confession of the true doctrine were condemned by great consent of the people to dye and were burnt with fire and suffering most excellent Martyrdome by death they woonderfullye triumphed of the crueltie of their enimies The which thinges bicause they be specially touched in another Booke it shall not be néedefull here to speake any more of them Many deliuered theÌ„selues from death by diuers meanes and wayes that were not lawfull But they to whome this charge and trust was commited boldly doing their office and being nothing slow to exercise crueltie certaine of their friendes which 〈◊〉 in holde propounded causes of refusall against the Iudges desiring that there might be other Iudges set in their places This thing for a time stayed the rage of the persecution Notwithstanding the king being certified hereof sendeth letters by which he declaring those refusals to be nothing commaundeth that all other things set apart they giue their diligence only to intende vpon this thing and that the Nobles which were in authoritie should choose out according as they thought good Counsellours to supplie the places of those that were absent and that in the Praetor Munerius â—…oume bicause for the causes before alleaged he was remooued other should serue to be short that final iudgement might be giuen of those matters howbeit that he might haue warning before any matter were ended These letters did againe displease and anger the mindes of those iudges which tooke it heynously that they were refused So that choller was then set on fire against many for this cause séemed as though it would rage and burne in the new yeare following For the aduersaries went about of late to establish bring in the like inquisition that was in Spain which they thought was the only way vtterly to ouerthrow the gospel letters at the last being obtained froÌ„ the Pope by which thrée Cardinals were appointed chief inquisitors they weÌ„t about all that they could to set forward this deuise The king for his part consented Notwithstanding the senate of Paris hauing better consideration of the matter greatlye withstode this new practise alleaged these causes to the king of their withstanding and prohibition saying If this thing should be brought to passe looke how much the power of the ecclesiasticall Iudges and Inquisitors should be enlarged so much should the supreme authoritie of the king be diminished Secondly that it was a matter of great weight for the naturall subiects of the king to be made destitute and after a sort depriued of their King and to be brought to the power of forreine Iudges and to be made subiect to an Offy â—ciall or Inquisitor Thirdlye that it shoulde be a defrauding of the kingdome but specially of the subiectes to be spoyled of the helpe safegarde of the king and to be themselues and all their goodes iudged disposed after the supreme iudgement of an ecclesiasticall Iudge Fourthly that it would come to passe that when they had gotten infinite power and the greatest part of the kings authoritie that is to say when they had gotten power to iudge of life death as theÌ„ listed without further appeale to any higher Court they might easily abuse their offices For say they the libertie to appeale is the onely sanctuarie and defence of innocencie Fiftly and last of all they say that the King to whoÌ„ the appeale should be made is the reuenger and the defender of violated and wronged innocencie and that iniurie shoulde be done if this thing went forward not only to the people but also to Princes to Dukes to Nobles yea and to the Kings nere kinsemen who also shoulde be bounde with this bonde By this prohibition and resistaÌ„ce the matter was delayed for a time at the length when the Kings Court was at Paris the verye same aduersaries of the truth brought to passe that those letters were confirmed of the King as he went to the Senate or Parliament for this cause Thus when they had gotten the lawe into their owne handes and had written new Edictes appointing mortall punishments for the faithfull whome they called Sacramentaries Sectaries and such lyke euery man looking now for grieuous persecutions it pleased God for a time to disappoint those cruell practises and threatenings by troubling the kingdome with warre and other businesse Neither is it to be buried in silence by what meanes God shewed his vengeaunce vpon many of those persecutors which were the chiefe Capitaynes in S. Iames slaughter That Munerius the Praetor which was the first that delt with the causes of the faithfull and had many wayes cruelly intreated them being afterwarde at the length condemned of falshoode in the cause of the Countesse of Senigana suffered by the decrée of the Senate punishment openly in diuers places and being thus ledde from place to place to be made an open spectacle for all men to behold to his great infamie and reproch was also banished his countrie This man while be was kept in prison sayde that he knew that the punishments which he suffered were a iust reward and recompence to him for his euill intreating of the Lutheranes and that he woulde neuer after séeke to do them any harme In like maner one of the Counsellers which were appoynted to vnderstande and iudge of the causes of the faithfull not long after died by sodaine death Another of them likewise being sodenly striken with a most grieuous sickenesse and being also at the poynt of death sayde I see plainly that I haue grieuously sinned against the Lutheranes which so godly pray vnto the Lorde In lyke maner two other whiche were very cruell against the faithfull in the slaughter that was made on S. Iames daye sodenly dyed in the sight of all men Moreouer two other when they retourned from the murther of the afflicted faithfull fell at contention within themselues and at the last were slaine one of another Thus the Lorde shewed many examples of his iust vengeance vpon his aduersaries Then the Church obtayned peace for a time and some occasion to rest and breath for a whyle â–ª by reason of those tempestes They which were before as it were discouraged through that former great slaughter receyued nowe heart and courage againe many others which were eyther confirmed by the constancy of those blessed Martyrs which suffered or els were lately brought to the knowledge of God ioyned themselues to the Church they also which to flye persecution went aside from out of the citie were not altogither vnfruitful Among these there was one which came to a towne called Crucillum in Britayne neare vnto the sea coaste the which towne was at that time greatly giuen to superstition but it was brought to passe by his meanes within short time after that many of the townesmen were called to the acknowledging of truth insomuch that there was a congregation there At the which good successe Satan was greatly grieued Therfore when the fame of this thing was
aucthoritie to giue commaundement vnto them to vnarme themselues and to go home to their houses and afterward to make them answere to the same But admit that they had aucthority to abide stil with the Kyng against right and all approued customes being but his seruants only and to beset him round about with such souldiours as they haue gathered together by their priuate aucthoritie yet notwithstāding it cānot be denied but that I haue great iniury I I say which shoulde haue this prerogatiue before them beinge the Kinges néere kinsman and which haue not put on Armour but by them constrayned only for this cause to defend the Kyng the Quéene and my selfe from violence these thinges I say considered I haue great iniury except I haue leaue in like mauer for mée mine to be about the kyng which are sworne as well as others vnto him and which I say and affirme are the Kynges faithfull subiectes and seruants as they haue both shewed already and also will shew hereafter at what time they shall be commaunded by the kyng of Nauar the kynges Deputie to defend the kynges libertie and the aucthority of the Quéene and of the kyng of Nauar being ready for the same to spende both their life and goods But and if they will not suffer the Quéene to vse that equallitie that she ought let her not leane to the one part more than to the other howbeit if she be more inclined to any part she should rather be inclined to me being a Prince and the kynges néere kinsman and let her vse her aucthoritie to remedy the mischtefe at hand otherwise than she hath done before for no man wyll thinke that any thing hath ben done by her consent séeing that shée is of such wisedome and so carefull for the preseruation of the kyng her Sonnes dignitie that she woulde not bée negligent to do her dutie in a matter of so great waight But there is no doubt but that which shée did was for feare of them which hauing hir in holde pulled her from doing of her dutie When as also it is manifest that the King is broughte to that state that he is constrained to graunte manye things against his will. To proue this thing their chusing of new Counsellers shall serue whom they therfore chose that vnder the pretence of a Counsell the Quéene might be constrained to do what they wold by a more clenly way For it is knowne in what order it was done and in what estimation they nowe haue the Quéene who deliverate and take counsell together by them selues a parte and do conclude whatsoeuer they them selues do like of They do many things by their owne priuate authority and when they haue don then they come to aske her minde and opinion And what soeuer they them selues lust to haue done they cause the high Courte of Parliament to confirme the same And in very déede they preuatle more wyth those of the Parliament than the Quéene her selfe can Finallye who will deny that it is necessarye at this time to deliuer the Quéene from feare of this violence that shée may recouer her former authority and so they to lay aside their Armor and to goe home to their houses that all suspicion of violence being taken away there maye be more quietnesse héereafter and the perrils of great calamities auoided For I and all that are wyth me he fully perswaded and bent that except the matter be vprightly and indifferently handled rather to abide the extremity and to sèe the end than that they which haue vsurped to them selues power against all law right to the great hurt and detrement of the Kings subiectes hitherto and also as yet going about to worke their vtter destruction by so many horrible murthers cruelly committed against the kings Edicts should still héereafter impudently procéede in their Insolencie And to take away all occasion of slaunder whych they may haue against me héereafter wheras they say that the kings letters were taken away frō the kings Postes by my cōmaundement I answere that I haue geuen contrary commaundement to those that attend vppon me neither were there letters at any time taken by them which were sent eyther to the king to the Quéene or to the king of Nauar. This I confesse to be true that there haue bene many letters taken which haue bene sent to diuers priuate persons by which are to be séene an infinite number of sclaunders false rumours counselles and practises against me many thinges being quite contrary to those promises which they haue made vnto me concerning peace and concorde But concerning the casting downe of the Images at Towers and at Blais I protest that I was very sory for the same in so much that I signified to the kinges Officers which are in those places that I would ayde and assist them to punish those according to the kings lawes which should be found gilty in the fact This is and may be an Argument of my will and meaninge the which also I haue done and doe as yet at Orleans Euery one of what state and condition so euer he be of prayseth and commendeth the moderation and behauiour of al those which are with me which liue peaceably and quietly with the Townes men without any maner of offence or breach in any poynt of the Edicte of Ianuary And as touching those which kéepe in hould certayn Cities I affirme that they do it for no other cause than to keepe those Cities for the vse of the Kinge and not to suffer them to come into their handes which abusing both the Kings name and his Artillery do séeke to get power for their owne priuate profite For so sone as the Quéene shal be restored to her former liberty and into that state wherin she was within these thrée Monethes she shal wel perceiue and vnderstand that those Cities will shew all obedience to the Kinge and to her as they had euer done before and will alwayes continue in the same so faithfull that in that point they will geue place to no Citie within the Kings dominion no not to Paris which of late hath gone about to cause this ciuill warre spending great store of money to that end and all vnder pretence of Religion And nowe I and mine are so farre from forgetting these thinges and buryinge them in silence as we are wished to do that we would rather haue thē to be chronicled for euer to be written in Tables and to be portrayed in letters of Golde and to be shrilly proclaymed throughout all Christian realmes that they may sée our dutifull obedience and faithfull trust shewed towardes our King greatly iniured in this his younge and tender yeres and also that so notable an example of my courage concord with the rest of the Nobilitie of France which haue ioyned our selues together with one hart consent to preserue the dignity of the kinge Quéene may be a memorial for euer in writing to the posteritie I for
the slaughter of the Admirall and his adherentes was done by the Kings commaundement for so was his maiesties expresse pleasure bicause they had conspired to kil him and his brethren and the Quéene his mother and the Kyng of Nauarre And farther that the King did forbid that from thenceforthe there should be no moe assemblies holden nor preachings vsed of the Religion After the Kinges oratioÌ„ ended Christopher Thuane PresideÌ„t of that ParliameÌ„t a man very notable for his light brain and his cruell heart did with very large wordes congratulate vnto the King that he had now with guile and subtiltie ouercom these his enimies whome he could neuer vanquishe by armes and battell saying that therein the King had most fully veryfied the olde saying of Lewes the eleuenth his progenitor King of Fraunce which was wont to say that he knew neuer a latine sentence but this one Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare He that can not skil to dissemble can not skil to be a King. But Pibrace the aduocate of the FinaÌ„ces made a short oration the summe whereof was to this effecte that although the King hadde iust and great cause to be displeased yet he thought it more agréeable with his maiesties clemencie and goodnesse to make an ende of the slaughters and common spoyle and not to suffer such outrages to be any longer committed without iudiciall procéeding in the cause and besought his maiestie that from thenceforth it would please him to vse the lawe which is well knowne to be the onely stablishment of kingdomes and Empires and that there had bene already giuen to the commonaltie too perillous an example to followe An arrest of ParliameÌ„t with the Kings royall assent being made to that effect there were immediately Haroldes and trumpeters sent rouÌ„d about all the towne and an Edict proclaimed in the Kings name that from thenceforth the slaughters and common butcherly murtherings should ceasse and that all persons should abstainc from pillage and robberie This being knowne there were diuers speaches vsed of this matter throughout the town and specially of learned meÌ„ The most part sayd that they had read many histories but in all memorie of all ages they neuer heard of any such thing as this They coÌ„pared this case with the horrible doings of King Mithridates which with one messenger and with the aduertisement of one letter caused a hundreth and fiftie thousand Romaines to be slaine Some coÌ„pared it with the doing of Peter of Arragone which slewe eight thousand Frenchmen in Sicile which Isle they had surprised in his absence But yet this difference appeared betwene those cases and this that those Kings had exercised their crueltie vpon foreins and strangers but this King had done his outrage vpon his owne subiectes being yelded not so much to his power as to his faith and credit Those Kings were bound by no promise but such as was giuen to the strangers themselues this King was with newe made league bound to the kings and Princes his neighbors to kepe the peace that he had sworne Those kings vsed no guilefull meanes vnworthie for the maiestie of a King to deceyue this king for a baite and allurement abused the mariage of his owne sister and in a manner besprinkled hir wedding robe with bloud Which dishonor and indignitie no posteritie of all ages can forget Some againe discoursed that though this cruell aduise semed to many Courtiers to haue bene profitable yet not onely the honor of a King but also the estimation and good fame of the whole nation was against that shewe of profit They alleaged how Aristides did openly in the audience of all the people reiect the counsell of Themistocles coÌ„cerning the burning of the Lacedemonians nauie although it must needes haue followed that the power of the Lacedemonians their enimies should therby haue bene vtterly weakened â–ª Fuâ—… Camillus receyued not the children of the chief Lords of the Phalice betrayed to him by their schoolemaister but stripped him naked and deliuered him to be whipped home with rods by the same children Pausanias hath left it reported that the posteritie of Philip of Macedon fell into most great calamities for this cause that he was wont to set light by the reuerend conscience of an oth and his faith giuen in leagues Some cited the lawe of the twelue tables Si patronus clienti fraudem facit sacer esto If the patrone or soueraigne defraude his client or vassall be he out of protection They disputed also that like faith as the vassal oweth to his Lord the Lord oweth also to his vassall and for what causes and for what fellonies the vassal loseth his tenancie for the same causes and fellonies the Lord loseth his seigniorie Some said that the right hand in auncient time was called the pledge of the faith of a King and that this if a King shall despise there is no communion of right with him and he is no more to be accounted a king neither of his owne subiects nor of straungers Kingly vertues in tymes past haue bene reported to be these iustice gentlenesse and clemencie but crueltie and outrage haue euer bene dispraised both in all persons and specially in princes Scipio hath in all ages bene praysed who was wont to say that he had rather saue one citizen than kill a thousand enimies whiche sentence Antoninus the Emperor surnamed Pius the kinde or vertuous did oft repeate It was a most shamefull byworde of yong Tyberius to be called clay tempered with bloud They sayd also that kings haue power of life and death ouer their subiects but not without hearing the cause and iudicial proccding that there cannot be alleaged a greater authoritie than the Dictators had at Rome in whome was the soueraigne power of peace and warre of life and death and without appeale yet was it not lawfull for them to execute a citizen his cause vnheard Only théeues and murderers take away mens liues without order of lawe and hearing their cause Who can doubt said they but that this so great outrage so great sheading of ChristiaÌ„ bloud is the frute of the curssed life of the courtiers For said they now throughout al Fraunce whoredom loose leudnesse of life are so frée vsual the now the most part of the women of Fraunce séeme to be in manner common and â–ª the wicked blasphemies and continuall execrations and dishonorings of Gods most holye name and maiestie are suche as God can not longer beare And true it is though incredible among forein Nations that the Catholikes of France haue prescribed themselues this for a special mark to be knowne from other men that at euery thirde word they blasphemously sweare by the head death bloud and bellie of God and wonderfull it is that the King himselfe is so muche delighted in this custome of swearing and blaspheming and this as it were a pestilent infection is spred abroade and common among the very plowmeÌ„ and peysants so as none
which are the Kings neare kinsemen to bée in lesse estimation than Straungers And althoughe the Princes throughe their humanitie and great modestie woulde suffer them selues to bée so abased yet notwithstanding the Nobles woulde not beare it nor abyde the gouernement of Straungers And to confirme this which he had spoken he brought in manye examples that the Guises being Straungers were neyther in the number of Princes nor at anye time so accounted and that therefore it was not lawfull for the Guises to arrogate vnto themselues the titles and authoritie of Princes which onely appertained to the Kings bloude as the auncient custome of the kingdome woulde declare This sayth he to pacifie those of the temporaltie whose doings were the more to bée feared for that the greater part of the Nobilitie was of that side sauing such as were woonne and procured awaye by the Guiles for the Kings money Thus Planchaeus largely and fréely vttered his mynde But all the whyle that he had this talke with the Quéene the Cardinall of Loraine was hydde behinde the Tapistrie clothes that hâ—…ng before the wall of the Closet Who when Planchaeus had leaue of the Quéene to depart came forth and talking with the Quéene appointed that Planchaeus shoulde be called agayne and commaunded to procéede in his former declaration and to shewe who they were that were the authors and Captaynes of she late conspiracie the which except he woulde promise to doe that he might be caried to prison Therefore Planchaeus being called againe began to vtter his minde as fréely as he had done before shewing the parentage and stocke of the Guises and also howe they were Straungers and nothing appertaining to Fraunce adding moreouer that it was very euill done to commit the gouernement of the Realme to Straungers and speciallye to such as did contende ambitiouslye for the Kingdome and thought it shoulde appertayne to them The Quéene being offended with his boldnesse and speciallye séeing he affirmed that he knewe nothing of the conspiracie commaunded that he should be caried to prison All which Planchaeus spake was euen as it were the voyces of the people speaking by the mouth of one man. After this Michael Hospitall the Kings Chauncelour after the death of Oliuarius of whom we spake before a man verye well learned and wyse was sent to the Senate of Paris to consult with them about many matters that belonged to the gouernement of the Realme and among the rest concerning the prouiding such remedies as might take away the tumults alredie begon And thus afflictions waxed more easie than they wers before and remedies were prouided for so generall a mischiefe But the fame and report of the increasing of the multitude of the faithfull daylye was in euery place of the Realme and bicause great troubles séemed to be at hande all men had regarde vnto them more than to the report of the increase of the faithful the most part endeuouring themselues to staye and pacifie these troubles And at this time this was the state of France the Guises sent the same prouision of warre with the which they withstoode the religion in Fraunce into Scotland ouer the sea to the intent they might there deface and put downe the religion newly begon For the Nobles of Scotland with a great multitude of the people beside had cast off the Popes yoke from of their neckes had plucked downe their Images their altars and abolished the ceremonies of the Papisticall seruice causing the Quéene to get hir into a little towne by hirselfe for that she was sore offended at that which they had done Therefore lacking helpe the Guises brought to passe to haue an hoste of men sent out of France to the number of foure thousande Of this bande of men Brossaeus was Generall with whome was ioyned the Bishop of Ambianensis to the ende the one might fight with the sword and the other with Papisticall power Therfore they toke their iourney with these coÌ„mandements namely that they should seuerely punish the Rebels and the chiefe authors of sedition and that they shoulde restore the wonted and vsuall obedience of the Pope Wherfore so sone as they were come into Scotland they made proclamation that euery one should go to Masse detest and forsake the new religion The Bishop wrote vnto the King that he woulde bring all the people within fewe dayes to the catholike faith Brossaeus wrote that he woulde destroy all within sixe moneths which woulde not come to the auncient Religion But it came otherwise to passe For after the death of Marie Quéene of England the Guises made claime and title to the Crowne of Englande for their Néece the Quéene of Scottes as though she had bene the lawfull heire Whereat the moste gracious Quéene Elizabeth hauing great disdaine sent worde to the King of Fraunce of this great iniurie done to hir Grace by the Guises and biddeth battaile Nowe the Scottés to the ende they might abide the forren power of the Frenchmen féeling also that they stoode in néede of helpe and ayde from some other place went to the Quéene of England beséeching hir that although they were hir olde enimies yet that she woulde vouchsafe to ayde them in so iust a cause of Religion saying that they had rather to abide any extremitie than the tyrannie of the Pope To whom the Quéenes maiestie willingly and gladly promised and graunted helpe The Scottes therefore being encouraged by this ayde did so withstande the French power that they made great slaughter of the French men and draue them to such a strayte that except the matter had bene taken vp by peace it shoulde séeme that they had bene all vtterly destroyed Peace therfore was concluded and the reformed Religion there established And so that tumult was turned to the peace and quietnesse of the Church notwithstanding the subtill practises and cruell threatnings of the aduersaries There were also at that time grieuous afflictions layde vpon the Church in another place For in the townes of Sixtus and Guardia in the countrie of Calabria there were manye yea to the number of a thousande which by the Popes commaundement were put to death for Religions sake and many horrible cruelties also committed by the meanes of one Marchion Buciane In the Kingdome of Fraunce also in diuers places as at Paris and Rhoane many of the faythfull were murthered vpon the solemne feast daye of the Bishops deambulation For the faithfull began more and more to assemble themselues togither and exhibited vnto the King a little booke containing the confession of their faith requiring to haue libertie graunted vnto them to declare their cause Wherfore it shall not be disagréeing from our purpose to put downe here the same their confession to the ende we may therby sée what a notable consent and agréement there was in the doctrine of faith among the Churches of Fraunce notwithstanding the â—…oysterous tempestes of the first afflictions A Confession of the Fayth made
by the Churches of Fraunce WE belcue and confesse one God which is the only and simple spirituall essence eternall inuisible immutable infinite incomprehensible vnspeakable omnipotent onely wise good iust and mercifull 2 This onely God shewed himselfe to be such a one vnto men first both in the creation of his works and also in the conseruation gouerning of them secondly in his word that more euidently the which worde in the beginniing he reuealed vnto the fathers by certaine visions and oracles and afterward would haue it to be written in those bookes which we call the bookes of holy Scripture 3 All this holy Scripture is cōprehended in the Canonicall bookes of the olde and newe Testament the cataloge of the which bookes is this First the fiue bookes of Moses namely Genesis Exodus Leuiticus Numeri Deuteronomium then Iosue Iudges Ruth the two bookes of Samuel the two bookes of Kings the two bokes of Chronicles called Paraly pomenon the booke of Esdras Nehemias Esther Iob Psalmes Prouerbs of Salomon Ecclesiastes otherwise called the Preacher the booke of Cāticles otherwise called the Ballets of Salomon the Prophecie of Esaias Ieremias with the lamentations Ezechiel Daniel the twelue lesser Prophetes namely Oseas Ioel Amos Abdias Ionas Micheas Nahū Abacuc Sophonias Aggeus Zacharias Malachias the holy Gospell of Iesu Christ after Mathew after Marke after Luke and after Iohn The Actes of the Apostles Paules Epistle to the Romanes his two Epistles to the Corinthians his Epistle to the Galathians Ephesians Philippians Colossians his two Epistles to the Thessalonians both his Epistles to Timothie his Epistle to Titus to Philemon to the Hebrues Iames Epistle both the Epistles of Peter the thrée Epistles of Iohn the Epistle of Iude ▪ and the Apocalyps or Reuelation of Iohn 4 These bookes we confesse to be Canonicall that is to saye the Rule and stay of our faith the which we haue not onely by the common consent of the Church but also much more by the testimonie and inwarde perswasion of the holy ghost by the instinct and motion whereof we are taught to discerne them from other Ecclesiasticall bookes the which although they be profitable yet notwithstanding they are not such that we should ground any article of our faith vpon them 5 We beléeue that the worde comprehended in these bokes came from God alone from whome onely it hath his authoritie and not from men And séeing this is the summe of all truth contayning whatsoeuer is requisite for the worship of God and our saluation we saye that it is not méete neither for men nor yet for Angels to adde or detract any thing from the same word or to alter any thing in the same And herevpon it followeth that neither antiquitie nor customes nor multitude nor humane wisedome nor Judgements nor Edicts nor decrées nor Counsels nor Uisions nor Miracles ought to be compared or set against that worde of God but rather that all things oughte to be brought and examined according to the prescript rule therof Wherfore also those three Symbols or Creedes as the Apostles Crede the Nicene Crede and Athanasius Crede are allowed of vs bycause they are agreing to that worde of God. 6 This holie Scripture teacheth vs that in that singular and simple diuine essence there are three persons the Father the Sonne and the holye Ghost The Father is the first cause in order the originall of all things The Sonne is his wisedome and eternall word The holy Ghost is the vertue power and efficacie of them both The sonne was begotten of the Father before all worldes The holy Ghost procéeded from the Father and the Sonne frō euerlasting The which thrée persons are not confounded but distinct and yet for al that not separated but coessentiall coeternal and coequall togither To conclude in this mysterie we allow that which those foure ancient Councels did determine and do detest all those sectes and all others what soeuer cōdemned by those auncient holy Fathers namely by Athanasius Hilarius Cyrill Ambrose and others by the worde of God. 7 We beléeue that God the thrée persons working togither by his power wisdome incomprehensible goodnesse made all things that is to say not onely heauē and earth and all things in them contained but also inuisible spirites of which some fell to perpetuall destruction and other some abode still in their obedience The first as they are by their owne wickednesse depraued so are they perpetuall enimies of all goodnesse and therefore of the whole Churche But the other beyng preserued by the méere grace of God are Ministers of his glorye and appoynted for the saluation of the elect 8 We beléeue that God did not onely create all things but also ruleth and gouerneth them and disposeth also and ordereth at his pleasure whatsoeuer is in the worlde Notwithstanding we deme him to be the author of euill or of those things that are done amisse in anye wyse to deserue blame seing that his will is the chiefe and moste certayne marke and rule of righteousnesse and iustice For he hath rather admirable than speakeable reasons by which he so vseth all Diuels and sinfull men as Instrumentes that whatsoeuer they wickedly do the same as he did iustlye ordaine so also he tourneth it to good Therefore when wee confesse that nothing is done without his prouidence and ordynaunce wée do humblye adore the secrete mysteries that are hydden from vs neither doe we curiously inquire and séeke after those things which are aboue our capacitie But doe rather apply that to our vse and profite which the Scripture teacheth for oure quietnesse and tranquilitie Namely that God to whome all things are subiecte doth with fartherly carefulnesse watche for vs in so muche that not one heare of our heade shall fall away without his wil. And as for Sathan and all oure enimyes he hath them in such holde and bonds that except they haue power giuē vnto them from him they can do nothing at all vnto vs. 9 We beléeue that man being created pure and perfecte and according to the Image of God fell throughe his owne faulte from the grace which he had receyued and therefore caste him selfe from God the welspring of all rightcousnesse and goodnesse in so muche that his nature is altogether corrupted and his heart defiled whereby he hath loste all his former integritie without exception For althoughe he hath some discretion of good and euill notwithstanding we affirme that whatsoeuer light he hath in him the same is tourned into darkenesse when he seeketh after God in so muche that no maner of way he can come vnto him by his owne vnderstanding reason Moreouer although he hath a wil by which he is named to doe this or that notwithstanding seing that the same is captiued made subiect vnto sin it hath no libertie at all to will or desire that which is good but onely that which it receiueth by the grace
