The first and greatest controversie between the Pope and Princes of Christendome was about the bestowing the livings of the Church and giving the investure unto Bishops the Popes had long thirsted after that authority as being a great means to advance their followers and establish their own greatnesse for which cause in divers petty Councels the receiving of any Ecclesiasticall preferment of a Lay man was enacted to be Simony But this did little edifie with such patrons as had good livings As soon as ever Hildebrande in the Catalogue of the Popes called Gregory VII came to the Throne of Rome he set himself entirely to effect this businesse as well in Germany now he was Pope as he had done in France whilest he was Legat he commandeth therefore Henry III. Emperour Ne deinceps Episcâ—patus beneficia they are Platinas own words per cupiditatem Simonaâ—cam committat aliter seusurum in-ipsum censuris Ecclesiasticis To this injustice when the Emperour would not yeeld he called a solemn Councell at the Lateran wherein the Emperour was pronounced to be Simoniacall and afterwards Excommunicated neither would this Tyrant ever leave persecuting of him till he had laid him in his grave After this there followed great strugling for this matter between the Popes and the Emperours but in the end the Popes got the victory In England here he that first beckoned about it was William Ruâ—us the controversie being whether he or Pope Urban should invest Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury Anselme would receive his investure from none but the Pope whereupon the King banished him the Realm into which he was not admitted till the Reign of Henry II. He to endeer himself with his Clergy relinquished his right to the Pope but afterwards repenting himselfe of it he revoked his grant neither did the English Kings wholly lose it till the reign of that unfortunate prince King John Edward the first again recovered it and his successors kept it The Popes having with much violence and opposition wrested into their hands this priviledge of nominating Priests and investing Bishops they spared not to lay on what taxes they pleased as on the Benefices first fruits pensions subsidies fifteenths tenths and on the Bishopricks for palles miters crosiers rings and I know not what bables By these means the Churches were so impoverished that upon complaint made to the Councell of Basil all these cheating tricks these aucupia expilandi rationes were abolished This decree was called Pragmatica functio and was confirmed in France by Charles VII anno 1438. An act of singular improvement to the Church and Kingdome of France which yearly before as the Court of Parliament manifested to Lewis XI had drained the State of a million of Crowns since which time the Kings of France have sometimes omitted the rigor of this sanction and sometimes also exacted it according as their affairs with the Pope stood for which cause it was called Froenum pontificum At last King Francis I. having conquered Millaine fell into this composition with his Holinesse namely that upon the falling of any Abbacy or Bishoprick the King should have 6 months time allowed him to present a fit man unto him whom the Pope should legally invest If the King neglected his time limited the Pope might take the benefit of the relapse and institute whom he pleased So is it also with the inferior Benefices between the Pope and the Patrons insomuch that any or every Lay-patron and Bishop together in England hath for ought I see at the least in this particular as great a spirituall Supremacy as the Pope in France Nay to proceed further and shew how meerly titular both his supremacies are as well the spirituall as the temporall you may plainly see in the case of the Jesuites which was thus In the year 1609 the Jesuites had obtained of King Henry IV. licence to read again in their Colledges of Paris but when their Letters patents came to be verified in the Court of Parliament the Rector and University opposed them on the 17 of December 1611. both parties came to have an hearing and the University got the day unlesse the Jesuites would subscribe unto these four points viz. 1. That a Councell was above the Pope 2. That the Pope had no temporall power over Kings and could not by Excommunication deprive them of their Realm and Estates 3. That Clergy men having heard of any attempt or conspiracy against the King or his Realm or any matter of treason in confession he was bound to reveal it And 4. That Clergy men were subject to the secular Prince or politick Magistrate It appeared by our former discourse what little or no power they had left the Pope over the Estates and preferments of the French By these Propositions to which the Jesuites in the end subscribed I know not with what mentall reservation it is more then evident that they have left him no command neither over their consciences nor their persons so that all things considered we may justly say of the Papall power in France what the Papists said falsly of Erasmus namely that it is Nomen sine rebus In one thing only his authority here is intire which is his immediate protection of all the orders of Fryers and also a superintendency or supreme eye over the Monks who acknowledge very small obedience if any at all to the French Bishops for though at the beginning every part and member of the Diocesse was directly under the care and command of the Bishop yet it so happened that at the building of Monasteries in the Western Church the Abbots being men of good parts and a sincere life grew much into the envie of their Diocesan For this cause as also to be more at their own command they made suit to the Pope that they might be free from that subjection Utque in tutelam divi Petri admitterentur a proposition very plausible to his Holinesse ambition which by this means might the sooner be raised to its height and therefore without difficulty granted This gap opened first the severall orders of Fryers and after even the Deans and Chapters purchased to themselves the like exemptions In this the Popes power was wonderfully strengthned as having such able and so main props to uphold his authority it being a true Maxime in State Quod qui privilegia obtinent ad eadem conservanda tenentur authoritatem concedentis tueri This continued till the Councell of Trent unquestioned Where the Bishops much complained of their want of authority and imputed all the Schismes and Vices in the Church unto this that their hands were tyed hereupon the Popes Legats thought it fit to restore their jurisdiction their Deans and Chapters At that of the Monks and Monasteries there was more sticking till at the last Sebastian Pigâ—inus one of the Popes officers found out for them this satisfaction that they should have an eye and inspection into the lives of the Monks not by any authority of their
that his admission unto the said office should together with the Ministers of this our Island consider of such Canons and Constitutions as might be fitly accomodated to the circumstances of time and place and persons whom they concern and that the same should be put in good order and intimated by the Governour Bailiffe and Jurates of that our Island that they might offer to us and our Councell such acceptions and give such reformations touching the same as they should think good And whereas the said Dean and Ministers did conceive certain Canons and presented the same unto us on the one part and on the other part the said Bailiffe and Jurates excepting against the same did send and depute Sir Philip de Carteret Knight Jeshuah de Carteret and Philip de Carteret Esquires three of the Jurates and Justices of our said Isle all which parties appeared before our right trusty and well beloved Counsellers the most reverend father in God the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury the Right reverend father in God the Lord Bishop of Lincolne Lord Keeper of the Geat Seal of England and the Right reverend father in God the said Lord Bishop of Winton to whom we granted commission to examine the same who have have accordingly heard the said parties at large read and examined corrected and amended the said Canons and have now made report unto us under their hands that by a mutuall consent of the said Deputies and Dean of our Island they have reduced the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall into such order as in their judgements may well stand with the estate of that Island Know ye therefore that we out of our Princely care of the quiet and peaceable government of all our Dominions especialy affecting the peace of the Church and the establishment of true Religion and Ecclesiasticall discipline in one uniforme order and course throughout all our Realms and Dominions so happily united under us as their Supreme Governor on earth in all causes as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill Having taken consideration of the said Canons and Constitutions thus drawn as aforesaid do by these deputies ratifie confirme and approve thereof And farther we out of our Princely power and regall authority do by these Patents signed and sealed with our royall Signet for us our heirs and successors will with our royall hand and command that these Canons and Constitutions hereafter following shall from henceforth in all points be duly observed in our said Isle for the perpetuall government of the said Isle in causes Ecclesiasticall unlesse the same or some part or parts thereof upon further experience and tryall thereof by the mutuall consent of the Lord Bishop of Winton for the time being the Governour Bailiffs and Jurates of the said Isle and of the Dean and Ministers and other our Officers in the said Isle for the time being representing the body of our said Isle and by the royall authority of us our heirs and successors shall receive any additions or alterations as time and occasion shall justly require And therefore we do farther will and command the said Right reverend father in God Lancelot now Lord Bishop of Winton that he do forthwith by his