Priviledges all States that profess Christianity are bound by that profession to settle upon the Church I shall shew in its proper place but whatever they are the Church cannot challenge them by it's Original Charter So that if any Church shall be so presumptuous as to pretend to any such Power which way soever it comes in whether directly or indirectly by vertue of our Saviour's Commission that is not only a Contradiction to the Nature of Christianity but an Atheistical Abuse put upon the whole Design of the Institution But as to pretend to any such Power from our Saviour only over Subjects is no less then Blasphemy against him so to pretend to it over Soveraigns doubles the Blasphemy by adding the Sin of Rebellion to that of Impiety and utterly destroys not only the Being and Constitution of a Christian Church but of all humane Societies So that how many Marks soever there may be of a true Church this alone is an infallible Note of a false one And therefore every Church that refuses to disclaim any Temporal Power over Princes renounces the Christian Faith and forfeits all the Rights and Priviledges of a Christian Church but if it should be so vain as openly to claim any such power it bids open defiance to our Saviour and quits him and his Religion to follow Mahomet So that there is no one thing in the World can so effectually unchurch a Church as its claiming any Temporal Authority to it self especially over Soveraign Powers And this I doubt will light very severely upon the Bishops of Rome ever since the Hildebrandine Apostacy viz. That the Pope as Vicar of Christ has a power of deposing Soveraign Princes and absolving Subjects from their Allegiance this they have own'd whenever they durst and put in practice whenever they could and would never be brought upon any Terms to condemn it which Doctrine certainly is the greatest unkindness that they can do themselves and the worst thing that their greatest Enemies could desire to object against them and if any thing can prove his Holiness to be Antichrist this is the thing because it is an utter Subversion of the whole State of Christianity and makes our Saviour a false Christ by making him a Temporal Messias and placing him in the head of an Army to subdue the Princes and Nations of the World into subjection to himself I am sure for this very reason does the Learned Cardinal Baronius make Mahomet the Type of Antichrist because he promoted his Religion over several parts of the World by force of Arms Quod armorum potentia tot provincias nullo fermè negotio per suos posteros ejusdem sectae homines subjugasset He would have done well to have applyed this Censure nearer home and then he would not have justified all the Rebellious Popes in their violencies and outrages that they acted against Soveraign Princes and yet no man has done it with more diligence then himself as I shall prove when I come to consider his Performance Neither will this Charge of Apostacy light only upon the Church of Rome but upon every Church that maintains a right of resistance to Soveraign Powers upon a pretence of Christian Religion whatsoever for that is still to take to themselves such a power against their Prince by our Saviours Authority which is the same direct contradiction to the Nature of the Christian Faith and the same sort of Apostacy from Christianity to Mahumetism putting a Scymeter into our Saviours hand and under his pretended conduct waging War against their lawful Soveraign and that is the greatest dishonour that they can bring to their Master or themselves And yet we shall find some other Churches aś much guilty of this Apostacy both in Doctrine and Practice as that of Rome and though Rome and they stand at the greatest distance of Enmity out of Jealousie of one another who should carry the prize yet they both fully agree in this fundamental Antichristian Principle But this Charge will come home in its proper place at present we must take this Article of faith all along with us No Temporal Authority in the Church unless from the grant of the State §. III. But then secondly it must be granted too that the Power of Princes how great soever in Church matters supposes the Spiritual Authority of the Church that was as much settled by our Saviour without any dependency on the Authority of the State as the Authority of the State was settled by the Providence of God before there was any such thing as a Christian Church in the World So that it is undeniably evident from its original Constitution that the Church subsists no more upon the State as to its proper Power then the State upon the Church For as the Christian Church came into the World after the Civil Government of States was entirely settled in it so did the World come into the Church after its Government was as entirely fixed within it self And therefore as Christianity by its coming into the World ought no manner of way to abate the Civil Power of the State so neither when the Powers of the World come into the Church ought they to diminish any thing of that Authority that it enjoyed by Divine Commission before they came into it For they are received into it upon the same terms with all other Proselytes of the Christian Faith that they submit themselves to it as our Soviour's own Institution So that as our first point is That all Sovereign Princes have or ought to have an Imperial Supremacy over all Ecclesiastical Persons and in all Ecclesiastical Causes Our second is That this Supremacy which is the highest Power that can be on Earth is no Ecclesiastical but a Civil Supremacy For beside that it would be a dishonour to degrade a Sovereign Prince to the Priestly Office The Ecclesiastical Power is purely Spiritual and that is a Power that was never challenged by any Prince nor directly given by any Man though it is so by plain and undeniable consequence by all that disown an Inherent Authority in the Church from our Saviour's own Commission but only Mr. Hobbs who as he made the Prince his own Priest made him his own God too Now these two Principles laid together clear up the Nature and Title of the Supremacy of Sovereign Princes That it is none of that Spiritual Power that is lodged in the Church but a Temporal Supremacy over all the Spiritual Power of it within his own Dominions And now if these two Principles that are as certain as Christianity it self were but calmly attended to they would perfectly silence all the clamours of both the extreme Parties in this Controversie Those of the Church of Rome must cease their noise that we make the King a Bishop by acknowledging his Supremacy in all Ecclesiastical Causes and over all Ecclesiastical Persons when upon this State of the Question such a Supremacy over all things and persons within their Dominions
of the Primitive Church where we shall find the whole matter so fairly and so easily accorded that it is next to a miracle how it should ever be made so great a difficulty in these later times But it hapned in this as it did in most other things at the time of the Reformation that men saw themselves wrapt up they knew not how in woful Errours and Corruptions but did not and indeed as the World then stood could not immediately discover the true original state of the Church as it was at first setled by our Saviour and his Apostles and received into protection by Constantine and the Christian Emperours So that though they had Eye-sight enough and God knows very little would serve their turn to discern the follies and abuses of Rome they were at a loss how to fix the right Reformation and for want of the ancient Records of the Church that lay buried in dust and rubbish at that time could make but slow improvements in it So that before the true state of the Church could be clearly and fully discover'd most of them were setled in some way or other and after any new settlement it is very difficult to make any Alteration and therefore they continue in their first posture to this day But the Church of England at the very first Attempt resolving to reform it self by the Example of the Primitive Church and having the good fortune to retain the Apostolical form of Episcopal Government in subordination to the Royal Power set it self in a right way to Reformation And so as the state of things came to light by degrees brought its work to some competent Perfection For the Reformation of the Church after such an inveterate degeneracy must needs be a work of so great bulk and difficulty that it is an unreasonable thing to expect that it should be finisht at the first stroke So great a design as that must be a work of time and consideration to be reviewed and amended as the Master-Workmen shall find most convenient So as that they who had a Power first to begin it have an inherent right when ever they think fit to take an account of their own Work and if they find any flaws mistakes or defects in it to make them up by an after-care So that there must be a constant Power residing in the Church to enact or abolish Laws as it judges most serviceable to the present state of things And that is truly and properly the Church of England the Governours of it acting under the Allowance of the Sovereign Power by its establisht Laws and Constitutions with a constant power residing in