske vnder what tree these adherentes of sir I. Oldcastle conspired agaynst the king subuersion of that land but in what time in what yeare and moneth this conspiracie was wrought Fabian witnesseth that it was in the moneth of Ianuary CoÌtrary Edward Hall other our Abridgementers followyng him doe affirme that they were condemned in the Guild hall the xij of December and that their executioÌ vpon the same was in Ianuary followyng so that by their sentence the fact was done either in the moneth of DeceÌber or els before so Fabianus mentitus est in caput suum vt cuÌ Daniele dicam or if it were in the moneth of Ianuary as Fabian sayth then is Hall and his followers deceiued testifying the fact to be done in the moneth of December And yet to obiect moreouer against the sayd FabiaÌ for so much as he is such a rash witnes agaynst these burned persons whom he calleth traytors it would be demauÌded further of him or in his absence of Maister Cope in what yeare this treason was conspired If it were in the same yeare as he coÌfesseth himselfe in which yeare Iohn Cleidon the Skinner Richard Turmine Baker were burned then was it neither in the moneth of Ianuary nor in the first yeare of kyng Henry the fift For in the register of CaÌterbury it appeareth playne that Iohn Claydon was condemned neither in the tyme of Thom. Arundell Archbyshop nor yet in the first nor second yeare of kyng Henry the v. but was coÌdemned in the second yeare of the translation of Henry Chichesly Archbyshop of Canterbury the. 17. day of August which was the yeare of our Lord. 1415. So that if this conspiracie was in the same yeare after the witnesse of FabiaÌ in which yeare I. Cleydon was burned then doth the testimony of Fabian neither accord with other witnesses nor with him selfe nor yet with truth And thus much concerning the witnes of Rob. Fabian Let vs next proceede to Polidore Uirgill whose partiall and vntrue handling of our history in other places of of his bookes doth offer vnto vs sufficient exception not to admit his credite in this And yet because we will rather examine him then exclude him let vs heare a little what he sayth how he fayleth in how many pointes numbring the same vpon my fiue fingers First ending with the life of king Henry 4. hee sayeth that hee raigned 14. 14. yeares and 6. moneths and 2. dayes Angl. hist. lib. 21. whyche is an vntruth worthy to be punyshed wyth a whole yeares banishment to speake after the maner of Apulenis when as truth is he raigned by the testimony of the story of S. Albones of Fabian of Hall of our old English Chronicle and of Scala mundi but 13. 6. moneths lacking as some say 5. dayes Hal saieth he raigned but 12. yeares The second vntruth of Polydore is this where as hee speaking of this sedition of sir Iohn Oldcastle and his adherents affirmeth the same to be done after the burning of Iohn Hus and of Hierome of Prage whych was sayeth he An. 1415. in which yere sayth he Thomas Arundell died Hys wordes be these In eodem concilio damnata est Ioh. Wicliffi haeresis ac Ioan. Hus Hieronymus Pragensis in ea vrbe combusti sunt Quod vbi reliquis consocijs qui etiam tunc in Anglia erant patefit tanquam furijs agitati primùm
the king Wenselaus who theÌ fauored that pope gaue coÌmaundement that no man should atteÌpt any thing against the sayd Popes indulgeÌces But Hus with his folowers not able to abide the impiety of those pardoÌs began manifestly to speake agaynst them of the which coÌpany were 3. certayn artificers who hearing the priest preaching of these iudulgences did opeÌly speak against them called the pope Antichrist which would set vp the crosse to fight agaynst his euenchristened Wherefore they were brought before the Senate and committed to warde But the people ioyning theÌselues together in armes came to the magistrates requiring theÌ to be let loose The magistrates with geÌtle wordes and fayre promises satisfied the people so that euery man returning home to his own house the tumult was asswaged But the captiues being in prison not withstanding were there beheaded whose names were Iohn Martin and Stascon The death and martirdome of these three being knowne vuto the people they took the bodies of them that were slaine and with great solemnitye brought them vnto the church of Bethlem At whose funerall diuers priestes fauoring that side did sing in this wise These be the Sayntes whiche for the testament of God gaue their bodies c. And so their bodyes were sumptuously interred in the church of Bethlem I. Hus preaching at the same funerall much commending them for theyr constancye and blessing God the father of our Lord Iesus Christ whyche had hidde the way of his verity so from the prudent of this world and had reuealed it to the simple lay people and inferior priestes which chose rather to please God then men Thus this City of Prage was deuided The prelates with the greatest part of the clergy most of the Barons which had any thing to lose did hold with the pope especially Steuen Paletz being the chiefest doer on that side On the contrary part the commons with part of the clergy studentes of the vniuersity went with Iohn Hus. Wenslaus the king fearing least this would grow to a tumult being moued by the doctors and prelates and councell of his barons thought best to remoue Iohn Husse out of the Citty who had bene excommunicated before by the Pope And further to cease this dissention risen in the church committed the matter to the disposition of the doctors and the clergy They coÌsulting together among theÌselues did set forth a decree ratified and confirmed by the senteÌce of the king contayning the summe of 18. articles for the maynteynance of the Pope and the see of Rome agaynst the doctrine of Wickeliffe and Iohn Husse The names of the Doctors of Diuinity were these Steuen Paletz Stanislaus de Znoyma Petrus de Ikoyma Ioannes Heliae Andreas Broda Iohannes Hildesen Mattheus Monachus Hermannus Heremita Georgius Bota Simon Wenda c. Iohn Hus thus departing out of Prage went to his couÌtry where he being protected by the Lord of the Soile continued there preaching to whom resorted a great concourse of people neither yet was he so expelled out of Prage but that sometimes he resorted to his church of Bethleem and there also preached vnto the people Moreouer agaynst the sayde decree of the doctours I. Hus with his companye replied agayne and aunswered to their articles with coÌtrary articles agayn as foloweth The obiections of Iohn Hus and of his part agaynst the decree of the Doctors FIrst the fouÌdation of the Doctors wherupon they fouÌd all their writings and counsels is false which fouÌdatioÌ is this where as they say that part of the clergy in the kingdome of Boheme is pestilent and erroneous and holdeth falsely of the Sacramentes 2. The Doctors hereby do defame the kingdome of Boheme and do rayse vp new discordes 3. Let them shew therefore those persons of the Clergye whom they call pestilent so let them verify theyr report binding themselues to suffer the like paine if they be not able to proue it 4. False it is that they say the Pope the cardinals to be the true manifest successors of Peter of the Apostles neyther that any other successors of Peter or the Apostles can be fouÌd vpon earth besides theÌ WheÌ as no man knoweth whether he be worthy of hatred or of fauour And all Byshops and priests be successors of Peter of the Apostles 5. Not the pope but Christ onely is the head and not the Cardinals but all Christes faythfull people be the body of the Catholick church as all holy Scripture and decrees of the holy fathers do testify and affirme 6. And as touching the pope if he be a reprobate it is plain that he is no head no nor member also of the holy Church of God but of the deuill and of his sinagogue 7. The clergy of the gospellers agreeing with the saying of S. Austen which they alledge and according to the sanctions of the fathers and determinations of the holy mother church do say and affirme laudably that the condeÌnation and prohibition of the 45. articles is vnlawful and vniust and rashly done for that not onely because the doctors but also all Bishops and Archbishops in suche great causes namely touching faith as these articles doe haue no authority at all as appearethâ De baptismo et eius effectu cap. Maiores Et in Can. 17. dist cap. Hinc sedi c. 8. The second cause of the discord which they alledge also is most false seing the fayth of whole Christendome coÌcerning the church of Rome is deuided in 3. parts by the reason of 3. popes which now together do raigne And the 4. part is newtrall Neither is it true that we ought to stand in all things to the determination of the pope of the cardinals but so farr forth as they do agree with the holy scripture of the old and new Testament from whence the sanctions of the fathers did first spring as is euident De accusationibus cap. qualiter c. 9. In the 4. Article they brast out into a certayne dotage are contrary to themselues By reason that they doitishly haue repreheÌded the gospellers who in all their doings receiue the holy scripture whith is the law of God the way of trueth and life for their iudge and measure and afterward they themselues doe alleadge the scripture Deut. 17. where all iudges both popes and Cardinals are taught to iudge discern betwene leaper leaper in euery ecclesiasticall cause only after the rule of gods law And so are they coÌtrary vnto their secoÌd article wherin they say that in euery catholicke matter we must runne to the pope which is coÌtrary to the foolish condemnation of the Articles aforesaid 10 Consequently like idiots they doe most fasly alledge for their purpose the Canon vnder the name and authority of Ierome written 24. q. 1. Haec est fides papa c. where they do apply the wordes of Ierome most impertinentlye to the pope of Rome which he writeth to S.
and graunts to that I say that this safeconduct stood not only vpon the Emperour but also vpon the consent of the Pope himselfe vide infr page And admit that to be true that the councell had power to make this decree to breake promise wyth hereticks yet this can not be denied but that Iohn Hus was condemned and iudged before that decree in the xix Session was made Finally when Cope hath prooued by what scripture the councels haue power to defeat the authoritie of their Emperours in such secular causes touching safeconductes and outward safetie then will I answere him more fully heerein But to the purpose againe of the story Iohn Hus seeing so many faire promises and the assurance which the Emperour had geuen vnto him sent answere vnto the Emperour that he would come vnto the Councell But before hee departed out of the Realme of Boheme and specially out of the towne of Prage he did write certaine billes long inough afore as well in Latine as in the Bohemian language and Almaine and caused them to be set and fastened vpon the gates of the Cathedrall Churches and parish Churches Cloysters and Abbayes signifieng vnto them all that he would go to the generall Councell at Constance wherof if any man haue any suspition of his doctrine that he should declare it before the Lord Conrade or Bishop of Prage or if he had rather at the generall Councell for there he would render and giue vp vnto euery one and before them all an accompt and reason of his fayth The example of his letters and intimations set vp were these the copie where of here followeth ¶ The Letters of Iohn Hus set vp in common places of the Citie of Prage MAister Iohn Hus Bacheler of Diuinitie will appeare before the most reuerend father the Lord Conrade Archbyshop of Prage and Legate of the Apostolicke seate in the next conuocation of all the Prelates and Cleargy of the kyngdome of Boheme being ready alwayes to satisfie all men which shall require him to giue a reason of hys fayth and hope that he holdeth And to heare and see all such as will lay vnto his charge either any stubburnes of errour or heresie that they should write in their names there as is required both by Gods law and mans And if so be that they could not lawfully prooue any stubbornes of errour or heresie against him that then they should suffer the like punishmentes that he should haue had vnto whome altogether he will aunswer at the next generall Councell at Constance before the Archbyshop and the Prelates and according to the decrees and Canons of the holy Fathers shew foorth his innocencie in the name of Christ. Dated the Sonday next after the feast of Sainct Bartholomew ¶ The Intimations folowing were drawne out of the Bohemian tongue I Maister Iohn Husnerz do signifie vnto all men that I am ready to come and stand before the face of my Lorde the Archbishop and to aunswere to all things whereof I am falsely accused in the next conuocation of Bachelers and chefly to this point that in many places they doo report me an hereticke not hauing respect vnto iustice or to law neither yet to my merits or deserts Therefore since that you which do neuer cease to selaunder and backebite me with your words doo vnderstand and knowe these things come foorth openly before the face and presence of the Lord Archbyshop and with an open mouth declare and shew foorth what false doctrine or other things you haue heard me teach contrary to Catholicke fayth and if that I shall be found faultie in neuer so small a matter contrary or against the faith of Christ or in any false doctrine and that I do choose that or other things contrary to the faith of Christ then I will hold my peace and suffer punishment as an hereticke And if there be no man that will resist against me or accuse me in this point once againe I say vnto you that I am ready to appeare at Constance in the famous congregation to the end that I may stand in the company of the Diuines euen before the face of the Pope Therefore whosoeuer knoweth any false doctrine contrary to the faith of Christ in me let him come thether and shew it forth boldly if he haue any thing to lay against me and for my part I will not be slacke if I may vnderstand or knowe it to answere as well to small as great as touching the truth which I haue receiued of God and desire to be defended All you good men therefore which loue the truth say now whether by these my words I do thinke or go about any thing either contrary to the law of God or man If I be not admitted then to be heard be it knowne and manfest vnto all men that it hapneth not thorough my fault the same day This Epistle which followeth was set vpon the gates of the Kings Palace translated into Latin out of the Bohemian tongue VNto the Kings maiestie the Queene and to all such as are of his Councell and to all other Rulers and Magistrates which now are in the Kings Court I Iohn Hus doo signifie and publish that I haue vnderstand not by any vayne rumor or tale that there be letters brought from the Pope to the Kings Maiestie the contents whereof is this That the Kyngs Maiestie shoulde bring to passe that the heretickes which were now lately sprong vp in hys kyngdome and dominions should not take any firme or strong roote For so much as without any desert as I trust by Gods grace the fame or noise is sproong and blowne abroade it shall bee our part to foresee and take heed that neyther the Kyngs Maiestie neyther the noble Kyngdome of Boheme should bee driuen to beare or suffer anye reproche on slaunder for mee Wherefore now of late I haue sent my letters too and fro whych I haue with great labour and diligence caused to be openly set vp to thys intent that I myght thereby cause the Archbyshop to be carefull and diligent about the matter signifyeng openly that if there were any man in all Boheme which did knowe mee to be a follower of anye false or corrupt doctrine that he should professe hys name in the Archbyshop hys Court and there to shew foorth and declare what he thought And for asmuch as there would none be found or come foorth which would accuse me the Archbyshop commaunded me and my procurers to depart in peace Wherefore I require and desire the Kings Maiestie which is the defender of the truth also the Queene and theyr Counsellers and all other Rulers and Magistrates that they woud geue me a faithfull testimoniall of this matter For somuch as I haue oftentimes willed and attempted this and no man hath eyther accused mee or troubled mee I doo it moreouer to bee knowne vnto all Boheme and to all nations that I wil bee present euen at the
his seate and office at the request of the Cardinalles that the whole Colledge of Cardinalles sent letters to the king of Boheme requiring him that together with them he would renounce forsake his obedience vnto pope Gregory and so it shoulde come to passe that by the authoritie of a new Byshop he should recouer againe his imperial dignity For this cause the king coÌseÌted to the wil of that Cardinals as touching a neutrality that is to say that he would neyther take part with Pope Gregory neyther yet with Benedict the xii Byshop of Auinion whiche was then named Pope as it doth appeare by Chronicles In this cause then for somuch as the archbishop Swinco with the Clergy were agaynst the kyng and abstayning from the deuine seruice many of them departed out of the Citty and the archbishop hymselfe breaking down the tombe of the Lord Wincelate contrary and agaynst the kinges will did also take Wickliffes bookes burned them therupon the king without any gaynsaying suffered that certayne goodes of theyrs which of their own wils were fled away should be spoyled because they shold not consent or accord with the bishop Wherupon it is easie to be vnderstanded and knowne that Iohn Husse was falsely accused for that matter Howbeit a certayn man one Naso rising vp sayd the Clergy sayd he did not abstayne from the deuine seruice because they woulde not sweare to consent vnto the king but because that they were spoyled and robbed of theyr goodes and substaunce And the Cardinall of Cambray who was one of the Iudges sayd here I must say somewhat which is come into my minde When as I came from Rome the same yeare that these thinges were done by chaunce I met on the way certayne Prelates of Boheme Whome when I demaunded what newes they had brought out of Boheme they aunswered that there was happened a wonderfull cruel and haynous fact for all the Clergy were spoyled of all theyr substaunce and very ill intreated and handled Then Iohn Hus alledging the same cause which he did before went forward vnto the secoÌd part of the Article which was obiected against him denying also that it happened thorough his fault that the Germaynes departed from the Uniuersitie of Prage But when as the king of Boheme according to the foundation of Charles the fourth his father granted three voices vnto the Bohemes the fourth vnto the Germaynes whereat the Germaynes grudging that they shoulde be exemted from theyr voices of theyr owne accorde departed went theyr wayes binding themselues with a great oth and vnder a great penalty both of their fame and also money that none of them should returne agayne vnto Prage Notwithstanding I am not ashamed to confesse that I did approue and allow the doinges of the king vnto whom of only I ow obedience for the commoditie and profite of my country And because you shal not thinke that I haue spoken any vntrueth here is present Albert Warren Tranius whiche was deacon of the faculties who hadde sworne to depart with the rest of the Germaynes he if that he wil say the truth shal easly clere me of this suspitioÌ But when as Albert would haue spoken he could not be heard But the foresayd Naso of whome before is made mention after he had asked leaue to speak sayd this matter do I vnderstand wel inough for I was in the Kinges court when these thyngs were done in Boheme when as I sawe the maysters of the 3. nations of the Germaynes Bauarians Saxons and Silesians amongst whome the Pollonians were also numbred most humbly come vnto the king requiring that he would not suffer the right of their voyces to be takeÌ from them Then the kyng promised theÌ that he would forsee and prouide for theyr requestes But Iohn Hus and Ierome of Prage with diuers others perswaded the king that he should not so do Wherat the king at the first being not a little moued gaue him a sore checke that he and Hierom of Prage did somuch intermedie themselues and moued such open controuersies in somuch that he threatned them that except they woulde forsee and take heede hee woulde bring it to passe that the matter shoulde be determined and decreed by fire Wherfore most reuereÌd fathers you shall vnderstand that the king of Boheme did neuer fauour with his hart these men whose vnshamefastnes is such that they feared not euen of late to entreat me euill being so much in the kinges fauour and credite After hym stepped forth Paletz saying verely most reuerend fathers not onely the learned men of other nations but also of Boheme it selfe are through the Councell of Iohn Hus and his adherentes banished out of Boheme of the which number some remayne yet in exile in Morauia Hereunto Iohn Hus answered how can thys be true sayd he sitheÌs I was not at Prage at that tyme when as these men you speake of departed and went awaye from thence These thynges were thus debated the day aforesayd as touching Iohn Hus. This done the sayd Iohn Hus was committed to the custody of the bishop of Rigen vnder whome Ierome of Prage was also prisoner But before that he was led away the Cardinall of Cambray calling him backe agayne in the presence of the Emperour sayd Iohn Hus I haue heard you say that if you had not ben willing of your own mind to come vnto Constance neyther the Emperour himselfe neither the king of Boheme coulde haue compelled you to do it Unto whom Iohn Hus answered vnder your liceÌce most reuerend father I neuer vsed any such kinde of talke or wordes But this I did say that there was in Boheme a great number of gentle meÌ and noble men which did fauour and loue me the whiche also might easely haue kepte me in some sure and secret place that I shoulde not haue bene constrayned to come vnto thys towne of Constance neyther at the will of the Emperour neyther of the king of Boheme With that the Cardinall of Cambray euen for very anger began to chaunge hys colour and despiteously said do you not see the vnshamefastnes of the man here And as they were murmuring and whispering on all partes the L. Ioh. de Clum ratifying and confirming that which Iohn Hus had spoken sayd that Iohn Hus had spoken very well for on my part sayd he which in comparison of a great many others am but of small force in the realme of Boheme yet alwayes if I would haue taken it in hand I could haue defended hym easely by the space of one yeare euen agaynst all the force power of both these great and mighty kinges How much better might they haue done it which are of more force or puissance then I am and haue stronger castles and places then I haue After that the L. de Clum had spoken the Cardinal of Cambray sayd let vs leaue thys talke And I tell you Iohn Hus and