Commission under his Episcopall seal as Ordinary of the place give authority unto the said now Dean to exercise Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction in our said Isle according to the said Canons and Constitutions thus made and established as followeth Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall treated agreed on and established for the Isle of Jarsey CHAP. I. Of the Kings Supremacy and of the Church Article I. 1. AS our duty to the Kings most excellent Majesty requireth it is first ordained That the Dean and Ministers having care of souls shall to the utmost of their power knowledge and learning purely and sincerely without any backwardnesse or dissimulation teach publish and declare as often as they may and as occasion shall present it self that all strange usurped and forain power for as much as it hath no gound by the law of God is wholly as for just and good causes taken away and abolished and that therefore no manner of obedience or subjection within any of his Majesties Realms and Dominions is due unto any such forain power but that the Kings power within his Realms of England Scotland and Ireland and all other his Dominions and Countries is the highest power under God to whom all men as well inhabitants as born within the same do by Gods Law owe most loyalty and obedience afore and above all other power and Potentates in the earth II. 2. Whosoever shall affirme and maintain that the Kings Majesty hath not the same authority in causes Ecclesiasticall that the godly Princes had amongst the Jews and the Christian Emperours in the Church primitive or shall impeach in any manner the said Supremacy in the said causes III. IV. 3. Also whosoever shall affirme that the Church of England as it is established under the Kings Majesty is not a true and Apostolicall Church purely teaching the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles 4. Or shall impugne the Government of the said Church by Archbishops Bishops and Deans affirming it to be Antichristian shall be ipso facto Excommunicated and not restored but by the Dean sitting in his Court after his repentance and publick recantation of his errour CHAP. II. Of Divine Service Article I. 1. IT is injoyned unto all sorts of people that they submit themselves to the Divine service contained in the book of Common prayers of the Church of England And for as much as concerns the Ministers that they observe with uniformity the said Liturgie without addition or alteration and that they fuâ—ler not any Conventicle or Congregation to make a sect apart by themselves or to distract the Government Ecclesiasticall established in the Church II. 2. The Lords day shall be sanctified by the exercises of publick prayer and the hearing of Gods word Every one also shall be bounden to meet together at an hour convenient and to observe the order and decency in that case requisite being attentive to the reading or preaching of the Word kneeling on their knees during the Prayers and standing up at the Belief and shall also 〈◊〉 their consent in saying Amen And further during any part of Divine service the Church-wardens shall not suffer any interruption or impeachment to be made by the insolence and practice of any person either in the Church or Church-yard III. 3. There shall be publick exercise in every Parish on Wednesdays and Fridays in the morning by reading the Common prayers IV. 4. When any urgent occasion shall require an extraordinary Fast the Dean with the advice of his Ministers shall give notice of it to the Governour and Civill Magistrate to the end that by their authority and consent it may be generally observed for the appeasing of the wrath and indignation of the Lord by true and serious repentance CHAP. III. Of Baptism THe Sacrament of Baptism shall be
Lawes refused to open it himself a private person seised the Keyes Patefacto aerario legem utilitati cedere coegit and over-ruled the Law by the advancement of the Weal publick In like manner which is I think the most and best that can be said in this behalf to promote the reformation of Religion many good men made suit to be supplyed out of the common treasury to be admitted to the preaching of the word according to the ordinary course of ordination which when it was denied them by the Questors or Prelates of those dayes they chose rather to receive it at the hands of private and inferior Priests then that the Church should be unfurnished This may be said for them which in excuse of those of Guernzey can never be alleadged whose continuall recourse unto these private keyes is done upon no other reason then a dislike of that high calling to which your Lordship is advanced which therefore you are bound if not to punish in them yet to rectifie Two other reasons yet there are which may invite your Lordship to this undertaking though not so weighty or of that importance as the former The one that the remainders of that party here at home may not be hardned in their obstinacy the other that those of Jarsey be not discouraged in their submission and conformity I have already shewn unto your Lordship that the brethren here in England never made head against the Church till the permission of plat-forme in these Islands After which with what violence they did assaile the hierarchy what clamorus they continually raised against the Prelates what superstitions and impieties they imputed to our Liturgy notius est quam ut stylo egeat is too wel known to be related If so then questionless it cannot but confirme them in their new devices to see them still permitted to this Isle Nor can they think themselves but wronged that still they are contrould and censured for the maintenance of that discipline which is by Soveraign authority allowed and licensed though in other places yet in the same dominions And on the other side your Lordship may conceive how just a cause of discontent and of repining it may be to those of Jarsey when they shall dayly hear it thundred from the Coasts of France that faintly they have sold themselves to bondage whereas the faithfull zelots in the Isle of Guernzey doe still preserve themselves in liberty Vel neâ—trum flammis ure velure duos as the Lover in Ausonius From my first rank of motives here presented to your Lordship which I may most properly call motives necessary and in respect unto the cause I come next to those of an other quality which I call motives of conveniency and in relation to the time For questionlesse the time is at this present more convenient for the accomplishment of this work then ever we may hope to see hereafter whether we consider it in reference unto our Kingdome or to the Discipline it self or to the Governour or to the people of both sorts the Clergy and the Magistrates For first there is at this instant an established peace between it and France concluded on while we were in these Islands and published immediately on our coming home which Realm only carryeth a covetous and watchfull eye upon those Islands Were it between us as it lately was nothing but wars and depredations â—he alteration then perhaps might be unsafe it being alwayes dangerous to discontent or charge that Nation upon whose loyalty we must rely Nor can I tell unto what desperate and undutifull practises the furious heat of some few Preachers may possibly excite a multitude when come the worst that can there is an enemy at hand that will subscribe to any articles But now t is peace and how long peace will hold is not easie to determine depending as it doth upon the will and pleasure of another If in the second place we look upon the Discipline it self we shall find it well prepared and ready for a change For whereas it is ordered in their Canons if I so may call them that the errours of the Consistory shall be corrected by the Colloquie those of the Colloquie by the Synod by the departure of Jarsey from them they have no way of further Synods and therefore no redresse of grivances So then either the sentence of the Colloquie must be unalterable which is expresly contrary to the platforme or else there must be granted some other jurisdiction to have power above them whereby their censures may be moderated The first of these would estate their Colloquies in a tyranny more prevalent and binding then the chair of Rome so much complained of The other openeth a way for the entrance of Episcopall authority for the admission of Appeals for the directions of their proceedings Add hereunto that at this time they have a noble Governour no friend I am assured to any of that party and such a one which gladly would resign those rights of old belonging to the Deanry when ever it shall please his Majesty to restore that dignity unto the Island A Peer so perfectly known unto your Lordship and to all the Kingdom that I need not say more of him then that which once Velleius did of Junius Blaesus Vir nescias an utilior Castris vel melior toga It were a matter of no ordinary study to determine whether he be more able in the Campe or Senate But in alterations such as these the fancy and affection of the people is principally to be attended as those whom such mutations most properly concern wherein I find all things made ready to your Lordships hand if you vouchsafe to set it forwards The Magistrates and more understanding people of the Isle offended with the severe and unsociable carriage of the Consistories especially of late since the unlimited Empire of the Colloquie hath made that government unsufferable Before they had enough to keep themselves from censure and their houses from the diligence of Consistoriall spies when yet there was an higher Court wherein there was some hope of remedy But there being none to appeal from in the Consistory but those which wil condemn them in the Colloquie they undergo the yoak with much clamour but with more stomach A stomach which estsoones they spare not to disgorge upon them as often viz. as they come within the compasse of their Courts either in way of punishment or censure On the other side the Ministers exclaime against the Magistrates as presuming too far above their latchet pretending that by them their Discipline hath been infringed their priviledges violated and their Ministery interrupted Matters that have not been repined at only in a corner but publickly presented as on the Theater and complained of to their Governours For at my Lord of Danbies being there they articled against the Magistrates for invading the Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction as viz. that they take upon them to dissolve contracts made in the presence