themselves and their Successours to enact new Laws as they shall judge most beneficial to the Edification of the Church And it is a very crude notion of the Church of England as common as it is that it is to be found in its Canons Articles and Constitutions for that is only the Law and dead rule of the Church of England but the Church properly so call'd consists in its living Authority as setled by our Saviour by which these Laws were at first enacted and are or ought to be still executed and may in some cases be alter'd And that is the great difference between the Law and the Authority of the Church that one is alterable and the other is not The Authority of the Church may make new Laws and cancel old ones but that lasts the same for ever So that for men to talk of this or that Church without a particular form of Government setled in it by our Saviour's own Commission is to turn the Christian Church into a Chimaera and imaginary state of Fairies But as for the Church of England according to the design of its Reformation it consists of a National Synod of Bishops together with a select Convocation of Presbyters representing the whole Body of the Clergy in subjection to the Sovereign Power and in communion with the Catholique Church all the World over as far as it can be attain'd And this is contrived so agreeably to the Primitive Platform the Interest of Government the Nature of Christianity that there is little else defective in it then the honesty and the confidence to own it self and put its own Constitution into effectual practice But of that I shall discourse in its proper place §. 9. At present for the practice of the Primitive Churches Government within it self and as it related to the Civil State it must be consider'd in the two Periods before and after the Conversion of the Empire and by comparing the true face and posture of things in these two so different states we shall have an exact description of the Rights of the Church in all estates and conditions whatsoever But most of all of its easy complyance with the Rights of Civil Government in Christian States and of the safest way for Christian Sovereigns to govern and protect the Church within their Dominions without invading its inherent and unalienable Authority And then last of all I shall compare that Royal Supremacy that is acknowledged and asserted in the Church and Realm of England in Causes Ecclesiastical with the sense of the Ancient Church concerning the Authority of Emperours and with the Practice of Christian Princes in the Exercise of this Authority And by shewing their compleat Agreement shall from that Topick distinctly prove that we have in this as well as in other matters attain'd a good degree of Reformation First as for the Period of time before the Conversion of the Roman Empire there are two things to be consider'd first their behaviour towards the Civil Government whilst it supprest and persecuted the Christian Faith Secondly the exercise of their own Authority within themselves From both which it will appear that the Church as a Society founded by Christ challenged a Jurisdiction distinct from and Independant upon the Civil State and that this Jurisdiction was so far from interfering with or abating of the Sovereignty of Princes that it bound them to the strictest Allegiance and Subjection to the most inhumane Persecutors And the Story of this Interval whilst the powers of the Church and the World were separate and indeed as much as it was possible opposite will set before us a much clearer State of the Nature and Extent of the two Jurisdictions then we can have from the Practice of Christian States in which the two Powers concurring in the same Acts of Government it is not altogether so easie to discern their distinct influences but will withal give us the fullest Character of true Christian Loyalty from their practice under the hardest usage and severest persecutions But most of all from their Principles upon which they founded their Obligation to their Practice and when it appears upon what grounds and reasons they submitted to the utmost cruelty of the Civil Government that will prevent the common shift made by all Factious Parties against the Authority of their Example
by the Roman Writers as his being then but a Novice in the Faith and not sufficiently inform'd of the Discipline of the Church or his being tired out by the restless importunity of the Donatists so that he could enjoy no quiet till he yielded to it These things may be true but they are needless for though it may not be proper for a Lay-man to judge in Ecclesiastical Causes yet it may not be altogether unlawful especially when the Peace of the State depends upon them and that was the Emperour's case at this time all Africa was in an Uproar and in danger to be lost by the Sedition and therefore it highly concern'd him to exert his own Power as he would secure so great a part of his Empire and upon that reason he might take the Judgment upon himself thereby to restrain the Donatists from raising Disturbances and Seditions in the State Though when all is done it is certain that the Emperour never accepted the Appeal nay that he protested against it as an affront to the Divine Authority and setting up his own Power above God's appears not only from his Epistle to the Bishops at Arles but his perpetual Declarations of it And therefore it is not to be supposed that he would be prevail'd with to take upon himself a Judgment that he so solemnly disavowed And therefore his design in hearing the Cause after Judgment was not to judge but to expose the Schismatiques or to suffer them to expose themselves For the cause was already so fully and clearly determin'd at the Council that it could not admit any Review but because they were so restless to have it re-heard before the Emperour himself he at last seem'd to condescend to their importunity when he knew it would prove their fatal overthrow for it is observable that he would not meddle with the business at all till he had the discovery of Ingentius his Forgery in his Pocket with which they were so surprised that instead of following their Suit it utterly dispersed them And for the very same reason he gave them other Hearings after his own Imperial Judgment only to give them the greater scope to lay open themselves and their dishonesty to the World as will appear anon in the foul discovery of Nundinarius the Deacon §. III. But after the Imperial Sentence against them instead of submitting to so great an Authority and such clear Conviction they raise high clamours of injustice and oppression and when they return home put the People into Riots and Tumults and seize a Church in Numidia belonging to the Catholicks and of the Emperors own Foundation Of which when complaint was made to the Empeperor by the Bishops of the Province such was then the fury of the Schismaticks and the disorder of the times that at that time he could send them no other relief then by exhorting them to patience and bestowing a new Church upon them not daring to inflict any punishment upon the Offenders for so long a Train of Sedition but leaving them as himself speaks to the Judgment of God And as he had not long before witten to his Lieutenant Celsus that he should forbear them a while till himself could have leisure to visit Africa sâ—re now assures them that when he comes the Schismaticks shall feel the Event of his Abused Patience and that he doubted not when he came to convince them of such manifest Villany that would utterly spoil all their Glory of Martyrdom For that they gave out to justifie their stubborness against the Imperial Edicts that whatever punishments the Emperor decreed against them they were ready to undergo as Martyrs for the truth of God and therefore that they were so far from dreading any severity that they desired the Execution of Penal Laws against them And so they persist railing at the Emperor for denying Justice and reviling the Catholicks for inciting him to Persecution Till at length he is forced to Enact severe Laws against them and first of all all their Meeting-houses are confiscated to the Crown and accordingly seized on and it hapned very luckily at that time that one Nundinarius a Deacon of the Donatists who was privy to the first contrivance of the Schism at their meeting at Cirta discovers the whole Conspiracy to Zenophilus the Pro-Consul of Numidia and proves both by publick Records and a great number of Witnesses that Silvanus whom they had made Bishop of Cirta and the most factiâ—â—s man of the whole Party was a Traditor and that my Lady Lucilla had given the Numidian Bishops a great sum of Money to depose Caecilian and bestow his Bishoprick upon her Ladyships Chaplain And this discovery being signified by Zenophilus to the Emperor together with a Catalogue of the Seditious Practices of Silvanus he condemns both Silvanus and all the other Ring-leaders of the Faction to perpetual Banishment and that is the utmost severity that he ever proceeded to for though some of them were sentenced to death yet such was his natural Clemency that he turn'd it into banishment and thus by seising their Conventicles and sending away their Leaders he gave himself ease and quiet for some time from their disturbances