space of fortie yeares since or thereabouts by many Ministers of the same doctrine being men verye expert in the knowledge of holy Scripture who by their great modestie grauitie and godlynesse hating all vice and specially couetousnesse and contemning their owne life for the renseruation of their doctrine and hauing alwayes in their mouth that moste swéete name Christ Iesus finding also the people going astray without a shepehearde or guyde were easily hearde and receyued and brought great increase to their doctrine and no marâ—…ayle seeing they left nothing vndone that might be done eyther by preaching by writing or by any other meanes to publish and spreads the same abrode But to come vnto those vsurped meanes and wayes which were attempted to â—…ynder and suppressâ—… that doctrine if we shall begin first of all with the Bishops of Rome we shall find that they haue very diligently gone about to sowe discord and to make warre betwéene Kings and Princes But our Kings moued with godly zeale haue appoynted paynes and punishmentes by Edictes thinking by that meanes to driue awaye those opinions and to bring the people to one onely kinde of Religion but in vaine For the Iudges both greatlye abused those Edictes and also oftentymes executed them after their owne euill disposition and pleasure to gratifie those which craued the confiscation and spoyle of their goodes which were accused Of this matter we haue a manifest example shewed not long ago of a man of no meane calling which desired to haue the confiscation and spoyle of one which was accused of heresie whose iudgement he tooke vpon him to order and appoint If any Magistrate Counseller or Lawyer had bene an euill or wicked person to the intent he myght hide his former faultes and wickednesse his maner was by and by to séeke that these causes of Religion might bée brought before him and that he might be put in office and authoritie to deale in these causes the which authoritiâ—… when he had rashly abused vnder the colour of zeale he shoulde streight way haue a name and all that he had done before shoulde be forgotten and forgiuen as though that Religion ought to be defended by these supportations So that it ought not to séeme straunge vnto vs that these executions haue no better successe and also if the people cannot abyde and suffer such wicked and cruell practises On the other side the Bishops haue bene slouthfull and negligent and haue had no consideration and care to giue an account of their flockes committed to their charge but haue rather sought all that they coulde to maintaine and encrease their yerely reuenewes which they consumed vpon filthy vaine vnprofitable things insomuch that at one time forty Bishops togither were at Paris banquetting satisfying their filthy pleasures and liuing ydly while al disorder and wickednesse increased in their Diocesses Moreouer we know that Bishoprickes or the office of a Bishop hath bene bestowed vpon children vpon Infantes yea before they were borne vpon vnlearned and simple men also which neyther knewe howe nor woulde discharge their office And thus the eyes of the Churches that is to saye the Bishops were blynded and the pyllers of the Church cast downe to the grounde The Ministers therefore of this and that sect vsing the occasion of these perturbations and troubles haue omitted nothing to winne the people vnto them And as for Curates they are couetous vnlearned and conuersant in all things sauing in doing of their dutie and as the most part of them haue gotten their Priesthoode by wicked meanes so doe they most vngodlily retaine the same still for Cardinals and Bishops let not to make their seruaunts their Cookes and horsekéepers Priestes whereby Ecclesiasticall persons are become a ieast and laughing stocke to euery man But the onely meane and waye to prouyde for and to remedie these mischiefes is to flée vnto God who in his iust iudgement is wroth with Ecclesiasticall persons insomuch that he séemeth to intende their destruction as hée did once the destruction of the Iewes Also certayne godlye men must be sought for and called togither from all partes of the Realme to consider of these and the lyke wickednesses and to deuise meanes and wayes to extirpe and rootâ—… them out and the King for his part must sée with all diligence that the name of God be not polluted and blasphemed as it hath bene hitherto and that the holy Scriptures may be purely and plainly expounded to the people and also that they may haue daily in their houses godly sermons and exhortations the which shall be able to stop the mouths of slaunderous persons which shamefully sayde that God was not once named or spoken of in the presence of the King. And you sayth he O Quéenes graunt me this one thing I beséech you if I maye be bolde to beséech you that you woulde bring to passe that in steade of prophane and vnsemely songs all your traine and retinue maye sing godlye and vertuous Psalmes to the prayse of God Knowe ye for a suretie that God doth allowe or like of no companie or congregation in the which he is not praysed and extolled To this he added much more by which he proued â–ª that it was against reason that the singing of Psalmes shoulde be forbidden if the interpretation of them which was noted about them were not allowed he sayde it was better that the errors were noted than that the whole worke shoulde be so reiected And he shewed also that the Psalmes were made not only for the publike vse of Churches but also to be daily and priuately vsed And therfore in forbidding the singing of Psalmes there is iust occasion offered to seditious persons to calumniate and speake euill For nowe in this we striue not against men but against God whose prayses are so hindered and let The seconde remedie is a generall Councell the which the Fathers alwayes vsed as a remedie to pacifie and appease the dissentions of the Church I sée not howe the Popes conscience can be quiet nor to be in rest the space of one houre séeing he séeth so many soules to perishe through the diuersitie of opinions and yet for all that séeketh no meanes how to remedie the same But if it shoulde come to passe that the Generall Councell shoulde be let or hindered then the King shall doe his dutie in calling a Councell of his owne Nation after the ensample of his auncetors the Kings of this Realme as of Carolus Magnus and Lodowicke his sonne Nowe they must be called to be of this CouÌ„cell which are counted to be the best learned men among them of that sect and learned men of the contrarie part also that they maye dispute togither of the principall groundes of Religion nowe in controuersie Thus did Theodotius the Emperour at Constantinople against the Arrians and Macedonians although they were iustly condemned by the Councell of Nice and others and afterwardes the
him to be a King to this ende that he might kéepe the people vnder the knowledge feare and obedience of God that he might gouerne them by good and wholesome lawes and also to saue and defende them from the enimie and in all thinges to shewe himselfe so studious and carefull for the common wealth that he may be honoured and be beloued as a father of the people For this is the onely difference betwéene a King a Tyrant The King reigneth and ruleth with the good will loue and consent of the people but the tyrant ruleth by violence and force In a King therefore a man may behold the ordinance of God the author and preseruer of Common welthes and humaine societie In the tyrant the force and violence of the Diuel who goeth about to peruert that ende to the which God hath ordeyned Kings and Potentates Herevpon it commeth that as the King is loued of all men and hated of none but of wicked men and Rebels so the tyrant is feared of all men without exception and therefore hated of all according to the olde Prouerbe Quem metuunt oderunt him whome men feare they hate Therefore if the King will be loued and obey the commaundement of God and retaine the obedience and loue of his subiectes he must of necessitie stablishe Religion he must heare the complaintes of the people and must prouide for them remedies as a father prouideth for his children séeing that he is set in the kingdome to that ende neyther can he doe otherwise except he will make himselfe vnworthy of the grace of God by which he confesseth that he doth reigne as both examples of holy Scripture and domesticall examples also do plentifully declare The first bond therfore which confirmeth knitteth and retaineth the obedience of kings is Religion the which is nothing else than to know God as it becommeth vs that is to say according to his prescript wil. And now séeing we ought to acknowledge him to be the creator author preseruer of all things it must néedes folow that al our actions ought to tende to the setting forth of his glory Whervpon it cometh to passe that Religion which is that most assured bonde of humane actions and of the true obedience of subiects towards their Kings ought to be reformed preserued maintained But bicause that bonde is dissolued and broken in these our dayes both by the malice wickednesse of some and also by the doting madnesse and folly of other some and by the corruption of our time it is no doubt an euident demonstration and token of the wrath of God which threateneth vnto vs great destruction not farre hence vnlesse it be prouided for out of hande For besides the varietie of doctrines who euer sawe the ancient discipline of the Church so miserably abused contemned and deiected errors so dispersed and rooted euery where offences and stumbling blockes so common the life of Priests so corrupt and so much to be reprehended and also so many and great tumultes among the people The way to remedie this great euill and mischiefe is a generall Councell the only ancient vsuall meane but as it plainely appeareth that is not to be hoped for and that for two causes The one is It is not in our power to bring to passe that the Pope the Emperour the Kings and the Germanes shoulde by by agree of the time the place and maner of holding of a Councell in which things there are oftentimes great coÌ„trouersies The other cause is this Such is the disease and mischief it so grieueth euery part of the kingdome that there is small hope of any remedie Like as if a man troubled with a coÌ„tinuall feuer or with some other grieuous disease which requireth letting of bloude or some other present remedie cannot tarie to haue the Phisitions help which dwelleth farre of bicause of the great vncertainty of his coÌ„ming Therfore we must bring to passe to call a couÌ„cel of our Nation as it was before concluded the which also the King hath alredy openly promised And this parliament must of necessitie be called both for the necessitie which so vrgeth the miserable Church being brought to so great extremities also for the kings estimation and credit who by his owne letters hath openly giuen forth declared y same but specially bicause there hath nothing happened since that time which might let or hinder the same but on the contrarie part there grow new things occasions daily which do vrge and driue vs to séeke to call a Parliament vnlesse we could be contented to lose all that we haue The Emperour Charles the vâ—…lately deceased wheÌ„ he came to Bononia and had conferred with Pope Clement concerning matters of the Church he willed his Chauncelor to talke with that Pope concerning the calling of a CouÌ„cell both to reforme the maners of Church men and also to establish the doctrine which was in controuersie The Pope vehemently withstode this thing affirming that there was no néede to call a Councell neither for doctrine séeing that al new opinions are refuted condemned of the ancient Councels neither yet for Ecclesiasticall discipline which was so wel appointed that it was sufficient only to obserue kepe the decrées written concerning the same But the Emperour being not satisfied with this answere replied againe that it coulde not be but that the great assembly of the generall Councell shoulde bring great profit doe much good both to cut off that euill which daily increased more and more and also to repaire and confirme those things which were very well already receyued and allowed to hinder cut off that which might abolishe them by discontinuance and want of vse And in this minde concerning the procuring of a Councel he continued so loÌ„g as he liued In the which matter he founde no greater aduersaries than those who shoulde haue set him forwarde in so commendable an enterprise Our auncetours were woont euery fiue yeares to call generall Councels as it is to be séene in the decrees But as touching priuate Councels or Councels assembled out of our owne Nation we shall find in the histories of the Kings of Fraunce that they were called in euerye Kings tyme beginning at the raigne of Clodouaeus vntill the tyme of Charles the great and so forth vntill we come to Charles the feue uth his dayes The which Parliamentes or assemblies were sometimes gathered togither from euery part of the whole kingdome sometimes from one halfe of the Realme sometimes but out of certaine Prouinces onely By which Parliaments it was sildome séene but that there ensued great fruite and profite to the reformation both of doctrine and maners Let vs not staye therefore any longer at the matter but followe the examples and wayes of our elders and let vs not be afrayde to be accused to be bringers in of newe customes séeing that we haue so many examples to followe but
threatnings did nothing at all therein when it came to the pinch Neither would Pope Paule the fourth his successor wheÌ„ he was yet but Cardinal establish that which he thought to be mete necessary I omit that which Bernard other learned fathers haue said only this I say except we aply our minds put our haÌ„ds to the tearing vp of this roote of al euil Jesus Christ will descend from heauen with a whip in his hand to expel vs as buiers sellers out of the temple The third remedie shal be to confesse our faults the which in dede is the first step to helth to make the same manifest by publike generall fastings the which maner was alwayes obserued in the olde Church whensoeuer any great perill or daunger was like to come vpon the Church as plague famine or warre the which thrée euils in these our dayes inuade the realme togither For what greater plague can there be thaÌ„ that which slayeth mens soules What greater famine can therebe than the famine of Gods word Or what warre caÌ„ be more mortall or cruell than the corruption of pure doctrine By which we being drawn froÌ„ God are depriued of the eternal kingdom which Christ by his bloud hath purchased for vs Let vs therfore turn vs vnto those old accustomed remedies as to Câ—…mmon praier to fasting and to wéeping and first of all we must take into our handes the sworde of God that is to say his word the scahard wherof we scarsly retaine neither must we thinke that Myters Croziers Cappes Garments and other ornaments the which in old time were outwardly worne to shewe that which was inwarde that is to say that godly doctrine ought to be ioyned with a godly life can deliuer vs froÌ„ the coÌ„tempt of the people seeing that which is eternall is wanting there onely remaineth an outward shew feined sight Let vs set before our eies this horrible sentence which John the Baptist pronounced against the Jewes saying Nowe is the axe put to the roote of the trees euery tree therefore that bringeth not forth good fruite is â—…ew â—…e downe and cast into the fire The fourth remedie shall be while the Councel is a preparing gathering togither to stay seditious persons so to restraine theÌ„ that they break not by any meanes the coÌ„mon peace tranquilitie let this be kept as a law ratified and inuiolable that it is not lawful for any subiect vpoÌ„ any occasioÌ„ or for any cause to take armes to lift vp the sword without the coÌ„mandement or leaue of the Prince the only moderator gouernor of warres This I speak for the sorowful exaÌ„ples sake which hapned are like to happeÌ„ except we take heds Of the one part we saw the tumult of Ambaxia on y other part there were certain Preachers which stirred vp the people to tumult violently to set theÌ„selues to destroy banish those protestaÌ„ts vnder a pretence of godly seditioÌ„ as though that Religion coulde or ought to be established by sedition And thus there was greate offence committed on both parts insomuch that many were slaine which were thought to be Protestants Moreouer those protestants did greatly offend enterprising many things rashly to put away these iniuries offred vnto theÌ„ taking armes therby violating the law of the magistrate which beloÌ„geth to no priuate persoÌ„ For the end of the law is to liue according vnto Gods wil to hurt no man and to obey the lawe of Armes Therfore the king is the maintainer of Gods law and the moderator of wars the which he may and ought to vse to the authoritie of the lawe and to the punishing of rebelles and traitours To be shorte he counteth him selfe a king who although he be not ordained of God yet of his owne will and authoritie moueth warre And truely herevpon it followeth that he ought to be counted of all men as an enimy and to be punished as a breaker of Gods ordinance and publique power For this cause I thinke it good that commaundement be giuen to inferior Magistrates that they diligently attend vpon their charge and offices least some newe thing happen by their carelesse negligence Hereby therefore it euidently appéereth that the first bonde to preserue the kings estate is so to establishe Religion that no man may abuse y same at his owne pleasure against the authoritie of the law and the ende thereof which is that both God and the king maye be obeyed But now to come to the seconde principall point as concerning the ordering and kéeping of the people in due obedience we thinke this to be the waye namely to heare the complaintes of the subiectes and to vse conuenient remedies for the same Notwithstanding there is great differeÌ„ce betwéene priuate open complaintes for if the complaints be made of priuate persons to priuate persons the diligence of the Judges which are appointed to ordinary gouernemeÌ„t is a spéedie way to remedie and helpe them But when there are generall complaints or when eyther the confirmation or alteration of things commeth in question we must straight way haue recourse to those auncient constitutions and orders by whiche the safetie of the kingdome standeth the which are nothing else than those thrée orders which we call the states That is to saye that those things being made manifest and opened which maye bring any confusioÌ„ and the remedies which were prouided to put away the same being diligently sought for the king for the loues sake that he beareth to his people maye determine and appoint that which is iustly required to the honor of God and the coÌ„mon profyte of all men Of the which thing the good will of the people wholy dependeth that hauing done that duetie which he oweth vnto God he may in lyke maner satisfie the mindes and willes of his subiectes And so he shall not onely kéepe the name of a king the gifts of nature appertaining to a kingly name but also may rule and gouerne by peace seing that gentlenesse may allure them of their owne good wils to do more than force or violence can extorte from them And to the ende it may euidentlye appéere that the complaintes are such that they ought to be heard and examined of the assembly of the States I will shewe vnto you a generall reason namely this The extraordinarie taxes tallages tributes haue so increased that now the subiectes not onely are not able to beare this great burthen but also not able to satisfie discharge those old duties which were before time accustomed to be payde Is not this a complaint to be considered talked of in the assembly of States Seing the greatest part of the people complaineth of the same and are by no maner of meanes any thing disburthened but specially seing that to heare the afflicted oppressed is the beginning of consolation to declare a readinesse and good will to ease theÌ„ is
slaughter was a preparing and whilest all men loked to sée great things come to passe beholde sodaine and vnloked for alterations happen For the king had a ceataine paine and disease in his eares Of the which after he had bene sicke a while he dyed the fifth day of December in the yeare of Lorde god M. D. LX. At the which sodaine alteration the Guyses were not a little dismayde When King Fraunces was deade the Quéene his mother sent vnto the Constable who had detracted the time to come to Aurelias assuring him of hir friendship and promising vnto him that neuer hereafter none should intrude him selfe into an other mans office and praying him also that he would come vnto hir with all spéede There the Constable came to hir to Aurelias without delay with Martiall Momorencius his sonne and saluted the newe king Neuerthelesse the Prince of Conde was kept in holde still but not without greate reuerence of his kéepers shewed towardes him and continusd in prison after the death of the King by the space of ten dayes denying to go out of prison vntill he knewe his aduersarie in this matter layde to his charge But all the matter was layde vpon the King deceased Therfore by a wonderfull and straunge way or meane as by the death of the King the subtill practises of the aduersaries were brought to naught whose funerall was so slenderlye celebrated that he was depriued of that vsuall pompe which Kings commonly haue at their buriall all men wondering that the Guises woulde suffer the same the which also was very wel noted by a publike Epigram or libel sent abrode There were truly within a short time wonderfull manifest signes of Gods iust iudgemeÌ„t against many Princes the which al meÌ„ at that time did plainly sée acknowledge Concerning the which these verses folowing were made Charles a Tyrant King of all kings that before him went Most craftily by counsell gainst Christ his force he bent Till that his foolish madnesse of children being espied In midst of all his mischiefe most sodenly he died And thou O Henrie eke by men that wicked were nought VVast too much led and therfore greedily hast sought The bloud of godly men thereof to drinke thy fill But he that sittes aboue restrainde thee of thy will. For in thy witlesse mode thy rashnes great thou didst declare therfore wouÌ„d of deth by spere thou hadst ere thou wast ware And so thy bleding corps eÌ„brued the earth with blood Bicause to kill the Saints to thee it seemde so good Frances that was his sonne vnhappie childe did so direct His fete in his yll wayes that Christes voice he did neglect He stopt his eares as deafe when Christ to him did crie And therfore putrefacted eares did cause hiÌ„ streight to die Be warnde therefore O Kings by these examples iust VVisedomes doctrine to receiue or else to turne to dust Thus rumors were spred euerywhere abroade that so wonderous a thing had happened the lyke wherof was neuer heard of before namely that they which were brought to that passe that they should haue bene put to death were now aduaunced to great honor And contrarywise that it was come to passe that they which thought their authoritie to be confirmed for a long time sawe the same taken awaye and were brought to their former state and degree They which were of the assemblie of States trembling and quaking before for feare tooke now vnto themselues a bolde courage and with one consent make petition that the king of Nauar may be the ruler gouernor of the kingdome during the time of the Kings nonage minoritie also that the Princes the kings nere kinsemen with the Constable the Admiral the Andelote with the rest of the Nobles might be always of the kings CouÌ„selâ—… that Cardinals Bishops should be sent to their diocesses to discharge their Ecclesiastical offices according to the rule of the canoÌ„s in that behalf The Kinges mother tooke it not in good part that so great good will and fauour should be shewed to the king of Nauar whom she demed not long ago to be hir enimie they increased these suspitions which went about to coÌ„firme their authority by their dissentioÌ„s working hatred spite against the king of Nauar through the sentence of the assembly of the parliament which wished him to haue the rule of the kingdome And thus the minds of the Nobles being diuided into two factions one part helde of the Quéene another part with the king of Nauar. Insomuch that a man might sée the Constable the Admiral his two brethren alwais in the coÌ„pany of the king of Nauar On the other part the Guises Nemorosius the Marshal Santandrae the Marshal Brislac the cardinal of TurnoÌ„ always were about the Quéene stode w thir So that now there was great daunger of present seditioÌ„ but the king of Nauar by his courtesie suffrance put away all this daunger like to arise yéelding vnto the Quéene authoritie to gouerne the kingdome Then the Quéene being somewhat appeased plainly saide that she knew nowe the causes of all the troubles past namely that all the Princes which were of the Kings blouds were displeased that they were not accouÌ„ted off according to their worthinesse which thing she said she woulde sée reformed euer afterward By this occasion the stomacking and taking of parts betwéene them séemed somewhat to be repressed There folowed therfore a wonderful alteration chauÌ„ge and all men began to talke one to another to say that the companies of armed meÌ„ were prepared gathered togither to some other vse purpose than for the safetie of the King that their couÌ„sels and meanings were otherwise which had arrogated vnto themselues authoritie also that their practises shoulde not so easily haue successe nowe But the churches now which before were in great perplexity fear obtained peace and all men hoped nowe for a better state For amidst those sundrie troubles and manifolde afflictions which happened vnder the raigne of king Frances the administration of the sacraments the preaching of Gods worde neuer ceased in the reformed Churches although the number that were assembled were but small though also the same was not done without great daunger warinesse For at that time there were cruell conspiracies against the Church which woulde haue done great harme to the same had not the Lorde by his prouidence tourned them away Then did the reformed Churches coÌ„maunde solemne prayers with fasting to be vsed and they which were the gouernors and chiefe of the congregation exhorted their brethren to be of good chéere and comforted them willing them paciently to looke for helpe from the Lorde So that after so great afflictions and feare there followed excéeding ioye and the sodennesse of the chaunce made the matter to seeme more wonderfull Then was there newes brought of the death of
for their deliueraunce That they which had fled the Realme for Religions sake shoulde haue leaue to returne home againe with full and safe libertie to enioy their goods and al things else that they had before so that they would be contented to liue Catholikely and without offence But if they would not that it should be lauful for them to sell their goods and to get them to another place These letters the Senate of Paris went aboute to let and stay but in vaine neither could their admonitions as they term them which they sent to the king preuaile so much but that these letters wer euery where published abrode which also almost in euery place were diligently obserued They were deliuered which were kepte in prison for Religion And many which for the Gospell wyllingly chose to lyue in exile in other landes retourning nowe home agayne greatly increased the Churche The Churche more and more flourished the Gospell was confirmed All menne as though they had quite forgotten all other things talked onely of the Gospell Euery one of what estate and degrée soeuer he was of only reasoned of the Gospell Sermons were made euery where both in the Cities and in the fieldes All men diligently resorted to heare them yea the verie rude and ignorant sort of people bicause of the newnesse of the thing came also to heare them of which a great number by this meanes were brought to the knowledge of god But the aduersaries they stoode amazed wondering and musing at so great a matter The seruice of ancient ceremonies began euery where to waxe colde yea and in manie places to be derided yea verie manie casting asyde the Popes badges and markes came into the Churches of the faithfull and were made as one with them So greate alterations came to pauÌ„e in so little a tyme. The Prince of Conde as we haue declared before came to Paris that his innoceÌ„cie and guiltlesnesse might be farther tried by the Senate He therfore the Cardinall of Burbon and many other noble menne attending vpon him pleaded with the Senate of Paris concerning this matter as followeth manie men maruelling that he was thus dealt withall It is sayth he a special token of Gods prouidence by whiche I béeing deliuered from the platformes and secrete traps of my enimies shall get vnto my selfe an euerlasting testimonie of my innocencie in those thynges layde to my charge The lying in wait and mischeuous practizes of wicked men do nothing at all hurt those which haue their hope trust in god I haue always wished that my cause might be throughly wayghed and vnderstode of the Senate which is the moste notable place in Fraunce for the executing of iustice I should sayth he be iniurious to my self vnlesse I should bring the equitie and integritie of my cause againste the slaunders of my aduersaries before so worthy an assemblie that the matter being worthie of the laudable and honorable sentence of the Senate may by the grauitie and vpright iudgemeÌ„t of the same be defined and ended Wherfore he prayed them to consider of his estimation whiche to hym was more deare than his lyfe Then when he had required of the Senate that Petrus Robertus his man of lawe mighte be peaceably and quietly hearde in making his declaration he so departed Then Petrus Robertus by and by made his oration saying That it hadde pleased God to trie the Prince of Conde with that triall of affliction with which â–ª he doth oftentimes trie his faithful seruaÌ„ts which affliction he doth oftentimes sende to those that are his but specially to those that are set in high degrée and that for two speciall causes First that Kings and Princes and men of great calling might know that they haue their power dignitie from God alone vpon whoÌ„ dependeth eyther their preseruation or destruction Secondly that the innocencie of his seruantes maye more euidently appere by false accusation that by that meanes there may be perfect triall of their integritie When he had thus spokeÌ„ he declared what things were wrought against the Prince at Aurelia howe his appeales were not receiued howe he was condemned his cause not heard and therfore he sayd that the sentence pronounced agaynst him was voyd and of none effect At the length wheÌ„ many things were debated reasoned of betwene hym and the Kings Sollicitour it was concluded That all matters that had ben broughte in agaynst the Prince should be referred to the Senate And if nothing could be found that should deserue or require an extraordinarie waye then by and by the Senate should pronounce the ful and absolute sentence of absolution and discharge But if the Senate should find any matter of greater weight that then it shuld be lawful before those testimonies and proofes were receiued and credited to examine the witnesses again and to consider the matter more depely and that the sentence pronounced by the former Iudges should be voyd seing that it appertained to the Senate alone which is the court appertaining to the king to the nobles of France to examine and iudge the causes of the kings kinsmen if any criminall cause were obiected against them The which point Petrus Robertus the prince of Conde his aduocate expounded and opened at large least the Prince shoulde seeme by the weaknesse of his cause to forsake that former iudgemente of the iudges whiche were chosen by king Frances the second of purpose to giue sentence on him He declared therfore that the Prince did refuse those iudges bicause they were far vnmete to iudge him besides that so it shuld haue ben preiudicial to the priuilege right of the princes the kings kinsmen for that they being accused of any matter maye appeale to be iudged of the king only their chiefe lord and the head of their stock in the Senate of Paris To this the kings solicitor answered That he did not only allow the sentence of the kings priuie councel coÌ„cerning the innocencie of the Prince of Conde but also earnestly desired that the same mighte be ratified and confirmed by the iudgement of a parliament notwithstanding saith he the same must be established by an ordinarie and lawful way Therfore the Prince of Conde was made playntiue and the Kings Solicitour the defendant â–ª and it was concluded That for somuche as the Prince of Conde was put vpon his further triall purgation the whole assemblie of the Senate house would receyue any manner of accusation to bee made agaynst the Prince of Conde and duly consider of the same to the ende if nothing coulde be brought agaynst him wherby he myght be founde guiltie â—…e myght straightwaye by publike sentence be declared and pronounced to be innocent and guiltlesse Wherefore all the Senatours commaunded that if any man had any manner of accusation against the Prince of Conde he should come into the Senate house and then he shoulde be hearde Yea euery one of the prince Councell were asked by name