and aduersary of S. Peter of our Lorde Iesus Christe and also the vicare of Iudas Iscarioth I aunswere the wordes of my book are these If he which is called the vicare of S. Peter walke in the wayes of Christian vertues aforesayd we do beleue verely that he is the true vicar and true Byshop of the Church whiche ruleth but if he walke in contrary pathes and wayes then is he the messenger of Antechrist coÌtrary both to S. Peter and our Lord Iesus Christ. And therfore S. Bernard in hys 4. book did write in this sort vnto pope Eugenie Thou delitest walkest in great pride and arrogancie being gorgeously and sumptuously arayd what fruit or profite do thy flocke or sheepe receiue by thee If I durst say it these be rather the pastures and feedinges of deuils then of sheepe S. Peter S. Paul did not so wherfore thou seemest by these thy doings to succeede Constantine not S. Peter These be the very wordes of S. Bernard It followeth after in my booke that if the maner and fashion of his life and liuing be contrary to that which S. Peter vsed or that he be geuen to auarice and couetousnes then is he the vicar of Iudas Iscarioth which loued and chose the reward of iniquitie dyd set out to sale the Lord Iesus Christ. As soone as they had read the same those which ruled and gouerned the couÌcell beheld one an other making mockes and moes they nodded theyr heades at hym The xi article Al such as doe vse Symmony priests liuing dissolutely and wantonly do hold an vntrue opinion of the 7. Sacramentes as vnbeleuing bastardes and not as Children not knowing what is the office duety of the keyes or censures rites and ceremonies neither of the diuine seruice of the Churche or of veneration or worshipping of reliques neither of yâ orders constituted and ordeined in the Church neither yet of indulgences or pardons I answere that it is placed in this maner in my book Thys abuse of authoritie or power is committed by such as doe sell make marchandise of holy orders and get and gather together riches by Symonie making fayres and markets of the holy Sacramentes and liuing in all kynd of voluptuousnes and dissolute maners or in any other filthy or vilanous kind of liuing They do polute and defile the holye ecclesiasticall state And albeit that they professe in wordes that they do know God yet doe they deny it again by their deeds and consequently beleue not in God But as vnbeleeuing bastardes they holde a contrarye and vntrue opinion of the 7. Sacramentes of the Church And this appeareth most euidently for somuch as all suche doe vtterly contemne and despise the name of God according to the saying of Malachy the first chapter Unto you O Priestes be it spoken which doe despise and contemne my name The xii Article The papall dignitie hath hys original from the Emperours of Rome I answere and mark wel what my wordes are The preeminence and institution of the Pope is sprong and come of the Emperours power authoritie And this is proued by the 96. distinction for Constantine graunted thys priuiledge vnto the Bishop of Rome and other after hym confirmed the same That like as Augustus for the outward and temporal goodes bestowed vpon the Churche is counted alwayes the most high king aboue al others so the bysh of Rome shold be called the principal father aboue all other bishops This notwithstanding the papall dignitie hath hys original immediately from Christ as touching hys spirituall administration and office to rule the Church Then the Cardinall of Cabray sayd in the tyme of Constantine there was a generall Councell holden at Nice in the whiche albeit the highest rowme and place in the Church was geuen to the Bishop of Rome for honours cause it is ascribed vnto the Emperour wherefore then do you not aswell affirme and saye that the Papall dignitie tooke hys originall rather from that councel then by the Emperours authoritie and power The 13. article No man would reasonably affirme weout reuelation neyther of hymselfe nor of any other that hee is the heade of any particular Churche I aunswere I confesse it to be written in my booke and it followeth straight after Albeit that through hys good liuing he oght to hope and trust that he is a member of the holy vniuersal Church the spouse of Iesus Christ according to the saying of the Preacher No man knoweth whether he be worthy and haue deserued grace and fauour or hatred And Luke the 17. when ye haue done all that ye can say that you are vnprofitable seruauntes The 14. Article It ought not to be beleeued that the pope whatsoeuer he be may be the head of any particular Churche vnles he be predestinate or ordayned of God I aunswere that I doe acknowledge thys preposition to be myne and thys is easie to proue forsomuche as it is necessary that the Christian faith shuld be depraued for somuch as the Churche was deceiued by N. as it appeareth by S. Augustine The 15. article The popes power as Uicare is but vayne and nothing worth if he do not confirme addresse hys lyfe accordyng to Iesus Christ and not followe the maners of S. Peter I answere that it is thus in my book that it is meet and expedient that he which is ordayned vicar should addresse and frame himselfe in maners and conditions to the authoritie of hym which did put him in place And Iohn Hus sayd Moreouer before the whole councell I vnderstand that the power and authoritie in such a pope as doth not represent the maners of Christ is frustrate and voyd as touching the merite and rewarde which he shold obtayne and get therby and doth not get the same but not as concerning hys office Then certayne others standing by asked of hym saying where is that glose in your book I. Hus answered you shall finde it in my treatise agaynst M. Palletz wherat all the assistaunce looking one vppon an other began for to smile and laugh The 16. Article The pope is most holy not because hee doth supply and hold the rowme and place of S. Peter but because he hath great reuenues I answere that my words are mutilate for thus it is written He is not most holy because he is called the vicar of S. Peter or because he hathe great and large possessions But if he be the follower of Iesus Christ in humilitie gentlenes pacieÌce labour and trauayle and in perfect loue and charitie The 17. Article The Cardinals are not the manifest and true successours of the other Apostles of Iesus Christ if they liue not according to the fashion of the Apostles keping the commaundementes and ordinaunces of the Lord Iesus I answere that it is thus written in my booke and it proueth it selfe sufficiently For if they enter in by an other way then by the dore whiche is the
you will not be ashamed to alter change your mind to the will and pleasure of the Councell if coÌtrary wise ãâã will be no author vnto you that you should do any thing contrary or against your conscience but rather to suffer and endure any kinde of punishment than to denie that which you haue knowne to be the truth Vnto whome Iohn Hus turning himselfe with lamentable teares sayd verely as before I haue often times done I do take the most high God for my witnes that I am ready with my whole hart and minde if the Councell can instruct or teach me any better by the holy Scripture I will be ready with all my hart to alter and change my purpose Then one of the Byshops which sate by sayde vnto him that hee would neuer be so arrogant or proude that he would prefer his owne mind or opinion before the iudgemeÌt of the whole Councell To whome Iohn Hus aunswered neither doo I otherwise minde or intend For if he which is the meanest or least in all this Councell can conuict me of errour I will with an humble hart and mind performe and do whatsoeuer the Councell shall require of me Marke said the Bishops how obstinately he doth perseuer in his errours And when they had thus talked they commaunded the keepers to cary him againe vnto prison and so they returned againe vnto the Emperour with their commission The next day after which was Saterday and the sixte day of Iuly there was a generall Session holden of the Princes and Lords both of the Ecclesiastiall and Temporall estates in the head Church of the Citie of Constance the Emperour Sigismund being President in his Imperiall robes and habite in the middest whereof there was made a certaine high place being square about like a table and hard by it there was a deske of wood vpon the which the garments and vestiments pertaining vnto Priesthode were laide for this cause that before Iohn Husse should be deliuered ouer vnto the Ciuill power he should be openly depriued and spoiled of his Priestly ornaments When Iohn Husse was brought thether he fell downe vpon his knees before that same high place and praied a long time In the meane while the Bishop of Londy went vp into the Pulpit and made this Sermon following The Sermon of the Byshop of Londy before the sentence was giuen vpon Iohn Husse IN the name of the Father the Sunne and of the holy Ghost Trusting by humble inuocation vpon the diuine helpe and ayde most noble Prince and most Christian Emperour and you most excellent Fathers and reuerend Lords Byshops and Prelates also most excellent Doctours and Maisters most famous and noble Dukes and high Countes honourable Nobles and Barons and all other men woorthie of remembraunce that the intent and purpose of my minde may the more plainelie and euidently appeare vnto this most sacred congregation I am first of all determined to intreate or speake of that which is read in the Epistle on the next Sonday in the sixt Chapter to the Romaines That is to say Let the bodie of sinne be destroied c. It appeareth by the authoritie of Aristotle in his booke intituled De coelo mundo how wicked dangerous and foolish a matter it seemeth to be not to withstand peruerse and wicked beginnings For he saith that a small errour in the beginning is very great in the end It is very damnable and dangerous to haue erred but more hard to be corrected or amended Whereupon that worthy Doctour S. Hierome in his booke vpon the exposition of the Catholicke faith teacheth vs how necessarie a thing it is that heretickes and heresies should be suppressed euen at the first beginning of them saieng thus the rotten and dead flesh is to be cut off from the body least that the whole body doo perish and putrifie For a scabbed sheepe is to be put out of the fold least the whole flocke be infected And a little fire is to be quenched least the whole house be consumed and burned Arrius was first a sparke in Alexandria who because hee was not at the first quenched he presumed and went about with his wicked and peruerse imaginations and phantasticall inuentions to spot and defile the Catholicke faith which is founded and established by Christ defended with the victorious triumphes of so manie Martirs and illuminate and set foorth with the excellent doctrines and writings of so manie men Such therefore must be resisted such heretickes of necessitie must be suppressed and condemned Wherefore I haue truely propounded as touching the punishment of euery such obstinate hereticke that the body of sin is to be destroied Whereupon it is to be considered according vnto the holy traditions of the fathers that some sins are aduerse and contrarie vnto another Othersome are annexed or conioyned together othersome are as it were branches and members of others And some are as it were the rootes and head of others Amongst all which those are to be counted the most detestable out of the which the most and worst haue their originall and beginning Wherefore albeit that all sinnes and offences are to be abhorred of vs yet those are specially to be eschewed which are the head and roote of the rest For by how much the peruersenes of them is of more force and power to hurt with so much the more speede and circumspection ought they to be rooted out and extinguished with apt preseruatiues and remedies For so much then as amongst all sinnes none doth more appeare to be inueterate then the mischiefe of this most execrable Schisme therefore haue I right well propounded that the bodie of sinne should be destroied For by the long continuance of this Schsme great and most cruell destruction is sproong vp amongst the faithfull and hath long continued abhominable diuisions of heresies are growne threatnings are increased and multiplied the confusion of the whole Cleargie is growne thereupon and the opprobries and sclaunders of the Christian people are aboundantlie sproong vp and increased And truely it is no maruell for so much as that most detestable and execrable Schisme is as it were a bodie and heape of dissolution of the true faith of God for what can be good or holie in that place where as such a pestiferous Schisme hath raigned so long a time For as Sainct Bernard sayth like as in the vnitie and concord of the faithfull there is the habitation and dwelling of the Lord so likewise in the Schisme and dissipation of the Christians there is made the habitation and dwelling of the Diuell Is not Schisme and deuision the originall of all subuersion the denne of heresies and the nourisher of all offences for the knot of vnitie and peace being once troubled and broken there is free passage made for all strife and debate Couetousnes is vttered in othes for lukers sake lust and will is set at libertie and all meanes opened vnto slaughter All right
sought to by pilgrimages neither is it lawfull for Christians to bow theyr knees to them neither to kisse them nor to geue them any maner of reuerence For the which Articles the Archbishoppe with other Bishops and diuers learned commoning together first condemned the bookes as hereticall and burned them in fire and then because they thought the said Iohn Claydon to be forsworne and fallen into heresy the Archbishop did proceed to his definitiue sentence against the said Iohn personally appearing before him in iudgement his coÌfessions being read and deposed against him after this maner IN the name of God Amen We Henry by the grace of GOD Archbishop of Caunterbury primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke sea in a certayne cause of hereticall prauity of relapse into the same wherupon I. Claidon lay man of the prouince of Caunterbury was detected accused and denounced in the sayd our prouince of Caunterbury publickely defamed as by publick fame and common report notoriously to vs hath bene known first sitting in iudgement seat obseruing all things lawfully required in this behalfe do proceed to the pronouncing of the sentence definitiue in forme as followeth The name of Christ being inuocated onely set before our eies forasmuch as by the actes and thinges enacted producted exhibited and confessed before vs also by diuers signes euidences we haue found the said Iohn Claydon to haue bene and to be publickly and notoriously relapsed agayne into his former heresye heretofore by him abiured according to the merites and desertes of the sayd cause being of vs diligently searched weyed and pondered before to the inteÌt that the sayd I. Claidon shall not infect other with his scab by the consent and assent of our reuerend brethreÌ Richard Bishop of LoÌdon Iohn Bishop of Couentry and Liechfield Steuen Bishop of S. Dauids and of other Doctors as well of diuinity as of both lawes and also of other discreet and learned men assisting vs in this behalfe do iudge pronounce and declare the sayd I. Claydon to be relapsed agayne into his heresy which he before did abiure finally and definitiuely appoynting him to be left vnto the secular iudgement and so do leaue him by these presentes Thus Iohn Claidon receiuing his iudgement condemnation of the Archbishop was committed to the secular power and by them vniustly vnlawfully was coÌmitted to the fire for that the teÌporall magistrate had no such law sufficient for them to burne any suche man for religion condeÌned of the prelats as is aboue sufficiently proued declared pag. 523. But to be short Quo iurè quaque iniuria Iohn Cleydon notwithstanding by the temporall magystrats not loÌg aâter was had to smithfield where meekely he was made a burnt offering vnto the Lord. an 1415. The burning of Iohn Claydon and Richard Turming Robert Fabian and other Chronologers which folow him adde also that Richard Turming Baker of whome mention is made before in the examination of Iohn Claydon was likewise the same time burned with him in smithfield Albeit in the Register I finde no sentence of condemnation geuen against the sayd Turming neither yet in the story of S. Albons is there any such metioÌ of his burning made but only of the burning of Iohn Claydon aforesaid wherfore the iudgement hereof I leaue free to the reader Notwithstanding concerning the sayd Turming thys is certaine that he was accused vnto the bishops no doubt was in their handes bands What afterward was done with him I refer it vnto the authors The next yeare after the burning of these two aforesaid and also of Iohn Hus being burnt at Constaunce whiche was an 1416. the Prelates of England seing the dayly increase of the Gospell and fearing the ruine of theyr papall kingdome were busily occupied with all theyr counsel and diligence to mayntayne the same Wherefore to make their state and kingdome sure by statutes lawes constitutions and terrour of punishment as Thomas Arundell and other Prelates had done before so the forenamed Henrye Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury in his conuocation holden at London maketh another constitutioÌ as though there had not enough bene made before agaynst the poore Lollardes the coppy and tenor wherof he sendeth abroad to the bishop of London and to other his Suffraganes by them to be put in straight execution conteyning in words as foloweth HEnry by the grace of God Archbishop of Canterbury Primate of all England and Legate of the chiefest seat to our reuereÌd brother in the Lord Richard by the grace of God bishop of London health brotherly loue with continuall increase Lately in our last conuocation in Sayncte Paules Church in London being kept by you and other our brethren and clergy of our prouince we do remember to haue made this order vnderwritten by your consentes When as among many other our cares this ought to be chiefe that by some meanes we take those heretickes whiche like foxes lurke hide theÌselues in the Lordes vineyard that the dust of negligeÌce may be vtterly shakeÌ from our feete and from the feete of our fellow brethren In thys the sayd conuocation of the Prelats and clergy we haue ordeined and that our fellowe brethren our Suffraganes and Archdeacons of our prouince of Canterbury by theÌselues their Officials or Commissaryes in all their iurisdictioÌs euery of their charges in theyr country twise euery yere at the least do diligeÌtly enquire of such persons as are suspect of heresy And that in euery suche their Archdeaconries in euery parish wherin is reported any hereticks to inhabit they cause three or more of the honestest meÌ and best reported of to take their othe vpon the holy Euangelist that if they shall knowe or vnderstand any frequenting either in priuy conueÌticles or els deferring in life or maners froÌ the common conuersation of other Catholick men or els that holde any either heresyes or errors or els that haue any suspected bookes in the English tong or that do receiue any such persons suspect of heresyes and errours into theyr houses or that be fauorers of them that are inhabitants in any such place or conuersant with them or els haue any recourse vnto them they make certificats of those persons in writing with all the circumstances wherewith they are suspect vnto the said our Suffraganes or Archdeacons or to theyr Commissaryes so soone with as much speede as possibly they can And that the sayd Archdeacon and euery of their Commissaryes aforesayd do declare the names of all such persons denounced together with all the circuÌstaÌces of theÌ the dioces places secretly vnder theyr seales do send ouer vnto vs the same And that the same diocessans effectually direct forth lawfull proces agaynst them as the quality of the cause requireth that with all diligence they discerne define and execute the same And if perhaps they leaue not such persons
For in that that euery one that worketh more meritoriously to the profite of the Church he hath so much the more greater authoritie from God 25. There is not so muche as one sparke of appearaunce that there ought to be one head ruling and gouerning the church in spirituall causes which should alwayes be conuersaunt in the church millitaââ For Christ without anye such monstrous heds by his ââue disciples sparsed through the whole world could better a great deale rule his church 26. The Apostles and faythfull priests of God haue right worthily in al thinges necessary to saluation gouerned the church before the popes office tooke place and so might they doe agayne by like possibilitie vntill Christ came to iudgement if the popes office should fayle Let euery one that is suspected in the foresayd articles or els otherwise found with assertion of them Be examined in maner and forme as followeth IN primis whether he knew Iohn Wicleffe of Englande Iohn Hus of Bohemia and Hierome of Prage or anye of them and how he came by the knowledge of them whither that during the liues of them or any of them they had eyther bene conuersant with them or found any frendship at their handes 2. Item whether he knowing them or any of them to be excommunicate did willingly participate with them esteming affirming the same their participacioÌ to be no sin 3. Item whither that after their deathes he euer prayed for them or any of them openly or priuily doing any work of mercy for them affirming them to be either saintes or els to be saued 4. Item whether he thought them or anye of them to be Saintes or whether that euer he spake such wordes and whether euer he did exhibite any worshippe vnto them as vnto saintes 5. Item whether he beleue hold and affirme that euery generall councell as also the Councell of Constance doth represent the vniuersall Church 6. Item whether he doth beleue that that which the holy Councell of Constance representing the vniuersall church hath and doth alow in the fauour of the fayth and saluatioÌ of soules is to be approued and allowed of all the faythfull Christians and that whatsoeuer the same Councell hath condemned and doth condemne to be contrary both to the fayth and to all good men is to beleued holden and affirmed for condemned or not 7. Item whether he beleueth that the condemnations of Iohn Hus Iohn Wickleffe and Hierome of Prage made as well vpon their persons as their bookes and doctrine by the holy generall Councelll of Constance be rightly iustly made and of euery good Catholicke man are so to be holden and affirmed or not 8. Item whether he beleue hold and affirme that Iohn Wickleffe of England Iohn Hus of Bohemia and Hierome of Prage were heretickes or not and for heretickes to be nominated preached yea or not and whether theyr bookes and doctrines were and be peruerse or not for the which together with their pertinacie they wre condemned by the holye sacred Councell of Constaunce for heretiques 9. IteÌ whether he haue in his custody any treatises smal workes Epistles or other writinges in what language or tongue soeuer set forth and translated by any of these heretickes Iohn Wickleffe Iohn Hus and Hierome or any other of their false Disciples and followers that he may deliuer them to the ordinaries of that place or his commissary or to the inquisitours vpon hys othe And if he say that he hath no such writing about him but that they are in some other place that then you sweare him to bring the same before his Ordinary or other aforenamed within a certayne time to him prefixed 10. Item whether he knoweth any that hath the treatises works Epistles or anye other writinges of the aforesayd Iohn Wickleffe Iohn Hus and Hierome in whatsouer tong they are made or translated and that he detect manifest the same for the purgation of their fayth and execution of iustice 11. Item especially let the learned be examined whether he beleueth that the sentence of the holy Councell of Constance vpon the 45. articles of Iohn Wickleffe and the 30. Articles of Iohn Hus be not Catholicke which sayth that some of them are notorious hereticall some erroneous other some blasphemous some slaunderous some rash and seditious some offensiue to godly eares 12. Item whether he beleeueth and affirmeth that in no case it is lawfull for a man to sweare 13. Item whether he beleueth that at the commaundement of a iudge or any other it is lawfull to take an oth to tell the truth in anye conuenient cause although it be but purging of an infamy or not 14. Item whether he beleueth that periury wittingly coÌmitted vppon what cause soeuer whether it be for yâ safegard of hys owne life or of any other mans lyfe yea although it be in the cause and defence of the fayth be a sinne or not 14. Item whether a man contemning purposedly the rites of the Churche and the ceremonies of exorcisme of Cathechisme and the consecration of the water of Baptisme be deadly sinne or not 16 Item whether he beleue that after the consecration of the priest in the sacrament of the aultar vnder the figure of bread and wyne be no materiall bread and wyne but in al poyntes the same very Christ which was crucified vppon the Crosse and sitteth vpon the right hand of the father 17. Item whether he beleeue that after the consecration made by the priest vnder the onely forme of bread and besides the forme of wyne be the very flesh of Christ and hys bloud hys soule and hys deitie and so whole Christ as he is and in likewise vnder the forme of wine without the forme of bread bee the very fleshe of Christ and hys very bloud his soule and deitie and so whole Christ the same body absolutely vnder euery one of those kinds singularly 18. Item whether he doth beleue that the custome of houseling of the lay people vnder the forme of bread only obserued of the vniuersall Church and allowed by the onely Councell of Constance be to be vsed and not without the authoritie of the Churche at mens pleasures to be altered and that they that obstinately affirme the contrary to this are to be punished as heretickes or not 19. Item whether he beleue that those whiche contemne the receiuing of the sacramentes of confirmation or extreme vnction or els the solemnisation of matrimony coÌmit deadly sinne or not 20. Item whether he beleeue that a Christian man ouer and besides the contrition of hart being licensed of a conuenient priest is bound to confesse himselfe only to a priest and not to any lay man be he neuer so deuout or good vpon the necessitie of saluation 21. Item whether he beleue that in the cases before put a priest may absolue a sinner confessing himself and being contrite from all sinnes and enioyne him penaunce for the same