But now behold the constant ingenuity of all Schismaticks to be sure to beleager the State when ever they find it in any distress and to gain their own ends out of the publick Necessities and to make what demands they please when the Government is not in a condition to contend with them And thus about this time the War between Constantine and Licinius breaking out the Donatists presently accost the Emperor with a bold Petition both for granting liberty of Conscience and recalling Silvanus and his Collegues from Banishment are so confident as to tell him in broad expression that they would suffer a thousand deaths before they would be reconciled to that Prelatical Knave of his Caecilian And yet so involved were the Emperors Affairs at that time that he was forced to grant whatever they demanded and orders Verinus his Vice-Roy in Africk to leave them to their own Liberty And that they used with all manner of Insolence whilst the Civil War lasted neither now would they be satisfied with their own Liberty at home but endeavour to spread their Schism into all parts of the Catholick Church and poyson all the Emperors Dominions with the Spirit of Faction and Sedition What Emissaries they sent into other Churches is not so well known but to Rome they send one Victor as Titular Bishop of that See who took upon himself all â—piscopal Authority over his Party and had many Successors in his Usurpation but not having Liberty to keep their publick meetings in the City they betook themselves to Field Conventicles and Assembled in the Roks and Mountains and from thence were commonly call'd Montenses Campitae and Rupitani This is all that we have recorded of them in this Emperors Reign for he having overcome Licinius and being Master of the
measure of Peace and Unity Insomuch that great numbers of the Circumoellians themselves as St. Austin tells us were reduced Epist. 48. to Sobriety and here it is that he professes that though hitherto he had been an enemy to all Penal Laws in matters of Religion yet now he was quite baffled out of that Opinion not so much by Arguments as Examples and particularly of his own City that though it had been almost swallowed up with the Faction yet it was now so reduced to the Catholick Unity by the fear of these Imperial Laws that in a short time it so universally detested the Schism as if it had never had any footing or entertainment there How many says he that were engaged in the Party by Education and never consider'd upon what grounds they separated from the Church being awakened by these Laws to examine into the Nature of the Schism found nothing of moment enough in it for which they should expose themselves to so great Damages these were without difficulty made Catholicks How many that only followed the Authority of their Guides and understood not the difference between the Church and the Donatists How many that had been abused with Stories and false Reports of the Catholicks how many that thought it indifferent with which Party they sided give God and the Emperor thanks for frighting them out of their sloath and stupidity And that says he is the most proper use of Penal Laws to awaken men to a sight of their Error in which they have been detain'd by meer carelesness or wantonness and in all Schisms an affected Petulancy is ever the strongest Ingredient And so things continued in a quiet posture till the death of Stilicho in the year 408 but upon that the Heathens and Donatists that were all along one Party against the Catholicks raise a Report that the Laws against them were made and contrived Aâ—gust Ep. 129 ad Olimpium Comitem A Courtier whom he informs of the whole Business purely by the design of Stilicho without the Emperors consent and therefore as if their Authority had dyed together with their Author they break out into their old Out-rages against the Catholicks Which coming to the Emperors knowledge he immediately dispaches a Rescript to Curtius the Prefect of Rome De Hareticis leg 43. declaring that it was his Imperial Will that all the Laws against the Donatists Heathens and Hereticks should continue in full force strictly requiring him and all his Officers to put them in effectual Execution And this was followed by another Rescript to Donatus Prefect of Africa who obey'd it with that rigour that St. Austin was forced out of his meer good nature to write to him to spare their lives Ex occasione terribilium Judiâ—um ac legum ne aeterni judicii paenas Epist. 129. incidant corrigi eos cupimus non necari nec disciplinam circa eos negligi volumus nec suppliciis quibus digni sunt exerceri Sic ergo eorum peccata compesce ut sint quos paeniteat peccavisse Quaesumus igitur ut cum Ecclesiae causas audis quamlibet nefariis injuriis appetitam vel afflictam esse cognoveris potestatem occidendi te habere obliviscaris Upon occasion of the dreadful Laws and Executions against them we cannot but desire lest they should fall into everlasting punishment that they may be chastised but not kill'd that Discipline may be exercised upon them but that they may not be punish't with the utmost Justice that they deserve and therefore so correct their sins that they may not be past the State of Repentance And we beseech you that when you hear the causes of the Church though you will find it assaulted and oppressed with intolerable injuries forget then that you have the power of life and death But still the Emperour De bâ—reticis legib 45 46. proceeds with more vigour and the year following injoins the strict Execution of these Laws to his Officers and Judges under severe Penalties to themselves of loss of Place Fines and Banishment with a farther reserve of his displeasure And here he comes so close to the Schismaticks as not only to banish their Preachers but every one that shall but talk or dispute in behalf of the Schism And so by this means things continued quiet once more till the Invasion of the Empire and sacking of Rome by the Goths when Attalus sent an Army against Heraclian the Praefect for the Conquest of Africa and if he had Succeeded in it he had been compleat Master of the Western Empire In this streight either for fear that they should join with the Enemy or because they grew insolent in their demands as they did to Constantine in the time of the Licinian War the Emperor grants them liberty of Conscience for some time But being quit of the danger by the speedy Overthrow of the Goths in Africk he immediately dispatches a Rescript at the Request of the African Fathers who were already highly sensible of the mischiefs of this Liberty to the same Proconsul to reverse De hereticis l. 51. his former Decree that had been extorted from him by the necessity of the times and now probably being afresh incensed by their fawcy behaviour in his affliction makes the Schism it self Capital or to be punished paenâ proscriptionis sanguinis For before this time none were to be put to death but those that had deserved it by their Tumults Disorders and Infurrections but now the very frequenting their Meetings was forbidden under no less Penalty §. VI. But being now resolved to put an end to the trouble that they had given him from the beginning of his Reign he resolved in the first place to try if it were possible to do any good upon them by a friendly Conference which as himself says he did by the perswasion of the African Bishops and it was chiefly devised by St. Austin to undeceive the People For their Leaders still persisted to abuse them with old Tales and Stories notwithstanding that they had been so shamefully exposed an hundred years since but that was beyond the memory and by consequence the knowledge of the People and therefore St. Austin concluded that the most effectual way to reduce them was to let the People know what was done in Constantine's time in the Synods of Rome and Arles and before the Emperour himself at Milan and the shameful discoveries of their Forgeries about Caecilian and Faelix of Aptung by Ingentius the Notary and Nundinarius the Deacon And this he doubted not would make them see through the whole Cheat that had been put upon them from the beginning and forever expose the impudence and dishonesty of their Leaders Quod verò ante centum fermè annos Majores nostri cum iis Donatistis egerant jam populorum memoria non tenebat haec igitur necessitas compulit at saltem Gestis nostrâ Collatione confectis eorum contunderemus inverecundiam