not through their own hands or are not managed by their sinister and precipitate counsels This makes the style and language of the second Journey to be so different from the first The indiscretion would have been impardonable if I had come before such a person in so light a garb as might have given him a just occasion to suppose that I had too much of the Antick and might be rather serviceable to his recreations then to be honoured with employments of more weight and consequence IV. If it be asked why these Relations were not published assoon as they passed my hands and might be thought more seasonable then they are at this present the Answer in a manner may prevent the question The last discourse being written and intended purposely as a Present to that great Prelate whom before I spoke of could not with any fitnesse be communicated to the publick view without his consent For having tendred it unto him it was no more mine and not being mine I had no reason to dispose otherwise of it as long as the property thereof was vested in him by mine own free act But he being laid to sleep in the bed of peace I conceive my self to have gotten such a second right therein as the Granter hath many times in Law when there is no Heir left of the Grantee to enjoy the gift and consequently to lay any claim unto it And being resolved upon the reasons hereafter following to publish the first of these two Journals I thought it not amisse to let this also wait upon it second in place as it had been second in performance and course of time V. So for the first Journey being digested and committed unto writing for mine own contentment without the thought of pleasing any body else the keeping of it by me did as much conduce to the end proposed as if it had been published to the view of others And I had still satisfied my self in enjoying that end if the importunity of friends who were willing to put themselves to that charge and trouble had not drawn some copies of it from me By means whereof it came unto more hands then I ever meant it and at the last into such hands by which it would have been presented to the publick view without my consent and that too with such faults and errors as Transcripts of necessity must be subject to when not compared with the Original or perused by the Author And had it hapned so as it was like enough to happen and hath hapned since the faults and errors of the Copy as well as of the Presse would have passed for mine and I must have been thought accomptable for those transgressions which the ignorance and unadvisednesse of other men would have drawn upon me And yet there was some other reason which made the publishing of that Journal when first finished by me not so fit nor safe nor so conducible to some ends which I had in view I had before applyed my self unto his Majesty when Prince of Wales by Dedicating to him the first Essayes of my Cosmographie and thereby opened for my self a passage into the Court whensoever I should have a minde to look that way And at the time when I had finished these Relations the French party there were as considerable for their number as it was afterwards for their power and the discourse fashioned with so much liberty and touching as it might be thought with so much Gayete de coeur upon the humours of that people might have procured me no good welcome and proved but an unhandsome harbinger to take up any good lodging for me in that place when either my studies should enable or my ambition prompt me to aspire unto it Which causes being now removed I conceive the time to be more seasonable now then it was at the first and that these papers may more confidently walk the open streets without giving any just offence to my self or others VI. For though perhaps it may be said that I have made too bold with the French and that my character of that people hath too much of the Satyrist in it as before was intimated yet I conceive that no sober minded man either of that Nation or of this will finde himself aggrieved at my freedome in it The French and other forein Nations make as bold with us not sparing to lay open our wants and weaknesses even without occasion and offering them by such multiplying Glasses to the sight of others as render them far greater then indeed they are Men of facetious fancies and â—coffing wits as the French generally are must not expect to be alwaies on the offering hand but be content to take such money as they use to give there would be else no living neer them or conversing with them Hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim in the Poets language Besides the reader must distinguish betwixt the inclinations of nature and corruptions in manners Natural inclinations may be described under a free and liberal character without any wrong unto the Nations which are so described nor is it more to the dishonour of the French to say that they are airy light Mercurial assoon lost as found then to the Spaniard to be accounted slow and Saturnâ—ne lofty and proud even in the lowest ebb of a beggerly fortune The temperature of the soyle and air together with the influences of the heavenly bodies occasion that variety of temper and affections in all different Nations which can be no reproach unto them when no corruption of manners no vice in matter of morality is charged upon them Hinc illa ab antiquo vitia et patriae sorte durantia quae totas in historiis gentes aut commendant aut notant saith a modern but judicious Author The present French had not been else so like the Galls in the Roman stories had not those influences and other naturall causes before remembred produced the same natural inclinations and impulsions in them as they had effected in the other their own Du Bartas saith as much touching this particular as he is thus translated by Josuah Sylvester O see how full of wonders strange is nature Sith in each climate not alone in stature Strength colour hair but that men differ do Both in their humours and their manners too The Northern man is faâ—r the Southern foul That 's white this black that smiles this doth scowl The one blithe and frolick the other dull froward The one full of courage the other a fearful coward VI Much lesse would I be thought injurious to the female sex though I have used the like freedome in my character of them I doubt not but there are amongst them many gallant women of most exemplary virtue and unquestioned chastity and I believe the greatest part are such indeed though their behaviour at first sight might to a man untravelled perswade the contrary But general characters are to be fitted to the temper and condition
and finally containing but one half of the work which is here presen 〈…〉 Faults and infirmities I have too many of mine own Nam vitiis nemo sine nascitur as we know who said and therefore would not charge my self with those imperfections those frequent errors and mistakes which the audaciousnesse of other men may obtrude upon me which having signified to the Reader for the detecting of this imposture and mine own discharge I recommend the following work to his favourable censure and both of us to the mercies of the Supreme Judge Lacies Court in Abingdon April 17. 1656. Books lately printed and reprinted for Henry Seile DOctor Heylyn's Cosmography in fol. Twenty Sermons of Dr. Sanderson's ad Aulam c. never till now published Dr Heylyn's Comment on the Apostles Creed in fol. Bishop Andrewes holy Devotions the 4 Edition in 12. Martiall in 12. for the use of West minster School John Willis his Art of Stenography or Short writing by spelling Characters in 8. the 14 Edition together with the School master to the said Art SYLLABUS CAPITUM OR The Contents of the Chapters NORMANDIE OR THE FIRST BOOK The Entrance THe beginning of our Journey The nature of the Sea A farewell to England CHAP. I. NORMANDY in generall the Name and bounds of it The condition of the Antient Normans and of the present Ortelius character of them examined In what they resemble the Inhabitants of Norfolk The commodities of it and the Government pag. 4. CHAP. II. Dieppe the Town strength and importance of it The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts The breaden God there and strength of the Religion Our passage from Dieppe to Roven The Norman Innes Women and Manners The importunity of servants in hosteries The sawcie familiarity of the attendants Ad pileum vocare what it was amongst the Romans Jus pileorum in the Universities of England c. p. 9. CHAP. III. ROVEN a neat City how seated and built the strength of is St. Katharines mount The Church of Nostre dame c. The indecorum of the Papists in the severall and unsutable pictures of the Virgin The little Chappell of the Capuchins in Boulogne The House of Parliament The precedency of the President and the Governor The Legend of St. Romain and the priviledge thence arising The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses or people of Roven p. 19. CHAP. IV. Our journey between Roven and Pontoyse The holy man of St. Clare and the Pilgrims thither My sore eyes Mante Pontoyse Normandy justly taken from King John The end of this Booke p. 26. FRANCE specially so called OR THE SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. France in what sense so called The bouuds of it All old Gallia not possessed by the French Countries follow the name of the most predominant Nation The condition of the present French not different from that of the old Gaules That the heavens have a constant power upon the same Climate though the Inhabitants are