22. Item whether he beleueth that an euill Priest with due maner and forme and with the intentioÌ of doing doth verily consecrate doth verily absolue doth verily baptise and doth verily dispose all other sacramentes euen as the Church doth 23. Item whether he beleeue that Saint Peter was the Uicar of Christ hauing power to bynde and to lose vppon the earth 24. Item whether he beleue that the Pope being canonically elect whiche for the tyme shall be by that name expresly be the successor of Peter or not hauing supreme authoritie in the Church of God 25. Item whether he beleue that the authoritie of iurisdiction of the Pope an archbishop or a Bishop in binding loosing be more then the authorititie of a simple priest or not although he haue charge of soules 26. Item whether he beleue that the pope may vpon a iust and good cause geue indulgeÌces and remission of sins to all Christian men being verily contrite and confessed especially to those that go on pilgrimage to holy places and good deedes 27 Item whether he beleue that by such graunt the pilgrimes that visite those Churches and geue theÌ any thing may obtayne remission of sinnes or not 28. Item whether he beleue that all Bishops may grauÌt vnto their subiectes according as the holy Canons doe limit such indulgences or not 29. Item whether he beleue and affirme that it is lawfull for faythfull Christians to worship Images and the reliques of sayntes or not 30. Item whether he beleue that those religions whiche the Churche hath allowed were lawfully and reasonably brought in of the holy fathers or not 31. Item whether he beleueth that the pope or any other Prelate for the time being or their vicars may excommunicate their subiect Ecclesiasticall or secular for disobedieÌce or contumacie so that such a one is to be holden and taken for excommunicate or not 32. Item whether ye beleue that for the disobedieÌce and contumacie of persons excommunicate increasing the prelates or their vicares in spirituall thinges haue power to agrauate and to reagrauate to put vpon men the interdict and to call for the secular arme and that the same secular arme or power ought to be obedient to the censures by their inferiors called for 33. Item whether he beleue that the pope and other prelates or els their vicares haue power in spirituall things to excommunicate priestes and lay men that are stubberne and disobedient from theyr office benefice or entrance into the church and from the administration of the sacraments of the Church also to suspend them 34. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull for ecclesiasticall persons without committing sinne to haue anye possessions temporall goodes and whether he beleeue that it is not lawfull for lay men to take away the same from theÌ by their authoritie but rather that such takers away incrochers vpoÌ ecclesiasticall goods are to be punished as committers of sacriledge yea although such Ecclesiasticall persons liue naughtely that haue such goodes 35. Item whether any such taking away or incrochyng vpoÌ any priest rashly or violently made although the priest be an euill liuer be sacriledge or not 36. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull for lay meÌ of whether sexe soeuer that is men and women to preache the word of God or not 37. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull to al priestes freely to preach the word of God whersoeuer whensoeuer and to whom soeuer it shal please them althogh they be not sent at all 38. Item whether he beleue that all mortall sinnes and especiall such as be manifest and publike are to be corrected and to be extirpate or not Furthermore wee will commaunde and decree that if any by secrete information by you or any other to be receiued shall be founde either enfamed or suspected of anye kind of the pestiferous sect heresie doctrine of the most pestilence men I. Wickleffe I. Hus and Hierome of Prage the archheretickes aforesaid or of fauoring receiuing or defending the foresayd damned men whilest they liued on the earth their false followers and disciples or any that beleeueth their errours or any that after their death pray for theÌ or any of them or that nominateth them to be amongst the number of catholick men or that defendeth them to be placed amongst the number of yâ saintes either by their preaching worshipping or otherwaies wherin they deserue to be suspected yâ then they by you or some of you may be cited personally to appeare before you or some of you wtout either Proctor or Doctor to answere for them an oth being opeÌly taken by them as is aforesayd to speak the plain mere veritie of the articles aboue written and euery of them or other oportune as case and circumstance shall require according to your discretion as you or anye of you shall see expedieÌt to proceed against them or any of them according to these presentes or otherwise canonically as you shall thinke good Also that you do publish solemnly cause to be published these present letters omitting the articles interrogatories herein contayned in the citties other places of your dioces where conueniently you may vnder our authoritie there to denounce and cause to be denounced all singular such hereticks with their abbetters fauorers of their heresies erroures of what sexe or kinde soeuer that do hold defend the sayd erroures or doe participate any maner of way with heretickes priuely or apertly of what state dignitie or condition soeuer he or they be Patriarche Archbishop king Queene Duke or of what other dignitie either Ecclesiasticall or seculare he be also with their aduocates and procurators whosoeuer whiche are beleuers followers fauourers defenders or receiuers of such heretickes or suspected to be beleuers followers fautors defenders or receiuers of them to be excommunicate euery sonday and festiuall day in the presence of the people Furthermore that you dilligently do to be inquired by the sayd our authoritie vpon all and singular such persons both men and women that mayntayne approue defend teach such erroures or that be fauourers receauers and defenders of them whether exempt or not exempt of what dignitie state preeminence degree order or condition soeuer And such as you shal finde in the sayd your inquisition either by their own confession or by any other meane to be diffamed or otherwise infected with the spot of suche heresie or errour you through the sentence of excommunication suspension interdict and priuation of their dignities personages offices or other benefices of the Church and fees which they hold of any church monastery and other Ecclesiastical places also of honours and secular dignities and degrees of sciences or other faculties as also by other paynes and censures of the Church or by wayes and meanes whatsoeuer els shall seeme to you expedient by taking and imprisoning of their bodies and other corporall punishmentes
nowe come to manifest their innocencie before the whole Church and to require open audience where as the laitie may also be present The request was graunted them and being further demanded in what poynts they did disagree from the church of Rome they propounded 4. Articles First they affirmed that all suche as woulde be saued ought of necessitie to receiue the Communion of the laste supper vnder both kindes of bread and wine The second Article they affirmed aâl ciuil rule and dominion to be forbidden vnto yâ Clergy by the law of God The thirde Article that the preaching of the worde of God is free for all men and in all places The fourth Article as touching open crimes and offences which are in no wise to be suffered for the ââoiding of greater euill These were the onely propositions whyche they propounded before the Councell in the name of the whole realme Then another ambassador affirmed that he had hard of the Bohemians diuers and sundry thinges offensiue to Christian eares amongst the which this was one poynte that they should preach that the inuention of the order of begging Friers was diabolicall Then Procopius rising vppe sayde neither is it vntrue for if neyther Moises neyther before hym the Patriarkes neither after him the Prophets neyther in the new lawe Christe and hys Apostles did institute the order of begging friers who doth dout but that it was an inuention of the deuil and a worke of darkenesse This answere of Procopius was derided of them all And Cardinall Iulianus went about to prooue that not onely the decrees of the Patriarkes and Prophetes and those things which Christ and his Apostles had instituted to be onely of God but also all such decrees as the church shuld ordaine being guided through the holy ghost be the workes of God All be it as he sayde the order of begging Friers might seeme to be taken out of some parte of the gospel The Bohemians chose out 4. diuines which shuld declare their Articles to be taken out of the Scriptures Likewise on the contrary part there was 4. appoynted by the councell This disputation continued 50. dayes where many thinges were alledged on either parte whereof as place shal serue more hereafter by the grace of Christ shal be sayd when we come to the time of that Councel In the meane season while yâ Bohemians were thus in long conflicts wyth Sigismund the Emperour and the Pope fighting for their religion vnto whome notwtstanding all the fulnesse of the Popes power was bent against them God of his goodnesse had geueÌ such noble victories as is aboue expressed and euer did prosper them so loÌg as they could agree among theÌselues as these things I say were doing in Boheme King Henry the 5. fighting likewise in Fraunce albeit for no like matters of religion fell sicke at Boys and died after he had raigned 9. yeres 5. moneths 3. wekes and odde daies from his coronation This king in his life and in all hys doings was so deuout seruiceable to the Pope and his chapleins that he was called of many the Prince of priests who left behind him a sonne being yet an infant 9. monthes and 15. dayes of age whom he had by Quene Katherine daughter to the French king married to him about 2. or 3. yeares before The name of which Prince succeeding after his father was Henry 6. lefte vnder the gouernement and protection of his vncle named Humfrey Duke of Gloucester ¶ The names of the Archbishops of Canterbury in this fifte Booke conteined 54 Simon Islepe 17 56 Simon Langham 2 57 William Witlesey 5 58 Simon Sudbery 6 59 William Courtney 15 60 Thomas Arundel 18 61 Henry Chichesly 29 THE SIXT PART OR SECTION pertaining to the last 300. yeares A preface to the reader ACcording to the fiue sondry diuersities and alterations of the Churche so haue I deuided hetherto the order of thys presente Church story into fiue principall partes euery part containing 300. yeares So that nowe comming to the laste 300. yeares that is to the last times of the Church counting from the time of Wickleffe For as muche as in the compasse of the sayd last 300 yeres are contained great troubles and perturbations of the Church with the meruailous reformation of the same through the wonderous operation of the almighty all which things cannot be comprehended in one booke I haue therefore disposed the sayd latter 30. yeares into diuers bookes beginning nowe with the sixt booke at the raigne of king Henry the vj. In which booke beside the greeuous and sundry persecutions raised vp by Antichrist to be noted here in is also to be obserued that where as it hath of long time bene receyued and thought of the common people that this religion now generally vsed hath sprong vp and risen but of late euen by the space as many do thinke of 20. or 30. yeares it may now manifestly appeare not onely by the Acts and Monuments heretofore passed but also by the hystories here after following howe this profession of Christes religion hath bene spread abroade in Englande of olde and auncient time not onely from the space of these 200. late yeares from the time of Wyckleffe but hathe continually from time to time sparkled abroade although the flames thereof haue neuer so perfectly burst out as they haue done within these hundred yeares and more As by these hystories here collected gathered out of Registers especially of the Diocesse of Norwich shall manifestly appeare wherein may be seene what men and how many both men and women within the sayde Diocesse of Norwich haue bene which haue defended the same cause of doctrine which now is receiued by vs in the Church Which persones althoughe then they were not so strongly armed in their cause and quarel as of late yeres they haue bene yet were they warriours in Christes churche and fought for their power in the same cause And although they gaue backe through tyrannie yet iudge thou the best good Reader and referre the cause therof to God who reuealeth all things according to his determined will and appoynted time THis yong prince being vnder the age of one yeare after the death of his father succeeded in his reigne and kingdom of England Anno 1422. and in the 8. yeare was crowned at Westminster and the 2. yeare after was crowned also at Paris Henry bishop of Winchester Cardinall being present at them both raigned 38. yeres and then was deposed by Edwarde the 4. as heere after Christ willing shall be declared in his time In the firste yeare of his raigne was burned the constant witnesse bearer and testis of Christes doctrine William Tailour a Priest vnder Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury Of this William Tailour I read that in the dayes of Thomas Arundell hee was first apprehended and abiured Afterwarde in the daies of Henry Chichesley aboute the yeare of our Lorde 1421. which was
1420. also Henry Radtgeber Priest in the same Citie an 1423. Iohn Draendorfe of noble birth and a Priest was burned at Wormes an 1424. Peter Thoraw at Spyre an 1426. Math. Hager also suffered at Berline in Germany not long after Ex Balei Centur. sept After the death of Pope Martine who reigned foureteene yeares succeeded Eugenius the fourth of that name about the yeare of our Lord 1431. Of whome Antoninus thus writeth that he was much geuen to wars as may well declare his conflictes and fighting with the Romaines also the battailes betweene the Venetians and the Florentians This Pope began first to celebrate the Councell of Basill which Councell Martin his predecessour had before intended according to the institution of the Councell of Constance Notwithstanding the said Eugenius perceauing afterward this Councell of Basill not to fauour him and his doings and fearing some detriment to come to him by the same afterward laboured by all subtill practise to dissolue and interrupt the saide Councell and from Basill to translate it first to Ferraria then to Florentia more neere to his owne sea of Rome Concerning the which Councell of Basill forsomuch as we haue begon heere to make mention it shall be no great digression out of the way to discourse something thereof the Lorde so permitting more at large so much as for the most principall matters thereof shall seeme sufficient or necessary to be knowne ¶ Heere foloweth the order and maner of the Councell of Basill touching the principall matters concluded therein briefly collected and abridged heere in this present booke The rest whereof we haue referred vnto our former edition wherein the full discourse of the whole disputation is to be seene more at large for suche as haue list and leisure to see more thereof IN the 39. session of the Councell of Constance as is before mentioned page 594. it was decreed and prouided concerning the order and tunes of such generall Councels as should heereafter followe The first that shoulde next ensue to be kept the fift yeare after the said Councell of Constance the second to be holden the seauenth yeare after that and so orderly all other to follow successiuely from ten yeare to ten yeare Wherefore according to this decree followed a generall Councell fiue yeares after the Councell of Constance celebrate and holden at Sene vnder Pope Martine an 1424. but it soone broke vp After the which Councell the tearme of seauen yeares being expired another Councell was holden at Basill in the yere of our Lord 1431. The which Councell is noted to haue bene the most troublesome and to haue endured longer then any other Councell beforetime celebrate and holden in the Church This Councell continued almost the space of seauenteene yeares wherein it was concluded as before in the Councel of Constance that the generall Councels were aboue the Pope and both of these two Councels did attribute the chiefe authoritie in decreeing and determining vnto the generall Councell which is the cause that the contrary part doth derogate so much from the authoritie of this present Councell When as Pope Martine the first had appointed Iulian Cardinall and Deacon of S. Angell his Legate to celebrate and holde a generall Councell at Basill for the reformation of the Churche and rooting out of heresies within short space after Pope Martin died in whose seate Eugenius the fourth succeeded who confirmed vnto the said Cardinall Iulian the same authoritie which his predecessor before had giuen him Vnto this Councell of Basill beeing begon came the Emperour Sigismund who during his life time with his presence and authoritie did protect and defend the said Synode After the Emperours death Pope Eugenius altering his former minde purpose would transport the Councell vnto Bononie and thereby hindred the successe of the Councell of Basill And first he helde a contrary Councell at Ferraria and afterward at Florence For after the death of the Emperour Sigismund there was no Princes or noble men that had any care or regard of the Councell Eugenius the Pope pretended causes as touching the Greekes which should come vnto the Councell and the vniting of their Church vnto the West Church the which Greekes woulde in no wise passe the Alpes Also as touching his owne incommoditie that he could not come vnto Basill being so long a iourney and that all his men might haue easie accesse vnto Bononia and that amongst the Germaines which in their owne countrey are so intractable nothing can be attempted for their reformation whereupon he cited Cardinall Iulian and the fathers of the Councel vnto Bononia vnder great penaltie vnder great penaltie They againe cited the Pope that either he should come himselfe vnto the Councell or send Ambassadors vnder the like penaltie For this cause the Ambassadours of Albert King of the Romaines and of the other Princes of Germany assembled together first at Norenberge and when as they coulde determine nothing there they assembled againe at Frankford to appease the dissention betweene the Councell and the Pope for it was thought that the Electors of the Empire might best assemble and meete in that place In the meane time the Emperours Ambassadours and the Ambassadours of the Electors went vnto Basill and hauing conference with the Ambassadours of the other Princes which were there they did earnestly exhort the fathers of the Councell that they would embrace and receiue the vnitie which they would offer The request of the Princes was that the fathers would transport the Councell and go vnto another place the which onely thing Pope Eugenius seemed alwaies to seeke and desire that therby he might either diuide the fathers of the Councell or take away their libertie Notwithstanding this sacred Synode thought good neither to deny the princes request nor to graunt that which Pope Eugenius required During this doubt the Emperours Ambassadours the Bishops of Patauia and Augusta being much required and stirred thereunto appointed a noble and valiant Baron called Conrad Weinsperge by the Kings commandement to be Protector and defender of the Councell and the fathers Whereby as the enemies perceiued the Emperours minde to be alienate from the Pope so the Fathers of the Councell vnderstood his good will towards them forsomuch as he would not haue sent them a protector if he had not iudged it a lawfull Councell neither againe would he haue iudged it a CouÌcell in Basill if he had geuen credit to Pope Eugenius But by meanes of a great pestileÌce which began to grow the assembly that should haue bene holden at Frankford was transported vnto Mentz The Ambassadours of the princes also thought good to go thether if they might find any meanes of vnity whereby they might vnite and knit the Pope againe vnto the Councell The assembly was very famous for there were present the Archbishops of Mentz Colen Treuers Electours of the sacred Empire and all the Ambassadours of the other Electours