troubles bothe wyth his presence and authoritie and also woulde bende all his Counsell wisedome and power to finde oute remedyes for the same On the one parte he might set before his eyes the infinite multitude of soules which runne headlong as it were into destruction bycause they knowe not well the waye of saluation On the other parte he might sée part of the kingdome to be distracted and drawne away from the communion and fellowship of the Churche whiche consisted of the greatest part of the Nobles of learned men of the best citizens and most ciuil sorte of the common people who wante neyther force nor counsell or any other meanes to atchieue their purpose séeing there are among them men of great wealth and riches which will not let to spend their goods and substance in their cause Furthermore such is the concord consent and vnitie among them that it is wonderful to sée how carefully one of them doe defende an other in somuch that they can neither be drawne from that concord neyther can they be ouercome by force of armes And without present perill this kingdome can not be cast into those straites whiche threaten vnto the same no doubte greate ruine and extreme destruction Seing therfore the matter standeth thus and séeing ther is a manifest token of great troubles as haÌ„d the number of those men increasing and waxing strong euery day more and more she also being persuaded that the holie Father being myndefull of those benefites which he had receyued of the Frenche kings would carefully indeuoure himselfe to prouide remedies to ease these troubles for this cause she was boldâ—… to flee vnto him as to a refuge that he woulde apply all his counsell wisedome and power to procure the vnitie of the Church It may please him therfore to vnderstand that this thing might the more easyly be brought to passe bicause by the goodnesse of God there are not in the whole realme of France any Anabaptistes heretikes or any that speake against the Christian Articles of the faith nor yet against the declaration of those Articles made by the sire generall Councels And she sayd this was the opinion and iudgement of certain lerned men with whom she had conferred that the holie Father might receyue them which confessed that catholike profession of the faith plainly confirmed and expounded by those sixe generall Councels into the Communion felowship of the Church although they were of diuers opinions And that other opinions can not let the vnion of the Churche euen as in tyme past the diuersitie in celebrating the Passeouer the diuers and sundrie obseruations of fastings and rites in sacraments and other partes of diuine seruice did nothing at all hinder the vnion of the Churche and that the same waye then vsed should be very profitable now to stay the controuersies of the Latine and Gréeke Churche Therfore they trust the controuersies being at an end that God wil be with them and that the darke mistie cloudes being driuen awaye at the length he will shewe the true and perfecte lyghte of the truth And sayth she if this generall waye shall not be approued and allowed although it oughte to be referred to a generall Councell yet notwithstandyng it is necessarie that the holie Father do prouide a spéedie remedie before that time considering the present necessitie For delay will bring such greate inconueniences with it as can not easily by any meanes be recouered againe But the remedie séemeth to consiste in two thinges First that they which haue alreadie separated themselues from the CoÌ„mmunion of the Churche might be called and brought to the same agayne Secondly that they which as yet haue not withdrawne themselues might be kept in this communion still To winne the first it may séeme very necessarie to vse often admonitions and to haue mutual and quiet conference on bothe partes Bishops and their ministers muste diligently preache Gods worde and exhorte the people to mutuall peace and concorde and names of reproche on bothe sydes muste quyte be taken awaye The whyche she hoped was a speedie waye to bring concorde and loue The whyche also she sayd she had giuen in commaundemente to those that were separated from the Churche and was hytherto obeyed But as touching those whyche as yet hadde not separated them selues from the Communion of the Churche there are many sayeth she whiche as yet purpose not to departe from the same and yet notwithstanding they stande continually in doubte and specially in these thrée principall poyntes The first is that they vnderstande that the primitiue Churche had no images They knowe that God hathe expressely forbidden to worshyp them or to set them in those places where they maye be worshipped They know also that Gregorie hath foribdden the same and that diuers good men in lyke maner whiche synce that tyme receyued them into the Churches expressely declared that they were ordeined for no other vse than to put the ignorante people in mynde of their Gods whiche were absente Notwithstanding many errours deceytes and lyes haue preuayled and crepte into this kingdome and realme of Fraunce and many deceyuers contrarie to the doctrine of the auncient Fathers haue moste wickedly abused the worshipping of images to their owne lucre and gaine in so muche that the cousciences of many men for this cause are greately offended and therefore will not come into the Churches least they shoulde bowe theyr knée before the Images The matter therefore béeing well examined if on the one parte the inconueniences whyche may aryse héereof and the fruites and commodities whyche are lyke to come bee wyâ—…ely wayed it shall bée founde that it is better to remoue them than to woorship them with offence of many specially seeing the same is neyther the commaundement of God nor yet hath bene receyued of the Churche vpon any necessitie Therefore to cut away all occasions of slaunderous reporte and to keepe those still of whome we speake in the fellowship of the Churche lette it be considered if it bée profitable to remoue these Images from the Altars and to place them aboute the Temple eyther within or without the causes béeing declared namely that certaine vngodly men séeking theyr owne gayne on the one parte and on the other part certaine ignorant and vnskilful men also wil bring to passe that the people shall abuse them against the ordinaunce of the Churche 2 The second principall point is concerning the administration of Sacraments of Baptisme and of the Lords supper In the administration of Baptism it seemeth strange to many good and godly men that Exorcismes and many formes of prayers should be vsed the which may somwhat profite those that vnderstande them but séeing the greatest parte of the people doe not vnderstand them it séemeth better to omit them And where as it is beléeued and taughte that these things are necessarie to be done before Baptism they say that
churches any diuisions for this matter Then Beza proceeding with his former purpose sayd Beza Concerning the seconde we doe not saye that the mâ—…rites of the death and passion of Christ are onely signified by the outward signes of bread and wine but also that the verie bodie of Christe which was cruâ—…ified for vs his bloud which was shed for vs is by them represented Also that Iesus Christ very God and perfect man is offered vnto vs by visible signes that our myndes being lifted vp by faith to heauen wher Christ now is may spiritually behold him receiue enioy all his graces to euerlasting life and that so certainly and truely as we sée and receyue and eate and drinke the corporall and visible signes To this the Cardinall of Loraine agreed affirming that he was glad to heare those wordes for so muche as he perceiued that the doctrine of the Faithfull was otherwise than he thought it to bée Beza Concerning the thirde there is greate difference betwéene common water and that with the which we are washed in baptisme betwéene the bread and wine whiche we dayly vse and that whiche is vsed in the Supper For the water of Baptisme the breade and wyne of the Supper are Sacramentes that is to saye visible sygnes and Testimonies of the bodie and bloud of the Lorde But we denie saith he that there is any such mutatioÌ„ in the substaÌ„ce of the Elements but we affirme that the change is in this that they are applyed to an other vse than that which is naturall bycause they seruing of themselues by their owne nature for the nutriment of the body being Sacraments they signifie that thing whiche doth feede our seules Furthermore we doe not assigne the cause of this mutation to the words or to the mynd and purpose of him that pronouÌ„ceth them but to the vertue and power of God whose will is reuealed in his word Therfore bycause the thing signified is offred vnto vs and so truly giuen vnto vs as the signe it selfe we muste also acknowledge by the same reason the coniunction of signes with the thing signifyed And by this meanes the body and bloude of Iesus Chryste in that they are truely giuen vnto vs are in the administration of the Supper and not with vnder or in the breade or in any other place than in heauen where as he is â—…an he is contained vntill he shall come to iudge both the quicke and dead The Cardinal also agréed to the same and affirmed that he did not allow Transubstantiation but thought rather that Chryste shoulde be sought in heauen Notwithstanding as one in dout he added other sayings of certayne Germanes to the end he might therby séeme not to haue greatly trauelled in this matter excusing himselfe to be let from the same by other businesse Then sayde Beza I graunte that we and certaine Germanes doe disagrée in this thyrde Article but in this notwithstanding we agree that we altogyther ioyntly with one consent denie your Transubstantiation Card. Lor. Doe ye confesse that we are truely and substancially partakers of the body and bloud of Chryst Beza This is the fourthe principall poynt whiche before I noted and resteth to be declared In suÌ„me therefore we do affirme that the visible signes whiche are naturally eaten and dronken are touched with the handes that the matter of the Sacrament that is to say the body bloud of Chryst Iesus is offered truely and without deceyte to all men that the same is receyued by faythe and not by naturall reason but yet that the same is so truely giuen vnto vs by faythe as if we were naturally ioyned with Chryst. Then the Cardinall affirmed that Beza hadde satisfyed him in this poynte and very friendly and louingly desired Bâ—…za that he might haue conference with him Notwithstanding it was reported that the Cardinall had confuted Bâ—…za by these firste small tryalles and assayes And so they fully persuaded themselues to haue the victorie But when they which were the chosen meÌ„ of the Churches to dispute lawe that new delayes were founde out day by day they vrged that their petitions whereof we spake before might be graunted vnto them and they desired also to vnderstande the Kings mynde in writing At the length they receyued this answere of the Queene that the Prelates shoulde not be their Iudges but that there shoulde be graunted vnto them certayne of the Kings Secretaries that the matter should be ruled wholy by the word of God and that the King with the Princes his kinsmen woulde be at the disputation And herewith she admonished them to behaue themselues modestly and to seeke onely the glorie of GOD whiche she thought she sayde they greatly desired But to graunt them any thing in writing she thought it not expedient séeing their wordes might serue well inough When the chosen men of the Churches hadde receyued this answere and were departed there came strayght way vnto the Queene certaine Papistes beseeching hir that she woulde not heare these men of the newe religion and if she were mynded to heare them that she would at the least beware and sée that the yong king came not to their disputations bycause it was daungerous least hée in his yong and tender yeares shoulde be taken and snared therewith For say they it is not meete that they shoulde be hearde which not long agoe were conuicted of heresie To whome the Quéene onely answered that she woulde doe nothing without due Counsell and aduise and that they shoulde well vnderstande that the matter shoulde not be handled after the wil and pleasure of those men of the new doctrine as they termed them The next daye after which was the ninth day of September was the time appoynted to begin the disputation Therefore the King and the Quéene his mother the Duke Aurelian the Kings brother Margareâ—… his Sister the King and Queene of Nauarre the Prince of Conde with the reste of the Princes the Kings kinsmeÌ„ and the Priuie Counsel and a greate number also of Noble men and Gentlemen were assembled together in a verye large hall which men commonlye call the Hâ—…ll of the holye Virgins of Posiac Hyther came also the Popes chiefe Prelates the Cardinals the Archebyshoppes and Bishoppes to the number of fiftie beside a great many substitutes and deputies in the places of those that were absent a great many diuines and men of learning counted standing about them In the highest place sat the King and harde beside him according to custome the Princes his kinsmen the Bishops sitting all a long on both sides the hall vpon gréeces one aboue another Then were brought in the chosen men for disputation of the reformed Churches which were twelue Ministers and twentie others which were sent also of the same Churches whom the Kings Gard at the commaundement of the king had brought from Sangerman thyther least there should be some tumult raised against them When euery man
to be The like words also he hath in his 112. Epistle Also in 37. cha of his second booke against Crescon In like maner S. Cyprian sayth VVe must not haue regarde what this or that man doth before vs but what Christe Iesus hath done who is before all Like vnto this is the rule whiche S. Augustine gaue to Hierome And in an other place also when hée disputeth againste those which woulde vse the Councell of Ariminum Neyther will I saith he alleage the Councell of Nice against you nor shall you alleage the Councell of Ariminum againste me By the authoritie of Scripture lette vs weye matter with matter cause with cause and reason with reason Chrysostome was of the same opynion as may appeare in his 49. Homely vpon Mathew For the Church is founded vpon the foundation of the Prophetes Apostles Therefore to conclude this matter we embrace the holy Scripture for the fâ—…l and perfect declaration of al things which appertayne to our saluation But as touching that which appertaineth to generall councels and to the bookes of the fathers we meane to vse them and we forbid not you to vse them so farre foorth as that which ye shall bring from them be not disagreeing with the worde of god But for Gods sake bring not in their bare authoritie vntill al thinges are examined by the Scriptures For we saye with S. Augustine in his seconde booke De doctrina Christiana the. 6. chapter If there bee any difficultie in the interpretation of Scriptures the holy Ghoste hath so tempered the Scriptures that what soeuer in one place is obscurely spoken in another place is more playnely and euidently reuealed And thus far concerning that Article the whiche I haue prosecuted the more largely to the endâ—… all men maye knowe that we are enimies neither to generall Councels nor yet to the auncienâ—… Fathers There remayne yet to speake of two articles namely concerning the Sacraments and Ecclesiasticall discipline The first truely deserueth a copious and long tractation by reason of the often and great controuersies euen at this day concerning the same but bycause it is not our purpose to dispute but onely to declare the speciaâ—…l pointes of our confession it seemeth enough to me to eâ—…plicate the summe of our faithe We agree as I thinke in the description of the name of the Sacrament namely that Sacramenteâ—… are visible signes by the meanes and helpe whereof the coniunction which we haue with our Lord Iesus Chryst is not only simply signified or figured but is also truely offered vnto God and is confirmed sealed and as it were grauen by the power of the holy Ghost in their mynds which with a true faith apprehend that which is so signified and offered vnto them I vse this word Signified not to weaken or abolishe the Sacramentes but to the ende I might distinguishe the signe from the thing signified Herevpon we confesse that it is alwayes necessarie in Sacramentes that there be a heauenly and supernaturall change for we say not that the water in Baptisme is simply water but a true Sacrament of our regeneration and of the washing of our soules by the bloude of Christe Neither do we say that the breade in the holy Supper of our Lorde Iesus Christe is simply breade but a Sacramente of the precious body of Christe Iesus whiche was giuen for vs and that the wine is not simply wine but a Sacrament of his precious bloud which he hath shed for vs Neuerthelesse we deny that there is any change made in substance of the signes but in the ende and vse for the which they are instituted We denie also that the same mutation is made by the efficacie of certaine wordes pronounced neyther by the intention of him that pronounceth them but by his wil only which hath ordeined this heaueÌ„ly and diuine action the institution also wherof ought euidently and playnly to be expounded in the vulgar tongue that all men might vnderstand and receiue the same Thus muche concerning externall signes Nowe to come to that which is shewed and exhibited by those signes We say not that which many do who not well vnderstaÌ„ding our myndes haue supposed that we haue taught namely that in the Lords supper ther is only a coÌ„memoration of the death of our Lord Iesus Christe Neither do we say that we are partakers of the frutes of his death passion onely in that thing but do ioyne the ground it self with the frutes whiche do come fro him to vs affirming with S. Paul â–ª The bread which we breake according to the Lords instiâ—…tion is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the participatioÌ„ of the bodie of Christ which was crucified for vs The cup which we drinke is the participation of his very bloud which was shed for vs yea â—…ueÌ„ in the verie same substance which he toke in the wombe of the virgin which he caried vp into heauen Behold I pray you can ye fynd any thing in this Sacrament which we séeke find not But me thinks I heare some body make answer For many wold haue vs to confesse the the bread the wine are changed not into the sacraments of the body bloud of our Sauior Iesus Christ but into the very bodie bloud of our lord Other some peradueÌ„ture wil not so vrge vs but wil haue vs coÌ„fesse that the body bloud is really corporally in with or vnder the bread wine But here my Lordes I pray you heare me paciently a little for a time suspend your iudgements If either of these opinions shall be proued vnto vs out of the worde of God to be true we are redy to imbrace it and wholly to reteine it But it séemeth vnto vs according to the measure of oure faith that this Transubstantiation cannot be reuoked or brought to the analogie substance of faith and to sounde doctrine bicause it is wholly repugnant to the nature of Sacramentes in which it is necessarie that there remaine substaÌ„tial signes that they may be true signes of the body blod of Iesu Christ. Furthermore it doth euert and confound the veritie of the humane nature in Christ of his ascentioÌ„ And as my opinioÌ„ is of TraÌ„substantiatioÌ„ eueÌ„ so is it also of ConsubstaÌ„tiatioÌ„ which hath no grouÌ„d in the words of Christe neither is it necessary to this that we be partakers of the Sacraments But if any man demaund of vs if we make Christ to be absent froÌ„ the supper we answer that we do not separate him from the supper But if we haue respect vnto the distaÌ„ce of places as we must of necessitie wheÌ„ we speake of his corporal presence of his humanitie distinctly considered wee affirme that his body is so far absent from the bread wine as the heauen is absent from the earth fâ—…r so much as we the sacraments are in earth but he is so glorified in heaueÌ„
Germanie concerning the Lords Supper the whiche he sayde was sent by them to him out of Germanie But herein he played the craftie Foxe to the ende that if they had openly denyed this thing he mighte haue set them and the Ministers of Germanie togither by the eares but if they had imbraced the same that then hee mighte tryumphe ouer them as if they had gotten the victory Beza to auoid this Dilemma and subtill traine answered That he and his fellowes came thyther to defende the confession of their owne Churches whiche they were onelye by them inioyned to doe So that he desired that the order of the disputation might be framed vpon the forme of their confession to the end that they might gather thereby bothe the greater fruit and also come into a more perfect concord For the order of nature doth require that firste of all those things which are more easie shoulde be handled and we must first of all dispute of doctrine bycause the Sacramentes doe depende of Doctrine Notwithstanding the Cardinall did with no lesse vehemencie still vrge the matter Therefore the chosen men of the Churches fearing least by this meanes occasion mighte be taken to breake off the conference and that the blame thereof shoulde be layde vpon them they desired to haue leaue to vewe and consider that writing whereto the Prelates wente aboute to make them to subscribe and so they woulde deliberate together what they were best to doe Then was broughte for the a fourme of the article concerning the Lords Supper written as the Cardinall said oute of the Augustane confession thus VVe doe Confesse that the very body and bloud of Christ Iesus is truely really and Sacramentally in the Supper of the Lorde and is so giuen and receiued of those that doe communicate There were also broughte forthe manye opinions of the Saxone Ministers concerning this matter written in the yeare of oure Lorde 1559. And thus was the assembly dismist vntill another day In the meane time newes was broughte that the writing exhibited by the Cardinall of Loraine was by the industrie of one Frances Balduine sente with letters whiche signifyed that he woulde come verie shortly and bring certaine ministers with him out of Germanie which shoulde dispute and contend with Beza and with the rest of the challengers of the reformed Churches Balduine therfore came to Poossiac in the time of the conference leauing notwithstandyng behynde him those ministers of Germanie making the more haste to the intent he mighte offer vp a certayne Latine booke intituled The office of a godly man among the controuersies of Religion perswading himselfe by this meanes that he shoulde please all men specially the Byshoppes And this Booke he highlye commended and bragged of as a certaine singular meane and waye to worke peace and vnitie the author of the which booke the miserable ambitious man partlye affyrming and partlye denying hymselfe to be by vayne dissimulation the name of Cassander beyng suppressed and quite taken awaye whiche had patched the same together would that all men should haue counted hym to bée the authour thereof perswading hymselfe hereby to wyn greate fame But his expectation for all this was deceyued for he was called of neyther part into the conference for that all men feared his inconstancie and lighte rashenesse whiche he had all his lyfe time shewed by manyfest proofe and shewe of his subtill and false minde But his hatred for this matter was wholly kindled against the Ministers of the reformed Churches whom he thought to be the cause that he was not called to the conference Afterwardes he inueyed againste Caluine and Beza who by theyr answere agayne declared by euident argumentes that he was giltie of a lye of falsehoode and of impietie That is to saye Balduine not long agoe â—…ayned to loue the Gospell and declared the same also by setting forthe of bookes and was conuersaunt in the refourmed Churches whereby among good men he had gotten a good reporte notwithstanding chaunging oftentymes his Religion one while he séemed to imbrace the doctrine of the Gospell going to those places in the whiche the same was publiquely preached another whyle he wente to the Papistes seeming to lyke of their seruice whereby at the last all men iustly Iudged hym to bée of a wycked and vnconstant mind Therefore after he hadde experience and proofe of diuers Religions shyfting oftentymes from one to another the subtill fellowe thought that he had at the last founde oute a certayne vndoubted fourme of Religion and reported abroade that he knewe a sure meane or waye to appease all controuersies for Religion And beyng broughte vnto the King of Nauarre by the practise of the Cardinall of Lorayne hée made hym to haue a wonderfull opinion of him And whilest the King of Nauarre was greatly disturbed with the fayre promyses of the Pope of the whiche wée wyll speake anon thys fellowe dayly called vpon him who also bringing forthe argumentes oute of certayne auncient notes and abbreuiations whiche he sayde hee hadde founde by chaunce he put the Kyng of Nauarre in suche hope to get the Kingdome of Nauarre that his loue and zeale towardes the Gospell waxing colde by little and lyttle at the laste he vtterlye renounced and forsoke the Gospell to the greate detrimente and hurte of the reformed Churches and of the whole Realme of Fraunce in furtheryng whereof before tyme he had notwithstandyng béene very diligent Balduine for brynging these things to passe receiued for his reward a great summe of money and had also committed vnto him the charge to bryng vp the kyng of Nauarres bastard for which he receiued a stipend But nowe againe they come to the Conference so that when they were all assembled togyther and leaue giuen to the Ministers to speake Beza pronounced this Oration before the Quéene We declared of late before your Maiestie noble Quéene according to our skil our opinion concerning the Article propounded vnto vs of the Church and of the markes and authoritie of the same in opening of the which things we haue so followed the word of God that we trust no man hath had iust occasion to complaine of vs But for so muche as those things which haue bene opened by vs ought either to be approued or else to be reprehended by the worde of God it was euen nowe demaunded of vs by what authoritie wée would preach the worde of God and minister the holy Sacramentes in the which demaunde to make our cause to be hated there was lefte nothing vndone We knowe not to what end these things haue bene propouÌ„ded For first of all we came not hyther eyther to preach the word or to minister the Sacraments So that it séemeth superfluous to demaund of vs by what authoritie we would doe this thing If answere be made vnto vs that this was therfore demauÌ„ded that we might giue account of those thinges whiche we haue done afore time it was to be coÌ„sidered that this
as the King had founde in the beginning of his raigne diuers and sundrie troubles hee vvente aboute by due aduise and Counsell of the Queene his mother of the Princes his neere kinsmen and of his Lordes and Nobles to prouide remedies for them setting forth to this ende and purpose diuers Edictes and among the rest one the last of Iuly In the vvhich all doctrines vvere plainely forbidden sauing the auncient and accustomed rytes and ceremonies of the Churche of Rome the force notvvithstanding and effecte of the vvhich Edicte vvas not onely let and stayed but thereof also folovved diuers perturbations and troubles through the obstinacie and headinesse of the people complayning and finding fault vvith the seueritie and rigor of the same Edict Therefore he hauing regarde to the peace and tranquillitie of his Subiectes by the Counsell aduise and consent of the Queene the King of Nauarre and by the consente of the Princes and Nobles of this Realme and by the aduise of other vvise and graue meÌ„ of the Parliament hath and doth appoint charge and commaunde That the men of the reformed Religion so called doe forthvvith restore vnto all Ecclesiasticall persons their Churches houses or fieldes and their reuenevves or Tenthes vvhich they haue occupied and that they doe suffer them peaceably and quietly to inioy them that neither directly nor indirectly openly nor priuily they hinder vexe or moleste them Yet notvvithstanding it shall not bee lavvfull for those persons of the reformed Religion eyther vvithin or vvithout the Cities to builde them Temples or other conuenient places for the gathering of assemblies together and for preaching of Sermons Also he vvilleth and commaundeth that no Crosses Crucifixes and Images be ouerthrovven oranye other offence in these things hereafter commited vpon payne of death vvithout any hope of pardon Furthermore it shall not bee lavvfull for them to haue anye Sermons or the administration of Sacramentes vvithin the Cities by any manner of meanes openly or secretely in the day time or in the nighte NotvvithstaÌ„ding for the peace and tranquillities sake of his subiectes vvhich he specially seeketh he hath vvilled and commaunded and by these presents doth vvill and commaunde that vntill the determination of a generall Councell no maner of punishment vnder the pretence of the former Edictes be executed vpon those vvhich shall preach or minister according to the reformed Religion or vvhich shall come to or frequent those Sermons or administrations of the said reformed Religion so that they be vvithout the cities Earnestly charging and forbidding all Magistrates others his Maiesties officers to doe any hurt or harme to the men of that Religion for these causes as for going to Sermons or suche other like exercises yea hee vvilleth and commaundeth the sayd Magistrates and all others that beare any manner of publique office to protecte and defende them and to saue them from all iniurie and harme if they neede armour in their defence to put on armour but in anye vvise notvvithstanding to take and punishe according to the Edicts most seuerely such as are seditious vvhat ReligioÌ„ so euer they say they follovve Also hevvilleth commaundeth all men of both sortes of Religion of vvhat state or condition soeuer they be of that they do not assemble themselues together in armour And that no man bâ—…stirred or prouoked for his Religion or bee miscalled vvith contumelious or factious names but that all men liue peaceably and quietly together Moreouer he vvilleth and commaundeth the Ministers of the reformed Religion so called that they receiue no man into their fellovvship or congregation before their lyfe and manners beevvell examined to the intente that if anye man be founde giltie of anye crime he may be deliuered into the hands of the Magistrate But if any of his officers vvill goe to their assemblyes to heare and consider of the doctrine vvhich is there preached his Maiestie vvill that they be honourably receiued vvith due consideration had of the dignities and offices they beare Also he vvilleth and straightly chargeth that they make no nevve ciuill Magistrates among them and that they haue no Synodes Courtes or Consistories excepte some one of the officers be present therat But if any thing should be needefull to be appointed by them concerning the vse of their Religion then he vvilleth them to bring their matter before his officers that by his authoritie all things maye be confyrmed Also he vvilleth that there be no choise of men or entering into league of either part for the putting avvay of mutuall iniuries That there be no contributions of money but if contribution be made for almes sake let the cause firste be shevved to the Magistrate and then let it be done Furthermore he vvilleth and commaundeth that those men of the reformed Religion doe obserue the politique lavves and specially those things vvhich concerne festiuall dayes that no trouble for this cause doe arise in like manner that they obserue in the bondes of Matrimonie those things vvhich concerne consanguinitie Also that the Ministers of that Religion come vnto the Magistrates to svveare before them to obserue and keepe this Edict and also to preache and teache the people onelye the vvorde of God vvith all purenesse and sinceritie doing nothing against the Nicene Councell and against the bookes of the olde and nevve Testament Moreouer he vvilleth that they vse no reproches nor seeke to constraine any man by force to heare or to beleue their doctrine this he giueth in charge to the Ministers Also he vvilleth and commaundeth that no man of vvhat Religion or condition soeuer he bee of doe bolster hide or conceale anye that is a seditious person vpon payne of forfayting for suche as beryche to the poore a thousande Crovvnes and vpon the paine for suche as be poore and not able to paye of vvhipping and then banishment Finally he vvilleth chargeth and straightly commaundeth that no man make sell or cause to be solde anye Bookes or vvritings that tend to the defaming or sclander of any person vpon paine of Cudgeling for the firste time and for the seconde time death And that Magistrates doe their duetie vvithin their precincte othervvise to be remoued from their offices Also if any seditions happen that then they enquire out the authours of the same and punishe them being found most seuerely the matter being manifestly proued to pronounce against them the sentence of death vpon paine of the Kings displeasure This Edict he commaunded to be proclaimed and obediently obserued and kept throughout his whole Realme without exception or exempting of anye person whatsoeuer Yet notwithstanding the Senate of Paris after the first seconde and third commaundement of the king scarcely published the same where as in all other Courtes and parts of the Realme it had béen very solemnly proclaimed according to the kings commaundement in that behalfe But the obstinate contempt of the Senators which were set on