changed The quality of the French in private at the Church and at the table Their language complements discourse c. p. 33. CHAP. II. The French Women their persons prating and conditions The immodesty of the French Ladies Kissing not in use among them and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England The innocence and harmelesnesse of it amongst us The impostures of French Pandars in London with the scandall thence arising The peccancy of an old English Doctor More of the French Women Their Marriages and lives after wedlock c. An Elogie to the English Ladies p. 41. CHAP. III. France described The valley of Montmorancie and the Dukes of it Mont-martre Burials in former times not permitted within the wals The pros cuting of this discourse by manner of a journall intermitted for a time The Iown and Church of St. Denis The Legend of him and his head Of Dagobert and the Leper The reliques to be seen there Martyrs how esteemed in St. Augustine ' s time The Sepulchres of the French Kings and the treasury there The Kings house of Madrit The Qeen Mothers house at Ruall and fine devices in it St. Germains en lay another of the Kings houses The curious painting in it Gorramburie Window the Garden belonging to it and the excellency of the Water-works Boys St. Vincent de Vicennes and the Castle called Bisester p. 50. CHAP. IV. Paris the names and antiquity of it The situation and greatnesse The chief strength and Fortifications about it The streets and buildings King James his laudable care in beautyfying London King Henry the fourths intent to fortifie the Town Why not actuated The Artifices and wealth of the Parisians The bravery of the Citizens described under the person of a Barber p. 64. CHAP. V. Paris divided into four parts Of the Fauxburgs in generall Of the Pest-house The Fauxburg and Abbey of St. Germain The Queen Mothers house there Her purpose never to reside in it The Provost of Merchants and his authority The Armes of the Town The Town-house The Grand Chastellet The Arcenall The place Royall c. The Vicounty of Paris And the Provosts seven daughters p. 73. CHAP. VI. The University of Paris and Founders of it Of the Colledges in general Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them The small maintenance allowed the Scholars in the Universities of France The great Colledge at Tholoza Of the Colledge of the Sorbonne in particular that and the House of Parliament the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty Of the Polity and Government of the University The Rector and his precedency the disordered life of the Scholars there being An Apologie for Oxford and Cambridge The priviledges of the Scholars their degrees c. p. 80. CHAP. VII The City of Paris seated in the place of old Lutetia The Bridges which joyn it to the Town and University King Henry's Statua Alexander ' s injurious policy The Church and revenues of Nostre Dame The Holy water there The original making and virtue of it The Lamp before the Altar The heathenishnesse of both customes Paris best seen from the top of this Church the great Bell there never rung but in time of Thunder the baptizing of Bels the grand Hospital and decency of it The place Daulphin The holy Chappel and Reliques there What the Antients thought of Reliques The Exchange The little Chastelet A transition to the Parlament p. 90. CHAP. VIII The Parliament of France when begun of whom it consisteth The digniiy and esteem of it abroad made sedentarie at Paris appropriated to the long robe The Palais by whom built and converted to seats of Justice The seven Chambers of Parliament The great Chamber The number and dignity of the Presidents The Duke of Biron afraid of them The Kings seat in it The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds and ever
a handsome ruffe about her neck a vail of fine lawne hanging down her back and to shew that she was the Queen of heaven a crown upon her head in her left arme she holds her son in his side-coat a black hat and a golden hatband A jolly plump Ladie she seemeth to be of a flaxen hair a ruddy lip and a chearefull complexion T were well the Painters would agree about limming of her otherwise we are likely to have almost as many Ladies as Churches At Nostre dame in Paris she is taught us to be browne and seemeth somewhat inclining to melancholie I speak not of her different habit for I envie not her changes of apparell Only I could not but observe how those of St. Sepulchres Church en la Fue St. Dennis have placed her on the top of their Skreen in a Coape as if she had taken upon her the zeal of Abraham and were going to make a bloudy sacrifice of her Son They of Nostre dame in Amiens have erected her Statua all in gold with her Son also of the same mettle in her armes casting beams of gold round about her as the Sun is painted in its full glory strange Idolatries On the contrary in the Parish Church of Tury in La Beausse she is to be seen in a plain petticoat of red and her other garments correspondent In my minde this holdeth most proportion to her estate and will best serve to free their irreligion from absurdity If they will worship her as a nurse with her childe in her arme or at her brest let them array her in such apparell as might beseem a Carpenters wife such as she may be supposed to have worn before the world had taken notice that she was the mother of her Saviour If they needs must have her in her estate of glory as at Amiens or of honour being now publickly acknowledged to be the blessedest among women as at Paris let them disburden her of her child To clap them thus together is a folly equally worthy of scorne and laughter Certainly had she but so much liberty as to make choice of her own clothes I doubt not but she would observe a greater decorum And therefore I commend the Capuchins of Boulogne who in a little side-chappell consecrated unto her have placed only a handsome fair looking-glasse upon her Altar the best ornament of a female closet why they placed it there I cannot say only I conceive it was that she might there see how to dresse her self This Church is said to have been built I should rather think repaired by Raoul or Rollo the first Duke of Normandy since it hath been much beautifyed by the English when they were Lords of this Province It is the seat of an Archbishop a Dean and fifty Canons The Archbishop was instituted by the authority of Constantine the Great during the sitting of the Councell of Arles Anidian who was there present being consecrated the first Archbishop The Bishops of Sees Aurenches Constance Bayeux Lysieux and Eureux were appointed for his Diocesans The now Archbishop is said to be an able Scholar and a sound Statesman his name I enquired not The revenues of his Chair are said to be 10000 crowns more they would amount to were the Countrey any way fruitfull of Vines out of which the other Prelates of France draw no small part of their intrada The Parliament of this Countrey was established here by Lewis XII who also built that fair Palace wherein Justice is administred anno 1501. At that time he divided Normandy into seven Lathes Rapes or Bailiwicks viz. Roven Caux Constentin Caen Eureux Gisors and Alençon This Court hath Supreme power to enquire into and give sentence of all causes within the limits of Normandy It receiveth appeals from the inferior Courts of the Dutchie unto it but admitteth none from it Here is also Cour des Eslâ—ux a Court of the generall Commissioners also for Taxes and La Chambre des Aides instituted by Charles VII for the receiving of his Subsidies Gabels Imposts c. The house of Parliament is in form quadrangular a very greatefull and delectable building that of Paris is but a Chaos or a Babell to it In the great hall into which you ascend by some 30 steppes or upwards are the seats and desks of the Procurators every ones name written in Capital letters over his head These Procurators are like our Atturnies to prepare causes and make them ready for the Advocates In this Hall do suitors use either to attend on or to walke up and down and confer with their pleaders Within this hall is the great Chamber the tribunall and seat of justice both in causes Criminall and Civill At domus interior regali splendida luxu Instruitur As Virgill of Queen Didoes dining roome A Camber so gallantly and richly built that I must needs confesse it far surpasseth all the rooms that ever I saw in my life The Palace of the Louure hath nothing in it comparable The seeling all inlaid with gold and yet did the workmanship exceed the matter This Court consisteth of two Presidents twenty Counsellors or Assistants and as many Advocates as the Court will admit of The prime President is termed Ner de Riz by birth a Norman upon the Bench and in all places of his Court he taketh the prcedencie of the Duke of Longueville when there is a convention of the three Estates summoned the Duke hath the priority We said even now that from the sentence of this Court there lay no appeal but this must be recanted and it is no shame to do it St. Austin hath written his Retractations so also hath Bellarmine Once in the year there is an appeal admitted but that for one man only and on this occasion There was a poysonous Dragon not far from Roven which had done much harme to the Countrey and City Many wayes had been tryed to destroy him but none prospered at last Romain afterwards made a Saint then Archbishop of the Town accompanied with a theef and a murderer whose lives had been forfeited to a sentence undertaketh the enterprise upon sight of the Dragon the theef stole away the murderer goeth on and seeth that holy man vanquish the Serpent armed only with a Stole it is a neck habit sanctifyed by his Holinesse of Rome and made much after the manner of a tippet with this Stole tied about the neck of the Dragon doth the murderer lead him prisoner to Roven To make short work the name of God is praised the Bishop magnifyed the murderer pardoned and the Dragon burned This accident if the story be not Apocrypha is said to have hapned on holy Thursday Audoin or Owen successor unto St. Romain in memory of this marvellous act obtained of King Dagobert the first he began his reign anno 632 that from that time forwards the Chapitre of the Cathedrall Church should every Ascension day have the faculty of delivering any malefactor whom the