spoile his subiects defloure virgins dishonest matrones and do all things licentiously and temerariously do not the nobles of the kingdome assemble together deposing him from his kingdome set vp another in his place which shall sweare to rule and gouerne vprightly and be obedient vnto the lawes Verely as reason doth perswade euen so doth the vse thereof also teach vs. It seemeth also agreeable vnto reason that the same should be done in the Church that is to say in the Councell which is done in any kingdome And so is this sufficiently apparant which we haue before sayd that the Pope is subiect vnto the Councell But now to passe vnto the argumentes of Diuinitie the foundation of the matter which we do intreate vpon are the wordes of our Sauiour Iesu Christ in diuers places but specially where as he speaketh vnto Peter Tu es Petrus super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam portae inferi non praeualebunt aduersus eam i. Thou art Peter and vpon this rocke will I build my Church and the gates of hell shall not preuaile against it Vpon whyche words it seemeth good to begin this disputatioÌ forsomuch as some were wont to alledge these words to extoll the authority of the Bishop of Rome But as it shall by and by appeare the words of Christ had another sense and meaning then diuers of them do thinke for he saith the gates of hell shall not preuaile against it Verely this is a great promise and these wordes of the Lord are of great importance For what greater word could there haue bene spoken then that the gates of hell should not preuaile against the church These gates of hel as S. Hierome saith do signifie sins Wherfore if sinnes can not preuaile against the Church neither can any maligne spirites preuaile against the same which haue no power at all ouer mankinde but only through sinne And for that cause where as it is sayd in Iob that there is no power vpon the earth that may be coÌpared vnto the power of the maligne spirite whereby it followeth that the power of the Church is aboue all other power We may also vpon the same saying reason after an other sort for somuch as the gates of hel that is to say sinnes can not preuaile agaynst the Church the Church thereby is declared to be without sinne the which caÌ not be spoke of the pope which is a mortall maÌ for somuch as it is written seuen tymes in the day the iust maÌ doth offend If the Church be without spot because it can not be defiled with sinne who is it that will preferre a sinnefull maÌ before an vndefiled Churche Neither let vs geue eare vnto those whiche will not referre these woordes of Christ vnto the Church where as he sayth Oraui pro te Petre vt non deficiat fides tua That is to say Peter I haue prayed for thee that thy fayth should not fayle thee For as S. Augustine sayth in the exposition of the Psalmes certaine thyngs are spoken as though they seemed properly to pertaine vnto the Apostle Peter notwithstanding they haue no euident sense but when they are referred vnto the Churche the person wherof he is vnderstaÌded figuratiuely to represent WherupoÌ in an other place in the questioÌs of the new old Testament vpon the wordes Rogaui pro te Petre I haue prayed for thee Peter What is doubted Did he pray for Peter did he not pray for Iames and Iohn beside the rest It is manifest that vnder the name of Peter all other are conteyned For in an other place of S. Iohn he sayth I pray for them whom thou hast geuen me I will that wheresoeuer I am they shall be also with me Wherupon we do oftentymes by the name of Peter vnderstand the Church which we do nothing at all doubt to be done in this place otherwise the truth could not consist for somuch as within a while after the fayth of Peter fayled for a tyme by the deniall of Christ but the fayth of the Church whose person Peter did represent did alwayes perseuere inuiolate As touching the Bishops of Rome if time would suffer vs we could rehearse many craÌples how that they either haue ben heretickes or replenished with other vices Neither are we ignoraunt how that Marcellinus at the Emperours commaundement did sacrifice vnto Idols that an other whiche is more horrible did attaine vnto the Papacy by a deuilish fraude deceite Notwithstandyng the testimony of Paule vnto the Hebrues shall suffice vs at this tyme who sayth euery Bishop to be compassed in with infirmitie that is to say with wickednesse and sinne Also the testimonies of Christ him selfe do approue that the Church remaineth alwayes without sinne for in Mathew he saith I am with you euen vnto the end of the world The which wordes were not onely spoken vnto the Apostles for they continued not vnto the end of the world but also vnto their successours neither would Christ then signifie that he was God dispersed throughout all the world as he is also perceiued to be amongest sinners but would declare a certain gift of grace through his assistauÌce whereby he would preserue the holy Churche consisting amongest his Apostles and their successours alwayes immaculate and vndefiled And agayne in an other place I sayth he will pray he shal geue you an other coÌforter that he may remaine w e you for euer eueÌ the spirite of truth whoÌ the world caÌnot receaue because the world seeth him not neither knoweth him but you shall know him because he shall remayne with you The which wordes being spoken vnto the Disciples of Iesus are also vnderstaÌded to be spokeÌ vnto their successours so coÌsequently vnto the Church And if the spirite of truth be coÌtinually in the Church no man caÌ deny but that the Church ought to continue vndefiled By the same authoritie also that Christ is called the spouse of the Church who seeth not but that the Church is vndefiled For the husband the wise as the Apostle sayth are two in one flesh as he doth also adde no maÌ hateth his own flesh thereby it commeth to passe that Christ can not hate the Church for somuch as she is his spouse and one flesh with him no maÌ caÌ hate himselfe Ergo the Church doth not sinne for if it did sinne it should be hated for sinners the Lord doth hate The which authorities being gathered together we ought with the Apostle to confesse that the Church of God hath neither spot nor wrincle Also he writyng vnto Timothe affirmeth the Churche to be the piller foundation of the truth whereupoÌ in this song of the spouse it is sayd My frend thou art altogether fayre beawtifull neither is there any spot in thee These wordes peraduenture may abash some that I do go about to proue the Church to be without
to be admitted with the bishops to the deciding of hard doubtfull matters Neither ought we to be ashamed to follow the example of that most sacred and great Councell which also followeth the examples of the Councell of Pisa and the great Councell at Lateran wherein it is not to be doubted but that the Priestes did ioyntly iudge together with the byshops Moreouer if Abbotes as we do see it obserued in all Councels haue a determining voice which notwithstanding were not instituted by Christ why should not priests haue the same whose order Christ ordayned by hys Apostles Hereupon also if one byshops shoulde haue a determining voice nothing should be done but what pleased that Italian nation the whith alone doth exceed all other nations or at the least is equall with them in number of byshops And howsoeuer it be I iudge it in this behalf to be a work of God that the inferiours shold be admitted to the determinations for God hath nowe reuealed that vnto little ones which he hath hidden from the wise Behold you do see the zeale constancy vprightnes and magnanimitie of these inferiours Where should the councell now be if onely bishops and Cardinals shoulde haue their voice Where should the authoritie of the Councels be Where should the Catholicke fayth be Where shoulde the decrees and reformation be For all things haue now a long time bene vnder the will of Eugenius and he had now obtained hys wicked naughty purpose except these inferiours whome you now contemne had withstaÌd him These are they which haue contemned the priuation made by Eugenius These I say are they which haue not regarded hys threatninges spoyle and persecution These are they which being takeÌ imprisoned tormented haue not fered to defend the trueth of the Councell yea euen these are they who albeit they were by Eugenius deliuered ouer for a pray yet would they still continue in the sacred couÌcell and feared not to to suffer warre famine most cruel pestilence and finally what thing is it that these men haue not willingly suffered for the right and equity of the councel you might haue heard this inferior sort euen in the midst of their tribulations with a loud voycr cry out and say albeit that all men become obedient vnto that subuerter of the Church Eugenius and that euery man do depart from the veritie of the fayth and constitutions of the fathers conseÌting vnto the commaundementes of Eugeneus yet we our brethren will be constant and doubt not to dye for the truth and traditions of the holy fathers the which in deed they haue done Neither could they be feared with threatnings or discouraged with any spoyles neither could any feare or hope turne them from their most blessed purpose and to speake somewhat of mine own order whether any Cardinals haue done the like or no that iudge you As for Byshops whoÌ Panormitane alone wold haue to determine you see how few of them are on our part euen they which are here present are not able by vertue to ouercome iniquitie they feare the terrene power and commit offence with their hast Haue ye not heard how they al sayd they would consent vnto the kinges will and pleasure But the inferiors are they which haue had truth righteousnes god himselfe before their eyes they are greatly to be commended for shewing themselues such men vnto the Church of God But why do I defend that cause of these inferiours When as some will also exclude those byshops which are but byshops by name and title and haue no possession of the Church from our company not vnderstanding that whilest they go about to put backe those meÌ they do condemne Peter and the other Apostles who as it is euident were long without any great flocke neither was Rome vnto Peter nor Ierusalem vnto Iames at anye tyme wholy obedient for at that tyme no great number of people but a small flocke beleued in Christ. For I pray you what is that we shold require of these byshops They haue no flocke but that is not their fault They haue no reuenues but money maketh not a byshop and as the Lord sayth Beati pauperes spiritu i. Blessed are yâ poore in spirite Neither was there anye rich Byshops in the primitiue Church neither did the auncient Church reiect Dionysius Byshop of Millayne Eusebius Bishop of Uercelles or Hillary Byshop of Pictauia although they were neuer so poore and banished without a flocke But if we will graunt the truth the poore are more apte to geue iudgement then the rich because that riches bringeth feare and their pouertie causeth libertie For the poore men doe not feare tyranny as our rich men do whiche being geuen ouer vnto all kinde of vanities idlenes and sloth will rather deny Christ then lacke theyr accustomed pleasures whom not theyr flock but theyr reuenues make bishops deliting so muche in riches that they iudge all poore men vnhappy But as Cicero sayth nothing can happen better vnto a wise man then mediocritie of substaunce Wherupon it is written in the Gospel It is easiar for a Cammel to passe through a needle eye then for a riche man to enter into the kingdome of heauen But now to returne to a more full declaration of Panormitans words I determine to passe ouer two poynts which he pronounced in the beginning of hys OratioÌ that is Qui petant cur petant i. who maketh the petition and for what cause they make their petition We graunt the they are great men men of power and as he doth affirme the they haue deserued good of the church neither do I doubt but that they are moued thereunto with a sincere affectioÌ But whether it be a small matter that is required or that the same effectes would ryse thereupon which he spake of it is now to be enquired A delay sayth he is required a delay for a few dayes A small matter a matter of no importaunce a matter easy to be graunted Notwithstanding let Panormitane here marke well that he requireth a delay in a matter of faith The verities are already declared they be already discussed and determined If now there shoulde be but a little delay it would grow to a long delay for ofteÌ times the delay of one momeÌt is the losse of a whole yere here of we haue many examples Hanniball wheÌ he had obteined his victory at Cannas if he had gone strayght vnto Rome by all mens iudgementes he had takeÌ the city But for so much as he did deferre it vntill the next day the Romaines hauing recouered theyr force agayne he was shutt out and deserued to heare this opprobry Vincere scis Hannibal vti victoria nescis Hannibal thou knowest victory to get But how to vse it thou knowest not yet Likewise the French men after they had taken Rome and besieged the Capitoll whiles that they gredely sought to haue great summes
listed These thinges thus being done and the tumult ceased after three dayes Mahometes the Turke entreth into the Citie and first calling for the heades and auncientes of theÌ Citie such as he found to be left aliue he commaunded the to be mangled and âut in peeces It is also sayth my author reported that in the feastes of the Turks honest matrones and virgins and such as were of the kinges stocke after other coâumeties were he ãâã and cut in peeces for their disport And this was the end of that princely and famous ãâã of Constantinople beginning first by Constantinus and ending also with ConstaÌtinus which for the princely royalty therof was named and euer honoured from the time of the first Constantine equally with the City of Rome called also by the name thereof new Rome so continued the space of 1120. yeares I pray God that olde Rome may learne of new Rome to take heed and beware by tyme. This terrible destruction of the Citty of Constantinople the Queene of Cittyes I thought here to describe not so much to set forth the barbarous cruelty of these filthy rake hels and mercilesse murtherers as specially for this that we being admonished by the dolefull ruine and misery of these our euen christened may call to minde the plagues miseryes deserued whiche seeme to hang no lesse ouer our owne heades and thereby may learne betime to inuocate and call more earnestly vpon the name of our terrible and mercifull God that he for his sonnes sake will keepe vs preserue his church among vs and mitigate those plagues and sorrowes whiche we no lesse haue deserued then these aboue minded before vs. Christ graunt it Amen Ex hist. Wittenbergica Peucer The history of Reynold Peeocke Byshop of Chichester afflicted and imprisoned for the Gospell of Christ. AFter the death of Henry Chichisley before mentioned pag. 657. next succeeded Iohn Stafford an 1445. who continued 8. yeares After hym came Iohn Kempe ann 1453. who sate but three yeares Then succeeded Thomas Burschere In the time of which Archbishop fell the trouble of Reynold Pecocke Bishop of Chichester afflicted by the Popes Prelates for hys fayth and profession of the Gospell Of this Byshoppe Halle also in his Chronology toucheth a little mention declaring that an ouerthwart iudgement as he termeth it was geuen by the Fathers of the spiritualty agaynst him Thys man sayth he beganne to moue questions not priuatly but openly in the Uniuersityes concerning the Annates Peter pence and other iurisdictions and authorities perteyning to the sea of Rome and not onely put forth the questioÌs but declared his mind and opinion in the same wherefore he was for thys cause absured at Paules Crosse. Thus muche of hym wryteth Hall Of whom also recordeth Polychronycon but in few wordes This bishop first of S. Assaphe then of Chichester so long as Duke Humfrey lyued by whome he was promoted and much made of was quiet and safe and also bolde to dispute and to write hys mynde and wrote as Leland recordeth diuers bookes and treatises But after that good Duke was thus as ye haue heard made away this good man lacking his backstay was open to his enemies and matter soone found agaynst hym Wherupon he being complayned of and accused by priuy and malignant promoters vnto the Archbishop letters first were directed downe from the Archbishop to cite al men to appeare that could say any thing agaynst hym The forme of which citation here ensueth The copy of the Citation sent by the Archbyshoppe THomas by the permission of God Archb. of Canterbury primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke Sea to all and singuler Parsons Vicares Chaplaynes Curates not Curates Clerkes and learned men whatsoeuer they be constitute ordeined in any place throughout our prouince of Caunterbury health grace and benediction We haue receiued a greeuous complaint of our reuerend felow brother Reynold Pecocke Byshop of Chichester conteyning in it that albeit our sayd reuerend felow brother the Byshop deliuered vnto vs certayne bookes written by him in the English tongue by vs and our authority to be examined corrected reformed and allowed notwithstanding many the examination and reformation of the sayde bookes depending and remayning before vs vndiscussed haue openly preached and taught at Paules crosse in London and in diuers other places of our prouince of Canterbury that our sayd felow brother the Byshop hath propouÌded made and written or caused to be writen in the sayde bookes certayne conclusions repugnaunt to the true fayth and that he doth obstynately hold and defend the same By the pretence of which preaching and teaching the state good name and fame of the sayd Lord Reynolde the Byshoppe are greeuously offended and hurt and he and his opinion maruellously burdened Wherefore we charge you all together and seuerally apart do commaund you firmely enioyning you that openly and generally you doe warne or cause to bee warned all and singular such persons whiche will obiect any thing contrary and agaynst the conclusions of our sayd reuereÌd felow brother the Bishop had or conteined in his bookes or writings that the 20. day after such monition or warning had they do freely of theyr own accord appeare before vs and our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted wheresoeuer we shall then be in our Citty Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to speake propound alledge and affirme fully sufficiently in writinge whatsoeuer hereticall or erroneous matter they wil speak propound or obiect agaynst the sayde conclusions conteyned in his sayde bookes and both to satisfye and receiue whatsoeuer shall seeme meete and right in this behalfe by the holy institutions and ordinaunces And for so muche as this matter depending yet vndetermined and vndiscussed nothing ought to be attempted or renewed we charge you that by this our authority you inhibite and forbid all and euery one so to preach and teach hereafter Vnto whom also we by the the tenour of these presents do likewise forbid that during the examination of the conclusions and bookes aforesayde depending before vs and our Commissaryes vndiscussed they do not presume by any meanes without good aduise and iudgemeÌt to preach iudge and affirme any thing to the preiudice or offeÌce of the sayd Lord Reynold the Byshop and if so be you do finde any in this behalfe gayne saying or not obeying this our inhibitioÌ that you do cite or cause theÌ peremptorily to be cited to appeare before vs or our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted the 10 day after theyr citation if it be a courte day or els the next courte day following wheresoeuer we shall then be in our City Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to make further declaration by form of law of the cause of their disobedieÌce to receiue such punishment as iustice and equity shall determine in that behalfe that by your leters you do duely certify vs or our Commissaries what you haue
authority declareth calleth stablisheth affirmeth and reputeth the sayd Richard of Yorke very true and rightfull heyre to the crowne of England and Fraunce and that all other statutes and acts made by any of the Henryes late contrary to this aduise be annulled repelled damned cancelled voyd and of no force or effect The king agreed and consented that the sayd Duke and hys heyres shall after his naturall life enioy the crowne c. Also that all sayinges and doinges agaynst the duke of Yorke shall be hygh treason and all actes of Parliamentes contrary to this principall act be voyd and of none effect c. And thus much for the reign of king Henry the 6. Who now lacked his vncle and protector Duke of Glocester about him But commonly the lacke of such frendes is neuer felt before they be missed In the time of this king was builded the house in LoÌdon called LeadeÌ hall fouÌded by one Simon Eyre Maior once of the sayd City of London an 1445. Also the standard in cheape builded by Iohn Wels an 1442. the Conduite in Fleetstreet by William Castfield an 1438. Item Newgate builded by goods of Rich. Whittington an 1422. Moreouer the sayde Henry 6. founded the Colledge of Eton and another house hauing then the title of S. Nicolas in Cambridge now called the kinges Colege Ex Scal. mundi In the reigne of this Henry 6. it is not be passed ouer in silence which we finde noted in the Parliament rolles how that Lewes Archbishop of Rhoen after the death of the late Bishop of Eley had grauÌted vnto him by the popes Bulles during his life all the profites of the sayd bishoprick by the name of the administratour of the said Bishopricke Lewes the foresayde Archbishop sheweth his Buls to the king who vtterly reiected his Bulles Notwithstanding for his seruice done in Fraunce the king graunted to hym the administration aforesaid the which to all intents at the petition of the sayd Lewes should be affirmed to bee of as great force as though he were bishop touching profits liberties and hability Neither agayn is here to be ouerpast a certayn tra gicall Acte done betweene Easter and Whitsontide of a false Britone an 1427. Which murdered a good widdow in her bed who had brought him vp of almes without Algate in the suburbes of London and bare away all that she had afterward he tooke succor of holy church at S. Georges in Southwarke but at the last he tooke the crosse forswore the kings land And as he went his way it happened him to come by the same place where he had done that cursed deed and women of the same parish came out with stones and cannell dong and there made an end of him in the hye streete so that he went no further notwithstandinge the Constables and other men also which had hym vnder gouernaunce to conduct him forwarde for there was a great company of them so that they were not able to withstande them Kyng Edward the fourth KIng Edward after his conquest and victorye achieued agaynst king Henry returned again to London where vpon the Uigil of S. Peter and Paul being on Sonday he was crowned king of England raigned 22. yeares albeit not without great disquitnes and much perturbation in his reigne Queene Margaret hearing how her husband was fled into Scotland was also fayne to flye the land and went to her father Duke of Angeow From whence the next yeare following she returned again to renue warre against king Edward with small succor and lesse lucke For being encountred by the Earle of Warwicke about Nouember she was driuen to the seas agayne and by tempest of weather was driuen into Scotland In this yere we read that king Edward in the cause of a certayne widow for rape sate his owne person in Westminster hall vpon his owne Bench discussing her cause Ex Scal. mundi The yeare folowing king Henry issuing out of Scotland with a sufficient power of Scottes and Frenchmen came into the Northcountrey to recouer the crowne vnto whom the Lord Radulph Percy Lord Radulph Grey flying from king Edward did adioyn themselues but the Lord so disposing king Henry with his power was repulsed in the battaile of Exham by the Lord Mountacute having then the rule of the North where the Duke of Somerset Lord Hungerford Lord Rosse with certayne other were taken The Lord Radulph Percy was slayne the residue fled Albeit the history of Scal. muÌdi referreth this battel to the yeare 1464. the 15. day of May. In the which moneth of May were beheaded the duke of Somerset Lorde Hungerford Lord Rosse L. Philip Wentworth L. Tho. Husly L. Tho. Findern beside 21. other belonging to the retinue and household of king HeÌry 6. Queene Margaret finding no resting place here in England took her progres agayne from whence she came learning in her own country to drinke that drinke which she her selfe had brued here in England And not long after the next yeare an 1465. on the day of S. Peter and Paule king Henry being founde knowne in a wood by one Cantlow as they say was arested by the Earle of Warwicke and at last of a king made prisoner in the tower of London In this meane time king Edward after the motion of mariage for him being made and first the Lady Margaret sister to Iames the 4. K. of Scottes thought vpon but that motion taking no effect afterward the Lady Elizabeth sister to Henry king of Castelle being intended but she being vnder age the Earle of Warwick turning then his legation and voiage to the French king Lewes the II. to obteyne Lady Bona daughter of the duke of Sauoy and sister to Carlot the French Queen and obteining the same had cast fauour vnto one Elizabeth Grey widow of Syr Iohn Grey knight slain before in the battell of S. AlboÌs daughter to the Duches of Bedford and Lord Riuers and first went about to haue her to his concubine But she as being vnworthy as she sayde to be the wife of such a high personage so thinking her selfe to bee to good to be his concubine in such sort wanne the kings hart that incontinent before the returne of the Earle of Warwicke he maried her at the which mariage were no moe then onely the Duches of Bedford two gentle women the priest clark UpoÌ this so hasty vnlucky mariage ensued no litle trouble to the king much bloudshed to the realme vndoing almost to all her kyndred and finally confusion to the K. Edwardes 2. sonnes which both were declared afterward to be bastards and also depriued of theyr liues For the Earle of Warwicke who had bene the faythfull frend and chiefe maynteiner before of the king at the hearing of this maryage was therwith so greuously moued and chaffed in hys mind that he neuer after sought any thing more then how to worke displeasure to the