aucthoritie and estimation among the Parisians thrée counsels of the Citie sumptuously apparelled and a great concoursâ—… of the Citizens crying God preserue the Duke of Guise The which acclamation is proper only to Kinges Now when they were come there were many doubtfull and vncertaine reportes in the Citie and the conspiracy betweene the Guise the Constable and the Martiall of S. Andrew euidently appeared to all men Who ioyning with them certayne of the Senators of Paris sate in counsell euery daye The Prince of Conde also came to Paris accompanied with certaine noble men and exhorted the faithfull not to forsake him in so great perill and daunger The Guises were very sory for this comming of the Prince of Conde which they iudged would be very hurtfull for them For although the common sort of people of the Citie of Paris were foolish hawtie stout at the first by the coÌ„ming of the Guises yet notwithstanding their courage and pride was brideled and abated euen with the name of the Prince of Conde insomuch that they stayed from open outrage Therfore the Citie by the comming of the Prince of Conde was quieted and as it were newly altered But this thing did very much hinder the purpose of the Guises which greatly desired to obtayne Paris being the chiefe Citie of the kyngdome and a very fit place to bring their matters to passe Therfore first of all they saw that they must bring to passe that the Prince of Conde might depart from the citie Wheruppon they practised by the King of Nauar that Marshall Memorencie the Lefetenant of the citie might be called backe againe and that the Cardinall of Borbon which woulde be at their commaundement might be sent in his stede the necessitie of the tyme saye they greatly requiring this thing The Constable brought to passe that his sonne Momorencie should not greatly refuse this thing who if hée had coÌ„stantly withstoode them and denied their request they had very hardly brought their purpose to effect hée being a man of excellent wisdome and experience but yet withall a tyme seruer By this tyme the King of Nauar was come to the King and the Quéene which lay at Moncaulx thither came also out of hand the chief master of the MarchaÌ„ts an Authour of Seditions hyred and sent by the Guises This fellow declared to the King and Quéene that the Prince of Conde wrought sedition at Paris the whiche would shortly tourne to great mischief except he departed from thence the which if it should come to passe hée to whom authoritie was giuen to prouide remedies for the same should beare all the blame So that with hys often complaynts to the Quéene he brought about that according to his request the king of Nauar should goe out of hand to Paris Then the Guises ioyning with theÌ„ certayne of the Senate of Paris that were fittest for their purpose and séeking to haue the greater authority through the presence of the king of Nauar which was chiefe Uicegerent they determined to haue a common counsell to the which they neuer called the Prince of Conde And this they called The Kings Counsel The king of Nauar by the decrée of this counsel wrote out of haÌ„â—… to the Quéene that it was necessary that the Prince of CoÌ„de should departe from Paris and get him home to hys house except she would haue present perill of sedition by reason of his presence to burst foorth into open and manifest perturbation and garboyle Notwithstanding it was to be doubted what would come to passe For a man might beholde thoroughout the citie the diuersitie of mennes myndes by diuers shewes Somewhile they trembled somewhile they triumphed both partes in one hower chauÌ„ged Diâ—…ers rumours were disperst abroade In so much that there appeared euident and most certayne tokens of imminent sedition Great was the power of the Guises through the authoritie of the king of Nauar The Senat had the handling of the cause The greatest part of the people consented the common multitude being easely led On the other parte the authoritie of the Prince of Conde was not small his name hauing suche a maiestie that the people trembled at the same great also was the number of the faythfull and no lesse was their power In so much that there was no great inequalitie betwéene both partes yet 〈◊〉 the twayne the Popes number was the greater yea by many Also the Prince of Conde perceyued well enough all the practises of the Guises and how they went about to bring the king and Quéene to Paris But hée was not as yet fully determined what to doe for he feared least hée forsaking Paris the Guises should possesse the same and if hée should abyde at Paris that then by the Counsels of the Guises the King and the Quéene should bée wonne from him Notwithstanding he wayed and considered with himselfe the graâ—…itie and wisedome of the Quéene of whom he was fully persuaded that shée would withstande the practises of the Guises And hée could not be altogyther certiâ—…ied That his brother the king of Nauar would be so blynd as to preferre straungers before his owne bloud Being therefore doutefull what way to take hée was the more colde in his busâ—…nesse In the meane tyme the Queene being stirred and prouoked with the dayly complayntes of the Marchant maister wrote vnto the Prince of Conde wisshing him to forsake Paris and to come to the King And the Prince of Conde was dayly disturbed and persuaded hereunto by the Cardinall of Bâ—…urbon his brother who was sent as we sayd before to kepe the Citie Therefore he went from Paris to his house called Fertea in his owne Dominion purposing to goe from thence to the Kinge as the Queene had giuen commaundement Things being thus appointed and the Guises being free from their gâ—…t feare by the departure of the Prince of Conde they appointed a very great and strong garrison of soldiours ordayned before by the Marchant maister to keepe Paris Thus when they had gotten the citie according to their own desire they seekâ—… to atchieue and bring about another principall poynt of their counsels and deuises Therefore they made hast with an armie of men to the king who at that tyme was at Fontainbleau The Queene being amased and afrayd at his sodein preparation looked for the Prince of Conde who euen now also had taken his iourney to come Of the which when the Duke of Guise had intelligence fearing least the Prince of Conde would enter into Paris hée gaue charge and commaundement to the Marchantmaister to looke diligently thereunto Uppon this commaundement the Marchantmaister warned the Captaynes to haue their Souldiours armed and in a readinesse appointed watch and ward to be in euery place of the citie and planted péeces of Ordinance in suche places as he thought néedefull Therefore when the Prince of Conde came néere the citie notwithstanding mynding not to enter therein the whole citie roonge and sounded with the
at the last the streates and the riuer were filled with dead carcasses There was nothing so cruell which the furious multitude did not attempt To this tumultuous and sedicious citie did the Guises bring the king first of all to the Castell which appertayned to the King then the King entered the citie without any maner of kinglike pompe to the Castell called Lower All thinges falling thus out according to the desire of the Guises they now seriously studie and beate their braynes concerning the order of their warres and they communicated their busines with the Kinges counsell which they had almost renued chusing such as they knew were for their purpose and putting out others cōmaunding also Michael Hospitall the kings Chaūcelour to get him home to his house requiring them to prouide for the mayntenaunce of the warres euen as if they should haue delt with the forreyne enemy They sent also Ambassadours into Spaine into Italy and into Zwitserland to haue helpe and ayd from thence Euery where but specially at Paris there was pressing out of souldiours the Marchants and the shaueling Priestes setting forth many souldiours armour goonnes and all maner of furniture being prouided for the warres On the other part the Prince of Conde séemed to be very carefull and disquieted with these commotions musing what successe his enemies should haue and of the euent of the imminent warre being very lothe as it shuld séeme to warre wyth them Wherupon he cau sed the Edictes concerning the maintenance of peace to be proclaimed least any mā for religions sake or for any other cause should make a tumult and declared to the magistrates of the towne and to his Centurious that he desired nothing more than to haue all men liue according to the prescript of the Kings Edicts He wrote also daily letters to the King to the Quéene and to the King of Nauar hys brother beséeching them to take héede and sée that all things were done peaceably and by cōmon consent if it might be admonishing also such as had the gouernment of the Common wealth to be ware least by the ambition of the Guises and of his adherents the King and the Realme were broughte into great pearill and danger for the auoiding whereof so many meanes of late were vsed protesting héerewyth that he desired rather to sée the very extréeme end than warre and that he wished specially that the king in that hys tēder age and hys realme also might be accordingly prouided for Notwithstanding the willes and purposes of hys aduersaries so manifestly appeared that he was admo nished by diuers prudēt and wise men which attended vpon him that it was his part to séeke all that he could to let and hinder them least they did turne to the ruine and subuertion of the whole realme and of the reformed church For there came vnto the Prince of Conde of all estates some from all partes of the Realme and very many also of the Noble men as the Admirall the Andelot his brother and the Cardinall Odette the Earle of Rochefoulcaut the Prince Porcian Piennes Crusol Soubiz Mouy Sanli Estern and manye others which came to the Prince in great number to Orleans These men perceiued wel inough the horrible and wicked enterprises of the Guises and their adherents the manifest violating of the Kings Edicte the iniury offred to the yong King and to the Quéene his mother and the conspiracies of straungers againste the Kings kinsmen and therfore they thought it their duty to prouide for these mischéenes Whervpon after deliberation had with the Prince of Conde they earnestly persuaded with him to take vpon him the patrociny and defēce of the realme for that the right of gouerning the realme during the time of the Kings minoritie pertained vnto him the King of Nauar hys brother neglecting his duty in that behalfe They prayed and most earnestly beséeched him being of the Kings bloud that he wold not forsake the captiued King in such time of perill that he would not suffer the Kings Edictes to be violated and contemned of strangers of whose violence he him selfe not long agoe had experience and principally that he would not permit that true Religion wherof he hym selfe was so zealous a professor to be suppressed so furiously by warre This thing they being the kings faithful subiects most humblely beséeched him that he wold vauchsafe gladly to take in hād they promising to shew them selues ready at all times to shewe all manner of lawfull obedience and to spend their goodes and their liues to in so iust a cause The Prince of Conde being moued in conscience with this plaine declaration of his duety and hauing so oftentimes called vpon the mother Quéene by his letters he at the last toke vpon him the defence of thys cause and the charge so earnestly offered vnto hym Wherevpon the Prince of Conde and the Noble men made a league betwéene them selues for the defence of that cause and then caused the same to be put downe in wryting the eleuenth day of April in maner and forme folowing WE Lodowic Borbon Prince of Conde and the greatest Parte of the Nobilitie of Fraunce whose names are subscribed to this League esteeming nothing more precious next to the honor and glory of God than the obedience of our King and the conseruation of the Crowne aed Dignity during the time of this his Minority established by the Authority of the Quene and by the high Court of Parliament and seeing the presumption and boldnesse of certaine of the Kings subiectes to be such that not only they dare beare armoure contrary to the Kings Edictes to destroy his subiectes because by the benefite of the Edictes they come together to heare the word of God and to call vpon his holy name but also haue taken into their custody the King the Queene and her sonnes againste all Lawe bothe of God and the Realme seking hereby so farre as we can perceiue vnder the pretence of the Kings authoritye to deface true religion and to destroy the greatest part of the Kings Subiectes which in dede were the way to get the Kingdome into their owne handes VVe therefore I say for these causes to restore so much as we may first of all the Kings maiesty to his dignity the Quene to her authority and may also maintaine and kepe the Kings faithfull subiects in the liberty of that Religion and conscience which is licensed and geuen to them by the Kings Edicte made by the iudgements and consents of the Princes the Kings kinsmen and of the Kings counsel and also of the whole assembly of Parliament which ought to abide firme and immutable in this tender age of the King are constrained according to our duety and office as the Kings loyall faithfull subiects to take the sweard in hand the which is the only remedy geuen of God at this time to remedy and resist so muche as we may these outrages and vnlawfull actions For the
Conde séeing that this motion for diuers circumstances is subiecte to diuers mennes Iudgements and because the knowledge hereof appertaineth to all men would to put away all occasions of slaunders shewe to all men manifest reasons whych haue constrained him to ioyne with a great number of his fréends and retainers to serue the King Quéene and to procure the peace and tranquillity of the whole Realme All men know that after the diuers perturbations and troubles for Religions sake when as greater also wer lyke to ensue to stay appease them at the last in the moneth of Ianuary laste past there was made an Edicte by the Kings commaundement to quiet and pacifie bothe partes wyth the aduice and consent also of the most Noble of the high Court of Parliament The Proclamation of thys Edicte whych at the first was much hindered caused suspicions to arise that these things were done not wythout a confederacie which teâ—…ded to a farther matter The which suspitions wer increased the more by the méetings of the constable and the Magistrates of Paris by the coÌ„moning of the senators also by the often assemblies of the chéefe Marchantes notwithstanding all the whych the Prince of Conde or any of the reformed Churches neuer did or spake any thing which might interrupt or breake the publike peace any manner of meanes Yea euen in the midst of those vexations and troubles they loked quietly and modestly for the Proclamation of the same Edicte in the Senate of Paris Thys proclamation being at the lengthe made at Paris and being extorted by the Supplications of the King and Quéene rather than by commaundements the Prince of Conde after his gréeuous sicknes when he had saluted the King and Quéene gotte hym home to hys house to recreate him selfe Amidst these troubles there came newes concerning the cruell and horrible slaughter at Vassi done in the presence of the Duke of Guise and by hym many of the Kings Subiects both men and women being slain which according to their manner by the benefite of the Kings Edict came together to heare the worde of God. This horrible Acte being reported at Paris greatly moued the mindes of all men of bothe partes insomuch that much mischéefe was like to followe And among other Rumors it was reported that the Duke of Guise was comming with a great armye of men to the intent he might vtterly destroy the churches of the reformed Religion Whervpon the meÌ„ of those Churches came out of diuers places to the Court and required of the King and Quéene punishment of so greate and notable wickednesse committed Thys was the cause why the Prince of Conde going homeward stayed at Paris went from thence to Monceaulx at the commaundement of the King Quéene to whom he said he feared the commotions troubles like to ensue to stay the which he sayd he thought this the only remedy namely that the Duke of Guise which was said to be coÌ„ming to Paris with a great army of men might not be suffered to enter therein the which aduise séemed to please the Quéene and the king of Naâ—…rre very well And according to this aduise the Quéene wrote her letters to the Duke of Guise intreating him that he would come to the king and to her to Monceaulx The which thing being twise required by the Quéene was also twise denied of the Guise the first tyme hée made excuse that hée was busied in entertayning his friendes which were come to sée him and the second time by silence making no aunswer at all â–ª But hée came to Paris with a great nomber of armed men hauing also with him the Constable the Martiall of S. Andrew and diuers others of his counsell And hée was receyued into the citie by the citizens with great pompe the Marchantmaister being their Captayne and the people crying as hée entered into S. Anthonies gate euen as if hée had bene king God preserue the Duke of Guise he séeming in no point to dislike of the same The Prince of Conde returning from Monceaulx that hée might goe to his house according to his former purpose and being certefied of the coÌ„ming of the Duke of Guise and of his company to Paris hée altered his purpose and determined to abyde at Paris according to his dutie to defende the kings subiectes being persuaded that his presence would staye the mindes of the citizens of Paris which began to waxe somewhat haughty by the comming of the Guises And truely all men knowe that so long as the Prince remained at Paris there burst forth no great Sedition Notwithstanding there were many great reasons why the Prince and many of the Nobles which were with him should be disdayned For the Guises so soone as they were come to Paris calling vnto them such out of the Senat as they thoght méet had a counsel which they called the Kings counsell as though a councell consisting of the chief officers of the king were very lawfull The which truly séemed very straunge to the Prince of Conde and to those noble men that were with him Is it lawfull to haue any other kings counsell than that which is néere to the king and Quéene and the Prince of Conde the kings néere kinsman to whome a care of the king and Quéene appertayned and being also in the same town in the which the counsell was held not to know thereof This euidently declared a manifest conspiracy which would bring no small hurt to the king and Quéene For if in that counsell of the Guises those things were handled which appertayned to the preseruation of the kings authoritie and the common wealth what cause was there why thei should shoon the presence of the king and Quéene and of the kings coâ—…sell Moreouer it is well enough knowne what displea sure the Guise tooke with the Quéene when he departed from the court complayning misliking that he was thoght to be made acquainted with Nemours his dealing who was accused to go about to carry away the king The Constable also of late very contemptuously vsed the Quéene in woordes méeting with the kings retinew and being told that the king was present hée passed by so vnreuerently as if hée had met with some strauÌ„gers his proud and lofty wordes whiche he also oftentimes vttered at Paris did plainly declare that ther were some new things a working Also the Martial of S. Andrew â–ª did not only refuse to goe to attend vpon his charge coÌ„mitted vnto him by the kings commaundment but also before all the kings counsel he so contented with the Quéene in brawling woordes that it might euidently appeare that hée leaned to some other greater trust In consideration therfore of these men which seperating themselues from the Kings counsell called a couÌ„sell of their owne authoritie and put men in armour the Prince of Conde could not but looke for some lamen table ende Beside all this when the Quéene had openly declared that hir will was that
moleâ—…eth or troubleth them in their Religion or that doth hinder their Clergie by any maner of meanes And if there were any of vs that would so do or that would behaue our selues otherwise than we ought there are lawes and punishments to punish vs But truely vnder the coullor and pretence of Religion they séeke another thing We denie not but that they hate the truth of the Gospell as they haue of late declared by fyer and sword but this is the speciall thing they séeke for to trap and snare those that before tyme miraculously haue escaped their handes to be reuenged of others whome they haue alwayes hated and to enrich themselues by the spole of others The whicâ—… to bring to passe they care for no Religion And such as go about to resist their practises by which they séeke both the pâ—…rill of our kyng and the destruction of his subiecteâ—… by Ciuill warre they call open enemies to the kyng THese and many other things which time will reueale being wayâ—…d and considered the Prince of Conde testified before the kyng and Quéen these things also following and wished all kyngs Princes Nobles and all others of the Realme of Fraunce and all Christi an Nations â–ª truely to vnderstand these thinges First of all therfore he testifieth that he is not moued by desire of his owne profite but only with loue of the glory of God and of the profite of the whole common wealth to séeke the which he thought him selfe specially bound vnder the Quéenes auethoritie So that for conscience sake to do his dutie and for the loue hée beareth to his Countrey he sayth he is constrayned compelled to séeke all lawfull meanes to set the Quéen and the kinges Sonnes at libertie and to mayntaine and defend the kyngs Edictes and the Edict of Ianuary which was made for the ordering of Religion And he prayeth and beseecheth all the kynges true lawfull subiects waying and considering the matter as is before sayd that they would ayd and assist him in so good and godly a cause And because the king in the beginning of his raigne found him selfe oppressed with a great burthen of debt and hauing but little any maner of waye to discharge the same many of his faithfull subiects gaue vnto him a great summe of money both to discharge the same also to recouer his patrimony but there is no doubt but that they which are the auethors of this Ciuill warre will now laye holde and catch vnto them that sum of money which was giuen to the kyng for those causes and will spend and bestowe the same to oâ—…her vses Whereby both the people shall receiue great hurt and losse and also the hope which the Quéene and the kyng of Nauar had for the paiment and discharge of all the kynges debtes that the people might be brought into the same state in the which they were in the time of kyng Lodowiâ—… the xij that hope I saye by the wasting and consuming of that money should be 〈◊〉 and quight taken awaye For these causes the Prince of Conde affirmeth that they which shall get vn to them that money shal be bound to restore the same againe and at the length shall giue an accompt for the bestowing therof But he testifieth that he and all those that fight vnder his banner shall mayntayne furnish themselues with their owne proper costes and charges And God sayth he will heare from heauen the â—…rie of his poore oppressed people against those which begin warres and refuse all reasonable order which séeke trouble and constrayne vs to defend our selues wyth force of Armes And because all men do vnderstand and knowe that the kyng and Quéene being beset on euery side wyth souldiours and captiued and ruled and that the greater part of the Counsell are so quayled wyth feare that they dare not resist the auâ—…thors of this warre The Prince of Conde would haue all men certefied that hée myndeth and will shew towards the kyng and Quéene all obedience in the which he will giue place to none and that he will not suffer him selfe to be so deceiued mocked vnder the pretence of rescriptes of commaundements and of Letters vnder the kinges name and seale but will warre against them vntill the Kyng and Quéene do recouer their former libertie and authoritie and may declare their willes by their owne méere gouernement Concerninge the kyng of Nauar his brother the Prince of Conde beside the naturall bond of brotherly loue the particuler cause of obedience which he ought and will giue vnto him he testifieth that he doth consider of him according to his worthines and will giue vnto him next vnto the King and Quéene al obâ—…dience And hâ—… trusteth that he wil giue an accompt of his dealing whensoeuer it shal be required at his handes To be short the Prince of Conde and a great multitude of Earles Lordes and Nobles and other estates to declare that they speake simply and in good earnest and that they séeke for nothing more than the glory of God and the excellency and dignitie of their kyng Do earnestly pray and beséech the Queene Mother with all reuerence that setting the feare of men aside whych gard her after a straunge fashion with force of Armes as if she were a captiue that she would according to hir iudgement and mind fréely declare whether part were to be blanted and that she would goe vnto that Citie whererevnto she had most mind that from thence shée might coÌ„maund both parts by the meanest seruant she hath to put of their Armour so they would shew that dew obedience which shoulde become loyall subiectes to shew vnto their soueraigne Lord and would also mo destly answere to their doings according to the lawe The Prince promiseth that he will obey her lawâ—…ull commaundements vppon the condition that others would shew themselues ready to do their duties But if they refuse he testifieth that he with fiftie thousand men more which are of the same mynd will spend their liues And if it please not the Quéene to go to another place to do these thinges then let her first of all seeke that they by whom she is garded and captiued may goe to another place puâ—…tting of their Armour namely the Duke of Guise and his bretherne the Constable and the Marshiall of S. Andrew And although he being a Prince and the kynges néere kinsmen were their superior yet notwithstanding to the inteÌ„t it might apéere that he is in no poynt the cause of trouble and vnquietnâ—…s he promiseth that he and his whole armie will depart euery man home to his owne house vppon those conditions before spoken of Also hee sayth that hee hath a speciall care for this that the Kynges Counsellers may haue their accustomed libertie and that the kyngs lawes and the Edict of January may be obserued and kept vntill the kyng comming vnto his Maioritie may iudge of the matter him selfe and may punish
the Edicts which haue ben made in these our kings dayes pertaine to no other end than to kéepe the kings subiectes in their obedience and to auoyde seditions vntill such time as the kyng were come to his full age for all those Edictes are temporall and serue but for a tyme to the intent they may be chaunged â–ª if so be necessitie and experience of things shall so declare it to be best The Edict of Iuly was not so soone made as abrogated at the making wherof you your selfe were present and yet notwithstanding the same ought not therfore to be defended by violence â–ª After this there was made another Edict in the moneth of Ianuary And least it should rather bring trouble than tranquillitie at the first we doubted to confirme the same but when we had good hope of peace and tranquillitie we confirmed the same otherwise we would not haue doon it And vppon the same hope of peace thrée dayes agoe we confirmed and published another Edict like to the Edict of Ianuary in euery poynt sauing that Paris the Metropolitane Citie is excepted The which exception was not made without great cause For when the sedition which was there of late dayes wared more gréeuous than in other places it could not be otherwise appeased The end of those Edicts was not to bring in news Religions but as it is sayd already to kéepe the people in peace and tranquillitie If the offence be as great in the first as in the second the Kyng hath power of himself to continew or to alter lawes and not the subiects by priuate aucthoritie by force of Armes The whiib thinge truly wee cannot couller or hide séeing wée read in your declaration how that you say that you and fiftie thousaÌ„d more which are of the same mind wil speÌ„d your liues in this cause We wish that you may receiue this our admonition to your profite to consider that it is a great deale more méet for you being the kings néer kinsman to defend his dignitie than to ioyne your selfe to others which are not in the same conditioÌ„ If by your following of other counselles the dignity of the king be deminished the greater blame reproch shal be youres You know that we haue maintained your InnoceÌ„cie and do perswade wyth you to vse wholesom Counsell least you hurt your selfe We cannot offer vnto you a better testimonye of our good wil ready to serue you which we wil constantly retaine so long as you shew all due obedience to the King and Quéene Concerning other matters which are written in the same your declaration because they doe not appertaine vnto vs you shall vnderstande the Kings will to whome they do appertaine This one thing we adde That the examination of the slaughter committed at Uassi is appoynted to vs to be examined the which shall be handeled of our parte according to oure office and manner wyth iustice and equitie WE haue spoken before concernyng the letters which the Quéene sent to the Prince of Conde In the which shée perswaded him to come vnto the King vnweapened and wythout Armor that the matter might be ended quietly among them and that he might by his presence put away those slanders which were reported of him For there went diuers euell reportes abrode of hym and the more by reason of the Declaration which he caused to be published the Kings Letters being set forth against the same insomuch that the causes of all the troubles were openly layd vpon him Wherevpon the Prince of Conde published another wryting the. ix of May in the which he declared that the Guises whych were called the Triumuiri and not he were the causes of al the troubles declaring reasons by which it might appeare that he had soughte peace did and would still séeke the same And although sayth he I haue alwayes hitherto declared by vndoubted Arguments not only a singuler loue and an obedient mind towards the King and Quéene but also a notable desire and care for the profite and concorde of the Realme the which also of late I declared when as I deferred the putting my self in Armor euen vntil the very pinche and extréeme necessitye at what time I was constrained to doe it that I might resist their violence which threatned to kill and slay and made great bragges and which of late when they had gotten an Army of men contrary to the King and Quéenes commaundement armed them selues entred into Paris where I was at that time being not ignorant what they ment to do yet notwithstanding I made no sturre or do least I should put the City in pearill Yea I hauing no consideration of my estate and condition although I was not the first that put my self in Armor yet notwithstanding at the first commaundement of the Quéene least I might séeme to omit any thing lawful that might bring peace I with mine weÌ„t from Paris minding to get me home to my own house and to dismisse al my train thinking that my aduersaries would haue done the same who notwithstanding coÌ„trarywise kéeping Paris still and doing many things there against their office and also hauing vsurped the Kings authoritye kept the King and Quéene captiues not only in body but also in minde I on the contrarye part ceassed not from that time forward to propounde al reasonable conditions that might be to the end all things might be ended peaceably as testify my wrytings and those men them selues whome I vsed as meanes to bring matters to quiet ende although I say all these things were done thus by me that it might plainly appeare that I desired nothing more than the Kings dignity and the peace and tranquilâ—…ity of the Realme yet notwithstanding fearing least my answers to the Rescripts from the Quéene after I had offered the conditions of peace be not so truely and wholely brought to her handes as they passed from me I thoughte good to haue the whole matter put in wryting both to the ende they may be considered of the King and Quéene and also that they being published throughout all Christian Realmes may be known to all Princes to our Frends in Fraunce and specially to all Courts and ParliameÌ„ts of this Realme of the which but specially of the Court of Paris to the which before this time I haue sent my Declaration I require and craue that these explications of my reasons may be put in the publique Regester to the ende I may geue accounte of all my actions to my Prince and soueraigne Lord the King at what time be shal come to that age that he may Iudge of the merites of his subiects and of their euell desertes also which haue don any thing during the time of the kings Minoritie First of all this I thinke for a suertie that it neyther can nor ought to be sayd that I haue ben the cause either of stirring vp or of maintaining these commotions and troubles when as my ennemies them selues wil