other would have sent them laughing to Pluto The French language is indeed very sweet and delectable It is cleared of harshnesse by the cutting off and leaving out the consonants which maketh it fall off the tongue very volubly yet in my opinion it is rather elegant then copious and therefore is much troubled for want of words to find out periphrases It expresseth very much of it self in the action The head body and shoulders concurre all in the pronouncing of it and he that hopeth to speak it with a good grace must have somewhat in him of the Mimick It is inriched with a full number of significant Proverbs which is a great help to the French humor of scoffing and very full of courtship which maketh all the people complementall The poorest Cobler in the Village hath his Court-cringes and his eau beniste de Cour his court holy water as perfectly as the Prince of Conde In the Passados of their court-ship they expresse themselves with much variety of gesture and indeed it doth not misbecome them Were it as graticus in the Gentlemen of other Nations as in them it were worth your patience but the affectation of it is scurvy and ridiculous Quocunque salutationis artificio corpus inflectant putes nihil ista institutione magis convenire Vicinae autem gentes ridiculo errore deceptae ejusdem venustatis imitationem ludicram faciunt ingratam as one happily observed at his being amongst them I have heard of a young Gallant son to a great Lord of one of the three Brittish Kingdoms that spent some years in France to learn fashions At his return he desired to see the King and his father procured him an entervenie When he came within the Presence-chamber he began to compose his head and carry it as if he had been ridden with a Martingall next he fell to draw back his legs and thrust out his shoulders and that with such a gracelesse apishnesse that the King asked him if he meant to shoulder him out of his chair and so left him to act out his complement to the hangings In their courtship they bestow even the highest titles upon those of the lowest condition This is the vice also of their common talk The begger begetteth Monsieurs and Madams to his sons and daughters as familiarly as the King Were there no other reason to perswade me that the Welch or Britains were the descendants of the Gaules this only were sufficient that they would all be Gentlemen His discourse runneth commonly upon two wheels treason and ribaldrie I never heard people talke lesse reverently of their Prince nor more sawcily of his actions Scarce a day passeth away without some seditious Pamphlet printed and published in the disgrace of the King or of some of his Courtiers These are every mans mony he that buyeth them is not coy of the Contents be they never so scandalous of all humors the most base and odious Take him from this which you can hardly do till he hath told all and then he falleth upon his ribaldry Without these crutches his discourse would never be able to keep pace with his company Thus shall you have them relate the stories of their own uncleannesse with a face as confident as if they had no accidents to please their hearers more commendable Thus will they reckon up the severall profanations of pleasure by which they have dismanned themselves sometimes not sparing to descend to particulars A valiant Captain never gloried more in the number of the Cities he had taken then they do of the severall women they have prostituted Egregiam vero laudem spolia ampla Foolish and most perishing wretches by whom each severall incontinencie is twice committed first in the act and secondly in the boast By themselves they measure others and think them naturals or Simplicians which are not so conditioned I protest I was fain sometimes to put on a little impudence that I might avoid the suspicion of a gelding or a sheep-biter It was St. Austins case as himself testifyeth in the second book of his Confessions Fingebam me saith that good Father fecisse quod non feceram ne caeteris viderer abjectior But he afterwards was sorry for it and so am I and yet indeed there was no other way to keep in a good opinion that unmanly and ungoverned people CHAP. II. The French Women their persons prating and conditions The immodesty of the French Ladies Kissing not in use among them and the sinister opinion conceived of the free use of it in England The innocence and harmelesnesse of it amongst us The impostures of French Pandars in London with the scandall thence arising The peccancie of an old English Doctor More of the French Women Their Marriages and lives after wedlock c. An Elogie to the English Ladies I Am come to the French Women and it were great pity they should not immediately follow the discourse of the men so like they are one to the other that one would think them to be the same and that all the difference lay in the apparell For person they are generally of an indifferent stature their bodies straight and their wastes commonly small but whether it be so by nature or by much restraining of these parts I cannot say It is said that an absolute woman should have amongst other qualities requisite the parts of a French woman from the neck to the girdle but I believe it holdeth not good their shoulders and backs being so broad that they hold no proportion with their midles yet this may be the vice of their apparell Their hands are in mine opinion the comliest and best ordered part about them long white and slender Were their faces answerable even an English eye would apprehend them lovely but herein do I finde a pretty contradictorie The hand as it is the best ornament of the whole structure so doth it most disgrace it Whether it be that ill diet be the cause of it or that hot bloud wrought upon by a hot and scalding aire must of necessity by such means vent it self I am not sure of This I am sure of that scarce the tithe of all the maids we saw had her hands and arme wrists free from scabs which had over-run them like a leprosie Their hair is generally black and indeed somewhat blacker then a gracious lovelinesse would admit The Poets commend Leda for her black hair and not unworthily Leda fuit nigris conspicienda comis As Ovid hath it Yet was that blacknesse but a darker brown and not so fâ—â—â—full as this of the French women Again the blacknesse of the hair is then accounted for an ornament when the face about which it hangeth is of so perfect a complexion and symmetrie that it giveth it a lustre Then doth the hair set forth the face as a shadow doth a picture and the face becometh the haire as a field-argent doth a sable-bearing which kind of Armory the Heralds call the most
by their blind and infatuated people what would they have said or rather what would they not have said Questionlesse the least they could do were to take up the complaint of Vigilantins the Papists reckon him for an Heretick saying Quid necesse est tanto honore non solum honorare sed etiam adorare illud nescio quid quod in vasculo transferendo colis Presently without the Chappell is the Burse La Gallerie des Merchands a rank of shops in shew but not in substance like to those in the Exchange in London It reacheth from the Chappell unto the great hall of Parliament and is the common through-fare between them On the bottome of the staires and round about the severall houses consecrated to the execution of Justice are sundry shops of the same nature meanly furnished if compared with ours yet I perswade my self the richest of this kind in Paris I should now go and take a view of the Parliament house but I will step a little out of the way to see the Place Daulphin and the little Chastelet this last serveth now only as the Gaole or Common-prison belonging to the Court of the Provost of Merchants and it deserveth no other imployment It is seated at the end of the Bridge called Petit Pont and was built by Hugh Aubriot once Provost of this Town to represse the fury and insolencies of the Scholars whose rudenesse and misdemeanors can no wayes be better bridled Omnes eos qui nomen ipsum Academiae vel serio vel joco nominossent haeereticos pronunciavit saith Platina of Pope Paul the II. I dare say it of this wildernesse that whosoever will account it as an Academy is an Heretick to Learning and Civility The Place Daulphin is a beautifull heap of building situate nigh unto the new Bridge It was built at the encouragement of Henry IV. and entituled according to the title of his Son The houses are all of brick high built uniforme and indeed such as deserve and would exact a longer description were not the Parliament now ready to sit and my self sommoned to make my appearance CHAP. VIII The Parliament of France when begun of whom it consisted The dignity and esteem of it abroad made sedentarie at Paris appropriated to the long robe The Palais by whom built and converted to seats of Justice The seven Chambers of Parliament The great Chamber The number and dignity of the Presidents The Duke of Biron afraid of them The Kings seat in it The sitting of the Grand Signeur in the Divano The authority of this Court in causes of all kinds and over the affaires of the King This Court the main pillar of the Liberty of France La Tournelle and the Judges of it The five Chambers of Enquestes severally instituted and by whom In what cause it is decisive The forme of admitting Advocates into the Courts of Parliament The Chancellour of France and his Authority The two Courts of Requests and Masters of them The vain envy of the English Clergy against the Lawyers THe Court of Parliament was at the first instituted by Charles Martell Grandfather to Charlemaine at such time as he was Maire of the Palace unto the lasse and rechlesse Kings of France In the beginnings of the French Empire their Kings did justice to their people in person afterwards