company of souldiors to do any good yet to vse pollicy where strength did lack first he sent forth certayne light horsemen to proue the countrey on euery side with persuasions to see whether the vplandyshe people would be styrred to take king Edwards part Perceiuing that it woulde not be king Edwarde flyeth to hys shiftes dissembling his purpose to be not to clayme the crowne and kingdome but onely to clayme the Duchy of Yorke whiche was his owne title and caused the same to be published This being notified to the people that he desired no more but onely his iust patrimony and lineall inheritaunce they began to be moued with mercy and compassion toward him either to fauour him or not to resiste him and so iournying toward Yorke he came to Beuerly The Marques Mountacute brother to the Earle of Warwicke was then at Pomfret to whom the Earle had sent strayght charge with all expedition to set vpon him or els to stop his passage and likewise to the Citizens of Yorke and all Yorkeshyre to shut theyr gates and take armour agaynst him King Edward being in the streetes proceeded notwithstanding nere to Yorke without resistaunce where he required of the Citizens to be admitted into theyr Citty But so stoode the case then that they durst not graunt vnto him but contrary sent him word to approch no nearer as beloued his owne safegarde The desolate king was here driuen to a narow strait who neyther could retyre backe for the opinion of the countrey and losse of his cause neither could goe further for the present daunger of the City Wherefore vsing the same pollicy as before with louely words and gentle speech he desired the messengers to declare vnto the Citizens that his comming was not to demaund the realme of England or the title of the same but onely the Duchye of Yorke his olde inheritaunce and therefore determined to set forward neither with armie nor weapoÌ The messeÌgers were not so soone within the gates but he was at the gates in a manner as soone as they The Citizens hearing his courteous answere and that he intended nothing to the preiudice of the king nor of the realme were something mitigated toward him and began to common with him from the walles willing him to withdrawe his power to some other place and they would be the more ready to ayde him at least he shoulde haue no damage by them Notwithstanding he again vsed such lowly language and deliuered so faire speach vnto them entreating them so curteously and saluting the Aldermen by their names requiring at their haÌds no more but only his own towne whereof he had the name and title that at length the Citizens after long talke and debating vpon the matter partly also intised with faire and large promises fell to this coÌuention that if he would sweare to be true to king Henry gentle in entertaining his citizens they woulde receiue him into the Citie This being concluded the next morning at the entring of the gate a priest was ready to say Masse in the which after receiuing of the sacrament the king receiued a solemne othe to obserue the ii articles afore agreed By reason of which othe so rashly made as shortly brokeÌ and not loÌg after punished as it may wel be thought in his posterity he obteined the city of Yorke Where he in short time forgetting his oth to make al sure set in garrisons of armed soldiors Furthermore perceiuing all things to be quiet and no stirre to be made against him he thought to foreslacke no oportunitie of time and so made forward toward LoÌdon leauing by the way the Marques Mountacute which lay then with his army at Pomfrete on the right hande not fully foure miles distant from his campe and so returning to the hye waye againe wente forwarde without anye stirring to the towne of Notingham where came to him sir W. Parre sir Thomas of Borough sir Tho. Montgomery diuers else of his assured frends with their aydes which caused him by proclamation to stand to his own title of king Edward the fourth sayeng that they woulde serue no man but a king At the fame here of being blowne abroade as the CitizeÌs of Yorke were not a little offended that worthely so froÌ other townes and cities Lords and noble men began to fall vnto him thinking with theÌselues that the Marques Mountagew either fauoured his cause or was afraide to encounter with the maÌ Howsoeuer it was K. Edward being now more fully furnished at al points came to the towne of Leicester and there hearing that the earle of Warwicke accompanied with the earle of Oxford were together at Warwicke with a great power minding to set on the Earle he remooued from thence his army hoping to geue him battaile The Duke of Clarence in the meane time about London had leuied a great hoste coÌming toward the earle of Warwicke as he was by the Earle appointed But when the Earle sawe the Duke to linger the time he began to suspecte as it fell out in deede that he was altered to his brethrenes part The king auansing forward his host came to Warwicke where he found all the people departed FroÌ thence he moued toward Couentry where the Earle was vnto whome the next day after he boldly offered battayle But the Earle expecting the Duke of Clarence his coÌming kept him within the walles All this made for the king For he hearing that his brother Duke of Clarence was not farre off comming toward him with a great army raysed hys campe and made toward him either to entreate or else to encounter with his brother When ech hoste was in sight of the other Richard Duke of Gloucester brother to theÌ both as arbitour betweene theÌ first rode to the one then to the other Whether all this was for a face of a matter made it is vncertaine But hereby both the brethren leaning all army and weapon aside first louingly and familiarly commoned after that brotherly and naturally ioined together And that fraternall amitie by proclamation also was ratified and put out of all suspition Then was it agreed betwene the iij. brethren to attempt the earle of Warwicke if he likewise would be reconciled but he crieng out shame vpoÌ the Duke of Clarence stoode at vtter defiance From thence king Edward so strongly furnished daily encreasing taketh his way to LoÌdon Where after it was knowne that the duke of Clarence was come to his brethren much feare fell vpoÌ the Londoners casting with theÌselues what was best to do The sodaynues of time permitted no long coÌsultation There was at London the same time the Archbishop of Yorke brother to the Earle of Warwicke and the duke of Somerset wyth other of K. Henries counsaile to whom the earle had sent in coÌmaundement a litle before knowing the weaknes of the Citie that they should keepe the Citie from their
also George Pogie bracius who then stoode nearest to the King vnto whome one Chilianus plaieng the Parasite about the King as the fashion is of such as faine themselues fooles to make other men as very fooles as they spake in this wise as foloweth with what countenance you do behold this our seruice I see right well but your hart I do not see Say then doth not the order of this our Religion seeme vnto you decent and comely Do you not see how many and how great princes yea the king himselfe do follow one order and vniformitie And why do you then follow rather your Preacher Rochezana then these Do you thinke a few Bohemians to be more wise then all the Church of Christ besides Why then do you not forsake that rude and rusticall people and ioine to these Nobles as you are a noble man your selfe Unto whome thus Pogiebracius sagely againe doth aunswere If you speake these words of your selfe sayth be you are not the man whome you faine your selfe to be and so to you I aunswere as not to a foole But if you speake this by the suggestion of others then must I satisfie them Heare therefore As touching the Ceremonies of the Church euery man hath a conscience of his owne to follow As for vs we vse such Ceremonies as we trust do please God Neither is it in our arbitrement to beleeue what we will our selues The mind of man being perswaded with great reasons is captiuated wil he nill he and as nature is instructed and taught so is she drawne in some one way and in some another As for my selfe I am fully perswaded in the Religion of my preachers If I should follow thy Religion I might perchance deceiue men going contrary to mine owne conscience but I can not deceiue God who seeth the harts of all Neither shall it become mee to frame my selfe lyke to thy disposition That which is meete for a Iester is not likewise conuenient for a noble man And these wordes eyther take to thy selfe as spoken to thee if thou bee a wise man or else I referre them to those which set thee a worke Ex Aen. Sylu. in Hist. Bohem. After the King was returded from the Bohemians againe to Austria the Hungarians likewise made their petitions to the king that he would also come vnto theÌ The gouernour of HuÌgarie as ye before haue heard was Ioannes Huniades whose victorious acts against the Turks are famous Against this Huniades wicked Ulricus Earle of Cilicia did all he could with the King to bring him to destructioÌ and therfore caused the king to send for him vp to Uienna and there priuely to woorke hys death But Huniades hauing thereof intelligence offereth hymselfe wythin Hungary to serue hys Prince to all affaires Out of the lande where he was it was neyther best sayde hee for the Kynge nor safest for hym selfe to come The Earle being so disappoynted came downe wyth certaine Nobles of the Courte to the borders of Hungarie thynking eyther to apprehend him and bryng hym to Uienna or there to dispatch hym Huniades without in the fieldes sayde hee woulde common wyth hym wythin the Towne he would not be brought After that an other trayne also was laide for hym that vnder pretence of the kings safe-conduct he shoulde meete the king in the broade fieldes of Uienna But Huniades suspecting deceit came in dede to the place appoynted where hee neither seeing the Kyng to come nor the Earle to haue any safe conduct for hym was mooued and not without cause against the Earle declaring howe it was in hys power there to slay him which went about to seeke hys bloud but for the reuerence of the king he would spare him and let him goe Not long after this the Turke wyth a great power of fighting men to the number of an hundreth and fifteene thousande arriued in Hungarie where he laid siege to the Citie Alba. But through the mercifull hand of God Iohn Huniades and Capistranus a certaine Minorite wyth a small garrison of Christian souldiors gaue him the repusse and put him to flight wyth all hys mighty hoste Whereof more Christ willing heereafter Ex hist Bohemie Aen. Syluij Huniadés shortly after this victorie deceased Of whose death when the king and the Earle did vnderstande they came the more boldly into Hungarie where hee being receiued by Ladislaus Huniades tonne into the Towne of Alba there vewed the places where the Turkes before had pitched theyr tentes When thys Ladislaus heard that the king was comming first toward the towne obediently he opened to hym the gates Foure thousand only of armed souldiours he debarred from entring the Citie In the meane time while the King was there resident in the Citie the Earle with other nobles did sitte in counsaile requiring also Ladislaus to resorte vnto them who first doubting with hymselfe what he might doe at length putteth on a priuie coate of maile and commeth to them Whether the Earle first beganne wyth him or he wyth the Earle it is not knowen The opinion is of some that Ulricus first called him traitor for shutting the gates against the kings soldiours Howsoeuer the occasion began thys is vndoubted that Ulricus taking his sworde from hys page let flie at his head To breake the blowe some putting vp their hands had their fingers cut of The Hungarians hearing a noise tumult wythin the chamber brake it vpon them there incontinent slewe Ulrike the Earle wounding and cutting him almost alto peeces The King hearing thereof although he was not a little discontented thereat in his minde yet seeing there was then no other remedy dissembled his griefe for a time FroÌ thence the king tooke his iourny againe to Buda accompanied wyth the foresayde Ladislaus who passyng by the towne where the wife of Huniades was mourning for the death of her husband seemed with many faire wordes to comfort her and after he had there sufficiently repasted hym selfe wyth such pretence of dissembled loue and fained fauour that they were without all suspition feare from thence he set forward in hys iourney taking wyth him the two sonnes of Huniades Ladislaus and Mathias who were right ready to wait vpon him The king being come to Buda whether of his owne head or by sinister counsell set on when hee had them at a vauntage caused bothe the sonnes of Huniades to witte Ladislaus and Mathias to be apprehended And first was brought foorth Ladislaus the elder sonne to the place of execution there to be beheaded where meekely he suffered being charged wyth no other crime but thys published by the voyce of the cryer saying Thus are they to be chastened which are rebelles against their Lord. Peucerus wryting of his death addeth thys moreouer that after the hangman had 3. blowes at his necke yet notwythstanding the sayd Ladislaus hauing his hands bound behinde hym after the thirde stroke
maruell considering that he had slaine his brother Theodosius before at home moreouer liued in incestious matrimony also being inclined to certayne new sects could not abide the coÌtrary teachers but slew theÌ which admonished him thereof The sayd Constans going afterward to Italy was also ouercome of the Lumbardes c. the Saracens after this victory spoyled also Rhodes Although these cursed Saracens in these theyr greate victories conquests were not without domesticall seditions and deuisions among themselues yet the princes of the Saracens being called then Sultans had in theyr possession the gouernment of Syria Egypt Affrike of a great part of Asia about the terme of 400. yeares till at length the Saracen king which ruled in Persia fighting agaynst the Saracene of Babilon sought ayde of the Turkes to fight with him agaynst the Sultane of Babilon The which Turks by litle and litle surprised vpoÌ the Sultan of Persia not long after putting him out of place vsurped the king dome of Persia which afterward went further as ye shall heare the Lord willing And this is the first beginning of the Turkes dominion These Turkes after they had thus ouercome great couÌtryes and prouinces and made their power large mighty both in Asia and Europa begaÌ to deuide theyr kingdoÌes countryes amongest themselues But when they coulde not agree but with deadly war contended for the boundes of those kingdomes and dominions in the meane tyme 4. of the principall families conquering and subduing all the rest parted the whole Empyre amongst theÌselues And yet they also not so contented fell to such cruell hatred conteÌtion warre and slaughter no doubt by the iust iudgement of God against his blasphemous enemies that there was no end thereof vntill the remnant of the auncient Turkes was vtterly rooted out For it is euident that there are fewe nowe remayning which are Turkes in deed by birth and bloud and that the state of that great empyre is not upholdeÌ but by the strength anâ power of souldyors which haue bene Christians and now are turned to Mahumetes Religion so that euen theyr owne naturall language is now out of vse amongest them sauing in certayne families of theyr nobility and geÌtlemen These foure familyes aboue mentioned with theyr Captaynes and armyes about the yeare of our Lorde 1330 went raging throughout all Asia and Europa and euery one of them conquered some parte of the countryes where they passed The causes of these great inuasioÌs and victoryes were the dissention and discorde falsehoode idlenesse vnconstancy greedy auarice lacke of trueth and fidelity among Christian men of al states and degrees both high and low For by the wilfull defection and backesliding of the Christians the Turkish power did exceedingly encrease in that many ârsiring the licentious life liberty of war allured with the prosperous successe of thynges forsooke the Churche of God and made themselues bond slaues to Mahumet and his deuilish sect bâth because that fleshly liberty is delighting to all men and partly also because as fortune fauoreth so commonly the willes of men enclyne And agayne suche as be prophane and without the feare of God whereof there is an infinite number in the Church in all ages are wont commonlye to iudge of Religion according to the successe of realmes and kingdomes For if any not onelye for the variety of opinions but also for the diuersitye of euentes and fortune amongest men haue inquired and doe inquire whether there be any Churche of God distyncte from other nations what it is and where it is especially for so muche as the greatest part of men bothe in the olde time when as the foure Monarchyes flourished in order was ignoraunt of this doctrine whiche is peculier to the Churche alone and nowe also the barbarity of Mahumet preuayleth raigneth in the moste part of the worlde And how standeth this with mans reason that a small number both miserable and also feebled and broken with manye battayles shoulde be regarded and loued of God and the other flourishing in all wealth prosperity victoryes authority and power should be reiected and despised of God seing there is no power and authoritye but by the ordynaunce of God Albeit therefore the power of the Turkes hath bene for these two hundreth yeares of greater force then any other Monarchy of the world besides yet is there no Imperiall dignity to be estemed in that Turkish tyraÌny but amongest those nations onely where the heauenly doctrine of the Gospell is preached other disciplines necessary for the Churche of God the common life of man mayntayned and regarded where the lawes of God other honest and ciuil ordinaunces agreable to the same doe flourish and reigne where lawful iudgement is exercised where vertue is honoured and rewarded where sinne and wickednes is punished where honest familyes are mayntayned and defended These thinges are not regarded amongest the Turkes the enemies of the sonne of God and all lawfull Empyres because they dissolue and reiect all godly focietyes honest discipline good lawes policyes righteous iudgemeÌts the ordinaunce of matrimony and godly familyes For what hath the Empyre of the Turkes bene hetherto but moste deadly cruell and perpetuall warre to worke all mischief destruction and desolation to subuert good lawes Cityes kingdomes policies and to enlarge theyr cruell power dominion The stay and strength whereof is not loue and fauour proceeding of vertue and iustice as in lawefull and well gouerned Empyres but feare violence oppression swarmes and infinite thousandes of barbarous and most wicked people ministers of Satans malice fury Whiche kinde of dominion and tyranny hath bene condeÌned by the voyce of God many yeares agoe the ââstimonyes wherof the Lord would haue to remayne in the Church least the godly being moued with the power successe therof should fall away and forsake the sonne of God Wherefore let vs not seâke for any Imperiall state in that barbarity but let vs be thankefull acknowledge the great benefite of God for that he hath reserued to vs certayne remnaunts of the Romayn Empyre And let vs call vpon him dayly with harty petitions and grones wyth zeale and loue to the house of God that this Turkish power ioined with the malice of Sathan against the sonne of God preuayle not agaynst the poore congregations litle remnant of his Churche as it hath hitherto done agaynste those strong and noble christian kingdoms and churches were now we see the Turkish tyranny to raigne SathaÌ to haue taken full possession Whose state was once farre better then ours is now and more like to continue without such horrible ouerthrowes and desolation Oh that we might foresee a litle the great daunger that hangeth ouer our heades For though the Turke semeth to be farre of yet doe we nourishe within our brestes at home that maye soone cause vs to feele his cruell hand and worse if worse may be