my part truly do thinke that I could not haue better occasion offered to expresse my loue and duty towards the kinge and to get vnto my selfe true honour and prayse than by this meanes and fully I am perswa ded that my King and Prince will consider my dutifull seruice which I now shew vnto him when he commeth to that age that he is able to iudge hereof and to weigh the sayth and truth of my good wil shewed in such time of néede For these causes duly considered and weyed I which haue sought al meanes and wayes to paceâ—…y these troubles which are like to bring destruction to the realme which haue offered and do offer still al reasonable coÌ„ditions to be takeÌ„ for the laying aside of armour on both parts only vpon consideratioÌ„ of the king and Quéene of the coÌ„mon welth do protest again before the king quéene before al the states of the realme that the whole fault and blame of all those calamities and mischéeues which are like to ensue by the meanes of these warres is to be attributed to those alone whom I haue declared to be the causes of these perturbations troubles who refuse in the presente peryll of the destruction of the Realme to departe from the Courte and the kinges Counsell which their armor layd apart would bring peace and concord I do earnestly pray and beséech all the kings Courts and Parliaments and all estates and degrées to weigh and consider all thinges in due time and to be diligent in doing of their duties for the preseruation of the kinges dignity and the authority gouernement of the Quéene that one day they may geue an accouÌ„t of their doings as I trust to do of mine to the king when he cometh to his lawful age that they may rather haue praise reward for their doings than reproch ignominy And not to forslow themselues either for to satisfy their own desires or for fear or fauor of those which seeke to colour their faultes And to conclude I hartely pray and beséeth all the Kynges faythfull subiectes to helpe ayde and assiste me in this so good and iust a cause callinge God to witnesse that I onely for the aduancement of Gods glory for the setting of the Kynge and Quéene at theyr former liberty whom I sée beséeged and inclosed about with theyr subiectes for the mainteyninge of the Quéene in her authoritie for the defendinge of the common wealth and for the putting away of those iniuries offered to the Kinges subiectes for these causes I say I haue bene prouoked to put my selfe in armour and to resist theyr violence The which euen at this day I iudge and sée to bée so profitable to bridle the outragious madnesse that I trust hereafter God will blesse my labours and will bringe the woorke which he hath put into my handes to so good effecte and to so prosperous an ende that his name shal be glorified our Kynges dignitie and Royal seate defended and peace and tranquilitie main tayned This was the whole summe of this Protestation which the Prynce of Conde sente to the Kinge and Quéene by certayne Messengers to whom he gaue commaundement to declare howe earnestly he deuÌ„red peace for the which he woulde refuse no indifferente conditions He wrote also to dyuers Princes that were his fréendes in the kingedome of Fraunce and specially to the Princes of Germany whom he prayed to be meanes to make peace amonge them He wrote also letters to the Emperour the fower and twenty day of May to this effect In consideration of the singuler clemency humanity and wonderfull wisedome which for diuers causes I haue thought to be in you I thought it my dutye although to my great gréefe to make you acquaynted with the state of Fraunce Know you therfore that the matter is come to this that the Guises conspiring with the Constable and the Martiall of S. Andrew haue gotten the king into their hands insomuch that they haue taken away from him and froÌ„ the Quéene their liberty and setting at naught the kinges Edictes they do euen what they list themselues And they haue already so begoon their Practises and Counsailes that if they may bring them to effect ther is no doubt but that the kings dignitie and the liberty of the kingdome of Fraunce wil quight be ouer throwne But to the ende you may vnderstand the whole matter I sende here vnto you the trew and plain explication of al things whych both the Guises and I my selfe haue done in this businesse By which it may euidently appeare that the Guises are the conspiratours and the breakers of the kings lawes and dignitie But I to stay these troubles for the defence of my kinge to whom I am bound both by duty and also by the bonde of nature also for the Realme my natiue contrey will spend all that I am able and my life it selfe And I alone will not do this but a great manye more of the same mind Wherfore I huÌ„bly beséech you to waigh and consider the reasons of all my doings the which if they seme iuste and good be an ayde I pray you in these perillous times to the king and Quene and to al the family of Valesia and set to your helping hand for peace and concorde In so doing your maiestie shall do a most godly acte He sent letters also to the Countie Palatine called Frederike all most to the same effect with both his writings also in the which he declared the maner of his doinges and because he had alwaies wished al his actions to be knowen to all men and to be iudged of those that will vprightly consider of the same he sayde he greatly desired that the truth of all thinges might be faithfully and truly knowen to all men to the end all those slaunders might be takeÌ„ away which his aduersaries the authours of al the trouble to his infamy euery where colourably spred abrode Although therefore the truth nedeth no defence and although he had both the testimony of a good conscience and also a sure testimony of many men for all his doinges to maintaine his cause yit notwithstanding he said he thought good to signifi vnto him with how great care labour he had sought as it became a faithful subiecte to do to make peace and quietnesse Where by hée trusted that he should sée both his faithfulnes towardes the king in the which he would alwaies abide and also should marualle at the peruerse obstinacy of his enemies which intend rather to coÌ„fouÌ„d peruert al things than to forsake their ambitiouse desire to rule Therefore hée sayd that hee wold write vnto him those things which he had great cause to lament beséeching him that for the loue and friendship which he bare to the King the realm he would helpe to further his purpose which only tended to the working of peace and tranquillitie To the same effect also he wrote two
letters to the Duke of Sabaudia About the same time there was a Synode of the reformed churches of Fraunce at Orleans to the which there came diuers Ministers of Gods word and certaine chosen men also of other churches There was chosen accor ding to custome by the coÌ„mon consent of the whole assemblie to moderate this Synode Antonius Champdâ—…us minister of Gods word in the congregatioÌ„ of Paris a maÌ„ of singular godlynes learning eloquence and modesty This man was borne of a noble house and being but a very yong man be embraced and professed the doctrine of the Gospell in so much that hée was chosen by the church to the ministery of Gods word the same church being but tender and yong and beside that much anoyed with affliction as he was chosen to this office so was he no lesse diligent in the same whereby hée became a most profitable meÌ„ber to the chuche but specially to the coÌ„gregatioÌ„ of Paris of the which he was SuperinteÌ„dent In this Synode there arose a great controuersie concerning ecclesiastiall discipline which certaine light heads at that time began to discusse seeking to maintayne the licentiousnesse of the common people This controuecsy being at this time stayed burst forth afterwarde more vehemently and troubled many churches And because the ciuill warres increased more more the Ministers by a common decrée proclaymed publique prayers to be made in euery congregatioÌ„ to turn away the wrath of God from the Realme who was not without great cause displeased with the same And they sent to euerye congregacion letters to this effect Al meÌ„ euidently sée what great troubles are at hand like to fall vpon the Realme and the whole churche for the which specially this mischief is prouided Sathan his soldiers enuying the propagation and prosperity of the Gospell and the peace which the same hath enioyed by the great goodnesse of God. And do perceyue that the causes of those troubles are the iuste iudgements of God punishing the sinnes of men which reiect so notable a benefite as the glad tydings of the gospel the power of God to saluatioÌ„ or else estéeme not so reuerently of the same as they ought Our sinnes therfore are the very causes of these calami ties so that we must seriously séeke all that wée may too appease the iust wrath of God but specially they who vnder the name of the reformed Religion liued very wickedly But to such as doo truly and from the bottom of their hartes repent them study to liue in newnesse of life the promises of God are effectuall and doo appertayne Séeing therfore the matter is come to this point that all men maye plainly sée that they which raise vp these troubles of warres do séeke the ruine of the Gospel and of the church and therfore do warre and fight against God himself they must pluck vp their spirits be of good courage and certaynly perswaded that God will not fayle his seruaunts whom he vouchsafeth so to aduaunce that whereas thei haue deserued to be seuerely punished for their sinnes they might be afflicted for the truthes sake and for the glory of his name What haue the enemies left vndone by which thei might extinguish the doctrine of the gospell Yet notwithstanding it hath escaped Sathan and the Romish Antichrist â—…etting fuming in vayn Therfore we must make this our cry The Gospell is assaulted the destruction of the church is sought and open warre proclaymed against god Therfore god will fight for him selfe and for his There are also other causes â—… for beside that their deâ—…estable counseil to abolish the Church all men knowe that they goe about to bring most gréenouse troubles vpon the realm to the ende they themselues alone may gouerne They haue arrogantly broken the Edict of Ianuary they haue added cruelty to their impudent boldnesse they haue put the Kings subiects to death in diuers places vsing quietly the benefit of the Kings Edicts and they haue haÌ„dled them more cruelly than euer were any forreyn enimies What mischief hath not their vnbridled crueltye brought to passe They came to the king being but yoÌ„g to the Quéene a woman and not able to resiste armed with a band of men and tooke them and caryed them wil they nil they whether they would And hauing captiued both their bodies and their willes at their owne pleasure they most impudently abused them breakinge the Kings Edictes and violating his dignitie Therefore say they there are great causes why we shuld hope that God the author of humane societie but specially the preseruer of his church will not suffer the vnbrideled force of those violent and cruell counsailes to procéede more outragiously than they doe but will make hys Churche in the middest of all the trouble the conquerer And we haue a new and manifest argument beside those which haue appered heretofore of this his good wil towards his seruants in that hée hath in these dayes of his afflicted church raysed vp the Prince of Conde to be a Patrone and defender of this cause by miracle of hys diuine prouidence For this cause we must gyue harty thanks vnto God the first and principall author of thys benefit we must looke for happy successe of his cause And because hée will vse this meane to preserue his church we for our partes must be diligent faithful cou ragiouse and constant least we omitte good occasion to bring things to passe being offered Wee séeke the coÌ„ser uation of the Gospell and of the church and for the befendinge of the libertie and dignitie of the King of the Realme and the whole common wealth Who will denie that these are iust and lawfull causes to put on Armour and specially for them to whom that authoritie appertaineth It is méete and necessary ther fore say they that you and we to the vtmost of our pow er and to the spending of our liues do aid and assist the Prince of Conde the rest of the kings officers which haue made a sollemne vow for the defence of the King the Realme and the Church and to be very carefull to giue vnto the Prince of Conde for this cause money fourniture and all maner of warlike prouision whensoeuer he shall require the same In so doing they said this thing should be so profitable for them all that nothing can be more necessary the time being considered And as they thought it to be their dutie to admonish them of these things séeing that now the glory of God the safetie of the Church and the preseruation of humane societie was to be sought for euen so saye they you must not delay the matter being of so great waight by any maner of meanes But forsomuch as all mans helpe is wholely vnprofitable and vaine except wée haue first of all the helpe and ayd of God the aucthor reuenger of this cause We must take héede that wée be diligent in calling vpon God and that we professe
his power and authoritye with these exceptions They then saide And now they go about to make that an euerlasting and irreuocable lawe which they thrée themselues haue deuised and decréed Truly we may with better reason and truth conclude that they go about to make the king a captiue and bonâ—…man vnto them not only in this his minoriti but in his maiority also Who séeth not their sondry and contrary deuises Who séeth not that they go aboute not only to haue the king in their handes and to rule him at theyr pleasure but the whole Realme also when as in a mat ter of so great waight and perillouse they dare take vpon them to determine decre what they theÌ„selues list Dyd euer those Triumuiri of Rome namely Augustus Antonius and Lepidus which by their conspiracie peruerted the lawes and the common wealth of Rome any thing more bould and presumptiouse If they had ben moued by the loue of peace as they say and not by the outragiouse heate of sedition if they had ben moued by zeale of Religion and not by the force of ambition they would not haue begon those their counsailes with force and murder they would haue come reuerentlie and modestly they would haue declared the causes whi they could not allow of the Edict of January And they would haue intreated the kinge and quéene to consulte with their CouÌ„sail for the remedeing of those troubles to the glory of God the dignity of the king and the conseruation of the Realme And so they should haue declared that they were moued by zeale of their consciences But while they go about these things they sufficiently declare that they take Religion but for a colloure to the end that they may draw away the Kinges subiectes to take their part that by their help by the help of strauÌ„gers they may bring al things to their rule Can the Princes the kings kinsmen suffer this that strauÌ„gers shal make lawes Edictes to rule the king the whole Realme 4 They require to haue the church of Rome which they call Catholike and Apostolicall to be alone through out the whole Realme and that the vse and administration of the reformed religion should be forbidden Let this be the Edict of the Duke of Guise a straunger of the Constable Momorentius and of the Marshall of saint Andrew the kinges seruauntes Let their willes mindes and decrese be set against the authority of the kinges Edict which the king the quéene the king of Nauar the Princes the kinges kinsmen the kinges Counsel and forty chosen men out of euery court of the realm haue made Let them oppose and set this their Edicte both against the decrées of the nobility and the cominaltye by their supplicatioÌ„ which they offered to the king first at Orleans then at saint German concerning the orderinge of ReligioÌ„ after this maner theÌ„ they must nedes acknowledge and confesse that their Edict will be the cause of ciuil warres and in tyme the destruction of the realme But blinde Ambition carieth them out of the way to bind the king and the Realme to them as they saye by these merits For this I affirme that the Duke of Guise and his brethren can not deny but that while they go about to molest trouble those that are of the reformed Religion what zeale soeuer they pretende they brynge the Realme into greate perill Let them remember what happened of late almost in the same counsel to theÌ„ in Scotland There both sortes of men that is to say both papistes and Protestants liued peaceably obediently vnder the gouernement of the Quéene vntill it was commaunded by the aucthority of the Guises that no other religion should be there receyued then that which is of Rome Then a certen smal nomber of men for this cause being raised and appointed to battaile by the wisdome of the quene and by the help of the Nobility were easely put down again The which thing ought to haue made the Guises sease from their former purpose for feare of greater trroubles whiche would ensue by the meanes of those Edictes But they on the contrary part more obstinately went forwarde with their purpose to hinder the reformed religion writing sharp letters vnto the Quéen because shée shewed hirself so fauourable and perswaded with hir that it was necessary that the principal authours and many of the Noble men should be put to death Therefore to bring that to passe in déed which they vttered in woordes they sent an army of meÌ„ into Scotland with M. Brosseus the Bishop of Atniens At whose comming most seuere Edictes were made coÌ„cerning the obseruation of popish rytes and comming to Masse The Bishop said that he would soone cal those that were gone astray as hée sayd to the obedience of the Church of Rome and monsieur Brosseus said that hée would quickly within few dayes by force of armes put all the rebels to flight And as cruelty hath always couetousnesse ioyned with it they beheld considered the landes and possessions of the noble men and wrot to the Guises that they could both make the people tributary to pay vnto the Frenche king two hundred thousande Crownes and also assigne to a thousand Noble men of France which should continually maintayne warre in Scotland houses and land The Guises hearinge of the which were glad but the Quéene Osellus a noble maÌ„ of Scotland said vnto M. Brosseus that the Scotts could not be so easely coÌ„quered who if they were coÌ„strayned would craue helpe of straungees which imbracinge the same Religion would not desire to haue better occasion to banish the Popes Religion out of Scotland whereby the Kings Royall estate should come in peril But they refusing these admonitions of the Quéene Osellus said that the Quéene with hir facilitie and sufferance would marre all and they called Osellus foole and dastard Ther fore these wise men so wrought that the greatest parte of the nobility gathered vnto them an army of men and within few dayes eyther slewe or put to flight the Papistes and sacrifising priests which if this had not ben might haue liued peaceably And thus thei which before would binde Beares and which triumphed before the victory â–ª did not only dishonour the Duke of Guise but also lost the aucthoritie of the Church of Rome By this example the Guises ought to acknowledge their fault and to leaue of their enterprise also to haue no more in their mouthes these wordes One of those two Religions must be banished the realme and some muste needes giue place to other some These proud words become not subiectes and seruaunts but a king of full and perfect age And whereas they would haue no religion but the Romish religion established within the realme which they go about to defende by force of armes they bring the realme into great perill and daunger And truly it were a great deale better to kéepe both partes in peace and concord and
haue the matter quieted or thei which had rather bring al things into present peril daunger than to forsake their armour which most vniustâ—…y they haue put on and to followe peace which they haue vngodly forsaken Iudge I beséeche you if thâ—… matter came thereunto that they had destroyed them whom they perceyue to resiste their ambition in what state should the kingdome then stande the kéeper protector wherof you are and of what power you should be of to defend and preserue the same If the matter ' concerne your dignitie you may call to mind what manner of persons they are which scarce two yeres since were not contented not only to take away your dignitie but sought your life also And whether they haue since that time chaunged their mindes I cannot tell time truely will reueale but thus much I protest for my selfe that the obedience which I owe vnto you I will performe shew while life doth last vpon condicion that he may bée made equall with those which are neither so néere vnto you by bloud nor yet so borne to obey you as hée is Neuerthelesse you shal graunt me leaue to be ignorant how they can be your friends who are not content agayn to séeke to put your brother to death except thye make you the minister and instrument of their hatred But wey consider that I haue spoken these things not for myne own cause but for the glory of Gods sake for the loue of my countrey and in respect of you before you procéed any further to set vpon him which by the bond of nature is no lesse carefull and louing vnto you than you are to your self for as by the leaue of God hée wil neuer cease to doe his dutie vnto you euen so hée had rather suffer death than to wishe those calamities which will follow this contention which way soeuer the victory shall encline But and if the authours of these troubles which ought to submit them selues to reason and equitie doe prosecute their counsells being not restrayned by you to whom God hath giuen authoritie we trust by the help of God the defence of whose glory wée will séeke to the shedding of the last drop of our bloud that you shall behold that euent which shall euidently declare vnto you the endes of all their counsails and shal also certifie you how faythfull a harte not only I but this whole assembly also haue borne to you next vnto God and the King and Quéene The Prince of Conde sent with his letters also the summe of his petitions briefly contayned in writing in maner and forme following I think saith he that these are conuenient and necessary meanes and waies to auoyd the perturbations and troubles which hange ouer the realm the which I propound by the leaue of the King and Queen For so much as before thei began their counsail which were the first that put themselues in armour and which as yet kéepe the Kinge in their custodie by force of armes all thys whole realme began to enioy peace and tranquillitie concerning religion men of both sorts of religioÌ„ thinking themselues in very good case by the benefite of the Edicte made in the moneth of January last past with the aduise and consent of the Princes the kings kinsmen of the Kings Counsaill and by the consent of all the most notable men of all the kingdome and experience will shewe that without the obseruation of that Edict there cannot be peace and concord kept among the kings subiectes First of all I require this that the same Edicte of January according to the forme thereof be obserued and kept without alteration of the same vntill the determination of another Parliament or vntil such time as the King himself by lawfull age shal be able to take vpon him the gouernement of the Realm and to order the matter according to his owne discretion to whome I and my CoÌ„federates doo yéeld ourselues in such wyse to obey that if it should please the King to take from vs the benefite of the reformed Religion we would also alter our purpose and obey Secondly that al violent actes on both partes coÌ„mitted since the time that they put themselues in armour may be punished and that whatsoeuer hath bene done and constituted since that time may be quite abolished and taken away because the mindes of the Kinge and Quéene were and are captiued by the Guises And because the coÌ„ming of the Guises of the Constable and of the Marshal of S. Andrewe into the Court and many of their déedes which they did are the only causes of these tumults I can sée no other way to bring peace and concord then to haue theÌ„ to depart from the court The which I desire not for that I for my owne parte beare vnto theÌ„ any euill will but to the end the King Quéene may haue their liberty that the Quéene may haue her authority in gouerning the kingdome that the Edictes may be obserued that there may be some con sideration regard had of mée of those which attend vpon me of all the reformed Churches which otherwise stand in great feare I desire therfore that the Guises the Constable and the Marshall of S. Andrew may laie aside their armour and that they may go home to their owne Lordships vntill the kinge come to more perfite age And I promise that I and they which are with mée shall do the like And to the end the matter may be sene to be spoken in good faith I wil giue my Eldest Sonne in hostage and al the rest of my children to be most precious pledges of my faithfull meaning These are the most equall and indifferent pledges that I could deuise And I protest that I will put away all causes of debate and enmity that appertayned to me and the Guises for the kinge and Quéenes sake The which Conditions if they be reiected I sai and affirme the which also I haue oftentymes protested that not I but they are the authours of al those calamities and miseries which by reason of all these Ciuill warres haue happened vnto mée who haue reiected these conditions to the present peril of the kingdome ¶ The fyfth Booke of Commentaries concerning the state of the common wealth and Religion in Fraunce vnder the raigne of King Charles the ninth THESE peticions and admonitioÌ„s of the Prince of Conde to coÌ„corde tooke no place but were lightly regarded whereby the matter daylye waxed worse worse The quene could neyther retaine her authoritie neyther did shée care at the length to haue the same And whereas at the first shée was drawne away from the Prince of Conde through feare shée became now through effeminate rashnes and inconstancy a bitter enemye to him and his cause The Kinge of Nauar being vtterly blinded and bereâ—…t of iudgement was so inflamed with wrath and greate indignation against his brother and his adherents also against the reformed Churches as
he attempted no maner of force because of the letters that came in the meane time The sixe and twenty day following the Guises the Constable and the Marshall of Saint Andrew departed from their Campes And by by word was brought to the Prince of Conde that those thrée accordinge to the forme of the peticion were departed from their armie home to their houses When the Prince of Conde vnderstoode this he came to the King of Nauar to Baugence with a fewe only attending vppon him Wherevppon he was brought through the middest of the host in al the hast to a village called Talsiac wher the Quéene aboade and betwene Baugence that Uillage Talsiac were placed certain Garrisons of soldiers When he came to the Quéene he was of her very louingelye entertained and had many faire promises made him and by request easely obtayned leaue of her that certain of his fellowes might come vnto that place both to the end they might salute her and also that they might conferre and talke togither concerninge concord and peace In the meane tyme woord was brought to the frendes and fellowes of the Prince of Conde that the Guises the Constale and the Marshall of Saint Andrew abode still at Chastellodune which was not far distant from Talsia where the Quéene and the Prince of Conde abode and certaine letters also of the Dukeeof Guise to the Cardinall of Loraine his Brother were taken by the way and brought to them Of which letters this is the summe word for word as they were written I send vnto you this messenger in all hast possible to certefie you that all thinges were yesterday finished And know you this also for certaine that many are blinded and deceiued very much Our Mother and her brother sweare that they will not forsake vs and that they will followe no other Counsell than the Counsayle of such whom you know To be short the reformed Religion if we behaue our selues wisely as we mean to do will haue a fall Ye and our Admirall shall haue euill successe All our power remayneth still whole but theires is broken and dispersed our Cities are rendred vp againe without any maner of mencion of preaching or of the administration of Sacraments This messenger which I send vn to you is trustie There came also to the hands of the Prince of Conde by the meanes of one of the kyng of Nauars houshold seruaunts a note in writing of the Duke of Guises left with the Kyng of Nauar for a remembraunce to this effect Let there be no obligation made for Religion See that the pledge be kept in any wise Concerning the rendering vp of the Cities let there be no delay Order the matter wisely Suffer them in no wise to come any neerer to Orleans Let vs be diligently certefied and admonished of all things These forewarnings greatly troubled the Prince of Conde and his adherents they sawe that he was fallen into the handes of his enemies so that there was great daunger on euery side Notwithstanding his friendes thinking it not good to delay the matter and to suffer the Prince to be in perill when they had giuen the Captaines charge to be vigilant and to haue their souldiers in a redines came to the Queene The principall wherof were these the Admirall the Andelot Monsuer Porcia Monsuer Rochfocald Monsuer Rohan Monsuer Genluis Monsuer Grammontius Monsuer Soubizius and Monsuer Piennius These saluted the Quéene and were very louingly entertayned of her She gaue vnto them thankes for their great diligence and paines for her and the kynges prifite at that time insomuch that she sayd they had pre serued her life and the kyngs the which their merits deseruing honour pryce the sayd she wold neuer or get Then they declared to the Quéene with what fidelitie they had serued the Kyng with their body goods vnder the Prince of Conde they shewed vnto her the equitie of their cause which at that time was in controuersie and their earnest care also which they had for the preseruation of the kynges dignitie and the peace profite of the whole Realme Whereuppon they most hartely prayed and beséeched the Quéene that they might not preferre the immaginations of a few men before those things which appertayned to the glory of God and the safetie of the Realme For God saye they will defend euery good cause and seuerely punish all kind of wickednes which are committed against the Kyngs Edicts abusing the Kinges name therunto For himselfe also the Prince of Conde protested that it séemed very straūge vnto him that some shuld be had in such estimation and no regard at all to be had of him which was not only néere of kin to the king whereas the other were straungers and but seruants to the kyng but also had offered all maner of indifferent conditions and submission Wherefore he sayd it was now high time to prouide some remidies to resist and repell those calamities at hand The Quéene being before instructed concerning euery thing what answere she should make began not to answere to those things which were spoken by the Prince of Conde but to declare That the number power and authority of those was very great which followed and imbraced the Church of Roome and they haue the sword in their hands sayth she and are fully determined to defend that Religion which all former kings haue receiued and imbraced so that they meane this shal be the principall condition among the rest for concord and peace That there be no other Religion obserued followed throughout the whole Realme than the Catholique Religion of Roome But the Prince of Conde in the name of the rest replied that they did not plead their owne priuate cause but whatsoeuer had ben done by them vntill that day was done first for the defence of the kynges libertie and authoritie and secondly for a common wealth and herevppon they put themselues in armour at the first by the Quéenes commaundement for the which cause they did not care if they spent their goods liues so that the kyngs Edict might be obserued and kept wherby euery man might haue leaue to vse the reformed Religiō and the libertie of their conscience without the benefite wherof they thought them selues to be but dead Insomuch that if they in whom so great a number of faithfull did repose their trust for the handling of these matters should so much ouershoote themselues and forget their dutie that they should agrée to those thinges which were so repugnant to the glory of God and the common profite of all men it could not be auoyded but that they should be counted of all men forsakers contemners of the glory of God of the kings dignitie and safetie of the cōmon peace tranquillity of the realme The which rather then it should come to passe shoulde cause them to forsake the realm before they would agrée to those so vniust