banishing themselves from all the affaires of State that burden was cast upon the shoulders of their Maiors an office much of a nature with the Pâ—aefecti praetorio in the Roman Empire When this office was bestowed upon the said Charles Martell he partly weary of the trouble partly intent about a businesse of an higher nature which was the estating the Crown in his own posterity but principally to endeer himself to the common people ordained this Court of Parliament anno 720. It consisted in the beginning of 12 Peers the Prelates and noble men of the best fashion together with some of the principallest of the Kings houshold Other Courts have been called the Parliaments with an addition of place as of Paris at Roven c. this only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Parliament It handled as well causes of estate as those of private persons For hither did the Ambassadors of neighbour Princes repaire to have their audience and dispatch and hither were the Articles agreed on in the nationall Synods of France sent to be confirmed and verified here did the subjects tender in their homages and Oaths of fidelity to the King and here were the appeals heard of all such as had complained against the Comites at that time the Governours and Judges in their severall Counties Being furnished thus with the prime and choycest Nobles of the Land it grew into great estimation abroad in the world insomuch that the Kings of Sicilie Cyprus Scotland Bohemia Portugall and Navarre have thought it no disparagement unto them to sit in it and which is more when Frederick II. had spent so much time in quarrels with Pope Innocent IV. he submitted himself and the rightnesse of his cause to be examined by this Noble Court of Parliament At the first institution of this Court it had no setled place of residence being sometimes kept at Tholoza sometimes at Aix la Chappelle sometimes in other places according as the Kings pleasure and ease of the people did require During its time of peregrination it was called Ambulatoire following for the most part the Kings Court as the lower sphaeres do the motion of the primum mobile but Philip le bel he began his reign anno 1286 being to take a journey into Flanders and to stay there a long space of time for the setling of his affaires in that Countrey took order that this Court of Parliament should stay behind at Paris where ever since it hath continued Now began it to be called Sedentaire or setled and also peua peu by little and little to lose much of its lustre For the chief Princes and Nobles of the Kings retinue not able to live out of the aire of the Court withdrew themselves from the troubles of it by which means at last it came to be appropriated to them of the Long robe as they term them both Bishops and Lawyers In the year 1463. the Prelates also were removed by the command of Lewis XI an utter enemy to the great ones of his Kingdome only the Bishop of Paris and Abbot of St. Denis being permitted their place in it since which time the Professors of the civill law have had all the sway in it Et cedunt arma togae as Tully The place in which this Sedentarie Court of Parliament is now kept is called the Palace being built by Philip le bel and intended to be his mansion or dwelling house He began it in the first year of his reign anno 1286. and afterwards assigned a part of it to his Judges of the Parliament it being not totally and absolutely quitted unto them till the dayes of King Lewis XII In this
the French Subjects are beholding to the English by whose good example they got the ease of a Sedentarie Court our Law courts also removing with the King till the year 1224. when by a Statute in the Magna Charta it was appointed to be fixt and a part of the Kings Palace in Westminster allotted for that purpose Within the verge of this Palais are contained the seven Chambers of the Parliament that called La grande Chambre five Chambers of Inquisition Des Enquestes and one other called La Tournelle There are moreover the Chambers des aides des accomptes de l' edict des monnoyes and one called La Chambre Royall of all which we shall have occasion to speak in their proper places these not concerning the common government of the people but only of the Kings revenues Of these seven Chambers of Parliament La grande Chambre is most famous and at the building of this house by Philip le bel was intended for the Kings bed It is no such beautifull piece as the French make it that of Roven being far beyond it although indeed it much excell the fairest room of Justice in all Westminster so that it standeth in a middle rank between them and almost in the same proportions as Virgil betwixt Homer and Ovid. Quantum Virgilius magno concessit Homero Tantum ego Virgilio Naso poeta meo It consisteth of seven Presidents 22 Counsellours the Kings Atturney and as many Advocates and Proctours as the Court will please to give admission to The Advocates have no setled studies within the Palais but at the Barre but the Procureurs or Attorneys have their severall pews in the great Hall which is without this Grande Chambre in such manner as I have before described at Roven a large building it is fair and high roofed not long since ruined by a casualty of fire and not yet fully finished The names of the Presidents are Mr. Verdun the first President or by way of excellencie Le President the second man of the Long robe in France 2. Mr. Sequer lately dead and likely to have his son succeed him as well in his Office as in his Lands 3. Mr. Leiger 4. Mr. Dosambe 5. Mr. Sevin 6. Mr. Baillure And 7. Mr. Meisme None of these neither Presidents nor Counsellors can go out of Paris when the Lawes are open without leave of the Court it was ordained so by Lewis XII anno 1499. and that with good judgement Sentences being given with greater awe and businesses managed with greater majesty when the Bench is full and it seemeth indeed that they carry with them great terror for the Duke of Biron a man of as uncontrouled spirit as any in France being called to answer for himself in this Court protested that those scarlet roabs did more amaze him then all the red cassocks of Spain At the left hand of this Grande Chambre or Golden Chambre as they call it is a Throne or seat Royall reserved for the King when he shall please to come and see the administration of Justice amongst his people at common times it is naked and plain but when the King is expected it is clothed with blew-purple Velvet femied with flowers de lys on each side of it are two formes or benches where the Peers of both habits both Ecclesiasticall and Secular use to sit and accompany the King But this is little to the ease or benefit of the Subject and as little availeable to try the integrity of the Judges his presence being alwayes foreknown and so accordingly they prepared Far better then is it in the Grande Signeur where the Divano or Councell of the Turkish affairs holden by the Bassas is hard by his bed-chamber which looketh into it the window which giveth him this entervenue is perpetually hidden with a curtain on the side of the partition which is towards the Divano so that the Bassas and other Judges cannot at any time assure themselves that the Emperor is not listning to their sentences an action in which nothing is Turkish or Mahometan The authority of this Court extendeth it self unto all causes within the jurisdiction of it not being meerly ecclesiasticall It is a law unto it self following no rule written in their sentences but judging according to equity and conscience In matters criminall of greater consequence the processe is here immediately examined without any preparation of it by the inferior Courts as at the arraignment of the Duke of Biron and divers times also in matters personall But their power is most eminent in disposing the affaires of State and of the Kingdome For such prerogatives have the French Kings given hereunto that they can neither denounce War nor conclude Peace without the consent a formall one at the least of this Chamber An alienation of the Lands of the Crown is not any whit valid unlesse confirmed by this Court neither are his Edicts in force till they are here verified nor his Letters Patents for the creating of a Peer till they are here allowed of Most of these I confesse are little more then matters of form the Kings power and pleasure being become boundlesse yet sufficient to shew the body of authority which they once had and the shadow of it which they still keep yet of late they have got into their disposing one priviledge belonging formerly to the Conventus ordinum or the Assembly of three Estates which is the conferring of the regency or protection of their King during his minority That the Assembly of the three Estates formerly had this priviledge is evident by their stories Thus we finde them to have made Queen Blanche Regent of the Realm during the nonage of her son St. Lewis 1227. That they declared Philip de Valois successor to the Crown in case that the widow of Charles le bel was not delivered of a son 1357. As also Philip of Burgogne during the Lunacy of Charles VI. 1394. with divers other On the other side we have a late example of the power of the Parliament of Paris in this very case For the same day that Henry IV. was slain by Ravilliao the Parliament met and after a short consultation declared Mary de Medices Mother to the King Regent in France for the government of the State during the minority of her son with all power and authority Such are the words of the Instrument Dated the 14 of May 1610. It cannot be said but that this Court deserveth not only this but also any other indulgence whereof any one member of the Common-wealth is capable So watchfull are they over the health of the State and so tenderly do they take the least danger threatned to the liberty of that Kingdom that they may not unjustly be called patres patriae In the year 1614. they seized upon a discourse written by Suarez a Jesuite Entituled Adversus Anglicanae sectae errores wherein the Popes temporall power over Kings and Princes is averred which they sentenced to be burnt in the Palace-yard by