the Arian Doctrine but their whole fury was bent against 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Athanasius And knowing the invincible courage of the Man they first set upon him with Calumnies and Accusations not doubting but that if they could by any means remove him and some few of his Friends out of the way that they might easily overcome the Word But this they durst not attempt during the Reign of Constantine who would never endure to hear of any the least change of the Nicene Faith and therefore says Zozomen though they were always heaving at the Nicene Faith they durst never openly reject the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for they knew the Emperours mind in that matter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But after his death they grew strangely impatient of it and drew in Constantius who had been otherwise a very great Prince to wast his wholeReign in a tedious War against it insomuch that he summon'd no less then 14 Councils in less then twenty yearsfor its removal in all which the Arians were anathematised variety of Creeds composed agreeing in allthings with that of Nice save only the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as will appear when we come to his Reign But as for the Story of the Arian Controversie under Constantine after the time of the Nicene Council it is strangely perplexed by an unusual confusion among the Historians themselves for though they all agree in the substance of the Story yet they all differ as to time and order but their mistakes are easily rectified by Athanasius his own Account who has in his Apology all along set down the exact order and succession of things and that is all that is his own in the Apology for he was so modest that he would not have his Narrative trusted upon his own Authority but has justified every part of it by Testimonials from other men publick Records and the Letters of his Enemies under their own hands so that the whole Story being its own Evidence needs no other voucher though it be in all it s more materail passages attested by all other Historians And therefore I shall by his help set down the Progress of the whole Business with all the accuracy that I can because it is one of the foulest trains of Villany upon Record and was the meer contrivance of that wicked men Eusebius of Nicomedia a man of great Power and Authority at that time whence he acquired the Sirname of Great which Sandius says he acquired by his great power of working Miracles but this Collector is through his whole Rhapsody his own Author for though he is every where Prodigal of his Quotations yet those few that are truly alledged and they are very few or that are at all to the purpose and they are much fewer relate only to the general Story as it may be told by all Parties but his own particular remarks for his own cause are the Fables of his own pure invention Thus here it would have been a considerable advantage on his own side if Eusebius had been so highly favour'd of Heaven as to be endued with a power of working Miracles and therefore he tells his simple Reader so though no body ever told him so but alas that Ambitious Prelate was so far from being eminent for any good Qualities that he was only a Prodigy of Vice and Wickedness neither was he in all this Contest acted by any zeal that he had for Religion but meerly by an Atheistical spite and malice And he seems to be one of them that after Constantine embraced Christianity came into the Church not for Religion butPreferment And he invaded that so greedily as not to stick at the most scandalous and open violation of the Canons neither was he so much a Bishop as a Courtier always insinuating himself into the favour of Great Men and fawning upon the Emperour himself but especially courting his Sisten Constantiâ— by whose zeal he was well awane if he could gain her to his side he might compaâ—s his ends And it was his great interest in Constantine's Court that gave him the power and opportunity of doing so much mischief in the Church And we shall find that he was not wanting to improve it to the utmost where his Malice and Revenge were concern'd especially against Athanasius whose affront he could never forgive he having when but a young Deacon in the publick Council encountred and overcome so great a Prelate and all that Train of Dependent Bishops that his Greatness drew after it So Powerful a Prelate to suffer all this Disgrace from so mean a Person as a poor Deacon and chiefly by his means to be brought upon his knees and forced to publick Submission was an indignity so intolerable to his Proud Spirit that neither the Deacons own Blood nor the Blood of all his Friends was sufficient to satiate his unquenshable Revenge And therefore all the forged Accusations against him were of Crimes the Punishment whereof was Capital such as Murther Rapes and Treason as the Bishops of Egypt observe in their Synodical Epistle so that they impute it to the great Clemency of Constantine that when his Enemies sought nothing but his death he appeased and prevented their malice by his banishment The wholeStory runs thus Eâ—sebius having regain'd the Emperour's favour after his return writes to Athanasius for the Restitution of Arius To which he replyes That the Ring-leaders of Heresies are not so easily to be reconciled to the Church as the deluded followers that the Church was always wont to punish them with greater and longer severities and withal that himself was not at all satisfied of thâ— sincerity of Arius his Repentance and therefore would not as yet hear of any motion for his Restitution This Eusebius immediately seizes as a fit Handle for his design and away he goes to the Emperour tells him that Athanasius keeps up Discord in the Church for his own private Picques and Animosities so that though Arius desired his Absolution upon repentance yet he contrary to his duty and all the Laws of the Church refused it Upon this Constantine writes a very threatning Letter to Athanasius commanding the Restitution of Arius upon pain of deposition and banishment to which Athanasius returns such a satisfactory Answer as made the Emperour desist from interposing any farther in it Eusebius therefore finding himself defeated tampers with the Meletian Schismaticks of Egypt to make a Plot against Athanasius They were a sort of People that lived in the Boggs and Marshes of Mareotis where one Priest served ten or more Parishes much resembling our wild Irish for dulness and stupidity and they are thus described by the Bishops of the Council of Alexandria To be men void of faith Schismaticks and Enemies to the Church neither was this their first practice in this Trade but they were old and experienced Plot-makers they had conspired against their Holy Bishop Peter the Martyr and after him they Accused
was collected before the Council of Calcedon and have ever since been received both by the Eastern and Western Churches till Baronius and the late Romanists endeavoured to bring them into disgrace for the Affront that they had given to Pope Julius in rating of him so severely for intermedling with their Affairs For thô that transaction is one of the main passages that they insist upon to make out the Authority of the Popes Universal Pragmaticalness yet there is scarce a fuller Testimony against it extant in the Records of the Church For when he takes upon him to act out of his Province in giving Absolution to Athanasius they charge him with a violation of all the Laws of the Christian Church and tell him that when Novatus was condemn'd by his Predecessors the Eastern Church would never receive the Schismatick to Communion and therefore challenge him how he dares make so bold with the Discipline of the Christian Church as to reverse any of their Decrees and they afterward proceed so high in the Quarrel as to Excommunicate his Holiness for his uncanonical Presumption and to signifie their Sentence against him by an Encyclical Epistle to all the Bishops of the Christian World which no doubt is a very likely thing if his universal Supremacy had been then as well known and as much talkt of as these Men would make us believe when as it is not in the least challenged or any way intimated by Julius so is it denyed by the Eastern Bishops as an utter overthrow of the known Discipline of the Christian Church And whereas he cited them to appear before the Council at Rome that was by virtue of their own voluntary Appeal when they had refer'd themselves and their Cause to that Council for it was summon'd only at their Request and importunity Now after all this that was done purely to gratifie themselves first wholly to baulk and decline the Council and then whilst it was Sitting and the Cause depending that they had put to reference to pass Judgment upon it themselves was such a piece of foul dealing as is not to be endured in common Conversation And that is the very thing that Julius himself charges upon them in Answer to their objection against him for intermedling with their Affairs not that they affronted his Supremacy but that when they had put him to the trouble of summoning a Council and while the matter was under Examination they should put such a slur upon it as meerly to steal away the cause that themselves had seem'd so much concern'd after so many Contests to refer to its final determination And in truth the whole business was so involved by the Craft of Eusebius from the time of the Tyrian Council that Athanasius which way soever he turn'd to clear his Innocence found himself insnared by the Canons themselves For as he was deposed in Council so he could not be Canonically restored but by Council and that is it they press upon him notwithstanding the Emperour's Restitution in that though he had power to call him from banishment yet he had none to take off the Censure of the Church And the Plea had held good if there had not been so much and so exorbitant Villany at the bottom though by it we may see by laying one ill Action for a Foundation what a vast Pile of Dishonesty may be built upon it For granting the Sentence