with the Sherifte and that the one shall teach them Gods law and the other mans law as ye heard in King Edgars lawes before Many other lawes both Ecclesiasticall and temporall besides these were enacted by these and other Kings heere in England before the Conquest but these be sufficient to geue the vnderstanding Reader to consider how the authority of the Bishops of Rome all this while extended not so farre to prescribe lawes for gouernement of the Church but that Kings and Princes of the Realme as they be now so were then full gouernours heere vnder Christ as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as temporall both in directing orders instituting lawes in calling of Synodes and also in conferring Byshoprickes and benefices without any leaue of the Romish Bishops Thus Odo Dunstane Oswold Ethelwold Aldelinus and Lancfrancus although they fet their palles afterwarde from Rome yet were they made Bishops and Archbishops by Kings only not by Popes And thus stoode the gouernement of this Realme of England all the time before the Conquest till Pope Hildebrand through the setting on of the Saxons began first to bring the Emperour which was Henry 4. vnder foote Then followed the subduing of other Emperours Kings and subiects after that as namely heere in England when Lancfrancus Anselmus and Becket went to complayne of their Kings and gouernours then brought they the Popes iudiciall authority first from Rome ouer this land both ouer Kings and subiects which euer since hath continued till these latter yeares Albeit the sayd Kings of this Realme of England being prudent Princes and seeing right well the ambitious presumption of those Romish Byshops did what they could to shake off the yoke of their supremacie as appeareth by the lawes and Actes of their Parliaments both in king Edward the thirds time King Richard the 2. and King Henry the 4. aboue in their Parliament notes specified yet for feare of other foreine Princes and the blind opinion of their subiectes such was then the calamitie of that time that neither they could nor durst compasse that which faine they would till at last the time of their iniquitie being complete through the Lords wonderfull working theyr pride had a fall as in the next Volume ensuing the Lord so graunting shall by proces of hystorie be declared The Image of the true Catholicke Church of Christ. ¶ The proude primacie of Popes paynted out in Tables in order of their rising vp by little and little from faythfull Byshops and Martyrs to become Lords and gouernours ouer King and kingdomes exalting themselues in the Temple of God aboue all that is called God c. 2. Thessalonians 2. IN the Table of the primitiue Churche aboue described hath bene gentle Reader set forth and exhibited before thine eies the greeuous afflictions and sorowfull tormentes which thorough Gods secret sufferance fell vpon the true Saints and members of Christes Church in that time especially vpon the good Bishops Ministers and teachers of the flocke of whome some were scourged some beheaded some crucified some burned some had their eies put out some one way some another miserably consumed which daies of wofull calamitie coÌtinued as is foreshewed neare the space of CCC yeares During which time the deare spouse and elect Church of God being sharply assaulted on euery side had small rest no ioy nor outward safetie in this present world but in much bitternes of hart in continuall teares and mourning vnder the crosse passed ouer their daies being spoiled imprisoned contemned reuiled famished tormented and martired euerywhere who neither durst well tarie at home for feare and dread and much lesse durst come abroade for the enemies but onely by night when they assembled as they might sometimes to sing Psalmes and Hymnes together In all which their dreadfull dangers and sorrowfull afflictions notwithstanding the goodnes of the Lord left them not desolate but the more their outward tribulations did increase the more their inward consolations did abound and the farther off they seemed from the ioyes of this lyfe the more present was the Lorde wyth them wyth grace and fortitude to confirme and reioyce theyr soules And though theyr possessions and riches in this world were lost and spoyled yet were they enriched wyth heauenly giftes and treasures from aboue an hundreth fold Then was true Religion truely felt in hart Then was Christianitie not in outwarde appearance shewed but in inward affection receaued and the true image of the Churche not in outwarde shew pretensed but in her perfect state effectuall Then was the name and feare of God true in hart not in lippes alone dwellyng Fayth then was feruent zeale ardent prayer not swimming in the lippes but groned out to God from the bottome of the spirite Then was no pride in the Church nor laysure to seeke riches nor tyme to keepe them Contention for trifles was then so far from Christians that well were they when they could meete to pray together agaynst the Deuill authour of all dissention Briefly the whole Churche of Christ Iesus wyth all the members thereof the farther it was from the type and shape of this worlde the nearer it was to the blessed respect of Gods fauour and supportation ¶ The first rising of the Byshops of Rome AFter this long tyme of trouble it pleased the Lord at length mercifully to looke vpon the Saints and seruauntes of his sonne to release their captiuitie to release their miserie and to binde vp the old Dragon the Deuill which so long vexed them whereby the Church began to aspire to some more libertie and the Bishops which before were as abiects vtterly contemned of Emperours through the prouidence of God which disposeth all things in his time after his owne willy began now of Emperours to be esteemed and had in price Furthermore as Emperours grew more in deuotion so the Bishops more and more were exalted not only in fauour but also preferred vnto honour in so much that in short space they became not quarter maisters but rather halfe Emperours with Emperours Constantinus the Emperour embrasing Christen Byshops By which words of S. Paul we haue diuers things to vnderstand First that the day of the Lordes coÌming was not theÌ nere at hand SecoÌdly the Apostle geuing vs a tokeÌ before to know wheÌ that day shall approch biddeth vs looke for an aduersary first to be reuealed Thirdly to shew what aduersary this shal be he expresseth him not to be as a common aduersary suche as were then in his time For although Herode Annas and Cayphas the high Priestes and Pharasyes Tertullus Alexander the Coppersmith Elymas SymoÌ Magus Nero the Emperor in Paules time were great aduersaryes yet here he meaneth another besides these greater theÌ all the rest not such a one as should be like to Priest King or Emperor but such as farre exceding the estate of all kinges priests and Emperors should be the prince of priests should make kings to
and Martyr Serapion Martyr The last punishment of God tuâning the cruelty of aduersaries vpoÌ them selues Iulianus Martyr A certayne souldiour Martyr Macar a blessed Martyr Epimachus Alexander with foure woemen Martyrs Ammonarion Virgine martyr Mercuria Dyonisia Martyrs Heron Ater Isidorus Dioscorus Martyrs Nemesion Martyr Theââeââ the olde tyme amongst the ãâã burned Ammon Zenon Ptolomeus Ingenuus Theophilus Martyr cââfessours A notable example ãâã Christian courage in confessing Christ. Ischyrion Martyr Cheremon Martyr Cheremon a Byshop had a wife Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 40.41.42 The Epistle of Dionysius AlexaÌd to Germanus This Germanus was a Byshop in that tyme whiche charged Dionysius for hys flyeng persecution agaynst whoÌ he purgeth hymselfe God willed Dionysius to flee in persecution * Ergo Byshops then had wiues and Children The prouidence of God in preseruing hys The story of the deliueraunce of Dionysius and hys fellowes Dionysius Gaius Faustus Petrus Paulus deliuered froÌ the Centurion and the souldiours Ex Euseb. lib. 6. ca. 40. Lib. 7. cap. 11. Ex Niceph. Lib. 5. cap. 27. Christophorus Martyr The fable of great S. Christopher Meniatus Agatha Martyrs Ex Bergomens Lib. 8. Eâ Martyrologio Adonis Martyrs wandring in mountaynes Fourty Virgines Martyrs Tryphon Martyr Maximianus Malchus Martinianus Dyonisius Ioannes Serapion Constantinus 7. Martyrs The fable of the awaking of these seuen martyrs Ex Vincent Nicepho Erfordiens A souldiour martyr Ex Hierony in vita Paulâ Eremita A notable example of a chast souldiour byting of hys toung and spitting it in the face of an harlot A like example of chastitie betweene two Christians Ex Ambr. lib. 2. de virgin Theodora Didimus Martyrs Agathon Martyr Paulus Andreas Martyrs Iustinus Nicostratus Portius Martyrs Abdon SeÌnas Martyrs Secundianus Verâanus Marcellianus Martyrs Ex Vincent lib. 11. cap. 51. Ex libro Bedae de Temporibus citante Henrico de Erfordia A briefe Cataloge of diuers which suffered vnder Decius ex Beda Children Martyrs Ex vincent lib. 11. cap. 52. Such as reuolted and fell in this persecution Serapion Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 44. * Note here the Sacrament to be called the Eucharist and not the body of Christ. The holy Eucharist in time of great neede and distresse committed to a boy The repentance and reconciliation of Serapion The goodnes of God shewed to Serapion Ex Henr. de Erford A terrible example of denying shewed vppon Nichomachus Dionysius ad Fabium Cyprianus Serm. de lapsis The weaknes of christians denying their fayth Examples of God hys punishment after denial The sacrament called bread of S. Cyprian De lapsis Cyprianus Lib. de mortalitate A notable voyce of God to a Priest of Carthage The occasion and rising vp of Nouatus heresie Cornelij Epist. ad Fabium ex Euse lib. 6. cap. 43. The meaning of Cyprian opened writing of one Bishop onely to gouerne in a Catholicke church falsely wrasted of the Papistes for the Papacy Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 43. * Note here the Sacrament of the body to be called bread Euseb. lib. 6. Cap. 43. Nicepho lib. 6. ca. 3. The latine translatioÌ of Eusebius corrupted by ChristosersoÌ Lib. 6. ca. 43. Maximus Vrbanus Sidonius Celerinus confessors Ex Cypr. Lib. 3. Epist. 3. Moses Martyr A Synode at Rome An. 255. Cornelius Byshop of Rome and Martyr Byshops were chosen then not without the voice of the people A censure of the decretall Epistles of Cornelius The constancie of Cornelius in hys tryall Cyprian Lib. 1. Epist. 1. Cornelius accused for writing letters to Cyprian Plumbatis cadi Cornelius Martyred Aurelius Martyr Mappalicus Martyr The death and destruction of Decius Orosius Lib. 7. Cap. 14. The iust reuenge of God agaynst persecutours The iust punishment of God vpon the Heathen multitude for persecuting his people The plague and hand of God The brotherly loue and piety among the christians shewed in the time of plague A terrible pestilence raygning through all the Romaine Monarchy Cyprianus Lib. de mortalitate Gallus and Volusianus Emperours Anno. 255. The first banishment of Cyprian The Byshops and Priestes condemned to metals Nemesianus Felix Lucius Byshops condemned for the name of Christ. * That is iâ the passion of hym that dyed on the tree S. syprian exhorteth and confirmeth the Christian Martyrs Cypr. lib. 3. Epist. vlt. The Christian mans sacrifice Cypr. lib. 4. Epist. 1. Seagrius Rogatianus Martyrs Sapien. 3. Cyprian Lib. 3. Epist 6. Lucius Byshop of Rome banished An. 256. The Epistle decretall of Lucius Bishop The ordinaunces of Lucius The poÌpous stile of the Church of Rome Dist. 81. Ministri Ministers restrayned from their own wiues Eusebius and Damasius vary in time Lucius Byshop of Rome martyr Stephanus Byshop of Rome martyr The censure of the decretall Epistles and ordinaunces of Stephanus No Byshop ought to be accused after he be expulsed before he be restored agayne The number of the poore found at Rome by the Church goodes Primates Metropolitanes Archbishops I awfull to appeale to Rome Vestiments and holy vessels seruing for the aultare Byshops banished in the time of Gallus Gallus and Volusianus Emperours slayne Emelianus Emperour three monethes Valerianus and Gallienus hys sonne Emperour Persecution ceased for a tymâ The good beginning of Valerian Ex Dionysio citante Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 10. Nicepho Lib. 6. cap. 10. Wicked counsell What euill it doth The eight persecution Anno. 259. The chiefe executours of this persecution The speciall causes of this persecution Cypria Lib. 4. Epist. 4. The sinnes of the Christians cause of persecution Discord and deuision among the brethren Psal. 67. A vision foreshewing persecutioÌ to come Cyprian Lib. 4. Epist. 4. Our sinnes geue SathaÌ power agaynst vs. An other reuelation shewed to S. Cyprian Spare dyet and sober drinke conuenient in Christian bishops The peace of the Church to come foreshewed by the Lord. Crimes and causes faââely layd to the Christians The Apology of Cyprian for the Christians Cypria contra Demetriaenum Cypria de idolorum vanitate The countrey and education of Cyprian The conuersion of Cyprian Cyprian made first Priest then Byshop of Carthage The vertues of Cyprians lyfe described The care of Cyprian toward the afflicted brethren The modesty of Cyprian in conferring with hys fellow brethren Visions coÌcerning the troubles and peace of the church recited and expounded by Cyprian before pag. 67. Cyprian meeke and pacient Cyprian a great reader of Tertullian The second banishment of Cyprian The apprehension of Cyprian The martirdome of Cyprian Anno. 259. The books of Cyprian The iudgement of Austen vpon the bookes of Cyprian August contra Cresconium Lib. 12. cap. 32. Sentences of Cyprian collected Ex Vincent Lib. 12 ca. 63. The place of scripture expounded Eleemasina ab omni peccato morte liberat Yob 4. Ex Cypri Lib. 4. Epist. 2. Twelue 2. buses in the lyfe of man noted out of Cyprian The learning of Cyprian âoyned with hys blemishes The faulte of Papistes to make to much of euery thing How farre
England one for Greeke the other for latine Ex historia Guliel de Regibus Ang. Pleimondus teacher to king Alfred and after Bishop of Canterbury Bookes translated out of latine by K. Alfrede None permitted to haue any dignitie in the court except he were learned Polycron lib. 6. cap. 1. The Psalter translated into English by king Alfrede The cause why the king turned latine bookes into English Learned men sent for and placed about the king The dialoges of Gregory translated Neotus â Abbot The schole and vniuersitie of Oxford first begonneâ King Alfrede The newâ Colledge in Oxford Ioan. âââtus The aunswere of Ioannes Scotus to the French king Ioan Scotus translated Hierarchiam Dionâtij from Greek to Latine The booke of Ioannes Scotus called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Ioannes Scotus adicted more to the Greeke Churche then the Latine Ioan Scotus accused of the pope for an heretike Ioannes Scotus slayne by hys owne scollers Ioan Scotus a Martyr This Ethelwitha builded first the house of Nunnes at Winchester The children of K. Alfrede All hys daughters learned The decease of King Alfred An. 901. Etheredus Plâimundus Athelmus Vlâelmus Odo Archb. of Canterbury 9. Popes in ix yeares at Rome Fermosus first Pope Ex Chroniâoâ Sigeberti Schismes among the Popes Character indâlebilis Whether the pope with hys Cardinals may erre Bonifacius 6. Pope Stephen 6. Pope Ex Chroni Martini panitentiarij Sigebert Ex Polych alijs Pope Theodorus 2. Pope Iohn 10. One councell burneth an others decrees Pope Benedictus 4. Pope Leo. 5. imprisoned and vnpoped by hys own chaplayne Pope Christoferus 1. Pope Sergius Pope Formosus after hys death be headed of Pope Sergius A false fayned myracle vpon the body of Formosus Popish miracles not to be credited Bearing of candels on Candlemas day how it came vp Pope ãâã Pope Lâââdo 1. Pope ãâã 11. Harloââ this time ruled ãâã Rome P. Iohn 1. P. Leo. 6. P. Stââ â restored Liuthpranâdus ãâã sis lib. 3. P. Steph. â P. Leo. â P. Marâ â P. Agapetus 2. Ordo Clâniacensis beginnââ King Edward the elder The Edwardes before the ââquest A comparison betweene Alfrede and hys sonne Edward Vse and long exercise of things maketh perfectnes Clyto Ethelwold rebelleth agaynst K. Edward An. 904. An. 913. Chesâer repayred and enlarged The Castle of Herford builded Castles builded vpon the riuer of Auene and Ouse The townes of Towcetour and wigmore builded The newe towne of Nottingham builded Thilwall Manchester repayred Elfleda Cittyes Townes and Castles builded by Elfleda The lawes of king Alfred and K. Edward Note howe kinges of England in tymes past had authoritie in spirituall causes Anno. 925. The Children of K Edward the elder Prince Ethelwald excellânt in learning Galiel de Regib The bringing vp of K. Edwardes Children King Ethelstine or Adelstane Duke Elfrede sodenly stroken by the hand of God for periury Guliel lib. de Regib in vita Ethelstani The copie of an old Cart of K. Ethelstane Anno. 927. Northumberland subdued to king Ethelstane The Scots subdued to the king of England It is more honour to make a king then to be a king A fabulous miracle falsely reported of king Athelstane Bristanus Byshop Anno. 933. A ridiculous miracle forged vpon Bristanus Byshop of Winchester A miracle of soules aunswering Amen A sore battaile sought at Brimford An other vnlike myracle of K. Athelstanâ sword Odo Archbishop of Cant. Analanus The North Brittaynes brought to tribute The South Brittaynes subdued K. Ethelstane seeketh the death of his owne brother A note to learne not to sowe discorde betwixt brother and brother The cause of building Abbeyes examined Otho first Emperour of the Germaine Precious iewels sent to king Ethelstane from the French K. Concerning one of the nayles wherewith our Sauiour Christ was crucified Kinges of England gouernors as well in ãâã ecclesiastical aâââmporall Extractum on legib ãâã Athelstane * alias ãâã * alias minoribus * alias scristes dictionum * alias seruitistimentalas * ãâã sunt * alias seristes mensia ãâã * in sua scrysiseyra A lawe how that maisters ought to condiscend and beare sometime with their seruauntes The law of king Ethelstane concerning tythes Tythes The K. woulde vsurpe no mans goodes wrongfully The law of K. Ethelstane concerning fealous stealing aboue xii d. Epitap in Ethelst Sol illustrauit bisseno scorpion ortu Cum regeÌ cauda percuâât ille sua Anno. 940. Edmundus kyng of England Ex historia Cariona Monkes put out of Eusham the yeare of our Lord. 941. The difference betweene Monkes and priestes Chastitie wroÌgly defined Holy mariage by the definition of Paphnutius is chastitie Monkes how they differed from Priestes and how they first began in England Guliel de pontiââââ The monâstery of Fââriake Oswaldes Byshop of Yorke a great paââââ of Monkery Guliel lin 3. de pontif The origââ of monkery how it first began in England Dunstane Abbot of Glastonbury The sonnes of King Edmund The impâdent vanitie of the Popes Churche in forgyng false myracles Guliel lib. 1. de pont The monastery of Glastonbury Dunstane Abbot of Glostanbury The Abbey of Glostenbury was first builded by K. Iue by the couÌsell of Adelmus after beyng destroyed by the Danes Guliel lib. 2. de Regib The lawes of king Edmunde touching as well the state spirituall as temporall Vlstanus Archbishop of Yorke Odo Arch. of Canterbury Guliel de pont lib. 1. Polycron lib. 6. ca. 6. Odo made monke at Floriake after he was Archb. of CaÌterbury Guliel de pont lib. 1. Guliel lib. 3. de pont Ebor. The difference of habite and garmentes among men of the Church False and lying myracles noted vpon Odo A note to the reader Transubstantiation not yet receaued The letter of Odo Archb. to the prelates Elsinus Archb. of Caunt elect S. Edmundesbury The children of King Edmund Anno. 946. Edrede gouernour of the Realme Dunstane made byshop of Wirceter and after of London With lye and all K. Edwyne Anno. 955. The king suspensed by the Archbishop K. Edwyne an enemye to Monkes Monkes put out and seculâr priestes placed in their roomes The death of K. Edwyne Anno. 959. K. Edgar called Pacificus Dunstane made Bysh. of Worceter and of London Ex hist. Rog. Houenden Spirituall liuinges geuen by the king and not by the Pope Oswaldââ byshop of Worceter and after â Yorke Ethelwâââ byshop of Wint. a great âââtayner of Monkery An. 96â Ex Guliel Malmâsâârieââ de gostis ponâââ Aâg Monkishe dreames Dreames not necessary to be regarded Difference of dreames How and wheÌ monks first began to swarme in England Dunstane Ethelwold Oswald three setters vp of Monkishe religion 40. Monasteries builded and repayred by K. Edgar Priestes thrust out of Cathedrall houses and monkes set in Roger Houeden lib. Continuationum post BedaÌ Chronicon Iornalense Guliel de gestis pontifi lib. 1. Oswald Byshop of Wytceter and Archb. of Yorke The pollicy of Oswald in driuing out priestes to place
it giueth to the church Peter not the cause of Ananias death Actes 3. Ioh. 1â Like a pulled Heââe Math. 16. The Popes vsurped power falââ founded vpon scriptures Dist. 9. ââ Iâa Demânus ââcter The place of Christ geââng the keyes to Peter Mat. 16 ââtly expounded Math. 18. Iohn 20. Christ oneââ the head of the church 1. Cor. 3. Galat. 2. Aââs â The thirde errour Other Apostles had the power to bynd and to loose as Peter had Actes 2. Romans 1. Peter ruled 3. Churches Actes 1. Actes 2. Acts 3.4.5 Peter gouerned the Church at Ierusalem 4. years before he gouerned Antioche Galatians 2. The keyes of Christes kyngdome Absolution Three things required in popish absolution Contrition Confession Satisfaction Two things required on his part that geueth popish absolution Deâret de âoenitenâââ Iohn 3. Iohn 5. Math. 25. The saintes shal iudge with Christ. Corinth 4. Iohn 20. The ministeriall power to remit sin belongeth as well to one priest as to an other The keyes of the kingdome of heauen The keyes mistaken in the Pope Chanonâ Fayth and hope be the keyes of heauen 2 Cor. 15. Iohn 12. Children departing before baptismââ condemned Auriculer confession Iames 5. Deâeniâ ãâã cap. multiplex misericordia dei ãâã 53. Iohn 1. Confession ââto God ââticular confession ââtruely ââounded ââon the ââpture ââke 17. The autors of the Canon law reproued Iohn 3. Luke 5. The story of the leapers expounded to make âothing for âuticular confession The clensing of the leprey the clensing of the priest in auricââ lar confession agree not The popes power in absoluing from sinnes not founded in scripture The pope can absolue none from punishment The pope in his pardons deceaueth men 3. maner of wayes The pope promising pardons for sinne induceth men to sinne in simony Deadly sinne and debte The pope saith he can remitte the debte to God And yet can not remitte the debte to maÌ The pope harder to pardon a priest leauing his matters vnsaid then for breaking the commaundemeÌt of God Absolution to be sought at the handes of God onely Ex regist latÃno Episc. Herford Notes Examples declaring what warres hath bene stirred vp by popes Iohn 6. Galath â Iustification by fayth and not by the law Rom. 5. Iohn 6. True eating of Christ is true beleuing in him Eating of the flesh of Christ what it is Math. 26. Luke 22. This is my body expouÌded Note well gentle Reader Bread by similitude Bread substantially and the body Sacramentally The bread which the Lord gaue entreth not into the bodies but the body which he gaue entreth into the mindes of the disciples Paule calleth it materiall bread Note reader The vayne prayer of the priestes at their Masse The people greatly deceued in the sacrameÌt The priestes seeke their owne honor in their transubstaÌtiatioÌ Marke here ye good priestes The makers of the Canon law contrary to theÌselues De consec 2. cap. Prima quidem inquit De consec dist 2 cap. Omnia quaecunque voluit Contrarietie in the popes Canons De consecrat dist 2. cap. Ego Berengarius The recantation of Berengarius is hereticall The Sacrament left by the priestes negligence to be eateÌ of a mouse returneth againe from body to bread Whether externall signes in a priest be the signe of Antichrist or els be grounded vpon Christ. Three orders or sortes of priestes 1. Aaronicall 2 Eternall 3. Christian. Leuiticall priestes deuided from the people by kindred office and inheritance The priesthoode of Christ differeth from the Leuiticall priesthoode how and wherein 1. In kindrede 2. In othe taking 3. In durabilitie 4. In maâââ of ãâã 5. In place of sacrificing The law bringeth none to perfection The priesthoode of Christ differeth from all other priesthood The third priesthoode The name of Sacerdos or priest not vsed in the new Testament of Christ. The fourthe priesthoode which is the Romane priesthoode The office of priestes after the popes order The body of Christ not left to be a sacrifice for sinne but onely for a Sacrament How the memoriall of the sacrament came to the realtie of the sacrifice it selfe The order and office of prayer The Lordes prayer Math. 6. The aâtes of Necromancie Southsaying with craftes how froÌ whoÌ they came Against exorcising of Priestes Coniuring or halowing in the popish church Holy water coniured Exorcistae The absurditie abhominatioÌ in the popish exorcismes detected Where was the popes holy water then in the great pestilence in the tyme of K. Edward 3. Iames. 4. Remish coniurers The good lyfe of a priest a great matter to deale in Gods matters The prayer of a vitious priest little anay leth before God Remembraunce of Christes passion needeth not to God but to man Priestes more bound to lay Masse coÌmaded by man then to preaching commaÌded of God Spirituall fornication Ieronymus Whether priests may bargen to sing for soules departed Ieronymus Selling of prayer abhominable Religious men and women deuourers of wydowes houses Praying for soules in Purgatory Euil gotten laÌdes as euil bestowed for praying for soules in Purgatory Bying and sellyng of prayers in the Popes Church Bying and selling of pardons ParsoÌ place apparell curiositie or eloquence of prayer not regarded of God The prayer of the pharisie and of the PublicaÌe coÌpared Prayer that doth more for money then for charitie disproued Selling of pardons Selling of orders Selling of church halowinges Selling of discipline Selling of fraternitie Selling of Ditiges yere mindes confessions weddinges buriynges Selling of Sermons c. Example to be taken by the fall of Babylon The citie of Rome Babilon Apoc. 18 The temporall dominioÌ of the citie of Rome The spirituall dominioÌ of the citie of Rome The fourth beast in the prophesie of Daniel meaneth Rome The beast with 7. heades in the A poc signifieth Rome The feete of the Image in the dreame of Nabuchodonozar signifieth Rome The beast with two hornes lyke the Lambe signifieth the spirituall dominion of Rome Iesus is Christ two maner of wayes as King and priest The double sword of the Pope The Bish. of Rome secketh to be worshipped as God The commaundementes of the pope more regarded then Christes In euery Sacrament 2. thinges conteyned Caueat emptor The rewardes of the beast The number of the name of the beast Dux cleri Martinus poenitenliarius Mo wicked popes then Emperours Matters of Idolatry Images Othes how far they are tollerable Whether temporall goods may be taken away from ecclesiasticall persons offending Popes take from Emperours their benefactors temporall dominion when they offend Ergo much more may Emperours take from popes temporall dominion wheÌ they offend A prophecie of Walter Brute that temporall goods shall be taken away froÌ the clergie for the multitude of their sinnes Walter Brute againe commanded to aâpeare Byshops ââtors ââh 10. Bachelors â divinitie â monkes â Doctors âlars sitâââ vppon Walter Bâre Nicholas Herford but also present The Wriââges of Walter ãâã ex ãâã The tenor