the sentence of the Iudge behold sayth he I and my fellowes ouer and aboue the former declarations of our innocencie do publish these things in maner and forme following First of all whereas I am excluded out of that nomber that are counted rebelles the singuler loue care that I haue for the Kinges maiestie and dignitie wyll not suffer me not to accounte my selfe a partaker and sustainer of that wound and hurie which is done vnto those men whom I know neuer to haue had any other respecte and consideration then the preseruation of the Kinges maiestie and of the whole Realme And I affirme that I thinke my selfe so little gratefied hereby that I thinke they haue done vnto me great iniury in that they haue gon about to except and seperate me froÌ„ so honest godly a coÌ„pany of the kinges louinge faith full subiectes Therfore I being perswaded before God men that their Innocencie is such that no one iot of disobedience or rebellion can be iustly imputed to them or mée intend to ioyne my selfe and to be in the same condition with them whose cause and mind is all one who are also of the same religion of the same lyfe that I am of and are also no lesse careful than I to mainetain and aduaunce the true woorship of God in this realme And as I can not nor ought to be disliked of theÌ„ at whose coÌ„mauÌ„dements I haue iustly put my selfe in armour eueÌ„ so I ought not neither wil I seperate my self froÌ„ them who at my entreatie haue armed theÌ„selues with me are of the same will mind that I am of Furthermore I haue sufficient experience of those wonted subtilties in my aduersaries in so much that I may easely vnderstaÌ„d what they go about by making exception of me As also may euidently appeare by those letters rescripts sent to the Liuetenaunt of the prouinces in the which letters I my selfe amonge others am comprehended But to the end it maye appeare that they rather ought to be counted Rebelles which obiecte rebellion vnto vs that is to saie that they are Rebelles in dâ—…de which were the first that put them selues in Armoure to breake the authoritie of the Kinges Edictes and not we which to hinder their mischeuous attempts armed our selues we wil briefly repeat those things which ar more at large setforth in our former declaratioÌ„s Al meÌ„ know the Edit of Ianuary brought such peace traÌ„quilli ty to the whole realme that the state of the kyngdome being before tossed and tormoyled with tempestious waues of diuers troubles séemed to haue attayned at the length to the most quiet hauen of peace and tranquillitie when as the Duke of Guise commiting a most horrible slaughter at Vassi openly declared that he inteÌ„ded nothing but open warre against the Kings dignitie against the peace tranquillitie of the whole Realme The which thing as méete it was I could not take in good part for that I know my self to be bound by the bond of consanguinitie to mayntayne the Kyngs Crowne dignitie which the Guises of late went about to deface For this séemed vnto me to be very lewde that a sub iect durst be so bold so openlyto coÌ„temne the law of his Prince that such a law as was made coÌ„firmed by al the states of the Realme in sollempne Courte of Parliament And although I of my owne aucthoritie had theÌ„ iust occasioÌ„ offered me to withstaÌ„d so bold an enterprise against the king his lawes yet notwithstanding I did moderate stay my selfe vntil such time as I had expresse commaundement to take the matter in hand And here I beséech the Quéene to call to her remembrance how that when she was at Saint Germans she was certified of the whole purpose counsayle and intent of the Guises as that shée should bée put beside her authoritie and that her most faythfull and trustie seruants that were about her should bée put from her to the end that when they had gotten the gouernement of the Realme they might rule and order all thinges at their owne pleasure Of the which matter when she vnderstoode and of the League also which the Spanish â–ª Ambassadours intruded she was wonderfully troubled and gréeued insomuch that for this cause she intreated me that I wold with all spéede gather together so great a power as I could to hinder the same The which request I faithfully accomplished hauinge both a consideration to the Quéenes commaundement and also of my dutie towardes the Kyng and the Realme This was the beginning of all those things which I haue prosecuted euer since that time setting my self against those whom the Quéene iudged to be our enemies And here also let her call to minde those whom at that time shee coulde name one by one But when the Guises by their conspiracies both at Paris and els where had openly bewrayed to all men that thing which before was setretly in their mindes the Quéene againe both by her letters and also by messengers confirmed that her former charge and commaundement giuen vnto mée which was that I shuld withstand the violence of the Guises and his adherents And here I pray and most humbly beséech her that so farre forth as the faith and word of a Quéene ought to stand firme she would set before her eyes euen those things which she wrote vnto me with her owne hand the which I am now constrayned to publish abrode for all men to behold that in her letters also my innocencie maye bee séene For I must néedes assure my selfe of this that shée cannot chuse but be mindfull of those thinges which she wrote vnto me from Fontainbleau â–ª in the Moneth of March commending the Kyng and her selfe also vnto mée in these woordes I commend vnto you â–ª the Mother and her children and of that also which shée wrote vnto me with her owne hand by Monsuer Bocauan at what time the power of the Guises was at Paris that I would not vnarme my selfe before my aduersaries had done the like affirming also that euery man might sée to what end their conspiracie tended Let hir also remember how oftentimes she hath séemed and hath signified also the same by letters to accept and like very well of my doinges which she sayd she would put the Kyng in mind of that when he came to lawfull age he might reward me according to my well deseruing To this purpose it serueth which shée spake to the Admirall a few dayes before he should depart from the Court namely that she knew him to bée so faithfull and obedient to the Kyng and to her that hée would indeuoure himselfe all that he could to deliuer them from the oppression of the Guises Insomuch that of late she wrote vnto him by Monsuer Rembouill that she thought him to be so faythfull a seruant to the King and so carefull for the Kynges crowne and dignitie that she would vse his aduise and counsayle
to pacefie the present troubles To be short her behauiour towardes me and my fellowes when we and shée were together at Baugence do so playnely proue her consent and agréement in this matter that it shall be néedelesse to repeate many other arguments to proue this thing For there before seuen Noble men shée speaking of our dutifull obedience protested vnto vs that she did acknowledge that we by our déedes had preserued her life and the Kynges These thinges considered haue our aduersaries any reason nay haue they any coniecture of Rebellion against vs By whose aucthoritie shall we be sayd to be Rebelles Shall we be sayd to be Rebelles by the Kyng and Quéenes authoritie who haue giuen vs expresse coÌ„maundements to arme our selues who flée vnto vs for succour in these perilles who by their will letters and messages like of our doings giue vs thankes and approue the same as profitable for the preseruasion of this Realme Furthermore all men know that those our enemies haue abused the Kyng Quéenes names whose willes also they haue captiued vnto them â–ª The which is the only cause why I and my fellowes haue hitherto testified and as yet also do vnfainedly protest That we will not receiue any Edicts Rescripts or Decrées comming forth in the Kynges name so long as he enioyeth not his libertie For probation wherof this example may serue namely That the Quéene complayned vnto vs oftentimes in hir letters that she could not therfore graunt vnto vs our requestes because the contrary part was mightier and the people armed And although the Kinges name since the Moneth of Aprill last past hath ben so abused yet notwithstanding the matter thereby hath the more playnely appeared but most playnely by those letters which the Quéene sent by Monsure de Villars and MoÌ„sure Vieilleuill the xxiiy day of May In the which shée wrote that shée deliuered the Kyng into other mens handes vnderstanding by these woordes other mens handes our aduersaries Whereuppon it followeth that this sentence of Rebellion and all other thinges done in the Kynges name ought to be iudged to be done by our enemies séeing the Kyng is in their handes as appeareth by the testimony of the Quéene Let men iudge therfore what sentence that is against the condemned being pronounced by those which are both aduersaries and Iudges But let vs sée what great fault of Rebellion that is which is layed to our charge and why it is ob iected to vs Because say they they will not vnarme them selues If this be the fault I demaund what they are to be called which comming to the Court armed although they had no enemies in Armes yet notwithstanding would not vnarme them selues at the commaundemeÌ„t of the Kyng and Quéene and which continew in the same boldnes and presumption still But who is hée which at the commaundement of the enemie will laye aside the sword which he hath drawne to fight What doth the enemy els in commaunding me to vnarme my selfe than to will me to commit my goods to the spoile and my life to crueltie and also to receiue the lawe at the handes of an outlawe Is not that to breake the fence with the which God hath inclosed his Church that being destitute of fence and inunition men may fall in to the handes of their cruell and fierce enemies Furthermore all men know very well that I alwayes offered to laye aside my Armour so soone as my enemies vnarming them selues had restored the Kyng to his former libertie Was it not méete that they which were the first that put them selues in Armour and that without commauÌ„dement and aucthoritie and against the expresse Edicts and commaundements of the Kyng and Quéene should bée the first in like maner that shoulde vnarme them selues rather than they which by their example put on Armoure that is to saye by the commaundement of the Kyng and Quéene to preserue them and also to defend the Edictes from the oppression and violence of others To be short let all my actes done vntill this day be examined and it shal be found that my aunsweres my declarations conditions and all my actions are testimonies of my innocencie What condition of peace agréeable to reason and equitie haue I aâ—…any time refused nay rather I and my fellowes haue desired the same How often tymes haue I refused straungers least they should enter into thys Realme Haue I not signified the equitie of my cause to forreyne Princes that haue ben in league with thys Realme and desired them that they would be meanes to take vp and pacefie these controuersies With what modesty haue I behaued my selfe in those Cities which were in my handes Was there euer any signe shewed of violence or vniust dealing Whereas the enimies assaulting the Kings Cities and taking away the benefite of the Kings Edictes concerning Religion did all things with barbarouse crueltie in so much that they filled the streates of the Cities with deade bodies and caused the earth to flowe with innocent bloud Let men therefore iudge by the effectes who they bee that are worthy to be counted gilty of Rebellion Am I and my fellowes which haue armed our selues to defende and mayntayne the Kings Lawes made by solemne acte of Parliament so to be counted or our enemies who putting themselues in armoure without the Kings authoritie haue broken the Edictes spoiled Cities brought the Kings subiects to the slaughter and taking awaye the Kinges Edictes and specially that notable and worthy Edict of Ianuary haue made newe Edictes themselues Therefore if all the partes of this cause be vprightly wayed it shal be found that I and my fellowes are falsly accused of Rebellion of those which are theÌ„selues rebelles in déed and of sedition by those which haue ben themselues since the dayes of King Henry the causes of all those troubles which haue afflicted the Realme also of treason by those which go about to oppresse the king depraue the Kings Edictes and abuse his name and authoritie to enriche them selues to his ruine and decaye They euen they are gilty of diuine treason against the maiestie of the liuing God whose actions haue alwais declared that Ambition is their GOD Couetousnesse their Religion and worldly Pleasures their felicitie who haue proclaymed open warre agaynst the sonne of God and agaynst the professours of his word who play the Anabaptistes rebaptizing infantes again who haue their houses full of rapines and their handes defiled with innocent bloud And they are gilty of humane trea son which contemne the Kings lawes kéepe the Kinge as a captiue beset with armed men on euery syde and which seeke the destruction of the King and the Realm And to conclude they are gilty of Treason which haue encouraged and brought the whole Realme to wickednesse and to oppresse the libertie of the Gospell and which doe bind the Kinges subiectes vnto them in seruice by an othe Those outragiouse kindes of wickednesse and horrible actes do crye that the Guises
kinges Edictes and therefore not to declare and shewe forth my innocency as I would for these causes I am compelled to take the sworde in hand as the only and last refuge The which séeinge I haue taken into my handes both at the commaundement of the King and Quéene and also for my office and callinges sake which I am of in this Realme I protest that I am in the same mind that I wil neuer lay away the same vntill such time as my soueraigne Lord the King be of all men peaceably obeyed his Edictes obserued my innocency the innoceÌ„cy also of the rest of my fellowes be made euident plain to all men The glory of God my duty perswade me herevnto I cannot chuse but publish the same Therefore I and my fellowes proteste before God him selfe before the kings maiesty before al people nations to whom the knowledge of these things may come that we are most obedient loyall and faithful subiects seruants of the kings maiesty our soueraine and léege Lord and that we do beare our armoure not againste him but against his aduersaries and enemies Whom we call Rebels seditiouse and Traitoures because they haue peruerâ—…ed the lawes and institutions of the Realme broken the Kinges Edictes impudently violated the authority of the estates of the Realme and besides this they haue thrust theÌ„selues into the Kings counsaile beinge forbidden before by the decrée of the states after which time they troubled and vexed many faithfull and good men of the Kinges priuie Counsaile And also because they hauing taken the King into their handes do depriue him of his liberty do abuse his name authoritie to satisfie their insatiable couetouse and cruell desiers and do dayly make conspiracies and consultations both for the kepinge of that which they haue vsurped also to destroy the greatest part of the Kings true and faithfull subiectes specially for this cause that they may banish the pure sincere preaching of the Gospell out of Fraunce and may quight destroy the louers professors of the truth Therefore only againste those men and for those causes especially I and my fellowes proteste that we haue taken the swerde in hand and that constrained by extreme necessitie seing that we haue no other way to defend maintain the King the authortie of the Kings Edictes the firmity of the Kinges dignity the state of the whole Realme the goodes and liues of many of the Kinges subiectes and the pure woorshiping of God and the King established by Edictes throughout the whole Realme The waight of which thinges do so touch our mindes that when we considered the horrible calamitie and destruction which through murders bloudshed rapines and such kinde of mischieues is like to come vpon the whole realme if they go forward as they haue begon for the space of these fyue monethes we haue determined for the auoyding of such euilles to shunne no perill and for the safetie of the Kinges subiects and the tranquility of the Realme to aduenture our liues and loose our goodes And as for that wicked and false iudgement of Rebellion we feare it not at all but do account the same a false slaunder impudently deuised and published by our aduersaries And truly séeing we do oppose and set our selues against the same we protest that we do not in any point withstand the Kinges will nor the ordinance and decrée of the Parliment lawfully made but the robbery oppression open violence which our aduersaries shew against our liues and goodes Wherfore I pray and beséech not only all the inhabitantes of this Realme which are willing to yelde all obedience vnto the King but also all forreine Princes which loue equyty and right to ioyne with me againste those that vse violence iniury and oppression against the King be ing yet a Childe Whose vertues appearing in this his tender age do put vs in good hope that when he shall come to his ripe perfite age he wil giue harty thanks to the ayders and assisters of him in his great necessityes And specially I pray beseech all forrein Germans and Swysers which are come already and are daily loked for to come to helpe my aduersaries that they will call to their remembraunce that good name renowne and equity which their Elders had alwaies in estimation and reuerence least they do that which shall afterward turne to their reproch shame because they shal fight in the defence of an euil and vniust cause against a good and iuste cause for the Kinges enemies againste the Kings faithfull subiectes for forreine Prnces agaynst a Prince that is the Kings neare kinsman for Papistes and main tainers of the Church of Rome against those which professe the sincere truth of the Gospel And here I call the consciences of all those straungers before the iudgement seate of God which professe purity of the Gospel that they take héede that they be not helpers of our aduersaries to expell and banish the Gospell out of the Realme and all the godly and Christian professors of the same I also pray them to note and marke the pur pose of my aduersaries who although they pretend the name of rebellion and go aboute to lay the same to me and to my fellowes charge yet notwithstanding seke to suppresse the Gospell being contrary to their ambition and cruelty and that therefore I am molested by them because I séeke to defend and mainetaine the libertie of the Gospell graunted by the Kinges Edicte Therefore those forreiners which imbrace with vs the pure and sincere doctrine of the Gospell ought not to giue to my aduersaries occasion to laugh them to scorne as though they could bring to passe by their money which they already boast of that they which had defended the Gospel in their owne countrey should come to warre againste the Gospell in Fraunce I admonish them also to haue farther regard to the matter and to feare that if those enemies of the truth destroye the professoures of the truth of the gospel in France they will also war against the inhabitants of Rheyne to the end thei by the league made with the Pope and other forreyne Princes maye set vppon them also beinge in their houses professinge the same doctrine that we do And although for my part I haue refrayned vntill this day to séeke the helpe ayd of straungers yet notwithstanding séeing my aduersaries haue begon to call straungers to assiste theÌ„ in their euill cause I protest that I will not let hereafter to vse their helpe to defend my cause because the coÌ„seruation of the king standeth thervpon And because this warre which dayly increaseth more more cannot choose but bring great calamities with it I and my fellowes protest before God and men that we are not the causes of those calamities but they which haue stirred vp caused these garboiles that is to say my enemies that they may beare the blame of all
the euills like to ensue Finally I will and desire that the league whiche I haue made with the Princes Péeres Nobles and with all those that follow me and shall follow me may be established confirmed by this my writing To the which my fellowes I promise and vow that séeing it hath plea sed God to aduaunce me to so great honor as to make me the Captain and principall of that league and to be a deliuerer of the reformed churches liuing vnder the Kings Edictes from the iniuries and violence of the enemies I wil be the first that will spend my lyfe goods to maintayne the pure worship of God to defende the true professours and followers thereof to restore the King to his former libertie and authoritie and his Edictes and the lawes of the Realme to their proper dignitie In like manner I pray and beséeche all my Confederates that they abyde in the same mind courage and constancy that I am of in this so godly and commendable a purpose hauing alwayes respect vnto the vprightnesse of our cause reposing all their trust in the power of God being fully perswaded of this that fighting for the glory of God for the preseruation of his Church and for the conseruation of the King and the Realme God the mighty Lord of hoastes will stretch forth his mighty hand to helpe Whom I most humbly beséeche to take vpon him the patrociny and defence of our cause and to enter into the Throne of his iudgement before whom I shew and reueale the horrible blasphemies which our aduersaries haue breathed out against his Maiestie the cruelties which thei shewed vpon his poore afflicted meÌ„bers the innocent bloud of so many of his seruauntes that hath ben shed and the bloudy and mischeuouse coun sailes against his glory and the lyfe and safetie of hys Saincts so that hée taking his people vnder his protection would shew his power Iustice and wisdome both in destroying his aduersaries and also in blessing those which séeke to defend his people whereby all the world may know that hée is a refuge for the afflicted in time of trouble a deliuerer of his Church and an enemie anâ—… Iudge of his enemies About this time also the Prince of Condes fellowes sent letters to the Emperour Ferdinande to whom they declared their cause and rendered a reason of all theyr dooings and frustrated the rumors of their aduersaries praying him that hee would be carefull to defende thys cause and also that hée would call backe the Germanes that were gone to helpe the Guises And although saye they the reportes of the troubles which were in France were euery where spred abroad and were come also to the Emperours eares by letters sent from both partes yet notwithstandinge the Prince of Conde sent to the Emperoure whom he vnderstoode should come to an honorable assembly the causes of all his actions that the Emperour himselfe might certefie the whole assembly of the same seeing so great and waighty matters were obiected against him by his aduersaries the Prince of Conde thinking that it became him in a matter of so great waight to shewe the causes of all his dooings to all men and to the Emperour himself being of so highe calling that he might leaue to the whole world euident testimony of his innocency To bring the which matter to passe he may be glad that he hath gotten so good occasion to craue helpe to be ayded in this iust cause for the preseruation of the yong King of France being of suche age that the same of itselfe requireth and ought to obtayne helpe It is no new thing neyther wanteth it exaÌ„ples that Kyngs in their minoritie and infancâ—…e haue receyued the Kyngdome of Fraunce as appeareth by the late times of Charles the sixt and the eight and of others In whose time of minoritie we do not read that there was any contention about the gouernement of the Realme because the Princes which were the Kynges kinsmen left alwayes the gouernement of the Realme to thein which were elected and created by the States of the Realme of Fraunce to whom the gouernement of the Realme was committed so long as the King coÌ„tinuing in his minoritie which was vntill he came to the age of fouretéene yeares The which order of gouernement in the Kyngs Neâ—…age hath ben alwayes so approued that Kyngs haue warely prouided in their Testaments that if they should disceace before their Sonnes were come to their perfect age to gouerne the Realme then the States should prouide for the same gouernement The which doth sufficiently declare that this kind of gouernement doth in no poynt deminish the Kynges aucthoritie or power whom whosoeuer resisteth resisteth the ordinaunce of God but is rather necessary to preserue and defend them so long as they are vnméete to take vppon them any such gouernement through the defect and imbecillitie of Nature But when the Kyng shall come to the age of fouretéene yeres that vicary or substituted gouernemeÌ„t doth cease and all things do so retourne to the Kyng that whatsoeuer he shall will or decrée shall be ratified In the dayes of Charles the sixt after he had raigned many yeres and that it pleased GOD for the sinnes of the people to depriue him of his witte and sences and when the time came that the Realme must of necessitie be gouerned there arose a certaine contention among the Princes that were the Kyngs kinsmen about the same gouernement but this was neuer heard of that a forreyne Prince would euer intrude him selfe into the gouernement of the Realme and that against the will ordinance and decrée of the States as doth now the Duke of Guise at the first with force of armes and afterwardes vnder the coullour and name of the Kyng of Nauar corrupting and breaking all Lawes constitutions and customes that by all meanes possible he might satisfie his ambicious minde and get the gouernement of the Realme into his handes And say they most renowmed Emperour you must not thinke that he is moued to do these things for the loue he beareth to any Religion but doth only make Religion a cleake to fulfill his ambicious desire but vnder this pretence he hath drawne a great part of the people vnto him whom he hath so stirred to outrage crueltie promising that they shall escape vnpunished whatsoeuer they do that now the mad and franticke people throughout the whole Realme of Fraunce do nothing els but kill spoyle and shew al maner of violence After the death of Henry the second and Fraunces the second Kynges of Fraunce it was expedient according to the auncient vse of the lawes that the States of FrauÌ„ce should be called together and that in the greater number because Charles our Kyng was of tender yeres Then the States as it was méete made certayne lawes and statutes the which should only stand in force and strength duringe this time of the Kynges minority according to the institution and
maner of our elders The which is the only foundatioÌ„ of those things which haue happened since that time to the which all those things ought to be referred and brought as to the toutchstone that they may be discerned whether they be good or euill Those lawes and constitutions were deuided into foure principall heades 1 The first concerned the custodie and protection of the Kyng and the Gouernour of the Realme 2 The second concerned those which should be of the Kyngs Counsell for that time 3 The third concerned prouision for warre and all maner of Artillary 4 The fourth concerned Religion and the staying of such troubles as might ensue by occasion therof As touching the first vppon great causes and reasons wise waighed and considered the States or whole body of the Realme haue decréed that the Quéene the Kyngs mother shal haue not only the charge and custodie of the Kynges maiestie her sonne but the gouerment also of the Realme in her owne person and the same not to be put ouer to any other without her consent will and pleasure And this decrée of the States was confirmed and approued by Princes the Kynges kinsmen Also the States decréed that the Queene Mother should be by them so directed that she by her wise ordering and disposing of thinges should discharge the great debt which remained to be paied after the death of king Henry and Fraunces and so the people to be disburthened from such great exactions and payments as they had aforetime payed And that she for her part should endeuour her selfe to bring all thinges to their former state and condition and that the people might liue euery where in peace and tranquillitie The second principall poynt was concerning the Kynges Counsaile The which the States desired to haue furnished with men that were vertuous wise carefull for the Kyng and the Realme Therfore they thought good that the Kynges Counsayle should consist of such men as were not sworne to any forreyne Prince or power as Cardinalles Bishoppes Abbats all such which they call Ecclesiasticall persons both for that they ought to followe their ordinary and proper office and calling and also for the oth which they haue sworne and vowed to the Bishoppes of Rome concerning temporall obedience which haue ben oftentimes enemies to the Bishoppes of Fraunce Therfore they prohibite and disalow any of them to be of the Kynges Counsayle or that there shoulde come vnto that Counsell two bretherne or more together according to the example of other Parliaments NotwithstaÌ„ding here thei except those which are Princes and the Kyngs kinsmen to whom it appertaineth without limitation of number by right to bée of the Kyngs Counsayle except the States haue any thing to obiect against them to the contrary Also they forbid such to be of the Kyngs Counsaile as haue had the ouersight vse and disposing of the Kyngs treasure vntill such time as they haue made their accompts And last of all bicause the Kinges Counsailers are bound to make account to the King of their iuste and lawfull counsaile and also to preserue and maintayne the Kinges treasure and when the Kinges treasurie hath smal store of money in it not to receiue of the King or to suffer to be giuen to any great and large gyftes the states do appoint and determine that all such giftes shal be reuoked and that so many as haue receyued such gyftes be constrained to restore them backe againe and in the meane tyme not to be of the Kinges counsaile Upon this second point dependeth the occasion of the â—…uill warre and sedition which at this day shaketh and violently assalteth the whole Realme of Fraunce the Guises the Constable the Marshall of Santandre perceyuing that they by thys meanes should not only be exclu ded out of the Kinges counsaile but also be constrayned to restore those giftes againe which they haue receyued of the Kinges thereby greatly in riched themselues And so they haue ioyned themselues and coÌ„spired togyther specially to hinder and frustrate that decrée It is no new thing that giftes which Kings haue bestowed contrary to the lawes appointed should be nothing regarded not only of the States which are chiefe in authoritie in the tyme of the Kings nonage but also of the ordinary Iudges of the exchecker by whose indgemeÌ„ts the Kinges afore tyme haue ben put to great expences in gyftes contrary to the lawes of the realme Of these thinges we haue many examples as of the Constable Clisson in the dayes of Charles the vi who was depryued of his office because he had gayned by the seruyce of the King to the valew of sixtene thousand pound But there is greater and more vehement cause at this tyme why they which are bound by the decrée of the states should be called to giue an account of that which they haue receyued and seing that now there is found in the kinges Treasurie the suÌ„me of 330000 poundes which was neuer séene before and yet the people at this present are more burthened with exactions and tributes than euer they were before And it is manifest that King Frauncis the first of that name which had diuers warres for the space of thrée and thirty yeares paied for his discharge a great summe of money and toke not so great and so many tributes of the people lefte notwithstanding in his treasury a greate masse of money Therefore the states demaunde the cause of so great expence And because it is likely that they were spenders and wasters whose dutye it was to husband and increase the same the States vppon verie good consideration do desier to haue an account that restitution and allowance may be made of such vnmeasurable expences The which truly is the verie cause why those thrée haue brought the Realme of Fraunce into these troubles to ouerthrowe those decrées of the states that the same may appeare most true which we saide before namely that they conspire not for religioÌ„s sake but for because they are couetously and ambitiously minded which Religion notwithstanding they take for a cloake to couer and hyde their wickednesse withall The third principall point of their costitutions is this The States would haue it in their power and authoritie during the tyme of the Kinges minoritie to order and appoint warres and at their pleasure to commaund the subiectes to arme themselues Because before they take warres in hand they should vnderstand the causes thereof and by what meanes they might be appeased Therfore also they would haue this authoritie that they which haue prouoked the people to Ciuyll warre might be made knowne to be the authoures of all the calamities and detrements which come by these warres The fourth principal point is that which concerneth Religion by which the states haue decréed that there must be a difference made betwene the cause of Religion and the cause of sedition in so much that for Religions sake no man ought to be condemned