of the Tyrian Council to be good as it would have been had it not been so enormously base Athanasius was which way soever he moved catch't in the Canons and therefore in all his Pleadings he is so wise as to refer his whole Cause to the Acts of that Council and that at last got him the Victory by making known their Villany But granting them Valid his Restitution by the Emperour was Canonically void as to any exercise of his Episcopal Function and that was the point that they urged to the Emperour Constantius in order to his Second banishment but fearing lest if he should make enquiry into the whole matter all their Forgeries should come to light they carry their Cause a great way off as far as Rome and that with a mighty shew of fair dealing and ingenuity on their part that they were so far from desiring any partial Judgment that they would refer it to Judges utterly unconcern'd and therefore send it into the other Empire And now when this was done with so much plausibility Eusebius all on the suddain huddles up a Council at home and dispatches the business before the Council at Rome could publish their Sentence and by that trick he very artificially ensconst himself and his Cause in a new Quarrel that would engage one half of the Christian Church on his side For now it was become the Quarrel of the Eastern Church against the Western because when they had sentenced a Cause at Antioch what power had they to reverse the Decree at Rome This must be an Invasion of the Liberties of the Oriental Church and no less then an Attempt to bring them into subjection to the Western Bishops and thus were they all drawn in by this Crafty Man to back his own Quarrel And therefore it is observable that this Cause was ever after managed by this very pretence and it was the very Complaint of the Eusebian Bishops that parted from Sardica and sat at Philippi against the Sardican Council that they endeavour'd to introduce a new Law that the Eastern Bishops should be subject to the judgment of the Western And thus by this Artifice did this subtle man remove his Tyrian Villany out of the sight and then he might go forwardwithout fear or danger for nothing else but the discovery of that could ever expose himself ruine his Cause and defeat his Malice But the most cunning Stratagem of all was that at the same time that they proceeded with so much seeming Christian Severity against Athanasius they either Enacted or Ratified so many excellent Laws of Discipline that yet were but so many Snares to Athanasius and his Friends after his Tyrian deposition especially the fifth eleventh and twelfth In the fifth it is decreed that if a Presbyter refuse to Communicate with his Bishop he shall after three Admonitions be deposed forever and be punisht by the Civil Magistrate as a Seditious Person a very good Canon in it self but at that juncture of time it was only a Rod for the Orthodox Clergy of Alexandria who the Eusebians too well knew would peremptorily refuse all Communion with their new Bishop Gregory that was thrust upon them by this Council and a Military Force in the place of Athanasius their true and lawful Bishop In the eleventh and twelfth Canons all Appeals from Ecclesiastical Censures to the Emperour are strictly forbidden under pain of Deposition and it is farther provided that if any Bishop be Synodically deposed he is not to be restored but by a greater Synod of Bishops This reach't Athanasius to the
intreaty to proceed to Tryal which the Council imputes not only to their knowledge of the defect of their Accusations against others but to the Conscience of their own guilt Seeing great numbers of Persons there present that were ready to testifie of their various Cruelties and tell sad Stories of their Imprisoning Banishing Beating Starving Strangling Persons in Holy Orders only for refusing to Communicate with the Aria◠Hereticks And though the Criminals refused to appear the Witnesses were Examined and they Deposed and both the Emperors written to that their Majesties would be pleased to set all such at liberty that were still under restraint and to order their Officers for the time to come not to use any force or violence against the Clergy for their Faith but leave them first to be tryed by the Ecclesiastical Judicature In the next place the whole Intrigue against Athanasius is re-examined the Stories of Arsenius and Ischiras farther proved by fresh Witnesses and so both himself and the rest of the Deposed and Banish't Bishops are restored and the Intruders thrust not only out of their Sees but out of the Communion of the Christian Church And then in the last place they enact some Rules of Discipline useful and almost necessary for the Present State of the Church as against the practice of Eusebius and other Bishops of the Faction that invade other Mens Bishopricks and though such Offenders were only sent back to their own Sees by the Canon of the Nicene Council this Council is so severe as not only to Depose but Excommunicate them so as not to be capable of being admitted to Lay-Communion even at the hour of death Another Canon they made against the wandring of Bishops and that reach't Ursacius and Valens who left their own Diocesses to carry on the Eusebian Faction in other Provinces A third Canon was That if a Bishop were oppress 't by his Com-provincials he might have leave to make his complaint to the Bishop of Rome who might judge whether he ought to have a new hearing or not and this beside some secret reasons was to relieve the Eastern Bishops from the Oppression of the Eusebians who carried all before them by force and foul dealing Though the Romanists will have it to have been made particularly to justifie Athanasius in his Appeal to Rome but beside that if it were true it would do their Cause no service it is certain that Athanasius made not the Appeal himself but that his Cause was first referr'd thither by the Eusebians and that too with no other design then to remove it as far as they could from their own doors for fear of discovery §. XIII But as vigorously as the Western Bishops proceeded at Sardica the Eastern out-stript them at Philippopolis they first take to themselves the Title of the Council at Sardica they draw up a new Confession of Faith and call it the Sardican Creed in which they Anathematise all the Positions of Arius and only omit the word Consubstantial And as for Athanasius they cunningly load him with the Authority of the Tyrian Council and the Sentence of Constantine upon it Qui omnia ejus flagitia recognoscens suâ illum sententiâ in exilium deportavit Who examining into all his Crimes banish't him by his own Sentence as they blush not to aver as if the abused Emperor had been acquainted with all the juglings of that Council when it was their only care to keep their proceedings altogether in the dark from him But from this they proceed to infer that Athanasius being condemn'd by the Suffrage of so many Bishops and the Judgment of the Emperor it was now but a trick to move for a new Tryal when so many of the Judges Accusers and Witnesses were dead and therefore they must have the old Sentence allowed and ratified before they would act least as they plead They should bring in that prophane Innovation Quam horret vetus consuetudo Ecclesiae ut in concilio Orientales Episcopi quicquid forte statuissent ab Episcopis Occidentalibus refricaretur vice versa That the Ancient Custom of the Church abhors that the Decrees of the Eastern Church should be reversed by the Western and so on the contrary That was the point they would still be at that whatever was done in the Eastern Church should not be submitted to the Judgment of the Western Bishops and then that secured the Authority of the Tyrian Council and as long as that stood firm so did their Cause too But to make short work of it for there are vast numbers of odd casts of disingenuity in their Epistle they Excommunicate Athanasius Paul of Constantinople Julius of Rome Osius Marcellus and all that had any hand in the Absolution of Athanasius and this they signifie in an Encyclical Epistle written in the Name of the Council of Sardica to their friends in all Parts of the World and among many others it is directed to Donatus the Schismatical Bishop of Carthage Gratus the Catholique Bishop of that City with 36 other African Bishops being present at the Council of Sardica and joining with it against the Philippopolitans who therefore think to strengthen their Party by courting the Schismaticks to their side And among other sweet flowers flatter them with their own dear Expression viz. That they durst not join with the Sardican Council Ne proditores fidei Traditoresque Scripturarum dicamur Lest we should be esteemed Traytors of the Faith and Traditors of the Scriptures thereby insinuating an approbation of their Schism from the Catholicks upon that pretence And this took so luckily that the Schismatiques pleaded it in the days of St. Austin to prove that they had ever been in Communion with the Eastern Church But both parties having done the business that they came about especially the Eusebians whose only project it was to shun the Council and make the breach more general with the whole Western Church they break up their Assembly and where-ever they come put to death all that refuse Communion with them particularly they make a great Massacre at Adrianople where they cut off the Bishop's hands and after that his head with innumerable other outrages recited by Athanasius in his Epistle to the Monks But as for the Sardican Council having settled things as well as they could they acquaint both the Emperors with the Issue of their Proceedings and send three Bishops Arm'd with Letters from the Emperor Constans to his Brother Constantius to intercede for the restitution of the banish't Bishops But whilst they attended the Emperor at Antioch Stephen the Eusebian Bishop of that place by his Instruments conveighs a common Strumpet by night stark naked into the Chamber of Euphratas that was the most eminent Man of the Embassy and famous for his great Vertue and Piety but the Woman who expected some debauch't young Gallant for her Companion as soon as she saw the grave old Bishop asleep and altogether ignorant of the matter being