maintained any doctrine against the Churche of Rome but onely spake against their naughtie lyfe Hierome did put them to silence Hierome in prison 340. dayes The excellent memory in M. Hierome M. Hierome brought agayne before the couÌcell M. Hierom holdâth all the articles of the Catholicke Church The eloquence of M. Hierome The prophesie of M. Hierome A paper with redde deuilles put vpon the head of M. Hierome by deuelishe papistes M. Hierome committed to the secular power M. Hierome went singing vnto his martirdome M. Hierome praieth M. Hierome âââ to an Image like to Iohn Hus. M. Hierome ââgeth at ââ burning The wordes of Hierome to the people M. Hierome geueth testimony of Iohn Hus. The last wordes of M. Hierome The crueltie of his death The ashes of M. Hierome cast into the riuer of Rheine The witnes of the writer The truth of this storie Math. 7. Rom. 13. The cause of I. Hus cleared by the testimony of the nobles of Bohemia All that will liue godly in Christ. 2. Tim. 3. Defence of M. Hierome of Prage He meaneth the longe schisme spoken of before where three popes were striuing one against an other * A quadrant being foure square prouerbially signifieth a man that is constant and immutable Rom. 12. Iohn 8. Deut. 38. Psal. 30. These noble men offered their obedience to the Pope no further then was lawful honest and agreeable to reason and the lawe of God Marke this and learne you noble men Vid supra pag. 588. Henry Chichesley Archb. of Cant. The historie of I. ClaidoÌâânner of London of Robert Turming Baker Ex regist Cant. I. Claidon ââamined I. Claydon ââst imprisoned by R. Braybroke Bishop of London 1. Claidon before abiuâed Englishe bookes The iudgement of the Maior of London Claidon bestowed much money vpon Englishe bookes Iohn Claydon could not read Richard Turming Baker This Turming belike was then in prison William Lindewood doctor of both lawes An Englishe booke intituled The Lanterne of light The head taile of Antichrist This is true speaking of the inuisible Church Two causes of persecution noted Foure conditioÌs in geuing almes That bread remaineth in the Sacrament The bookes of I. Claidon burned The sentence condemnation of Iohn ClaidoÌ Iohn Claidon coÌmitted to the secular power The law de comburendo insufficient The death and martirdome of Iohn Claidon I. Claidon Richard Turming martus Anno 1416. Ex Regist. Chichesley 217. You should be better occupied to shake of the duste from your duây pulpets Twise euery yeare to enquire for Lollardes Against priuie conuenticles To differ froÌ the common sort in life and maners against the popes lawe Against Englishe bookes The trouble of I. Barton and Robert Chapell in cause of religion This Philip seemeth to be Philippe Repington afore mentioned in the story of Wicklieffe R. Chapell âââureth Articles obtruded to R. Chapel to confesse Marke well this catholicke doctrine of the Popes Church concerning remission of sinnes Marke how this doctrine ioyneth with Gods coÌmaundement with his word Ergo by this doctrine the iust man liueth not by his faith but by his confession auricular How can these priestes be seruantes of Christ which be makers of Christ. Priuate religioÌs profitable if ye could tell wherfore Straight inquisition in EnglaÌd Christ had the hartes of men they had their bodies A briefe summe of such as abiured vnder Hen. Chichesley I. Tailour W. Iames. I. Dweiffe Iohn Iourdelay I. Iourdelay abiureth Rob. person of Heggeley examined W. Henry of Tenterdon examined A booke of the new laW I. Galle R. Monke Bart. CoâmoÌger N. Hoper Tho. Granter troubled for their doctrine A subsidie geâthered by the pope to fight against the faithfull of Bohemia Romishe sleightes to get the Englishe money Articles obiected against Rafe Mungin Trialogus The Gospells translated by Iohn Wickliffe Radulph Mungin condeÌned to perpetual prisoÌ Tho. Granter Richard Monke The recantation of Tho. Granter Note the doctrine opinions in those daies where the Gospell tooke place One head that is the vnitie of the Church Men tied to the Church of Rome The affliction and trouble in Kent vnder Chichesley Persons persecuted in Keât The seconde apprehensioÌ of the Lord Cobham The Lord Powes plaieth Iudas Treason falsly surmised Vide supra pag. 575. Iudas feeleth for his reward An. 5. Henr. 5 act 17. An. 5. HeÌnr 5. act 17. All the blame laide to the Lollardes Articles decreed in the Councell of Constance agoinst the Bohemians The fauores of I. Hus in Boheme This suffragane was a good man and helde with Iohn Hus. Wicklieffes bookes translated by I. Hus and Iacobellus into the BohemiaÌ speach Concilium malignantium Deposing of Pope Iohn 23. Ex hist Albani The election of Pope Martine The Emperour kisseth the popes feete Pope Martind The coronation of pope Martine Meretrix câ quitans super bessiam Apocalip The pope ãâã horseâacke the Emperour ââ foote Why then doth the âapekâepe âââl the olde Iewes ceremonies if all thinges be made new Anno. 14â7 A yearely memoriall of Iohn Hus Hierome ââpt among ãâã Bohemiaâns K. Wenceslaus threatneth Nicholas The death of King Wenceslaus The maruelous worke of Gods iudgemeÌt to be noted in defending his people Out of Ene as Siluius Zischa getteth Pelzina The queene sendeth for Sigismund the Empeerour The Emperours Ambassadours agree with the citizeÌs of Prage The citie of Prage fell from the Emperour The complainte of the citie of Prage against Sigismund The policie of Zisca The citie of Thabor builded Siââsmund get ãâã the castle ââ Prage Zisca getteth the citie of Prage Prage besieged of Sigismund The Marques of Misnia ouercome in the skirmish Sigismund the Emperour rayseth his siege The Emperour fighting against Zisca had the ouerthrow The Abbeis of Pelsina subuerted Zisca putteth the Emperour to flight Zisca loseth hys other eye in battel Zisca albeit he lost his eyes yet would not forsake his army Zisca taketh diuers townes The Saxons retyre The Emperour with his power entreth againe into Boheme The Emperour afrayde of Zisca flyeth The powch of Antichrist A noble victory of Zisca Zisca destroyeth images and idols in Churches Ioanes Premostratensis The martirdome of certane godly Bohemians falsely circuÌuented and killed with sword Priuie murther at length commeth out Stench very âârtfull for ãâã teeth An other warlike pollicy of Zischa Straetagema Procopius Magnus The valiant courage of Procopius The victorie of the protestantes The battaile betweene the citie of Prage Zisca The noble victory of Zisca Zisca besiegeth Prage A notable oration of Zisca to his souldiours The hartes of the souldiours altered by the oratioÌ of Zisca Peace betweene Zisca and Prage by the meanes of Iohn de Rochezana The Emperour glad to be recoÌciled with Zisca The death of Zisca The wordes of Zisca at his death The Epitaphe of Zisca Zisca eleuen times victor in thââââelde Pope Martins bloudy bull to all Byshops and Archbishops All these errours and heresies be for that they
Henr. Coldyron answereth to the 3. article Iohn Pollomarius answereth to the 4. article Certayne chosen on both sides to determine the matter The oration of Cardinal ãâã Nicolas the 2. propounder charged by the Cardinall for the commeÌcing of Ioh. Wickliffe A prudent answere of the Bohemians to the Cardinall Iulian. The Ambassadours of the Bohemians return without agreement The coÌming of the Legates to Prage Ioh. Rochezanus speaketh Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7. Polomas answereth to the Bohemians The Bohemians reply againe to Polomar Polomar extolleth the Councelles Generall councelles may erre and haue erred Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7. The Ambassadours of the councel and the Bohemians could not agree A declaration of 3. articles promised to the Bohemians by the Councell A declaration of the Councell to the Bohemians concernyng the first 3. articles The 2. proposition propounded by the Bohemians with the declaration from the Councell Punishing of publicke offences how and by whom Note here the popes addition The 3. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the councell Liberty of preaching how farre and to whom at extendeth The 4. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the Councell Temporal possessions in the clergie mens handes The papists staÌd hard for their temporal Lordships The Bohemians take a deliberatioÌ of the fourth article A declaration of the councel touching the fourth article of the communion Consecrat dist 2 quia pissus This is to set vp the church aboue the scripture The holie communion requireth amendment of lyfe Holy things nothing profit the wicked The reuereÌt receiuing of the sacraments Receiuing vnder one kinde for auoiding two perils Error grounded vpon errour Causes why to minister vnder one kinde Receiuing in both kindes permitted to the Bohemians The condition annexed Doubtes or questions of the Bohemians Aunswere Permission of both kindes granted to the Bohemians not of sufferance but by full authoritie Punishing of offences considered How and by whom offeÌders ought to be punished To doe that God commaundeth is obedience and no sin though it be extraordinary The Israelites dyd steale from the Egyptians without sinne Sampson killed himselfe without sinne Of extraordinary commaundementes no generall lawes to be made Obiection Aunswere How the laitie hath power ouer the clergie and wherin The Pope wil be iudged by his own law Obiection Aunswere Obiection Aunswere Abuse of prelates in inhibiting true preachers Remedie of appeale Obiection Aunswere Actes of secular dominion to be exercised of the clergie after a double respecte âel per se âel per alium Obiection Aunswere Coactiue power whether in belongeth to the clergie and how The goods of the church in whose possession they be properly 12. q. 1 cap. expedit The clergie be administratours not Lordes of the temporalties of the Church The agreement betweene the Bohemians and the Councell Anno. 1438. Certaine petitions of the Bohemians put vp to the CouÌcell Anno. 1438. The communioÌ in both kindes to be generally graunted To haue a good and lawfull pastor and Bishop Free communioÌ vnder both kindes to be permitted to all princes The Gospells Epistles to be read in the vulgare tongue The scriptures read in the Slauons tongue of olde time Incorporations to be graunted to vniuersities an vnlawfull request A request for necessary reformation discipline The coÌception of our Lady brought into the Church The visitation of our Lady brought in Vowsons giftes of benefices before they were voide debarred by the couÌcell which vowsons here ar called expectatiue graces IncoÌuenieÌces that rise by vowsons of benefices No controuersies to be brought to Rome beyond 4. daies iourney from thence No fââuolous appeales to be made to the Pope Against the superfluous number of errours Against the popes first fruites Pragmatica Sanctiâ per Carolum 7. An Acte made for the conuersion of the Iewes An Acte for studying the Hebrue Latine and Chaldey Against priestes that kept Concubines An Epistle of Martin Meyr to Aeneas Siluius translated into Englishe the âatine wher of inextant in the former edition of this booke Ex Orth. Grat. The corruption of the Church of Rome detected The authoritie of the councell of Basill expended The epistle of the Cardinall Iulian to the Pope in the commendation of the councell of Basill Thambassadors of the Councell are returned from Egra What the church is Eugenius prouoketh the Church A strong argument against Eugenius The cause of the long delay of the Prelates The councel of Sene. An epistle of Eneas Siluius in defence of the councell of Basill The tââânal seate standeth not in one Bishop The authoritie of the Councell of Basill maintained by the Emperour and the French king so long as they liued The practise of Pope Eugenius to vndoe the Councell of Basill The Pope stirreth vp warre The Dolphin driueâ away by a few Germaines The dissolution of tho Councell of Basill Fredericke of Austrich crowned Emperour great grand father to this Ferdinando The Legaâ of the Greekes coÌdescend first to the popes law The Greeke Churches refuse the Popes doctrine The inconuenience of discorde Ex Cochleo lib. 8. hist. Hussit Ex Antonin 3. part tit Ex hist. Cas pari Peucer lib. 5. Maruelous feare fallen vpon the popes army Gods holy angels pitch their tentes about them which feare him Psal. The cruell deceite and wicked facte of Mainardus against the souldiours of Boheme Certaine thousandes of the BohemiaÌ souldiors brent Ex Aenea Silu. lib. de hist. Boem cap. 51. England noÌted of crueltie Burning slaying in England Anno 1439. R. Wiche Priest Martir Ex Fabian part 7. Ex antiquo alio Chronico Ex Regist. Hen. Chicheslei The bishops coÌsult to abolish the lawe of Premuniri facias The king aunswere to the bill of the Clergy touching the law of Premuniri A briefe aunswere to Cope concerning Lady Eleanor Cobham To the third obiection Vid. Centu. 8. Ral. ca. 4. To the 4. obiection M. Coperay leth without a cause See the former edition pag. 371. The 5. obiection The story of the Ladie Eleanor and Rog. Onley here pretermitted A question whether Eleanor the Duches was culpable in treason agaynst the king Certaine coniectures of the crime not to bee true 1. Coniecture 2 Coniecture 3 Coniecture 4 Coniecture 5. Coniecture 6. Coniecture 7 Coniecture 8. Coniecture 9. Coniecture 10. Coniecture A briefe aunswer to Maister Copes cauillations concerning Duke Humfreyes wyfe The contention betwene the Cardinall of Wint. Duke Humfrey Lorde protectour Anno. 1440. Eâ Polycâra Wint. presumeth to be Cardinall against the minde of his king Wint. incurreth the law of premuniâi Wint. intrudeth himselfe to be the kings gouernour The Cardinall defraudeth the king of his iewels The Cardinall deliuereth the K. of Scottes vpon his owne authoritie The Cardinall playeth the marchant The Cardinall a defrauder of the king The Cardinall taketh vpon him like a king The Cardinall traytour to the crowne The Card. a purchaser of of the kingâ landes Peruerse counsaâle of
appeare to your excellencie he hath assigned appointed to the furniture of this legacie not the least but the greatest not the worst but the best and chiefest of al his subiects both Archbishops Bishops Earles Barons with other potentates mo of such worthines and parentage that if he could haue found greater in all his Realm he would haue seÌt theÌ both for the reuerence of your person and of the holy Church of Rome Ouer and besides this I might adde to more which your sanctitude hath sufficiently tried and proued already the true and hartie fidelitie of this our king and soueraigne toward you Who in his first entrance to his kingdome wholy submitted himselfe with all that is his besides to your will and pleasure And truely to testifie of his maiestie howe hee is disposed to the vnitie of the Catholike faith we beleue there is none more faithful in Christ then he nor more deuout to God nor yet more moderate in keeping the vnitie of peace whereunto he is called And as I may be bold this to protest for our king maister so neither do I denie the Archbishop of Caunterbury to be a man destitute or vnfurnished with gifts and ornaments in his kinde of calling but to be a man both sage and discrete in such things as to him appertaineth saue onely that he seemeth to some more quicke and sharpe then needeth This blotte alone if it were not and that the breach betweene our king and him had not so happened both the regiments together of the temporaltie spiritualtie might quietly haue flourished one with the other in much peace and concorde both vnder a prince so worthy and a pastor so vertuous Wherfore the case so standing as it doeth our message hether and our supplication to your vigilant prudence is that through your fauour wisedom the necke of this dissention may be broken and that reformation of vnitie and loue by some good meanes may be sought ¶ This oration of his although it was liked of them for the softnesse and moderation therof yet it could not so perswade the Romish Bishop to condescende to their sute and request Which sute was to haue two legates or arbiters to be sent from his Popish side into England to examine and take vp the controuersie betweene the king and the Archbyshop But the pope incensed as is sayd before would not graunt to their petition forasmuch as it shuld be sayeth he preiudiciall and tending to the oppression of the archbishop to grauÌt vnto it he being not present And therefore he willed them to tarrie his comming vp otherwise he being absent he would not he sayde in any case proceede against him But they alledging againe their time to be expired appointed them of the king hauing besides other lets and causes as they alledged sayd that they coulde not there waite for the comming of Becket but retourned backe their cause frustrated without the Popes blessing to the king Within iiij daies after Becket commeth to the Popes courte where he prostrating himselfe at his feete brought out of his bosome a scrolle conteining the customes and ordinances of the king afore mentioned fol. 207. The Pope receiuing the foresayd scrolle and reading it in the open hearing of his Cardinals condemned and cursed the most parte of the sayde decrees of the King which he called consuetudines auitas that is hys grandfathers ordinaunces Besides this the Pope moreouer blameth Becket for that he so much yelded to them at the beginning as he did yet notwithstanding because he was repentant for his vnaduised fact he was content to absoil him for the same and the rather because of his great troubles which he for the liberties of holy church did susteine and so with great fauour for that day dimissed him The next day Alexander the Pope assembling hys cardinals together in his secret chamber appeareth before them archbyshop Becket hauing this oration to the pope and his popelings which here I thought to set out in our vulgare English tongue translated out of Latine to the entent that the posteritie heereafter may vnderstand eyther the vaine superstition or vile slauery of the ChurchmeÌ in those dayes who being not content with their owne naturall Prince and king geuen them of God must secke further to the Pope thinking no ecclesiasticall liuing to be geuen which is not taken at his handes The wordes of his Oration be storied rightly thus ¶ The Oration of Becket resigning his Byshopricke to the Pope FAthers and Lordes I ought not to lie in any place much lesse before God and in your presence here Wherefore with much sighing and sorrowe of heart I graunt and confesse that these perturbations of the Church of England be raised through my miserable fault For I entred into the folde of Christ but not by the dore of Christ for that not the canonical election did cal me lawfully thereunto but terrour of publike power drone me in And albeit I against my will tooke this burden vpon mee yet not the will of God but mannes pleasure placed me in the rowme And therefore no maruell though all things haue gone contrary and backward with me And as for the resigning vp againe thereof if I had so done geueÌ vp to their hands the priuiledge of my byshoply authoritie which I had graunted to me at the commaundement of the king so as my fellow Byshoppes did instantly call vpon me to doe then had I left a pernicious and daungerous example to the whole catholike Church By reasoÌ wherof I thought to deferre that vnto your presence And now therefore recognising with my selfe my ingresse not to be Canonicall and therefore fearing it to haue the worse end and againe pondering my strength and abilitie not to be sufficient for such a charge lest I should be found to susteine that roome to the ruine of the flock to whome I was appointed a pastor vnworthy I render vp to your fatherly handes the Archbishopprike here of Canterburie c. And so putting of his ring from his finger and offering it to the Pope desired a Byshop for the Church of Caunterburie to be prouided seeing he thought not himself meete to fulfil the same and so with teares as the storie sayth ended his oration This done the Archbyshop was bid to stande a parte The Pope conferring vpon this with his Cardinals about the resignation of Becket what was best to be done some thought it best to take the occasion offered thinking thereby the kinges wrathe might easely be swaged if the church of CaÌterbury were assigned to some other person and yet the sayd Becket otherwise to be prouided for notwithstanding CoÌtrary other againe thought otherwise whose reason was If hee which for the liberties of the church had ventred not onely his goodes dignitie and authority but also his life should now at the kings pleasure be depriued like as it might be a president heereafter to others in