Esau said in his heart The days of mourning for my father are at band then will I slay my brother Jacob. The event of which his bloudy resolution was that Jacob was â—ain to relinquish all that he had and flie unto his Uncle This last part of the story expresseth very much of the present estate of the French Church The Papists hated the Protestants to see them thrive and increase so much amongst them This hatred moved them to a war by which they hoped to root them out altogether and this war compelled the Protestants to abandon their good Towns their strong holds and all their possessions and to flie to their friends wheresoever they could finde them And indeed the present estate of the Protestants is not much better then that of Jacob in Mesopotâ—â—ia nor much different The blessing which they expect lyeth more in the seed then the harvest For their strength it consisteth principally in their prayers to God and secondly in their obedience to their Kings Within these two fortresses if they can keep themselves they need fear none ill because they shall deserve none The only outward strengths they have left them are the two Towns of Montaban and Rochell the one deemed invincible the other threatned a speedy destruction The Duke of Espernon at my being there lay round about it and it was said that the Town was in very bad terms all the neighbouring Towns to whose opposition they much trusted having yeelded at the first fight of the Canon Rochell it is thought cannot be forced by assault nor compelled by a famine Some Protestants are glad of and hope to see the French Church restored to its former powerfulnesse by the resistance of that Town meerly I rather think that the perverse and stubborn condition of it will at last drive the young King into a fury and incite him to revenge their contradiction on their innocent friends now disarmed and disabled Then will they see at last the issue of their own peremptory resolutions and begin to believe that the Heathen Historian was of the two the better Christian when he gave us this note Non turpe est ab eo vinci quem vincere esset nefas neque 〈…〉 lli â—inhoneste etiam submitti quem fortuna super omnes exâ—ulisset This weaknesse and misery which hath now befallen the Protestants was anâ— effect I confesse of the ill-will which the other party bare them but that they bare them ill will was a fruit of their own graffing In this circumstance they were nothing like Jacob who in the hatred which his brother Esau had to him was simply passive they being active also in the birth of it And indeed that lamentable and bloudy war which sell upon them they not only endevoured not to avoid but invited during the reign of Henry IV. who would not see it and the troublesome minority of Lewis XIII who could not molest them they had made themselves masters of 99. Towns well fortifyed and enabled for a 〈◊〉 a strength too great for any one faction to keep together under a King which desires to be himself and rule his people In the opinion of this their potency they call Assemblies Parliaments as it were when and as often as they pleased There they consulted of the common affairs of Religion made new Laws of government removed and rechanged their generall officers the Kings leave all this while never so much as formally demanded Had they only been guilty of too much power that crime alone had been sufficient to have raised a war against them it not standing with the safety and honour of a King not to be the absolute commander of his own Subjects But in this their licentious calling of Assemblies they abused their power into a neglect and not dissolving them at his Majesties commandment they increased their neglect into into a disobedience The Assembly which principally occasioned the war and their ruine was that of Rochell called by the Protestants presently upon the Kings journey into Bearn This generall meeting the King prohibited by his especiall Edicts declaring all them to be guilty of treason which notwithstanding they would not â—earken to but very undutifully went on in their purposes It was said by a Gentleman of their party and one that had been imployed in many of their affairs That the fiery zeal of some who had the guiding of their consciences had thrust them into those desperate courses and I believe him Tantum relligio potuit suâ—dere malorum Being assembled they sent the King a Remonstrance of their grievances to which the Duke Lesdiguiers in a Letter to them written gave them a very fair and plausible answer wherein also he intreateth them to obey the Kings Edict and break up the Assembly Upon the receipt of this Letter those of the Assembly published a Declaration wherein they verified their meeting to be lawfull and their purpose not to dismisse themselves till their desires were granted This affront done to the King made him gather together his Forces yet at the Duke of Lesdiguiers request he allowed them 24 dayes of respite before his Armies should march towards them he offered them also very fair and reasonable conditions such also as their Deputies had solicited but far better then those which they were glad to accept when all their Towns were taken from them Profecto ineluct abilis fatorum vis cujus fortunam mutare constituit ejus corrumpit consilia It held very rightly in this people who turned a deaf eare to all good advice and were resolved it seemeth Not to hear the voice of the Charmer charmed he never so sweetly In their Assemblie therefore they make Lawes and Orders to regulate their disobedience as That no peace should be made without the consent of the generall Convocation about paying of Souldiers wages for the detaining of the Revenues of the King and Clergy and the like They also there divided France into seven circles or parts assigning over every circle severall Generals and Lieutenants and prescribed Orders how those Generals should proceed in the wars Thus we see the Kings Army leavied upon no slight ground his Regall authority was neglected his especiall Edicts violated his gracious profers slighted and his Revenues forbidden him and his 〈…〉 m divided before his face and allotted unto officers not of his own election Had the prosecution of his action been as fair as the cause was just and legall the Protestants had only deserved the infamy but hinc illae lachrymae The King so behaved himself in it that he suffered the sword to walk at randome as if his main design had been not to correct his people but to ruine them I will instance onely in that tyrannicall slaughter which he permitted at the taking of Nigrepâ—â—isse a Town of Quereu wherein indeed the Souldiers shewed the very rigour of severity which either a barbarous victor could inflict or a vanquished people suffer Nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 genus
to the custome of the Country CHAP. IX Of the Collectors and Sides-men THere shall be two Collectors for the poor appointed in every Parish which also shal discharge the place of Sides-men or Assistants who shall be chosen as the Church-wardens are and shall take an oath to carry themselves well in the said office and to give an account of their Stewardship twice a year before the Minister and the Parishioners viz. at Easter and at Michaelmas CHAP. X. Of Clerks and Sextons Article I. 1. THe Clerks and Sextons of Parishes shall be chosen by the Minister and the principall of the Parish men of the age of twenty years at the least of good life and conversation able to read fairly distinctly and understandingly and to write also and fitted somewhat for the singing of the Psalmes if it may be II. 2. Their charge is by the ringing of a Bell to call the people to Divine service and the hearing of the Word at the proper and ordinary hours to keep the Church locked and clean as also the Pulpit and the seats to lay up the Books and other things belonging to the Church committed to their trust to provide water against the Christnings to make such proclamations as are enjoyned them by the Court or by the Minister And shal receive their stipend and wages by the contribution of the Parishioners be it in Corn or money according to the custome of the place CHAP. XI Of School masters Article I. 1. THere shall be a School master in every Parish chosen by the Minister Church wardens and other principall persons therein and afterwards presented unto the Dean to be licenced thereunto Nor shall it be lawfull for any one to take upon him this charge not being in this manner called unto it The Ministers shall have the charge of visiting the Schooles to exhort the Masters to their duty II. 2. They shall accustome themselves with diligence and painfulnesse to teach the children to read and to write to say their prayers and to answer in the Catechismes they shall instruct them in good manners they shall bring them unto Sermons and to Common-prayers and there see them quietly and orderly demean themselves CHAP. XII Of the Court Ecclesiasticall Article I. 1. THe Court shall be holden every Munday in the year observing the same vacations as the Courts Civill II. 2. At every Session in the beginning of it the names of the Assessors shall be inrolled the day the moneth and the year and the decrees perused III. 3. After judgment and sentence given in the main matter the costs of the parties and the wages of the officers shall be awarded by censure Ecclesiastick IV. 4. There shall be two Procters duely sworn unto the Court to the end the people may proceed formally and juridically without any confusion or surprise And the Register being also sworn shall faithfully record the sentences pronounced and give copies of the Acts to such as do require it V. 5. The Kings Atturney or in his absence the Solliciter shall be assistant in the Court from time to time in the awarding of punishment or censure upon all causes of crime and scandall VI. 6. For the serving of citation and summons the Dean shall swear the Sextons of every Parish together with an Apparitour which shall truly