able by himself alone to keep up the Orthodox Faith against all the Power of the Emperor And therefore he is Summon'd to Court and courted to join in the Condemnation of Athanasius but he satisfied the Emperor so well by his reasons to the contrary that he is dismist with all Civility but by the importunity of the Eunuchs who feared that this escape would make an ill Precedent he is immediately followed with a furious Epistle commanding him to comply or to expect the fortune of his Companions to which the good old Man nothing daunted returns a bold but yet a civil Answer lays before the Emperor at one view the whole Train of Villany against Athanasius that had been so often proved and then leaves it to himself to consider whether it became his Majesty at that time of the day to suffer himself to be made a Tool by such Perjur'd Wretches as Valens and Ursacius and so in short he denies all compliance and defies his threatnings and upon it he is immediately seized and conveyed to Sirmium and there kept in custody till the meeting of a Council in that City the year following And though the fury of the Emperour 's or rather his Eunuchs Persecution in these European Parts is here somewhat interrupted by the Incursions of the barbarous Nations into Gaul yet he rages so much the more fiercely in AEgypt especially at Alexandria sending Syrianus with some Legions of Soldiers to murther Athanasius who besets his Church in the night where the People were then Assembled and are commanded by Athanasius in the Name of God to depart quietly and himself by a kind of Miracle makes his escape through the body of the Soldiers that had encompassed him at the Altar but he being fled and lying conceal'd in the Deserts Constantius is prevail'd with to put that Learned Divine as he calls him George into his Room but what a notorious Villain he had ever been is already described but now being got into Authority he commits all manner of outrages in the City makes divers slaughters in the Churches themselves imprisons Virgins Widows and Orphans seizes on the Orthodox Christians by night and throws them into Goal ejects all Bishops throughout AEgypt and Lybia that refuse to subscribe the Condemnation of Athanasius and of these some he banishes others he imprisons in short he sweeps all away before him like a Land-flood and bears away all the Orthodox Clergy out of their Possessions in the Church Athanasius reckons up no less then Ninty Bishops ejected in AEgypt whereof Sixteen were banisht But the worst of all is still behind their Bishopricks are sold to Heathens Soldiers or any Chapmen that would bid most Money for them and so all ill Men of what Profession or Religion soever or rather of none at all crowded into the Party for the purchase of a Bishoprick and so was the whole Church put into the hands of wicked and debauch't Men who could do no service in it but in the way of out-rage and cruelty and in short the sury of this Persecution through all Africk is described by Athanasius not only to have equall'd but exceeded any of the Heathen Persecutions both for rudeness and cruelty But still himself was the Man aim'd at in it all great rewards are promised by publick Edicts to the Man that shall slay him and blood-hounds are sent out into all Parts to scent out his Form but by a great wonder of Providence he lyes undiscovered all the time of Constantius And in this retirement he did himself and the World that right as to write those two excellent Discourses in his own Vindication viz. his Epistle to the Monks and his first Apology to Constantius in both which he has with that clearness of Reason and evidence of Record laid open the wickedness of the Eusebians in the contrivance of all his Troubles from the time of the Council of Nice to that very day that it is not so properly an History as a Demonstration for he has related nothing that he has not proved by undeniable Records And the truth of it is he is the only valuable Historian of his own Actions for all the Historians are so confused in their account of him that as they are not to be at all trusted when they differ from him so are they very little to be relied upon in any Report that is not vouch't by his Authority §. XV. Thus far has this long Controversie been carried on between the Eusebians and the Abâ—ttors of the Nicene Faith but now the Arian Cause is again brought upon the Stage in another guise by Photinus Bishop of Sirmium who revives the old exploded Heresie of Paulus Samosatenus that differs from Arianism only in this one Circumstance That it affirms the Son of God not to have been Created till the time of his Nativity whereas Arius will have him to have been the first-born of all Creatures yet they both agree in the main Poison of the Heresâ—e That he was a Being Created out of Nothing and then it is not much material in it self how soon or how late it was brought to pass But yet however this new-vampt Hypothesis appearing more bold and tending to bring down the Son of God into the same rank with every ordinary Son of a Woman whereas Arius allowed him great share in the Creation of the Universe and an eminency of Power and Dignity over all other Creatures This therefore alarms all Parties Catholicks and Eusebians and a Council is call'd at Sirmium for its Condemnation And here the Learned Petavius is as over-nice to disturb the plain History of this Council as I have shewn Valesius to have been in reforming the History of the Council at Rome and the Absolution of Athanasius For as he there took a great deal of pains to make but one Council of two so has our Learned Jesuite here to make two of one For though there is mention of no more then one in all the Ancient Records of the Church yet he has lately found out another that he says has hitherto lain buried under the ruins of St. Hilary's Fragments but alas they are so imperfect and confused that nothing can with any assurance be built upon their single Testimony much less upon remote inferences from them which yet is all the light that this Learned Man is able to strike out of that Rubbish Neither indeed is it tanti to spend so much Learning upon such a lean and barren Enquiry for whether there were two or one Sirmian Councils they were call'd upon the same Errand and as I shall prove were of the same mind and what that is we sufficiently know by the Records of that which he would have to be the second whereas the most that we can know of the first beside this is only that there was such a Council and if that be all I cannot see what Temptation the Learned Man could have to be so proud of his
is inseparable from all Sovereign Power and Christianity and all the Power that it brings along with it comes into the World upon its supposition So that by it we are so far from making the King a Priest that without it we cannot own him to be our King And on the other side when we assert a Spiritual Power to the Church distinct from though subject to the King's Supremacy others cry out Popery Praemunires and I know not what hard names they would soon let fall their out-cry if they would consider that it is such a Power as never any Prince exercised or wittingly challenged though it is possible that some may have run upon it by mistake and is neither Temporal nor Foreign Jurisdiction And in those two points lies the malignity of the pretended Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome for as it is Temporal it plainly subjects the Regal Authority to its Empire and as it is Foreign it makes the whole Kingdom Feudatory and brings us into the form of a Province under an Italian Prince both which are such abuses of Government as evidently subvert it Nay farther as a Foreign Temporal Jurisdiction is inconsistent with the English Monarchy so is all kind of Foreign Jurisdiction though meerly Spiritual irreconcileable with the Prerogative Royal. The reason and the account whereof I shall give in its proper place when I come to state that easie but yet undiscover'd Point of the Divine Authority of National Churches All that I am obliged to at present is to shew the difference between that Authority that we assign to the Church of England and that which the Bishop of Rome would Usurp against which though there were nothing else to be