resisting their king in like sort if hys cause were maintained so contrariwise if it quailed it shoulde be an example to all other heereafter none to resist his Prince in the like case And so might it redounde not onely to the weakening of the state of the Catholike Churche but also to the derogation of the Popes authoritie Briefly this sentence at length preuailed and so Becket receaueth hys pastorall office of the Popes hand againe with commendation and much fauour But for somuch as he coulde not be well placed in England in the meane while the Pope sendeth him with a monkes habite into the abbay Pontiniak in Fraunce where he remained 2. yeres from thence he remoued to Senon where he abode 5. yeares So the time of his exile continued a 7. yeares in all c. Uppon this the King being certified by his Ambassadours of the Popes aunswere howe his fauoure enclined more to Becket then to him was mooued and woorthely with wrathful displeasure Who vpon the same sailing froÌ England vnto Normandy directed ouer certain Inunctions against the Pope and the Archbishop of Canterburie as were recited aboue Fol. 207. The contents wherof were declared to be these If any person shal be found to bring from the Pope or from the Archbishop of Canterburie c. Of these and suche other iniunctions Becket specifieth partly in a certaine letter writing to a frend of his in this maner THomas Archbishop of Canterburie to his welbeloued frend c. Be it knowen to your brotherly goodnes that we with al ours heere by Gods grace are safe and in good health Hauing a good hope and trust to your faithfull amitie I charge you and require you that either by the bringer heereof or by some other whome ye know faithfull and trusty to our church of Canterburie and to vs you write with al spede what is done As touching the kings decrees here set out these they be that all hauens and portes shoulde be diligently kept that no letters of the Popes interdict or curse be brought in And if religious men bring them in they shall haue their feete cut off if he be a priest or clearke he shall lose his priuie members If he be a lay man let him be hanged If he be a leper let him be burned And if any bishoppe for feare of the Popes interdict will depart besides his staffe onely in his hand let him haue nothing els Also the kings will is that all scholers and students beyonde the seas shall repaire home or else lose their benefices And if they yet shall remaine still they shall lose the libertie of all returning Further if any such Priests shal be found that for the Popes suspense or interdict wil refuse to sing they shall lose their priuie members In summe all such Priests as shew themselues rebels to the king let them be depriued of their benefices c. Besides these and such like iniunctions it was also set forth by the Kings proclamation An. 1166. that all maner of persons both men and wemen who soeuer were fouÌd of the kindred of Thomas Becket should be exiled wythout taking any part of their goodes with them and sent to him where he was which was no litle vexatioÌ to Becket to behold them Moreouer for so much as he then was lying with Gwarine Abbot of Pontiniacke to whome the pope as is aforesaid had coÌmended him therefore the king wryting to the same Abbote required him not to retaine the Archbishop of Canterbury in his house for if he did he would driue out of his realme all the monks of his order Whereupon Becket was enforced to remoue from thence and went to Lewes the French King by whome he was placed at Senon and there founde of him the space of fiue yeares as is aboue mentioned In the meane time messengers went daily with letters betwene the king and the pope betwene the Pope againe and him and so betwene the Archbishop and other whereof if the Reader peraduenture shal be desirous to see the copies I thought here to expresse certaine of them to satisfie his desire first beginning w e the Epistle of Becket complaining of his prince to the Pope in maner and forme as foloweth The copie of an Epistle sent of Thomas Becket to Pope Alexander TO your presence and audience I flee moste holy father that you who hath bought the libertie of the Churche with your so great daunger might the rather attend to the same either being the onely or chiefest cause of my persecution vsing and following therein the example of you It grieueth me that the state of the Church should fall to any decay and that the liberties therof should be infringed thorough the auarice of princes For the which cause I thought to resist betime that inconueniencie beginning so to grow And the more I thought my selfe obliged to the same my Prince vnto whome next vnder God I am moste chiefly bound the more boldnesse I tooke to me to withstand his vnrightfull attempts till such that were on the contrary part my aduersaries preuailed working my disquietnesse and incensing him against me Whereupon as the maner is amongst Princes they raised vp against me citations and slaunders to the occasion of my persecution but I had rather to be proscribed then to subscribe Besides this I was also called to iudgement and cited before the king to make answere there as a lay person to secular accomptes where as they whome I most trusted did most forsake me For I saw my fellow brethren the Bishops through the instigation of some ready to my condemnation Wherupon all being set against me I thus oppressed on euery side tooke my refuge to appeale to your goodnesse which casteth off none in their extremities being ready to make my declaration before you that I ought neither to be iudged there in that place nor yet of them For what were that father but to vsurpe to theÌselues your right and to bring the spiritualtie vnder the temporaltie Which thing once begon may breede an example to many And therefore so much the more stouter I thought to be in withstanding this matter how much more prone and procliue I saw the way to hurt if they once might see vs to be faint and weake in the same But they will say to me here againe geue to Cesar that which belongeth to Cesar. c. But to answere againe therunto albeit we are bouÌd to obey our king in most things yet not in such maner of things whereby he is made to be no king neither were they then things belonging to Cesar but to a tyraÌt Concerning the which points these Bishops should not for me onely but for themselues haue resisted the king For if the extreme iudgemeÌt be reserued to him which is able to iudge both body and soul is it not then extreme pride for men there to iudge which iudge but by themselues If the cause of
be seen after For he sayd that the warres in Fraunce shoulde not be ended till the Realme were vtterly wasted exiled in euery part The which saying was well sene after for the noble realme of Fraunce was sore wasted and exiled specially in the terme that the sayd Fryer had set The which was in the yeares of our Lord. 1356. 57. 58. 59. He sayd in those yeares the Princes and Gentlemen of the Realme should not for feare shew themselues agaynst the people of low estate assembled of all countries without head or captayne and they shoulde doe as they list in the Realme of Fraunce the which fell after as ye haue heard how the coÌpanions assembled them together and by reason of theyr robbery and pillage waxed rich became great captains About the same time happened in Fraunce a certayne contention betwene the French Prelates and the Fryers of Paris testified and recorded by Godfridus de Fontanis the briefe effect of which story is this The Prelates of France conuenting and assembling together in the Citty of Paris after a long deliberation among themselues caused by the Bedels to be called together all the Studentes maisters Bachelers of euery facultie with the chiefe heads also of al the Religious houses and Friers in the vniuersitie of Paris who being al there congregated together in the bishop of paris his house where there were preseÌt 4. archbishops and 20 Bishops first stood vp the Bishop of Biturecense who there making his Sermon tooke for his theame the place of S. Paule to the Ephesians Fratres vt sciatis quae sit longitudo latitudo altitudo profunditas charitatis c. and concluded therupon first that true charity would compell them to see and prouide for their flockes Secondly that the vigore of charity would arme them to withstand errors Thirdly he concluded that by duety of charity they were bound to geue theyr liues for the soules of theyr flock committed to their charge Fourthly that by the same charity euery man to holde himselfe content with that which was his owne and not to intevineddle or busye himselfe further then to him appertayned or belonged to his office For there sayth he all order ecclesiasticall is dissolued where as men not concerning themselues in their owne precincts presume in othermes charges where they haue nothing to doe But this charity sayth he now a dayes waxeth colde and all Ecclesiasticall order is confounded and vtterly out of order For many there be which nowe a dayes presume to thrust in themselues where they haue nothing to do so that now the Church may seeme a monster For as in a natural body appeareth a monster where one meÌber doth the office of an other so in the spirituall body which is the church may be thought likewise As wheÌ our learned and prudent brethren to wit the Friers maiors and minors do take vpon them to vsurpe and occupye the office to vs specially apperteining namely where as the scripture warneth vs all none to take vpoÌ him any office except he be called thereunto of the Lord as Aaron was Wherfore we haue heretofore oftentimes caused the sayd Friers both by the king himselfe in his owne person also by other nobles to be spoken to and desired to furcease from doing and intermedling in our office yet they would not but haue preached agaynst our willes through all our diocesses haue heard confessioÌs saying that they haue the Popes priuiledge to beare them out therein For the which cause we come to you and not we here present onely but also we haue the handwriting and the full consent of all other our fellow Bishops throughout the kingdome of Fraunce to complaâne to you of this so great insolency and presumptioÌ of the Friers For that as we are you shall be Neither do I thinke to be any of vs prelates here now which haue not sometime bene taken out of this vniuersity of yours We haue desired moreouer and caused to be desired the foresayd Friers to send their priuilegies to the Apostolicke see to be interpreted and expounded more playnely by the Lord Pope which they refused also to do Wherefore to the intent you may the better vnderstand and see what their priuiledges be and how farre they do extend we haue appoynted the said priuilege here openly to be read vnto you Then stood vp an other in the publicke place and there read the priuileges of both the orders and afterward read also the constitution of Pope Innocent 3. written in the 5 of the decretals and beginneth Omnis vtriusque sexus c. which constitution was repugnant and contrary to the foresayd priuilegies as he there manifestly proued declaring how both the said priuiliges were derogatory to that constitution This done then rose vp the Bishop Ambianensis a great Lawyer who discoursing froÌ article to article there proued by good law that the sayd constitution stood in hys full force and vigore and ought not to be infringed by the friers priuilegies in no part And therfore by the vertue of that constitution that the Friers ought not so misorderly to intrude themselues in hearing confessioÌs in inioyning of penaunce and in preaching in Churches and Diocesses without speciall licence of the Bishop of the Dioces curate of the parish vnto whose words neuer a Frier at that time replyed againe And so the Bishop proceeding to his conclusion desired the vniuersity to assist them in that case wherin they were all determined saith he to stand firmely to the shedding of theyr bloud in resisting that misorder and iniuries of the Friers This happened the 6. day of December which they dedicate to S. Nicholas The next day being sonday one of the order of the minorites or Franciscanes went to the Church of the maiorites or preaching Friers where he made a sermon whiche was neuer sene before the one order to come and resort with the other beginning in the forsayd matter to reply to expound in order through euery article as well as he could adding moreouer and saying that they went not so farre in their priuilegies as they lawfully might And said moreouer that what time the sayd priuileges were in obteining in Rome the Bishop Ambianensis was there present himselfe resisting the same with all his power yea all the Prelates also of Fraunce sent and wrote vp to the Court agaynst the same and yet did not preuaile For wheÌ the Friers there presently declared opened to the Pope in what maner and how farr they had vsed priuileges the Pope the same time sayd Placet That is agreed vnto the same And now sayth he the Prelates require demaund of vs to send vp our priuiledges to the Court which were great folly in vs For in so doing what should we els but geue place occasioÌ to reuoke agayn the authority which is geuen in our handes already Furthermore our wardeÌ and maister
thou sayest so thou geuest offence Luke 11. The 16. Article is that they in many places lende money or goodes to haue treasure or vsurie and they haue in cities and townes yearely paiments and perpetual reuenues as great Princes and Lordes Wherein they doe against the Gospel which sayth do not ye possesse gold nor siluer And wheras they lend for gaine and vsury againste that speaketh the Lord Deu. 24. Lend not to vsury to thy brother c. Ye honest discrete and well beloued Lords all the foresaide Articles we wil prooue against the Pope and all his priests with many testimonies of the holy Scripture which for breuities sake we haue not here meÌtioned But note ye chiefly these 4. Articles for which wee striue and desire to defend them to the death The first Article is that all publicke and customably mortall sinnes ought to be forbidden and prohibited to all Priests and lay men according to the commaundement of the holy Scripture The seconde Article is that richesse ought to be taken from the Pope and all hys Priestes from the hyghest to the lowest and they ought to bee made poore as the Disciples of our Lord Iesus Christ were who had nothyng of their own neither possessioÌs in this world neither worldly power The third Article is that the word of God ought to be free for euery maÌ appointed and ordained therto to preach and read in al places whether they shal come without resistance of any man or without any inhibitioÌ of either spirituall or earthly power openly or manifestly The fourth article is that the body of our Lord Iesus Christ ought to be deliuered to euery christian as our lord hath ordained it and as the holy Euangelists haue wrytten We haue also vnderstood that there shal be a Councell in Basile Wherfore let no maÌ be exalted but let them diligeÌtly kepe their wiues their daughters and their virgins from Byshops Priests and Monkes And do not thinke that there is made any holy assembly of Bishops and Priests for the common commodity and profit of Christendom but onely to thys end that they may hide their secret vices and heresies with the cloke of hypocrisye and let and hinder the righteousnesse of God which is muche contrary to them and for this cause consider ye diligently that they will not make an holy assembly but the congregation of Sathan And take ye heede that it be not done as some did at Constance who tooke money of Bishops and Prelates suffered them to sleepe with their wiues Ye welbeloued and honest Lordes if ye finde any thing in these aforesaide Articles or wordes wrytten somewhat sharply we did it not to offend or contemne you but to the ende that ye shoulde diligently consider and deuise howe Christendome is so ill kept and led by the Priests of this present age Our Lorde Iesu Christ keepe you both in body and soule Amen In the yeare of our Lord. 1430. Preropus Smahors Conradus Samssmolich Capitaines of Bohemia Nowe to prosecute the warres of the Bohemians againe after Zisca was dead wherof we did intreat before there was great feare sorrow and lamentation in the army the soldiers accusing fortune which gaue ouer such an inuincible captaine to be ouercome with death Immediatly there was a diuision in the host the one parte chusing Procopius Magnus to be their captaine the other parte saying that there was none could be found worthy to succede Zisca whereuppon they chusing out certaine to serue the warres named themselues Orphanes Thus the Thaborites being deuided into two armies the one part retained their olde and accustomed name and the other by meanes of the death of their captayne named themselues Orphanes And all be it that oftentimes there was dissension betwene them yet when soeuer any forein power came towards them they ioyned their powers together in one campe and defended themselues They seldome went vnto any fensed townes except it were to buy necessaries but liued with their wiues and childreÌ in theyr campe tents They had amongst them many cartes the which they vsed as a Bulwarke For when so euer they went vnto battell they made two wings of them whyche closed in the footemen The winges of the horse men were on the out side and when as they sawe their time for to ioyne battell the wagon men which led the wings going forth vnto the Emperors standerd and compassing in such part of their enemies as they woulde did close themselues in together whereby the ennemies being inclosed so that they could not be rescued they were partly by the footemeÌ partly by the men that were in the carres with their dartes slaine The horsemen fought without the fortification and if it happened that they were oppressed or put to flight by and by the carres opening themselues receiued them as it were into a fensed Citie and by this meanes they got many victories for so much as their enemies were ignorant of their pollicies These 2. armies went foorth the one into Slesia and the other into Morauia and returned againe wyth great pray before their enemies knewe of their comming After this they besieged the towne of Swetley in Austrich where as the Thaborites and the Orphanes two nightes continually assaulted the walles wythout ceasing but Albert Duke of Austrich comming with his hoste to aide the Citizens they fought by the space almost of foure houres the valiauntest warriers being slaine on both partes At the length the battaile was broken of and the Thaborits lost their carres and Albert was put out of his camp tents Within a while after Procopius Magnus came agayne and inclosed the citie of Rhetium in Austria with a notable siege They of Prage were in his army and Boslaus Cygneus of whome we spake before was slaine there with a dart the city of Rhetium was taken by force sacked and burnt The Burgraue of Malderburge Lord of the towne was also taken and caried vnto Prage where also hee dyed in prison These thinges thus done the Emperour sent for the nobles of Boheme which went vnto him vnto a town of Hungary called Posonium in the borders of Austria vpoÌ the baÌks of the riuer of Danubius but they wold not enter into the towne but remained wtout the towne in their tents whether as the Emperoure going out vnto them communing muche with them as touching his right title and the recouering of his fathers kingdome promising if there were any cause which did alienate the Bohemians minds from him that he would take away al the occasion therof They made answer that he had made warre vpon them without cause and that he had suffred their countrey men coÌtrary to his promise to be burnt at Constance not being heard and the kingdom to be contumeliously interdited and the Nobles of Boheme to be condemned by the church of Rome as heretickes and that he should thincke the force
and power of the Bohemians not to be so small but that they would prouide for their owne honor Wherunto the Emperor answered very gently offered them a general councel wherein they might declare their innocency if they woulde submit themselues to the iudgement of the vniuersal Church but the Bohemians which were now become valiant victors in armes would not now be ouercome with wordes and so nothing being finally concluded the Emperor returned home Then pope Martin perceiuing the Gospell to increase daily more and more sent the Cardinall of Winchester an Englishman borne of a noble house into Germanie to mooue them vnto warre against the Bohemians Wherevnto the Emperor also did assiste him There were three armies prouided In the first armie were the Dukes of Saxonie and the lower cities The 2. armye which was gathered of the Franconians was vnder the conduct of the Marques of Brandenburge The 3. army was led by Otho the archbishop of Treuers whom the Rhenenses the Bauarians and the Imperiall cities of Sweuia followed These armies entring into Boheme in 3. seuerall partes after they were passed the woode they ioyned together pitched before Misna This towne a certaine learned and eloquent protestaÌt named Prichicho the night before had won froÌ the Papists wherfore the army was determined first to recouer that citie before they woulde goe any further But when as newes came vnto the host how the Protestants had gathered an army and came wtall spede towards them they fled before they saw their enemies and went vnto Thaconia leauing behind them their warlike engins with a great pray The Cardinall was not yet come into the campe but meeting them in their flight at Thacouia he maruailed at the cowardly flight of so many Noble and valiaunt men desiring them that they woulde turne againe vnto their ennemies which he sayde were farre weaker then they Which thing when he had long trauailed about in vaine hee was faine to be a companion with them in their flight They were scarsly entred the woode when as the Bohemians comming vpon theÌ set vpon their rereward Then was theyr flight muche more disordered and fearfull then before neither did they leaue flying before the BohemiaÌs left folowing Then all impediment or let being taken away they vanquished Thacouia and hauing obtained great store of warlike engines they destroyed Misna And when they would haue returned home by Franconia they had great summes of mony sent vnto them that they shuld not wast or destroy the Countreis of Bramberge and Noremberge wherby the host of the Bohemians was greatly enriched Sigismundus the Emperour hauing newes of these things went straighte vnto Noremburge and gathered there new aide and helpe Also Pope Martin sent Iulian the cardinall of S. Angel into Germany with his ambassade to make warre against the Bohemians and that hee should in the Counsell of Basill which doth nowe shortly draw on be president in the popes name He entring into Germany went straight to Norenberge to the Emperor wheras many of the nobles of Germany were assembled There was a new expedition decreed against the Bohemians against the 8. Kalendes of Iuly and Fredericke Marques of Brandenburge appoynted generall of that warre which should follow the Cardinal He entred into Boheme by the way that leadeth vnto Thopa and Albertus prince of Austrich was appoynted to bring hys armie thorough Morauia In this expedition was Albert Christopher of Banaria and Friderike Dukes of Saxony Iohn and Albert princes of Brandenburge wyth their father which was generall of those warres Also the bishops of Hyperbolis Bamberge and Eisten Also the company of the Sweuians which they called the company of S. George and the Magistrates of the imperial cities the bishops of Mentz Treuers and Colen sent their aides and wyth them the chieftaines of their prouinces It is sayd that the number of their horsemen were aboue 40000. But their footemen were not full so many for the Germains for the most part do vse to fight their battels on horsebacke Also Rhenatus prince of Loraine promised to come to these warres but being letted by his ciuill warres for somuch as hee went about to vanquish the Earle of Uandome wherby he could not keepe his promise neyther the County Pallatine of Rheine which did aide and succour the Earle of Uandome coulde not goe against the Bohemians The Cardinal staying for them deferred his iourney vntill the Kalends of August In the meane time Albert leading his armie out of Austria vnderstanding that the Cardinall was not present at the day appoynted and seeing himselfe vnable to encounter wyth the Bohemian power he returned backe againe After this the Cardinall entred into Boheme with an huge army destroyed many of the protestantes townes killing men women and children sparing neither olde nor yong notwithstanding this his tiranny was exercised in the vttermost borders of Boheme for his captaines feared to enter farre into the land The Bohemians assone as they that heard tel yâ their enemy was come made ready gathered their host with all speede and laid siege to a towre called Stiltiuerge and brought it vnder subiection In the meane season there fel such a maruelous sodein feare amongs al yâ papists throughout the whole campe yâ they begaÌ most shamefully to run away before any enemy appearing in sight The cardinal Iulianus maruelling at this most sodein feare and what should moone so great an army to flie went about vnto yâ captains exhorting them to put on armor to order their battels coragiously to abide their enemies saying they did not fight for the glory of their kingdom or for the possessioÌ of lands but for their liues and the honor religion of Christ and for the saluation of soules How ignominious a thing is it saith he for the Germains to flie in battell whose courage and valiantnes all the world doth extoll It were much better for to die then to geue place to any enemies before they were seene for they can by no meanes liue in safetie wythin the walles which geue place vnto their enemy in the field for it is the weapon that defendeth a man and not the walles and except they would euen presently defend their libertie with the sworde they should shortly be in greater boÌdage more miserable then any death But this exhortation was all in vaine for feare had put away all boldnes for the ensignes were snatched vp and as though there had bene no captaine in the hoste euery man ran headlong away No man regarded any commandement neither once tooke his leaue of his captaine but casting away their armour with speedy flight they ranne away as though their enemy had bene at their backes The Cardinall also although it were against his will was forced to doe the like Thus the protestants by the feare of their enemies made the more bolde and couragious pursued them thorow the