as a seditiouse person aud a Rebell Therefore they thinke it lawfull for the kings subiects to haue liberty to take which religion the ilist that is to say eyther the coÌ„mon Romish Religion or els the Religion reformed according to the Gospell and to cleaue to none other and that all violence eyther pryuate or publique against eyther parte ought to be prohibited and that the Ciuill magistrates should prouide Temples for the ministers of the reformed Religion to haue their diuine seruice in and that no man should receiue any maner of violeÌ„ce or harme for vsing the benefit hereof But because those constitutions manifestly touched the Guises the Constable the Marshall of Saint Andre the Guises for that there were two Cardinals of them which were chosen to be of the Kings Counsaile also the Duke of Guise and the Duke de Aumal also because the Duke of Guise and the Cardinall of Lorraine his Brother were the Kinges treasurers And they touched the Constable and the Marshall of Saint Andrew because they by the same meanes were come to great aboundance and wealth For these causes they haue sought by all meanes possible to adnihillate and disanull these Lawes In the meane time the Quéene the Kings Mother as she hath ben alwaies in al her doinges wyse and circumspecte the which she declared when she had full liberty and was not Ruled by other mens power and violence indeuoured her selfe to make an vnity and concord betweene the Churches by frendly and quyet conference To the which Conference and Disputacion came all the chiefe Prelates of France and many Doctors out of the vniuersitie of Paris many Moonkes also which were sent from Rome and the Cardinall of Ferrer the Popes Legate and beside all these twelue Ministers of the Gospell both partes hoping it would come to passe by this friendly conference that they should come to some concord and agréement The which was greatly hindered and let by the Cardinall of Lorraine by whom after certaine principall pointes of the CoÌ„fession of Ausburge were disseÌ„blingly imbraced the Assembly was dissolued Then the Guises tooke other practises in hande and perswaded the Quéene and the King of Nauar to sende for the Iudges and Counsellers of all the Parliamentes of the Realme that they with the Princes and the Kinges Counsaile might giue their aduice for the present necessitie And to this Counsaill they sent suche as they had bound vnto them afore time by one benefite or other that by this meanes they might abolishe that which the States had decréed The which notwithstanding by the prouidence of God fell out otherwyse than they looked for And to the end they might the more craftely bring their purpose to passe they departed from the court â–ª But before they should go to the ende they might leaue nothing vndone that might serue to worke their wills they subtilly practised to carry with them the Duke of Orleans our Kings brother that if their deuises had not had good successe they might haue had one with them of the Kings linage whose name they might abuse â–ª This thing was plainly proued by diuers arguments and coÌ„fessed also by the Duke of Orleans himselfe who stayed the matter Here it may please you to consider at what time and by what meanes the Guises began to be iniuriouse and to shewe violence to the Quéene out of whose lap shée being a widow and in great trouble they went about to take her sonne Afterward the Guises departed not only from the Court but also to the vtmost partes and limites of the Realm and came to Sauern And there they fayned to like of the Confession made at Ausburge before one of the Princes of the Empire that by theis meanes they might insinuate themselues into the num ber of the Princes of the Empire the which as known to your highnesse we touch by the way But their departure out of France caused all men to hope for peace concorde which was euery where receyued by the rumour of their absence For in all places euery man of what religioÌ„ soeuer he wereof liued peaceably without any offence committed for the diuersitie of Religion all men receyuing that religion which liked him best And the word of God was preached in diuerâ—… places many ioyfully imbracing the same if a few had made any stour or businesse for ReligioÌ„ they by and by were easely suppressed About this time there was an assembly of Iudges and Counsellers which sate in the Court that belongeth to the Princes and to the Kings priuy Counsaill amonge whom was the Constable and the Mashall of S. Andrew who wayted for new troubles The Bourgeses or chosen men for the states declared that there was nothing in those things which the States had decréed to be altered but must stand wholy vpon their determination liking and they sayd that before they began with any other matter they must séeke to purge and to reforme the Kings Counsaill On the contrary part they which were to be thrust out of the Kings counsail by the same decree of the States bare themselues so bold vppon that assembly that they perswaded themselues to escape vnpunished notwithstanding all that the â–ª States could do Who neuerthelesse when they vnderstood the power authoritie which beloÌ„ged to the States would not giue their consent to doo any thing contrary to their decrees And although many of them openly declared that they fauoured the Guises and his fellowes yet notwithstanding there was an Edicte made called the Edicte of Ianuary because it was made the 18. day of Ianuary by the which Edict liberty and leaue was graunted for the word of God to be openly preached â–ª as it was decreed by the States Notwithstanding with this exception So that it were done without the walles of the Citie and that the Churches dedicated to the vses of the Church of Rome were not vsurped The Magistrate being commaunded to take an othe of the Ministers of the gospel that they should preache the word of God purely sincerity quietly without any sedition as is more at large declared in that Edict which was confirmed by the decrees of the States And although that same Edicte was suspected of the men of the reformed Churches least when they were out of the Cities and vnarâ—…ed and farre from their houses to helpe themselues they should easely be made a pray for their enemies as it came afterward to passe in deed yet notwithstanding because they would not be importunate and troublesome to the Queene to the King of Nauar to the Princes to the whole assembly they agreed thereunto vpon this condicion That they should deale vprightly and in good fayth the which also the whole assembly promised vnto them And then euery man sware to obserue and keepe the Edict faithfully truly and the men of more noble calling sware agayne before the Queene that they would not craue pardon for those which had violated or broken
in no perell hereafter by any maner of meanes eyther for wearing armour or for Religion commaundinge that all sentences pronounced againste him for these causes to be voyde and of none effect and that his goodes substance which hath bin brought into our treasury be giuen restored to him again and commanding also the watch ward about his house to cease whatsoeuer hath bin ordeyned and decréed in our Parlements for this matter notwithstanding Also that it shal not be nedefull for the said T. R. our suppliant to haue any other argument or proofe to declare our will and pleasure herin but these our letters only Notwith standing prouided that he be no author of seditions of rapines or of spoyling of Churches nor that he secretly conuey to our enemis either money or armour and also vpon this condition that he liue euer hereafter Catholicly and come not to the seruice or rytes of the new Religion that he neuer hereafter beare armour against vs nor do ayde and assiste those that are our enemyes any maner of way But as by these meanes snares were layed to trap entangle the simple and héedelesse sort as shortly after appeared in many when they were come home so there was no staye of excommunications thoondered out at Paris at Tbolouze and at Bordeaulx and in other places where the papistes ruled against such as were counted Huguenotes strayt charge being geuen to al meÌ„ to detect such persones the payne appointed threatened to suche as should conceale any such so suspected and a rewarde promised to him that would detect any such person the Kings Attorney being commaunded to inquire and â—…nd out such causes and to bring them with all spéede before the Senate Then after the publishing of those letters of warrant from the King whereof we spake before the Senate or Parliament of Paris decréed that all those men which came from Burges Poytiers Meaulx Roane Lions and from other Cities which were kepte by the Prince of Conde to Paris should be taken and that they should be punished according to the prescript of the Kings Edicte which commaundeth al men of the new Religion to goe out of Paris notwithstandinge that they had gotten the Kinges letters of warrant and had made a Catholique confession as they terme it of their fayth Roane being wonne as we declared before the army of the Guise came to Paris about the beginning of Nouember the rumour increasing more and more concerning the ayde of the Germanes and of the Englishe men which should come to the Priuce of Conde very shortly Therefore Roan being fortified agayne the breaches of the walles being builded vp and a Garrison left in the towne the Duke of Guise retourned backe agayn with his armie to Paris In the meane tyme came the armies out of Germanie to Orleans sent by the protestant Princes vnder the conduct and charge of the Marshall of Hessen They were thirtéen enseignes of horsemen contayning in iust number 2600 and eleuen enseignes of footemen contayning thrée thousand souldiours Then the Prince of Conde when hée had gathered togyther an armye mynded to remoue from Orleans and to goe to Paris But before his departure from thence hée published a writing in the which he cleareth himselfe from being the author of the first motions and of the ciuill warre deryuing and laying the same vpon the Guises his fellowes and protesteth that dutie moueth him too enter into warre to deliuer the Kinge and the whole Realme from those iniuries and violence This which followeth is the summe of his letter I haue hitherto sufficiently sayeth he by many writings published and sent abroad euidently declared that the Guises the Constable and the Marshiall of S. Andrew are the authours and the first and true causes of those troubles which we sée at this tyme to be so hote outra giouse in the Realme because they tooke disdayne that they should be remoued from the gouernement whiche they vsurped in the dayes of King Fraunces the seconde and were offended at the decrée of the States of the Realme in which thei are commaunded to make an accompt of the excéeding number of giftes which they had receyued in the former Kings dayes and of the ordering and bestowing of the Kings money greatly refusinge not onely to be deliuered from this account but also vsing their former subtilties to enriche and set vp them selues by the ruine and decay of others After that I shewed the diuers Counselles and secret deliberations had they couering their conspiracies with the cloake of Religion and how they began to arme them selues by their owne prinate authoritie contrary to the expresse commaundements of the Quéene and the Decrée of the States breaking the common peace how they contemning the Quéenes authoritie the decree of the States by which they were commaunded to goe home to their owne houses came with an army ofmen and tooke the King and Quéene into their handes perforce with so much grief to the King that hée declared the same with teares openly I haue also declared and will euer euidently declare that I haue for iust and necessary causes and by the expresse commaundements of the Quéen her selfe as may appeare by letters sealed with her owne hand armed my selfe and haue ben nominated and elected by her to take vpon me the defence of this cause as can testifie Monsure Jarnac Monsure Soubize and moÌ„sieur Pordillan to whoÌ„ shée expresly declared that it was her will that the Kings faithfull subiectes should obeye mée and that they should at my commaundement withstand the counselles and practises of the Kinges aduersaries to restrayne their licenciouse willes And as for me if I should not take the sword in hand the King and Quéenes Maiesties and the Realme cannot choose but be ruled by the wills of the aduersaries whom experience hath shewed of late to be the tyraunts of Fraunce And now although I haue the testimonie of a good conscience towardes God and the Quéen who hath power and authoritie to gouerne the Realme and although I haue already declared all my actions and the trueth of my cause by diuers writings yet neuerthelesse because my aduersaries according to their wonted wicked custome do send abroad into forreyne nations many false reportes and sclaunders in writing impudently burthening mée with false lyes making mée the authour and cause of all these troubles I which desire to haue a good name and report among all Christian Princes Nobles and among the Kinges faythfull subiectes which desire to kéepe my honor and dignity thought good after many other to publishe this writing also To the ende all men may vnderstand how carefully euen vntill this present daye I haue laboured sought by al meanes possible to mitigat and pacefie those troubles raysed by their wickednesse not onely because I know what great destruction will come thereby but also because I haue a singular care and desire both to stablish the
cause which was not perticuler but generally belonging to all men and that I should resist open force and tyrāny and restore libertie of conscience to the men of the reformed Churches by the benefite of the kings Edicte after so great and so longe affliction whereby they sayd I should preserue the authoritie and dignitie of the king and the Estates For these causes the greatest part of Noble men and Gentlemen vppon conscience of their dutie knowing that they were bound hereunto both by diuine and also by mans lawe haue followed me and with these the greatest part of the kings subiectes and his most noble Cities haue voluntarily ioyned themselues with me and rather by diuine than humane reason haue elected and created mée with one voyce and consent for this cause to be their Captayne The which office I being of the kings bloud and naturally bound to the Crowne of Fraunce haue taken vpon mée and haue sworne to maintayne the glory of God the dignity and conseruation of the king the Realme hauing also entered into league with them in respecte whereof I haue bound my selfe vnto them and cannot be discharged of my othe againe without the solemne consent of my fellowes to whom I haue giuē my faith And whereas I offered to the Quéene to become a banished man vpon this condicion If by the departing of vs fewe the common peace and libertie of Religion might bee obtayned it is manifest that my departure shall open a gap to more miserable destruction and therefore there is no cause why I should be bound by that my promise If I should departe the realme I should leaue the King in this his nonage in perill of the ambition and violēce of straungers and the Crowne of the which I am by nature a defender and protector in hasard of lying in the dust Agayne it cannot be that the Kinges subiectes should be in the more securitie through my departure whē this one thing is manifest that the Shepeheard beeing away ▪ the Woulfe maye the more easely destroye the flocke Can I thinke that so great a multitude can be sent out of the realm without their great hurt and without the great destruction of the whole realme Therefore for my duties sake to do the which I am bound both by nature and also by my othe I cannot neyther ought I to depart out of the Realme specially in these perillouse tymes vnlesse I would incurre the faulte of a fugitiue and startaway For as touching the reasons which my aduersaries bring to couer their wickednesse and to diswade me from the defence of so iust a cause they are so weake of so small waight that no man will estéeme them but those which are affectionate vnto them For whereas they say that from that time hitherto the Quéene hath altered her purpose disalowed the Edicte and allowed their bearing of armour and had giuen hir authoritie to the King of Nauarre to rule and order the whole matter it is nothing First bycause it is more probable and agreable to reason that whatsoeuer the King the Quéene and the viceroy determined and decréed when they had full libertie and when the kingdome was in peace is more firme and sure than that which they approue and confirme in these troublesome tymes when they are after a sort constrayned by force of Armes Secondly the Quéene cannot alow the gathering togyther of domesticall and forein Armyes of men and the beginning of warre contrary to the auncient custome of the lawes of Fraunce and the late decrée of the states and that for so euil an end purpose as to breake the Kinges Edicte the decrée aforesaid made solemly by the Quenes cōmandement but she must also ouerthrow the foundation vppon which her authoritie standeth which by that meanes should be of no force Neyther can she of her selfe put ouer to another her authority and power to gouerne bycause it commeth not vnto her by natural right but is giuen vnto her by the benefite and consent of another Moreouer touchinge the king of Nauarre whether hée be Viceroy or Legat he hath no such authority that he may commaund the Guises or any other to gather togyther armies of men and that without the commaundement of the Quene or the kings lawfull Counsaile chosen by the states The which was not obserued when the Quéene gaue them commaundement to put of their armour Neyther is it of greater waight or force that the Quéene since that tyme hath approued the bearing of armour and the musteringe of souldiers bycause in those matters it cānot be sufficient to haue only a bare allowing or approuing in the which a sure and expresse commaundement is required To conclude admit the Kinges Counsaile were such as it ought to be by the decrée of the States and that there were ioyned therwith the authoritie of the Quéene and of the Kinge of Nauar God forbid that any man how great soeuer his authority be in the tyme of the Kinges nonage might gather an army proclayme warre and put the power of the King and the Realme into the hands of a subiect be he neuer so faithfull without the wil and consent of the States first had and specially when the purpose is so euill and that the Kinges ▪ Edict should be broken These thinges of me considered I haue determined not to forsake my king in his young age and my Countrey and Religion all which requyre my helpe Therefore I haue brought my army more neare my enemies my souldiers being very willing and couragious to set vppon the enemy and to ioyne battaile But our enemies which haue so often triumphed ouer vs scorned vs haue found no better way than to packe and steale away secretly in the night Therefore forsaking to ioyn battail with vs thei came to Blais a town without any Garrison vnlooked for besieged the same and when they had won it they shewed al maner of cruelty and since that tyme they haue spoyled as yet do spoile cruelly many of the Cities of this Realme And as for the Quéene though she know the goodnes of our cause and that I haue done nothing but by her commaundement yet neuerthelesse bycause she is more a fraide of the power and subtill practises of our aduersaries than she trusteth to the good successe of oure parte mindeth to giue her selfe wholy vnto them anddoth more openly and vehemently fauour them as may plainly appear by these effectes Therefore shée gaue her selfe wholy to the Cardinal of Lorrayn who at that tyme was with her to be gouerned by him although shée knewe well enough the couetousnes ambition cruell mind which is in him and in the rest of that stocke which haue bin the causes of most greuous troubles in the Realme of Fraunce ▪ since that tyme that they haue borne any rule Therfore the Cardinall left nothing vndone that might hinder peace as may appeare by hys letters which by chaunce came to our handes
Edict what Priuiledge soeuer to the contrary they were able to bring Whereuppon many were taken by the force of those decrées put to death which came home to their houses vppon trust of the Kyngs Letters of warrant Whereby it may euidently appeare how falsely they haue made report to Princes of other Nations of the securitie that men should haue if so be vppon trust thei would put them selues in their handes And because certaine Princes knowing the goodnes of our cause and the vniust dealing of our aduersaries haue sent vnto mee aide to auoyde those miserable calamities at hand they make exclamation to discredit me and my cause that I bring forreyne ayd and power into the Realme But what I dyd before I tooke thys remedie in hande many Princes know whom I entreated to be meanes to make a pacification and who caÌ„ testifie that their Legates were hindered herein Also séeing they haue replenished the whole Realme with straungers as with Spaniardes Switzers Germanes and with Italians to the ende they might execute their tyraÌ„nie how shamelesse be they to reproche and discredite me in saying that I bring forreyn power into the realm And I protest that as I was constrained to take this remedie in hand so I haue determined euer hereafter to séeke by all lawfull meanes and wayes to deliuer the Church of God the King the Countrey and my self froÌ„ this oppression But whereas they haue euery where published abroade the Decrée of rebellion against me and myne which they haue caused to bée made sure cause not knowne nor heard by certayne seditiouse persones which displacing certayne good men out of their roomes take vpon them the name and countenance of Senatours of Paris I haue appealed from them and shewed in wri ting the causes of my appeale And to the ende their fraude and deceit may appeare the more impudent they haue exempted me from the number of those whom falsly they cal rebelles Howbeit if this good and iust cause may be called rebellion I my selfe aboue all the reste ought to be burthened with the same séeing that I account my selfe to be their Captayne and haue taken vpon me the defence of that cause haue called those that attende vpon me to shewe their obedience to the King at the commaundement of the Queene and doo as yet retayne them with me to this ende And I affirme that there can be greater iniury done vnto me than to be separated from so honest and faithfull a company in whoÌ„ I do note so great fidelitie and obedience toward the king in this so present a necessitie that I think that the same their dutifull obedience wil be commended amonge all posterities for euer This therefore is the summe of those things which I haue don vnto this day the which I haue with great simplicitie and without all cooller declared And I pray all those that loue the trueth moste earnestly which shall reade this writing that they will vprightly and without all preiudice waigh the matter and to Iudge not by the words but by the actions God for his mercies sake order and direct the whole matter to the glory of his name to the peace of the Church â–ª to the tranquillitie of the Realme to the confusion of those his enimies which are the authours of these troubles This writing being published abroad and all maner of warlike prouision being prepared the Prince of Conde as we sayde before remoued with his armie from Orleans and conducted the same by the Countrey of Beausse toward Paris And as hée went hée besieged a town called Pluâ—…iers which was kept with seuen Enseignes of footemen and at the length when hee had sore battered the same with his ordinaunce he had it deliuered vp vnto him Then he tooke twoo of their principall Captaines and caused them to be put to death as for the reste of the common soldiers he spared them After this many Townes yéelded vnto him as Escampes la Ferte Dordan and others which hée receyued into his seruice vpon trust Also he minded to besiege the Citie of Corbeil which the Guises kept and mayntayned with a great garrison of souldiours This Citie is of great forte bâ—…rdering vpon the riuer of Sein by which ryuer great prouision and store of vittailes were caryed to Paris And while he was making al things ready for the siege word was brought vnto him of the death of his brother the King of Nauar. Whose office of Uiceroy he perceyuing that he ought to haue by order during this tyme of the Kings minoritie and then hoping to moderate and end al things by peace he left of his purpose of besieging Corbeiâ—… and comming néerer Paris he pitched his campe at Arcel â–ª the first day of DeceÌ„ber Therfore the Queen sending letters vnto him desired to conferre and talke with him not purposing neuerthelesse as the euent declared to conclude concorde and peace but onely to delay and differre the time and to diminishe the force of the Prince of Conde his armye vntill the armies came out of Spayne and Gascoyne which were dayly looked for this was done by the subtill practises of the Guises But because the Prince of Conde was not at that tyme very well at ease the Admirall went firste to talke with the Quéene passing ouer the ryuer of Seyn by the port Angloyse In the meane tyme the Constable came to the Prince of Conde for a pledge But this iourney was in vayne the Quéene saying that she would neuer agrée that the reformed Religion should be vsed in any parte of the Realme Then was the parley appointed againe in a more conuenient place â—…éere vnto the suburbes of S. Mâ—…rceau in a certayne Mill. At which méeting the Prince of Conde propounded these condicions of peace First that the vse of the reformed religion might be frée in those Cities in the which it was before the warre began and that the faithful might liue peaceably in other places and that they might goe vnto such Townes as they knew the reformed Religion to bée vsed in also that there might be diligent héed taken that they sustained no manner of perill for enioying the benefite of religion Secondly that it might be lawfull for all men of the reformed Religion to enioy their goods offices dignities but specially their religion in what part of the Realme soeuer they dwelt and that all sentences and iudgements of any Court pronounced against them for religion be voyd and of none effect that they which for religions sake were fled the realme or hauing before fled were now come home againe might enioye y same benefite and might haue leaue at their retourne to enioy all that they had that euery Noble man might haue libertie to vse the reformed Religion in his house and also that it might be lawfull for euery one of the Kings Counsell to haue the same religion in or about the Court so long as he shall there giue his attendance
declared by the Kings decrée free and cleare from that accusation and that he ought not in any poynt to bee charged therewith and commaundement was giuen that the matter should on both sides be buried in the darke graue of euerlasting forgetfulnesse and obliâ—…i on and be troden vnder foote as though it had neuer bene done The Guises also they of Chastillon were charged to lay aside all hatred and grudge and to be reconciled and euerafter become friendes and louers This commaundement was obeyed and receyued of both sides whereby the wound was stopped couered for a while but not thorowly healed Notwithstanding the Cardinal of Lorayne was here by sinely beguiled and defeated of his purpose thinking by this to haue had iust occasion as the Spanish Kinge br agged in his letters both to haue displaced the Admirall and also vnder a faire shew of this cause to haue violated and broken the peace The Prince of Conde the Admirall the Andelot and other of the chief Nobles that were professors of the reformed Religion went not with the King on this iourney The Cardinall also of Lorrayne taryed behinde in Fraunce as we shall hereafter declare After this the King came to Lions with a very great trayne and was Royally and sumptuously receyued of the Townesmen of both Religions Here they had determined to frame and put in practise many conceyptes and deuises for that if they could ouerthrow and suppresse the congregatign that was here being of all other the chief and most famouse they shold the easier deface and destroy others that were lesse For the state of that most florishing populous church did gréeue the Archepapistes at the very hartes Wherefore they thought it behouable and very expedient by all wayes possible to oppresse and disquiet it Yet contrary to their purpose and meaning they taryed but a small tyme there by reason the plage raged so cruelly that through the stubborne wilfulnes of the Quéene that meant to haue stayed the Court longer there the plague came euen into hir owne chamber and dispatched one of the Noble women of her own trayne out of the way Wherefore thorough feare of the pestilence the Courte remoued from Lions to Rossilon a territorie belonging to the howse of Tarnon their howses being very stately garnished be fore with the Kings owne prouision and furniture and yet the papistes were not idell at Lions although their aboade there was both short and daungerous For the chief men of the reformed Religion were charged to abstayne and not to resort any more to Sermons or other assemblies And that this might the better bee done in all places where the Court should passe there came out a commaundement from the King forbidding That the reformed religioÌ„ should bee exercised in any place where the king should passe or in any place where he lay as loÌ„g as he made his aboade there and that it should not be pra ctised at any tyme hereafter in any of the kinges howses and pallaces the cause also was added least the Catholiques being greeued and offended with it new troubles should arise There was also a pÌ„face adioined That the same was omitted in the Edict wherunto the king would all men should vnderstand he ment not by this interpretation to adde any thing So thus they vsed the name of the Edict where in déed they endeuored to ouerthrowe and abolishe it A fortresse also by the Kings commaundement was begonne to be built at Lions to kéepe in subiection and ouerlooke the Townesmen vpon the hill of S. Sebastian in the highest part of the Citie the garrison augmented with a new supplie of fresh souldiers whereby the protestantes were manifestly marked with the note of rebellion Wée declared before how the Citie of Lions in the be ginning of the former warre was kept and fortified with a garrison of the protestantes and how Monsieur Saltan a noble man had as then the gouernment rule ouer the Citie who being very earnestly requested of the faythfull that he would in the Kings name goe forward in the administration of their common wealth notwithstanding refused to do it and leauing Lions got him quietly home to his owne howse By his defaulte and negligence the Duke of Guise when he liued would say that Lions was taken of the protestants and many complaintes and accusations as touching that matter were put vp against him by the chiefe of the popish Nobilitie and certayn Italians were suborned to accuse him before the King for betraying Lions into the protestaÌ„ts handes To these complaintes Monsieur Saltan maketh aunswere and albeit he had sufficiently proued them to be but méere surmises and false sclaunders and was also quited and discharged by the Kings own Iudgement of that accusation yet notwithstanding no punishment although he complayned diuers tymes to the Kinge therof was executed vpon these wrongful sclauÌ„derers Moreouer intreatie was made with him by Interpreters in the Kinges name that he would gyue ouer his Presidentship wherefore beeing nothing desirous of glorie and authoritie willingly gaue place and resigned his office in whose roome was placed Monsieur Lossay a man of very craftie and deceiptful disposition and excéeding hautie and proud For it is almost impossible to be told with what intollerable pompe and excessiue pride he vaunted and boasted himselfe and how great impunitie and carelesnesse in offending against the protestaÌ„ts was graunted to the papists by him The particular discourse whereof as I haue often sayde before doth not appertayn vnto our purpose for so should we take vpon vs an other mannes charge and our Commentaries which we purposed to make but short and briefe would growe vnto a great and large volume About the fourth day of August a new interpretation of the Edict was enacted and called the declaration of Religion wherein firste was placed a preface at the first vew very goodly That it was the Kinges will and pleasure that his Edict of and for religion should be straightly kept and obserued euery where that they that should be guilty of the contrary should be punished that law and iustice should bee ministred vnto all men indifferentlye and without partialitie and that his maiestie did suruey and visit his Realme and Prouinces to th entent he might meet with and prouide for al such confusions and disorders as were in the common wealth But whereas he is giuen to vnder stand that the libertie that hee had graunted out for the vse of religion did dayly minister occasions of strife and contentioÌ„ he was ready to prouide remedy for that mischiefe And to the entent that here after no doubtfull or double vnderstanding of the Edict which was made and set forth by his authoritie be left stil vncertaine and for that the declaration of his owne and very true meaning doth onely appertaine vnto him selfe for these causes he hath thought good to set it forth in open writing And whereas saith hee we do