discharge themselves in giving copies of the originall proces and citation unto those whom it concerns or in the absence of the party to his servants In which proces and citations the causes of their appearance shall be expressed VII 7. If the party will not be found as either hiding himself or using any other collusion the citation shall be affixed in case that he have never an house on the Church door of the Parish where he dwelleth and that upon a Sunday VIII 8. If it come unto the notice of the Dean by the report of honest men that any one hath doth live notoriously scandalous he shall advertise the Minister and Church-wardens of the Parish to the end that being thus informed they may present such persons as merit to be punished or censured IX 9. Upon good notice of a crime committed by any of the Ministers the Dean after two warnings or admonitions shall proceed to the reforming of him by the advice and consent of two of his brethren even unto suspension and sequestration And in case he continue refractory the Dean by the consent of the major part of Ministers shall proceed to deprivation X. 10. No commutation shall be made in lieu of penance without great circumspection and regard had unto the quality of the persons and circumstances of the crime And the commutation shall be inrolled in the Acts of the Court to be imployed upon the poor and in pious uses whereof an account shall be given according to the Register XI 11. After the first default the non-appearance of the party again cited shall be reputed as a contempt if being after peren ptorily cited he doth not appear then shall they proceed against him by excommunication and if before the next Court day he endevour not to obtain absolution they shall proceed to the publishing of the sentence of the minor excommunication which shal be delivered to the Minister of the Parish to be read upon some solemn day and in the hearing of the greater part of the Parishioners The party still continuing in his contumacy they shall then proceed unto the major excommunication whereby he shall be excluded a sacris societate fidelium If this bring him not unto obedience and acknowledgement within the space of forty dayes then shall the Dean by his certificate authentick give notice unto the Bailiff and Justices of the said contumacy requiring their assistance to seise on him and commit him prisoner to some sure place till he be humbled and shall give surety that he will submit unto the ordinance of the Church and before that he be absolved he shall be bound to defray the costs and charges of the suit XII 12 In cases of incontinency upon presentment of the Church-wardens together with the probabilities of a common fame scandall and presumptions in this case requisite the party shall undergo the purgation upon oath or else shall be reputed as convict XIII 13. In causes of Adultery at the instance of the party the proceedings shall go on advisedly by good proofs and informations even to evidence of the crime objected and if the matter or evidence of fact be clear they may proceed to separation a thoro mensa XIV 14. He that shall offend in point of calumny and diffamation shall make acknowledgment of the injury according to the exigence of the case provided that the business be followed within the compasse of the year and that the matter of it be of Ecclesiasticall cognisance in the crimes above recited CHAP. XIII Of Appeales Article I. 1. APpeales in causes Ecclesiasticall shall be heard and determined by the reverend father in God the Bishop of Winton
in person and if that See be void by the most reverend father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury in person II. 2. All Appeales shall be exhibited within fifteen dayes after notice taken of the sentence and the party shall be constrained to take or write out the whole proces at it is upon the Register or Rols of Court which Acts of the said Court shall be delivered to him in forme and time convenient under the seal of the office and the Appellant shall pursue the action within a year and a day aut sententiae latae stare compellitur III. 3. It shall not be lawfull to appeal untill after the definitive sentence unlesse in these two cases viz. either when the Interlocutory is such as puts an end unto the businesse or else when the said interlocutory being obeyed brings such irreparable damage to the party that he cannot help himself by his Appeal A Table of the Fees appertaining to the Dean and his Officers in all causes Ecclesiasticall FOr the proving of a Will where the goods of the deceased exceed not the value of five pound To the Dean o. To the Register for writing and recording it 6 d. For the approving of a Will above the value of 5 l. To the Dean 2 s. To the Register or Notary 1 s. For a Letter of administration where the goods of the deceased exceed not the value of 5 l. de elaro To the Dean o. To the Register for writing it 6 d. For a Letter of administration above that value To the Dean 1 s. To the Register 1 s. For the registring an Inventory of the goods of minors where the said inventory exceedeth not the value of 5 l. To the Dean o. To the Register 4 d. For the registring of Inventories exceeding the value of 5 l. To the Dean 2 s. To the Register 1 s. For an authentick copy of the said Wils Inventories or Letters of administration To the Dean for his seal 6 d. To the Register 6 d. For processe compulsory to bring in the Wils 1 s. For Licences of marriage To the Dean 3 s. For the sequestration of the profits of a Benefice To the Dean 6 s. For the induction of a Minister To the Dean 3 s. For proces and citations To the Dean 2 d. ob To the Notary 1 d. d. To the Apparitor for serving the Proces and Citations 3 d. To the Sexton for serving a Citation within the Parish 1 d. d. For absolution from the minor excommunication To the Dean 1 s. To the Notary 2 d ob To the Apparitor 2 d. â—b For absolution from the major excommunication To the Dean 2 s. To the Notary 2 d. ob To the Apparitor 6 d. In causes Litigious the party overthrown shall pay the fees and duties of the Officers and for the authentick writing To the party 4 d. as also to every witnesse produced in Court 4 d. To the Proctors of the Court for every cause they plead 6 d. To the Notary for every instrument entred in the Court 1 d qa To him for every first default in Court 1 d. qa To him in case of contumacy 4 d. According whereunto it is ordained that neither the Dean nor his successors nor any of his officers either directly or indirectly shall demand exact or receive of the Inhabitants of the said Isle any other fees or duties then such as are specified in the table above written And it is further ordained that whatsoever hath been done or put in execution in the said Isle on any causes and by virtue of any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction shall be forthwith abrogated to the end that it may not be drawn into example by the said Dean or any of his successors in the times to come contrary to the tenure of these Canons at this present made and established but that all their proceedings be limited and fitted to the contents of the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall Also that there be no hindrance or impeachment made by the Civill Magistrate unto the said Dean and his successors in the peaceable execution of the said jurisdiction contained in the said Canons as being nothing prejudiciall to the priviledges and customes of the said Isle from which it is not our purpose at all to derogate Given as before said under our signet at our Court at Greenwich on the last day of June in the year of our Reign of England France and Ireland the one and twentieth and of Scotland the six and fiftieth CHAP. VIII 1 For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey 2 A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey 3 The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England 4 The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible 5 The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration 6 The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates 7 Proposals of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design 8 The submission of the Author and the work unto his Lordship The conclusion of the whole Our return to England I Now am come unto the fourth and last part of this discourse intended once to have been framed by way of suit unto your Lordship in the behalf of the other Island not yet weaned from the breasts of their late mother of Geneva But finding that course not capable of those particulars which are to follow I chose rather to pursue that purpose by way of declaration My scope and project to lay before your Lordship such reasons which may encite you to make use of that favour which most worthily you have attained to with his Majesty in the reduction of this Isle of Guernzey to that antient order by which it formerly was guided and wherein it held most conformity with the Church of England Before I enter on with argument I shall remove a doubt which might be raised about this businesse as viz. For what cause his late most excellent Majesty proceeded to this alteration in one Island not in both and being resolved to try his forces on the one only why he should rather sort out Jarsey A doubt without great difficulty to be cleared For had his Majesty attempted both at once the Ministers of both Islands had then communicated counsels banded themselves in a league and by a mutuall encouragement continued more peremptory to their old Mumpsimus It is an antient principle in the arts of Empire Divide impera and well noted by the State-historian that nothing more advantaged the affaires of Rome in Britaine then that the natives never met together to reason of the common danger Ita dum singuli pugnabant universi vincebantur And on the other side his Majesty soresaw for certain that if one Island once were taken off the other might with greater ease be perswaded to conforme Being resolved then to attempt them single there was good reason why he should