objected but its being Foreign for that reason alone it ought to be banisht the Nation as an Enemy to the Civil Government Whereas the Authority of the Church of England is seated in the King 's own Subjects who can call them to an account for it if they use it to his own or his Subjects prejudice and can as well punish them for any disorders in the abusive Exercise of it as he can any of his own Officers for their misdemeanors in their trust in the Common-wealth So that so far is the King's Supremacy as it is stated in the Church of England from entrenching upon the proper Power of the Church as the Romanists cavil that it only protects it in the due exercise of its Jurisdiction And so far is the proper power of the Church from disclaiming or abating any thing of the King's Supremacy as the other Factions clamour that it first Establishes that upon the most lasting Foundations of Divine Institution before it makes any claim to its own Power and when it does it does it upon no other Terms then of entire submission to its Supreme Authority And now that Man must wilfully dream that can imagine such a power as this in the Church can be any way prejudicial to or detractive from the Civil Government and yet that such a Power there is is an assertion worth no less then our Christianity it self that stands or falls with it For if our Saviour have not entrusted his Church with a Power within it self sufficient to maintain it self by vertue of his own Authority then it stands upon no stronger Foundation then the Will of the Sovereign Power And then as that can Establish so it can Abrogate its whole Obligation which is plainly to say that it is no True Religion for it is certainly none if it relye only upon humane Authority So that all that can be concluded in this case is that upon supposition that our Christian Faith is an Imposture there can be no Power in the Christian Church and that for a very good reason because then the Church can be no Church But upon supposition that our Saviour founded it by Divine Authority the peculiar Power of the Church derived meerly and immediately from himself without any interposition of humane Authority is the first thing to be believed as absolutely necessary to its Being and Subsistence But this will appear with a brighter evidence if we consider the several branches of Jurisdiction that as they are complicated with the supposition of Christianity so are they such acts of Power as no Sovereign Power ever challenged or can with any decency exercise As the Power of Preaching the Gospel through all Nations of the World in the Name and by the Authority of God The Power of granting or with-holding the Instruments of Grace the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist The Power of the Keys or judging who are fit to be admitted into the Society of the Christian Church and who ought to be cast out of it for non-performance of the Conditions undertaken at their Admittance The Power of instructing the People in the Duties of Religion or guiding and directing them in the safest way to Salvation The Power of Ordaining Consecrating and Constituting Ecclesiastical Officers to succeed in the Government of the Church through all Ages These are the several points of their Commission and are granted to be so by Mr. Hobbs himself and that at the very time when he undertakes to demonstrate that all these acts of Power are no acts of Authority And that is one of his choisest methods of Demonstration in all things to bear down the undenyable Truth of all things by meer force of Assertion thus here he reckons up the chief Acts of Authority in the Apostle's Commission and then will bear us down that they are no Acts of Authority only by saying so and that against the Common Sense of Mankind For if they had a Commission from our Saviour to do these things then were they Empowred and Authorised by their Commission to do them So absurd a thing is it to talk of acting by Commission without acting by Power whereas every Commission as such is granting so much Power And therefore if the Apostles and their Successors were Commissioned by our Saviour to these several Acts of their Office as he grants because it cannot be denyed every Act is an effect of that Power that is settled upon them by virtue of their Commission And is it not strange that this witty Gentleman should begin all this Extravagant discourse against all Power Ecclesiastical as such with this very Assertion That the Power Ecclesiastical was at first in the Apostles and after them in such as received it from the Apostles by successive laying on of hands What thickness of Contradiction is this A Power Ecclesiastical and yet no Power at all Why then if it be no Power it is no Power Ecclesiastical and if it be a Power Ecclesiastical then it is some Power And then again a Power by virtue of our Saviour's Commission i. e. a Power warranted by Divine Authority and to say that this is no Power is plainly to averâ— That there is no such thing as Divine Authority And upon this supposition that
confusions yet I know not by what blind and unhappy fate it is become a popular and a reigning principle among us All Innovators lay it at the bottom of their new Projects of Reformation it is the fundamental Principle of Grotius as well as all other Erastians Legislativam Potestatem jure divino non competere ecclesiae that the Church has no Legislative Power by Divine Right At present to say nothing to the falshood of the Proposition itself yet methinks Grotius who was so well acquainted with the Records of the ancient Church of all men should not have said it when it was so constantly both challenged and put in practice and that not only all the time before the Emperors became Christians but after But he was then a young man and the Book is written with great rawness and betrays lamentable want of consideration It is the very Foundation of all Independency that nothing ought to be imposed by the Governours of the Church upon the Members of it but what is clearly revealed in the word of God And that there is no other Rule of Unity then that rule prescribed by our Lord himself which is so far from truth so inconsistent with the Being of a Church that it is a meer contradiction to the Nature and the use of Government whose proper Office it is to make Provisions for the Peace and good Order of the Society upon all occasions by the common rules of Prudence and Discretion and such things it is necessary to leave to the judgment and determination of Men because their convenience and usefulness is alterable with change of times and circumstances and therefore must be left to the liberty of the Governors of the Church to impose or remove them as they shall judge most suitable to the present State of things This was the standing rule in the Primitive Church that points of Faith were unalterable and when they were once determin'd by the Judgment of the Catholick Church they were never after that to be debated but as for all Laws of Discipline they were alterable with change of times and circumstances And to name one for all Regula quidem fidei says Tertullian una omnino est sola immobilis irreformabilis Hac lege fidei manente caetera jam disciplinae conversationis admittunt novitatem correctionis The Rule of Faith is always the same this alone is unchangeable and unreformable But as this remains forever so matters of Discipline and Government admit the Novelty of change and amendment So that next to the Fundamental Charter of being a Church this is the grand Principle of its Government that its Governours be endued with an Authority of imposing some things that are not required in the Word of God because the Church must be govern'd as all humane Societies are i. e. by men of common sense that have Wit enough to judge what is fit to be done upon any emergent cases and whose Authority is sufficient to oblige the Members of the Society to their Decrees and without it there could neither be Church nor Government So that this principle is so little suited to the state of Church-Purity as the Schismatiques pretend that it is only set up as an impregnable pretence for everlasting Schisms and Divisions For it was never started or so much as thought of till t'other day when the Puritan Faction for want of something more material to object against the Constitutions of the Church were forced at last to make this their main quarrel that they were not préscrib'd in the Word of God And as long as they were resolved to stand to that Exception they were secure in their Schism for it is an Objection not against the particular Constitutions of this Church but the practice of the Universal Church and the exercise of any power in all Churches of the World and therefore it being so good a Fund for Confusion it is for that reason so carefully nursed by the Independant Faction at this day it is the result of all J. O's Books about Schism because it makes all peace and settlement an impossible thing when there is no such rule of worship or discipline as is pretended by attending to which the Unity of the Church is to be preserved and therefore to refer us to a means of Peace that is not in being is to leave us remediless And if the Church may not make occasional Provisions