the time of troubles and that you thought that they had done all things vppon iust groundes and considerations WhervpoÌ„ they conclude that the same sentence or decrée is so confyrmed by you the which is false séeyng the same decrée against Rapine was giuen forth the thirtéene daye of Aprill and therefore after the Edict made and proclaimed As touching the eyghtene braunch where you say That you are verye sorye that iustice is not truely and purely ministered as you desire and would haue it the which you could not hitherto remedy bycause the men of the reformed Religion had not so fully obserued the Edict as they ought all the Cities which they helde being not rendered vp when as your Maiestie your selfe had first of all giuen them an example of the obseruation of the Edict I would gladly demaund of the Cardinall of Loraine and his fellowes whether I forsoke and rendred vp Orleans by and by yea or no and whether at my commaundement the like was done at Auxer at Suessi and in diuers other places in these parts and as touching those cities which were farther of I demaund whether I sent not certaine with my letters to commaund them to sollowe my example in yéelding vp themselues But to be short if I haue pretermitted no thing which was my dutie to do and which I was able to do can it bée truely said that I haue kept my authoritie still ouer those Cities which are not surrendered To whome therefore maye you iustly impute the cause but to the Cardinall of Loraine who is the the very cause of all violence committed at Orleans at Suessi at Ualence at Cisteron at Auxer and at Saint Spirit the which cities being cruelly vexed haue notwithstanding shewed the principall part of obedience Was this way to cause other cities to surrender and to lay aside their armour Was the staying of the proclamacion of the Edict the waye too make the same too bee obserued Should not the Edict haue ben proclaimed before the men of the reformed Religion had ben punished for not obseruation of the same But they are so farre from desiring the obseruation of the Edict according to the prescript of your will that we haue found some of their letters cleane contrary too the same an example and coppie wherof we haue sent vnto you the letters them selues are in the hands of the Quéene of Nauar being writteÌ„ by the two Capitolles of Tholoz the Magistrate of a towne is so called to their fellowes saying that your Maiestie was sory that the Edict was not proclaimed at Tholoz because thereby the surrender of the Rebellious Cities would be delayed and therfore it was necessary for the commen profit of all men that the proclamation should bee made in the Parliament out of hand notwithstanding without any maner of solemnitie in the proclaiming therof and with those exceptions which the Court shall thinke méete But some wil replie and say that we must not haue regard to a fewe sedicious persons truly we would with all our hartes make no account of them if so be their sedicious counsailes were not effectually commauÌ„ded and yours reiected For it is most true that you were faine so send commaundement foure seuerall times before your Edict would be proclaimed and then it was not so â—…oolorably and fraudulently as maliciously and spitefully done adioyning to the woords of the Edict contrary to the expresse forme therof this sentence 〈◊〉 is contayned in the secret and priuie Commentaries of the Senate by the which words it is plaine that they haue inserted exceptions cleane contrary to the Edict Whereby it may euidently appeare that they are more carefull to defend and enlarge their owne dignitie than the preseruation of your Maiestie and authoritie As though their honour did depend vppon any other than vppon you and although they had any other authoritie to defend than that which appertayneth vnto you The which they shall not do so long as I can find any waye to hinder them And yet notwithstanding their Rebelli on and boldnes is so farre from reproofe that you haue written your letters at the sute of some to approue maintaine the exceptions and delayes in proclaiming your Edict Moreouer where as you say in the former brauÌ„ch That your Maiestie hath in nothing broken your promise I pray you hartely giue me leaue to say that neither I nor any one of the reformed Religion haue felt as yet any frute or profit by this peace and haue enioyed none of those thinges which you haue promised vnto vs but haue felt the oppression violence shewed to vs ward since the peace made to be a great deale more than the hurt and detrement which we receiued by open warre Insomuch that in respect of our selues wee may truly say The time of warre was to vs the time of peace and the time now of pretended peace is to vs the time of most cruell warre Concerning the last braunch where you saye That it is very vnresonable and farre from the dutie of a good subiect to go about to abrogate the authoritie of your Maiestie but that you might when perill is like to ensue and for the auoyding of the destruction of one of your chiefe Cities to alter and change the places appoynted for preaching of Sermons and that you are fully perswaded that the reasons and considerations were such why that libertie was taken from Lions that I also wold haue approued them if I had bene of your counsayle I most hartely beséech your Maiestie to thinke that I would neuer so much forget my self and my dutie that I would but once haue a thought to deminish your dignitie but contrariwise I protest that I would moste gladly spend my life to séeke all meanes and waies that might enlarge the same Let your Maiestie call to mind also that this libertie of Lions is a matter of great waight which also was so greatly debated among vs when the peace was in question And it is wel knowne that the same matter hath bene handeled heretofore in your counsaile at Sangerman when the making of the Edict of Ianuary was in hand at which time were present the most principall of your priuie counsaile the chiefest men out of all your Courtes within this Realme of both sortes of Religion by whom after long disputation it was concluded that in the bordring Cities as in Mets Bolone Callece Ardes and in such other like places there shuld be a preaching place with in those cities to auoyd all occasions of lying in wait of treason Notwithstanding the Cardinall of Loraine and his fellowes will persuade if they can that they which séeke and require the precise obseruation of auncient constitutions and of the Edicts would abrogate your Maiesties authoritie and that they and their fellowes séeke to maintaine and enlarge the same when as in deede they would haue it quight abolished Furthermore it is contained in the former braunch That your Maiestie was
territorie of Bellouac of which he being certified fled and in fléeing was chased by souldiours till he came to the Sea In so much that he was constrayned to leaue the greatest part of his cariage behind him and to take Ship to passe ouer into England It was also commonly reported about this tyme that Charles Sonne to King Philip of Spayne was dead The causes were by diuers men diuersly reported but that which was most credible is That the Inquisitors suspecting him of certain things concerning religion ê“uoked stirred vp the displeasure of the Father against the Sonne that he might depriue himselfe of his onely Sonne and of the lawfull heyre of Spayn Shortly after this also newes was brought concerning the death of Elizabeth wyfe to Philip Kinge of Spayne and Sister to Charles King of Fraunce Furthermore the Duke of Alba dayly more more played the tyrant in Flaunders straining no courtesie at the shedding of innocent bloud wherevpon the prince of Orange being moued partely to discharge his dutie being one of the Princes of the Empire and partely for the loue which hée bare to his Countrey caused a great Army to be in a readinesse that hée might withstand the cruell tyrannie of the said Duke of Alba. He had to ayde him great numbers of horsemen footemen which came out of Germany out of Fraunce and also out of the low CouÌ„trey County Lâ—…dowike also his brother a valeaÌ„t captain came with a great number of good souldiours to ioyne with him COME LORD IESV COME QVICKLY The. ix Booke of Commentaries concerning the state of Religion and of the common wealth of Fraunce vnder the Raigne of Charles the ninth THus beganne the third ciuill war in FrauÌ„ce being more notable than the others goyng before both for the great atteÌ„pts and enterprises and also for the continuance of the same for it troubled the Noble Realme of FrauÌ„ce for the space of two yeres Therefore when newes was brought to the Courte of the departure of the Prince of Conde there was open prouision made on both partes for the warre but both their conditions were not alike For the Papistes had Cities Artillery money and all maner of prouision belonging to warre they had also the Kings name authoritie and power by which they preuailed more than by any other meane But as for the Prince of Conde and the Protestantes they had almost nothing but the goodnesâ—…e of their cause and couragious mindes to defende themâ—…elues who though to the perill of the losse of theyr lyues and goods were almost desperate to defende the same Moreouer they which should haue bene helpers and furtherers of their cause were hemde in and shut â—…p throughout the whole Realme in so muche that it was marueile that the Prince of Conde was able to holde warre and to withstand his enemies in so great extreamitie There were great and vrgent caâ—…ses of newe contention â–ª as the diâ—…pleasure taken for the breaking of the oath solemnlye made the breaking of the Kings promise and common peace and the meâ—…itable necessitie of defending their consciences and liues But the Papistes beyng forward enough of themselues tâ—… destroy the godly were pricked forward by the bloudy â—…uriousnesse of the Cardinall of Loraine Therefore by the Kings commaundâ—…ment for vnder this name the Papistes did what they would the Armies that were dismiâ—…t were nowe called backe againe newe choyse and musteâ—…s of men were had and they were all commaunded to be at Staples the. x. dayâ—… of September The wholâ—… ordering and charge of the warre was committed tâ—… Alexander Duke of Angewe the Kings brother being but a young man notwithstanding he had ioyned with him certaine valiant captaines as we sayde before Then were baytes and â—…nares subtiâ—…ly layde and in the Kinges name the gouernours of the Prouinces published a decrée as thus The Kyng commaundeth that all the men of the reformed Religion be vnder his protection no lesse than anye other of his subiectes that they may haue leaue to complaine of iniuries done to them that they may haue remedies prouided out of hande as it is meete and conuenient for their defence and that all Magistrates should be vigilant to defend them In the meane tyme he that caryed the Prince of Condes letters to the King after the deliuerie of them was taken and committed prisoner to a certaine noble man and no answere made to the letters The Prince of Conde when he had stayed in the house of Rochfoucant certaine dayes wente wyth hys whole retinew to Rochel of whose inhabitantes he was very louingly receiued And thether came vnto him the inhabitantes of Xantonge of Poictou of Perigueux of Engolmoys and a great number of noble men of the Regions thereaboutes which embraced the reformed religion and as for the common sort of people they came vnto him out of all those quarters by beapes The Câ—…ties also called Sainctes Tifauge and Montagu offered themselues vnto him But for all this he sente letters to diuers partes of the Realme requiring ayâ—… of hys fellowes and forsomuch as the Protestantes were expulsed almost euery Citie it seemed good vnto him that they shoulde come with all spéede to hiâ—… to Rochel and then hauing greater power to ioyâ—… battaile wyth the enemie Notwithstanding in many places by the wonderfull prouidence of God there were diuers places of refuge reserued throughout the whole Realme as to the men of Francoys Sanferre and Uezelay to the men of Languedoe Montalban Castrealby and Milliaulde to the men of Dolpheny which at that time were in great perill the Cities of Uiuaretze were reserued as Albenac Priuac and many others But before the Prince of Conde began any warre he published a certaine solemne declaration of the causes of the same In manner and forme as followeth I protest before God and his Angels and before this holy assembly that â—…as I also declared in my last letters which I sent vnto the King my Lord intend to do nothing against his Maiestie which may either hurt his person or dignitie but taking him for my Kinge and supreme Lorde next vnder God by him so appoynted I protest that whatsoeuer I doe is for no other cause but to keepe and defende the liberties of our consciences the free vse of the reformed Religion our lyues honours and goods from the tyrannie and oppression of the Cardinall of Loraine and his fellowes â–ª the whiche tyrannie they haue alwayes hytherto shewed and minde still to vse towards the men of the reformed Religion contrary to our kings will whiche he hath openly declared by publique Edicts and decrees thereby breaking the common peace and tranquiâ—…itie And for this cause to the end I may defend their lyues honours goods and the libertie of their consâ—…ences which professe the reformed religion I affirâ—…e that I wyll spende bothe my lyfe and whatso euer eâ—…se God hath giuen vnto me And bâ—…cause there came souldiers daye by daye vnto
Quéenes good will. But the Quéene of Nauar persisting in her former purpose sent letters to the King to the Quéene to the Duks of Aniou and to the Cardinall of Borbon In the which because she doth plainly she we the reasons of hir purpose it shall not be amisse to repeate the summe of them When saith she I receyued your letters I was rea dy to take my iorney hearing the rumor of so great alte ration the which notwithstanding was not vnlike to come our aduersaries beeinge so outragious that their madnesse could not but take awaye from vs all hope of peace which was offred vnto vs most Christian king by your Edict of patification the which notwithstaÌ„ding was not only euill obserued kept but plainly broken also by the subtil meanes of the Cardinal of Lorain who notwithstanding your promises which you haue made to your miserable subiectes hath not ceased both by letters to the parliaments and also to all those whose help he thought hee might haue to frustrate and adnihillate the force and effect of the Edict abusing our patience after he had made a way to an infinite sort of murthers he presumed to procéede farther and sought to preuaile against the Princes your neare kinsmen of the which we haue a manifest example in my brother the Prince of Conde who was so furiously assaulted that hee was constrained to craue aide of his kinsmen And bycause my Sonne and I are so neare of bloud vnto him wée could not chuse but offer vnto him that kindnesse which the Law of nature requireth Wée know sufficiently your mind which you haue declared both by woord and writinge which is to haue at our handes obedience the which we are ready to yéeld vnto you euen to â—…heading of the laste drop of our bloud And furthermore we know most Christian king that your naturall goodnes is wholy enclâ—…ned to preserue vs and not to destroy vs Seing therfore wée sée such practises against vs is ther any man which knowing you to be a faithfull and iuste king and séeing notwithstanding such contrary actions so manifest against your promises will not Iudge that these things are done withour your commaundement and that by the cankered malice and spight of the Cardinall of Loraine Therefore I pray and beséech you most ChristiaÌ„ King to take it in good part the I was gone froÌ„ home to serue our God you also which are our King and supreme Lord and of our owne bloud Wée setting our selues as vtter enemies against their practises so much as wée may which presumptuously go aboute to oppresse vs And I pray you to certifie your selfe that wee haue not put oure selues in armour but onely for these thrée causes least they should vtterly destroye vs as they haue gone about As touching mine owe part I say the the Cardinal hath done great iniurie vnto you in that he hath gone about to chaunge his power and authoritie into violence séeking to take away my Sonne from me perforce that he might be brought vnto you as though your onely commaundement could not sufficiently preuayle both with him and me But we saye and affirms O king and beséeche you so to thinke that we are your most louing and obedient seruaunts in so much that whensoeuer it shall please you to trye vs to compare our fayth with the falshood of the Cardinall and his fellowes I beléeue you shall finde more trueth and trust in my déedes than you shall finde faythfulnes in his wordes The which also we will alwayes performe with all willingnesse of mynd But to the Quéene the Kings mother she wrote after this manner I protest sayeth shée O Quéene before God and men that nothing hath ben is nor shal be hereafter more déere to me than the loue of God the King my Countrey and my own bloude The whiche haue ben so effectuall in me that Monsieur la Mott whoÌ„ you sent vnto me with letters founde mée gone from home with full purpose and intent to spend and bestow my life goodes and all that I haue for their sakes But I pâ—…ay you O Quéene if these my letters be ouer tediouse vnto you that you would impute it to the necessitie of the time which hath brought me into such extremities that I cannot choose but be long in repeating of them meaning thereby to declare vnto you my purpose and to set before your eyes my whole mynde in the which you may haue a liuely view of those things the which I know are after a contrary maner layd to my charge But I pray you gyue me leaue to repeate the whole matter from that tyme in the which the Guises shewed themselues to be enemies to the peace and tran quillitie of the whole realme at what time they flattered the King my husband disceased with fayre wordes making him beléeue that he should recouer his kingdoÌ„ You know with what kinde of men he was then beset on euery syde to my great griese and to your grieâ—…e I dare say also for I knew it then of your own mâ—…th I pray you remember how faythfull you haue alwayes found me when as for the coÌ„mon wealth of the realm â–ª I almost forsooke my husband and my children I pray you also remember what talke you haue had with me and what a trust you séemed to haue in me when I departed from you from Fontainbleau From that time I protest that I haue ben the same woman still And I pray you remember how faithfully I obeyed your letters which you sent vnto me when I was at Vendosme Remember what I did after that in GuiaÌ„ to obey your commaundements Then I lost the King my husband that I might be partaker of the common chaunce calamity of widowes I wil not repeate euery particular iniury that hath ben don to me seeing that I meane to speak of them all generally And I protest againe that the desire I haue to obey god the loue which I owe to my kinâ—…olkes and countrey haue so possessed my mind that I haue almost no respect or consideration of my selfâ—… Let me come therfore to the time of the extréeme troubles theÌ„ renued again when the Cardinal of Lorain brought vs into such straites as you al men know In the mean time I by their malice subtill practises aboad vnprofâ—… table in my own dominioÌ„ who sought al that thei could to intangle me And what I theÌ„ did you are so wel certified of y same that I shal not néed to make ani farther rehearsal therof Therefore to come to this my present state at what time I sée the Edicts of my King not only brokeÌ„ but also quight contemned set at naught his au thoritie despised his kingly promises not regarded all which come to passe by the wicked practises of the Cardinal of Loraine whom I can not so well point out O Quéene as he is knowne vnto you And beside the barbarouse cruelty which he
amoÌ„g them nowe speaketh thrée wordes without moste filthy blaspheming and horrible execration of god Who can longer beare the vile vnchastities the bawdes and Ruffians of the Court Finally very nature it selfe doth nowe as it were expostulate with God for his so long sufferance and for bearing and the very earth can no longer beare these monsters Nowe as touching the Admirals supposed conspiracie who can thinke it likely that he shoulde enterprise any suche thing within the walles of Paris For in the Court there is continually watching and warding a garrison of the Kings and at the entrie of his Castle the guards of Gascoines Scottes and Switzers are continually attending and the King himselfe both alwayes before and specially at that time by reason of his sisters mariage had a great trayn of Princes great Lords noblemen and Gentlemen about him Moreouer it was well knowne that in Paris within thrée houres space might be assembled and put in armour threescore thousand chosen armed men specially against the Admirall whome no man is ignorant that the Parisians most deadly hated beside that the noble yong men that came thither with the King of Nâ—…uar and the Prince of Conde by reson of the mariage and brought with them their wiues their sisters and their kinswomen thought at that time vpon nothing but vpon triumph and exercises of pastime and gay furniture of apparel and ornaments Finally at whither of these two times can it be likely that the Admirall attempted this conspiracie was it before he was hurt why at that time he founde the King his most louing or at least his most liberall and bountifull good Lord neither could he hope euer to haue a more fauorable soueraigne in France Was it then after he was hurte as though forsoth he lying sore of two so great woundes aged maimed of both his arms the one whereof the PhisitioÌ„s coÌ„sulted whether it were to be cut off accompanied with thrée hundreth yong men would set vpon thréescore thousande armed men or in so small a time coulde lay the plot for so great and so long and so haynous a facte for he lyued scarce fortie houres after his hurt in which time he was enioyned by the Phisitions to forbeare talke Againe if he had bene detected of any suche crime was he not committed to Cossin and to his kéeping and so enuironed all the wayes beset about him and so in the Kings power that if it had pleased the King he might at all times in a momeÌ„t be caried to pryson why was not orderly enquirie anâ—… iudiciall procéeding vsed according to the custome and lawes and generall right of nations and witnesses produced according to the forme of lawe but be it that the Admirall and a fewe other of his confederates and followers had conspired why yet procéeded the outragious crueltie vpon the reste that were innocent why vpon ancient matrones why vpon noble Ladies yong Gentlewomen and virgins that came thither for the honor of the wedding why were so manye women greate with childe against the lawes of all nations and of nature before their deliuery thrown into the Ryuer why were so many aged persons many that lay sicke in their beds many gownemen many Counsellers Aduocates Proctors Phisitions many singularly learned professors and teachers of good artes and among the rest Petrus Ramus that renoâ—…ed man throughout the worlde many yong students executed without hearing without pleading their cause without sentence of condemnation moreouer if the Admirall had â—…aine the thrée brethren who doubteth but that all couâ—…eys al Cities all Parliaments finally all sortes and degrées of men would haue spéedily taken armour and easily haue destroyed all of the Religion hauing them enclosed within their towns and hauing iust cause to render to all foreine nations fâ—…r their common slaughters and killing of them As to that whiche toucheth the King of 〈◊〉 what caÌ„ be imagined more absurd and vnlikely had not the Admirall him foure yeares in his power â–ª Did not he professe the same Religion that the Admirall did which of those 〈◊〉 the Religion which of them I say as Cassius was wont to reason should haue gained or receyued profit by the killing of the King of Nauarre did not the Catholikes hate him and the Admirall coulde not hope to haue any man more friendly to him nor by any other maÌ„s meanes to haue reueÌ„ge of his iniurie Lastly in their houses that were slaine what armour what weapons were found by which coÌ„iectures iudges vse to be lead to trace out a facte These matters wyse men throughout the towne of Paris commonly muttered But now to retourne to our purpose At such tyme as the Kings prâ—…hibition abouesayd was proclaimed at Paris not only in other townes as at Orleance Angiers Viaron Troys and Auxerre the like butcheries and slaughters were vsed but also in the towne of Paris it selfe in the verye gaoles that are ordeyned for the kéeping of prisoners if anye had escaped the crueltie of the day before they were now tumultuously slayne by the raging and outraging multitude in which number were thrée Gentlemen of greate reputation captaine Monins a man very famous in marciall prowesse Lomen the Kings secretarie a man of greate estimation for his long seruice in the Courte and Chappes a lawyer neare fourscore yeare olde a man of greate renowne in the Courte of Paris And bycause we haue made mention of Angiers we thinke it good not to omitte the case of Masson de Riuers This maÌ„ was a pastor of the church and estéemed a singular man both in vertuousnesse of life and in excellence of wit and learning and was the first that had layd the foundacion of the Churche at Paris As sone as the slaughter was begon at Paris Monsorel a most cruell enimie of the Religion was tente to Angiers in post to preuente al other that might carie tidings of the murdering As sone as he came into the towne he caused himself to be brought to Massons house There he met Massons wife in the entrie and geÌ„tly saluted hir and after the maner of Fraunce specially of the Court he kissed hir and asked hiâ—… where hir husband was she answered that he was walking in the garden and by and by she brought Monsorell to hir husbande who gently embraced Masson and sayde vnto him Canst thou tell why I am come hither it is to kyll thée by the Kings coÌ„maundement at this very instant time for so hath the King commaunded as thou mayste perceiue by these letters and therewith he shewed him his dagge ready charged Masson answered that he was not guiltie of any crime howbeit this one thing only he besought him to giue him space to call to the mercie of God and to commende his spirit into Gods hande Which prayer as soone as he had ended in fewe wordes he méekely receiued the death offered by the other and was shot through with a pellet and dyed Now to returne to Paris â–ª the Admirals
the Church Canonicall Bookes Actes 17. 2. Peter 1. Cap. 6. lib. 2. in Hiere Hom. 49 in Math. 24. Basill in noua summa Mora. cap. 22. Espensius iâ—…e Sorbonist Succession ordiniarie and extraordinary Traditions of the Fathers Thre councels in S. August time Traditions couÌ„ ted of a Monk of greater force than the scriptures Tertullian Imposition of handes Signes of laufull calling The coÌ„firmâ—…tion of the ministerie Miracles The Gospell Truth will be truth still The place taken out of Tertullian explaned Titus 3. The place of Chrisostome expounded Cardinall of Lorain moderator of the controuersie Augustane confession The subtill sleighes of one Balduine Balduines inconstancie King of Nauar an Apostata 1. Timo. 3. Titus 1. The braule of the Cardinall with Beza Peter Martyr interrupted by the Cardinall The vnapte compaâ—…son of a Spanisha Monke Aust. ad Bonifacius â–ª How the SacrameÌ„tâ—… vnder the law were Figures Beza is here threatned The article agreed vpoÌ„ betvvene the Papistes and the protestantes concerning the presence The deceite of the Cardinall The end of the conference of Posâ—…cene King Philip by the suffâ—…rance of the Pope had certain yeares inioyed the king dome of Nauar which lyeth at that parte of Spaine that bordereth on the mountains Pyrenaei The sedition of Sanmedard The cause of the Edict of Ianuary The Edict of Ianuary SermoÌ„s without the cities permitted Protection of the protestaÌ„tes Inhibition of armour Synodes and Consistories Contribution of money Poll â—…ike laws to be obserued The oth of the Ministers Bookes of infamie The dutie of Magistrates Luke 13. Anno Domini 1561. The very cause of the Ciuill warres was the breaking of the Edict of Ianuary Momorentius the Constable made a friend to the Guises The conspi racie of the Guises the Constable and the Martiall of S. Andrew against the Gospell Queene of Scotts promised to be giuen in mariage to the king of Nauar. The slaugh ter at Vassi made by the Duke of Guise Complaint of the faiâ—…h full of the flaughter The Guise commeth to Paris against the Queenes commaundement The practi ses of the Guises to expell the Prince of Conde out of Paris The Prince of Conde forsaketh Paris The Guise hauing goâ—… ten Paris seke to geâ—… the King also The Prince of Conde commeth to Orleans The purpose of the Guises con cerning VVarre Ruzeus a professour of the Gos pell commaunded towarde The Prince of Conde specially in clined to peace The league betweene the Prince of Conde and the Nobles of Fraunce Letters of the Queen to the Prince of Condâ—… â–ª The prince of Conde complayneth of the murther Letters of the Prince of Conde sent to the reformed churches Certayne Idols broken down letters sent from the Queene to the Prince of Conde Letters froÌ„ the Senat of Paris to the Prince â–ª of Conde This name Triumuiri signifieth three choseÌ„ officers of equall authoritie The secoÌ„d declaratioÌ„ of the Prince of Conde A Tragedy beginneth merily but endeth sorowfully Letters of the prince of Conde to the Emperoure Letters sent to the prince of Palatine A Synode at Orleans Letters seÌ„t from the Synod Letters to the Countie Pallentine from the Synod Vasconia is Gascoyne the slaugh ther of Tolosa Mont aubon The actes of Narbon in general Nemaux otherwise called Nimes Auinion in Prouince Valentia taken Mottecondrinus slaine Saltanus LiefetenaÌ„t of Lions Saltain LiuetenaÌ„t of Lyon. Lions wonne by the Protestants The Prince of Conde sory for that Moâ—… condrin was slayne A Supplica tion offered in the name of the Tâ—…iumuiti Another supplicatioÌ„ offered to the Kinge by the Guise and his The Aunswer of the Prince of Conde to the Supplications â–ª Communication be twene the Quene the King of Nauar and the Prince of Conde Letters of the Prince of Conde to the Queene The beginning of ciuill warres The conditions of peace offered by the king to the faithfull The petitions of the faythfull Triumuiri are these three Guise the CoÌ„stable and the Marshi all of Saint Andrew The Guises vnder the collour of peace seeke to deceiue the Prince of Conde The Guise go home to their houses the Prince of Conde became pledge The practise of the Guises to take the Prince of Conde They meane the Queene and the Kyng of Nauar. The nobles of the Prince of CoÌ„des side weÌ„t to the Queene The communicatioÌ„ betweene the queene and the Nobles The queen denieth the vse of the reformed Religion The queen woulde haue the Prince of Conde his friends banished The Prince of Conde retourned to his army The Guises remoue their army froÌ„ Bogencia take Blesa and Towers The Prince of Conde returneth to Orleans with his â–ª army Roan besie ged in vain by the Aumale Orenge assaulted takeÌ„ by the papistes The army of Suze in Dolpheny greatly anoyed the faithfull The actes of Monsuer de Adretze in Dolpheny and in the Countie of Venais The Marshiall of S. Andrew winneth Poictiers The Germanes and Swisers aid the Guises The decree of the Senate of Paris against the men of Orleans A greeuous pestilence at Oâ—…leans The Prince of Conde craueth helpe of the queene of England and of the Germane Princes The aunswer of the Prince of Conde his friends to the Decree of the Senat of Paris Of this Edict ther is mencion made in the 4. book going before He dehorteth the Germaines which came vnder the charge of the Rokendolfe and the Rhengraue from bearing armour against the King. By the states ye must vnderstand the Nobilitie the Clergy the Tempo 〈◊〉 The true cause of the first warres Power specâ—…all consti tutions in the Kyngs minority The first The secoÌ„d The third The fourth These things are touched before The assault geuen to Cesteron The Army of Monsuer Monbrun put to flight Great wickednes coÌ„mitted in Prouance against the faithfull The horrible slaughter at MoÌ„briso by Adretz CoÌ„spiracy against LaÌ„guedoc Monsieur Ioyse besie ged Montpellier A Franke is a peece of French coyne in value ij s. ij d. q. This great Prier was brother to the Cardinall of Loraine Chaimaiergon the proper name of Camargua A wonderfull victory gotten by Monsieur Bulargues Great slaughter of the Papistes Letters found Montpellier a towne of Surgery phisike The besieging of Burges in Berâ—…i The besieging of Roan in NormaÌ„dy The death of the king of Nauar. the Queen of Nauar a vertuouse Lady A writing published by the Queene of England concerning the helpe she sent to the Prince of Conde She meaneth â–ª Callice Shee meaneth the Scottish Queene Letters of the Princes of Germany to the Germaynes which wer in the army of the Guises â–ª Quillebedouius The Kings letters patents grauÌ„ted to those that started away from the Prince of Conde and the frutes there of The Guise tetourneth to Paris The Guise coÌ„meth to Paris Ayde commeth from the Princes of Germany to the Prince of Conde Another writing of the Prince of Conde Of this meÌ„ cion was made in the second booke