to restrain some mens extravagancies and to settle good order all men are let loose to all the follies in the World and it will look more like a Bedlam than a Christian Church In short it serves to no other purpose then to be an everlasting pretence of Sedition when it takes away not only from the Church but from theCivil Government too all Authority of making any Laws for the settlement of Religion And yet this very Principle of Confusion this Darling of Independency this bulwark of all Schism is crept into the Church of England it self or some pretenders to it and is laid down by our Reconcilers and Peace-makers as the first Rule of Accommodation between the Church of England and the present Dissenters Though if it were admitted the different Parties would be so far from being taken into the Bosom or the Peace of the Church that it would only widen the differences and harden them in their Schisms For first the contest is not primarily about unscriptural Impositions but about divine Commands they contend that their Form of Church Government is of God's Institution and that the form now establish't in England is an humane Government set up against it and destructive of it this is the whole design of Mr. B's Treatise of Episcopacy and this has ever been the main controversie from the beginning of the Schism whether the Episcopal or the Classical Government were set up by our Saviour in the Christian Church for Men were not so unthinking in those days as to imagine he should set up the Society of his Church without setling any Government in it and therefore it is but an imperfect a partial and a treacherous account of the Separation to state the controversie only in Ceremonies when the main controversie has been from the beginning to this very day about a matter of Divine Right and therefore to take no notice of that in the History of the Schism is to intimate that as to that part of the controversie neither had the better of the other but they both equally contended about what never was and that all the blame of the Separatists is their refusing to submit to some lawful Impositions But that reaches not their cause the ground of their Separation is pretended Divine Law they must be beaten out of that or they must be let alone But secondly this Principle of accommodation by rejecting unscriptural Conditions of Communion would be so far from reconciling the Dissenters to the Church that it would only give up the Churches Cause
to their demands and justifie them in their Schism because they dissent not from her in any matters clearly reveal'd which alone the Church has Power to impose and to charge the Church of Tyranny for daring to impose any other conditions of Communion then what are imposed by Divine Authority An excellent way of accommodation this in behalf of the Church of England to condemn her whole practice of illegal and unwarrantable Usurpation and allow the Pleas of the Dissenters just and reasonable And what is worst of all to take away all Government in the Church for ever and the Church it self too when it is evident from common sense that it can never subsist without a Legislative Authority within it self but that I shall have occasion to discourse of more copiously hereafter when I come to shew what injury is done to the Church of England by these false Principles of accommodation I shall at present content my self with proving it by experience and representing the particular Laws made by the Ancient Governors of the Church from time to time to secure and provide for its own Peace and Tranquility And by it I shall make good these three considerable Points First the great Authority inherent in them and independent on any Civil Power Secondly their great wisdom in the use and exercise of it for by the particulars it will appear that they generally acted upon wise and prudent reasons And thirdly the absolute necessity of it when we shall see by the Example of every age that there is no way of preserving any manner of Peace in the Church without it And to begin with the first Decree made by the Apostles themselves to accommodate the contrary prejudices of Jews and Gentiles If they had obliged the Gentiles to comply with the whole Law of Moses that would have look't like an attempt to bring them under the old intolerable Bondage and tempt them rather to renounce Christianity then submit to such a grievous Yoke And if they had wholly exempted them from the Mosaick Law that would have as much endangered the Apostacy of the Jews thinking that they should thereby have renounced the God of the Law for it was not easie to every capacity to distinguish between rejecting the Law and the Lawgiver And therefore to satisfie and avoid the prejudices of both Parties they agreed To lay no greater burthens then these necessary things that they abstain from Meats offer'd to Idols and from fornication and from things strangled and from blood Where by things necessary it is plain that they mean things necessary at that time and place for that they were not so in all times and places is evident not only from the direction of their Synodical Epistle to the particular Churches of Syria and Cilicia but from their not imposing the same Decree upon other Churches that were not in the same Circumstances In the Churches of Syria and Cilicia that confined upon Judaea the Jews were very numerous and therefore to avoid offending i. e. tempting them to renounce the Christian Faith it was requisite to make it a standing rule to them at that time that all Christians abstain from the Oblations to Idols and that would wholly prevent their great fear of Idolatry But on the contrary because the Church of Corinth consisted chiefly of Gentiles the same rule was not made peremptory and universal to them but they were left to their own liberty to eat Meats offered to Idols as they judged most consistent with Christian prudence and charity as they are directed by their Ghostly Father St. Paul This is all that I can make of that great Council and though they were endued with the Holy Ghost yet they proceeded by no other Rule then common prudence and discretion And if they had taken the same method that our Schismatiques and Pacificators would oblige the present Church to to search for a determination of this casual dispute in their Masters own Laws I doubt they would have been very much at a loss to have found any thing like such a decree amongst all his Precepts And yet there was as much reason that they should refer all Acts of Government to be determin'd by his own express Decree as that their Successors should refer them to theirs But next to this Apostolical Synod the Apostolical Canons are the greatest and earliest Demonstration of the Legislative Authority of the Christian Church being compiled by their next Successors in the second and third Centuries by which we understand the true settlement of the Church as the Apostles left it for all the Canons relating to Government are no new Laws but only declarations of old Customs so that though they were not Apostolical Laws they were true and early Records of Apostolical Customs and by them the practice of Church-Government was so entirely setled that they were ever after the Rule and Pattern to the determinations of following Councils And most of the chief Canons both General and Provincial were only Ratifications of these old Decrees to recover their just Authority when any of them had been neglected or violated or additional provisions in pursuance of their general design in new particular Cases For which it seems every Age found matter enough to suppress some Mens extravagant and wanton fancies and it was the new rising of Schisms and Heresies that gave occasion to enacting all the Laws of the Church But these Apostolical Canons being as it were the Institutes or Magna Charta of the Ecclesiastical Laws and being withal enacted in this Period of time that we are now in by pure Ecclesiastical Authority I shall give a brief view of them to let the Reader see the exact Model of the Primitive Church as reduced to practice and brought to perfection by the Apostles and their immediate Successors In the first place therefore because nothing has so great an influence upon the welfare of the Church as the setting up good and wise Governors over it great care is taken against rash Ordination of Bishops so that though every Bishop has an inherent Right in himself to conveigh his own Authority to another yet is it here fixt and has remain'd so through all Ages as a standing Law to the Church that every Bishop be Consecrated by three Bishops at least or two in cases of necessity Now though this Rule has been observed and practiced in all Churches over all the World and is so highly useful to the good Government of the Church by not entrusting a matter of such weight to the discretion of a single Person yet I believe it will be a very hard task to find any thing like a clear Precept requiring it in the Holy Scriptures So apparently repugnant is the principle of the Projectors of Accommodation against unscriptural impositions to the very first Law that was made in the Christian Church after the Apostles and if they pleased it might as well be used to take away this prudent Practice