Visitationem Archiep. Cant. FIrst That the Archbp. of Canterbury in al his Monitions and Writings sent to the Bp. Abbots Prior and Archdeacon of London concerning this his Visitation called himself Apostolicae Sedis Legatum and that therefore the Bp. of London with the Chapter did not only advertise the Archbp. therof by their Letters before the day of Visitation But also the same day of the Commencement thâ—reof in the Chapter house of Powles the said Bp. and Chapter before the delivery of the Certificate to the ABp made there openly a â—rotestation reading it in writing signifying that they would neither accept him as such a Legate or admit or obey his Visitation jurisdiction or any thing that he would attempt by the pretext or color of that name of Legate or otherwise against the Crown of our Soveraign his Regality Statutes or customes of his realm And required the said Archbp. to command his Register there present to enact the said Protestation Which he refused utterly to do shewing himself not willing to admit the said Protestation Item That the Archbp. in his said Monition to the Bp. did expresly intimate and signify to him that he would in his Visitation suspend al the jurisdiction of the Bp. the Dean and Archdeacons from the beginning thereof to the ending In such wise that the Bp. nor his Officers Dean nor Archdeacon should or might at that time which he would not determine how long it should endure use no jurisdiction whatsoever causes or necessities should chance of correction institutions of benefices Confirmations of Election Consecrations of Churches Celebrations of Orders or Probation of Testaments with many other things mo appertaining ad forum contentiosum But al and every of these the Archbp. and his Officers would have and suffer none other to use and exercise the same unto the end of his Visitation Which he hath now continued until the first day of December pretending that then he may likewise continue it other six months and so forth without end at his plesure during his life from time to time So that by this means he only and none other should be Bp. but Titularis in all his Province during his life but at his plesure Which were an inconvenience intolerable and such as never was read nor heard of that ever any Metropolitan private Legate or Bp. of Rome in the most Tyranny had usurped the semblable Item That al men learned and Books of the Canon Law doth aggree that no Metropolitan or Primate may thus by any law written suspend al the jurisdiction of the Bishops for the time of their Visitations or exercise the premises during the same Iure Metropolitico And this the Councel of the Archbishop doth not deny nor cannot Item Where the said AB doth pretend that his Predecessors times past hath put in use and exercise al the premises And so though the Common law doth not favor him yet he may lean to prescription First it is to be considered and remembred that the suspension of al jurisdiction of al the Bishops in maner aforesaid seemeth to be against holy scripture and the authority given unto them by God and as it was said before that Suspension were a thing pernitious not read nor heard of to have bee attempted by the most tyranny of al the Bishops of R. without the great offence of the Bishop And as for the rest considering that none of his Predecessors this hundred years did visit thus his Province and therfore no man Living can know this by experience it had been necessary for the Archbp. to have shewed books for the proof of these his sayings and pretences Which he and his Officers being therunto desired as wel before the Visitation as sithence ever did refuse and deferr to do Item It is to be remembred that in case it shal appear in any Book of the AB that his Predecessors have attempted any of the Premisses First that his Predecessors were Legates and though they did visit jure Metropolitico yet they might peradventure as Legates attempt some things which they had had no right nor colour to do if they had be only Metropolitans and Primates Secondarily In this behalf and case it is to be remembred that many of those Archbps. of Canterbury were not only Legates but also Chancellors of England By the which authority they peradventure did enforce and maintain many things attempted against the Law as the late Cardinal did And therfore it is to be dissevered what they did as Legates and what as Metropolitans and what by force after repealed and what by right peaceably enjoyed And not to now jure Metropolitico such things as were done by his Predecessors as Legates nor to chalenge prescription now the authority of the See of Rome is repealed and here extinguished in such things as were attempted only by the pretext of the authority of that See or else after were appealed repealed or resisted Thirdly In This cause it is to be remembred that it appears by the ancient Registers of the Bishops and their Churches that when the Predecessors of the AB did attempt any of these causes aforesaid the Bishops and their Clergies did appeal to the See of Rome And divers times they obtained sentences and executions against him and some remained undecided by the reason of the death of the AB or Bp. complainant for remedy and redress of the same In like maner as we your faithful Subjects have now for this our grief appeled unto your Majesty Item It is to be considered Whether any Metropolitan in other Christen realmes being now Legate doth exercise the premisses after the form now here pretended in his Visitation And in case they do not as it is said they do not attempt any such things but only in their Visitations Provincial useth that the Common Law giveth them then here to be repealed and extinguished for ever To the intent that the Bishops of R. hereafter shal have no color to maintain and justify that they keep here yet and continue the possession of their authority and of our subjection by their Legate Saying that although the AB doth relinquish the name of a Legate yet nevertheless he exerciseth such jurisdiction as the Laws never gave to Metropolitans nor no AB in Christendome doth exercise Legates of the See of R. only excepted And therfore it is to be provided that no sparks remain wherby he might suscitate any such flame if the matter should come in question Finally It is to be remembred that the Bishops nor their Clergies do not refuse to accept and obey the Visitation of the AB as Metropolitan and to pay to him proxies due and accustomed But where the Bishops hath not only the common Laws but also Bulls and Sentences executed against his Predecessors and that long before the making of the Statutes against Provisions declaring what sums he shal not pass for the Proxies of their Churches the Officers of the AB demandeth much more
such men should be driven from them provided they do reside a good part of the year upon their Churches V. Since the Dispensation of two or three benefices hath been granted by former Princes to some Priests for the merit of their life and maners they cannot without injury be deprived of them Nor yet can they in al respects reside personally and perpetually VI. When many have designed their sons for the Universities and have been at no smal charges to give them learning because they have entertained good hope that they might hereafter be assistant to their friends and relations this hope being gone their care about this matter wil also grow cold otherwise of it self cold enough For as he said Where there is no honor there is no Art VII The houses of the Rectories in many places are either ruined or none at al or let out by Indentures Going to the Court of Rome Going to a General Councel Going to a Synod or Parlament Violent detaining Remedies That there be a les number of those that follow the Court who heap up benefices upon benefices That they who have many Benefices reside a certain time upon each That a way be found wherby such as live in Towns and Cities may be forced to pay Personal tiths Which being now almost quite taken a way the Benefices in such places are in a great part lessened When some of the Bishops by reason of the slendernes of their possessions cannot afford Stipends to the Priests their fellow laborers that they who serve them reside for a certain time of the year in their own parishes That Rectors who heretofore have payd pensions to Monasteries in ready mony be not now compelled to pay the same in bread-corn to Lay-proprietors That in Woody places where the custome hath alwayes obtained tith may be payd of Sylvae caeduae that is Wood that is cut to grow again especially when there is a great scarcity of corn in such places Parishes are not divided jure divino Whence followeth that as many Benefices may be layd into one so one by reason of the greatnes of it may be divided into two NUM LXXXIX Pole Cardinal Legate to Archbishop Cranmer in answer to the Letter he had sent to the Queen ALmighty God the Father by the grace of his only son god and man that dyed for our sins may geve yow trew and perfect repentance This I daylie pray for my self being a Synner but I thank God never obstinate synner And the same grace the more earnestly I do pray for to be geven to them that be obstinate the more neade they have thereof being otherwise past al mannes cure and admonition to save them As your open sayings in open audience doyth show of yow Which hath cawsed that those judges that hath syt apon the examination of your greviouse fautes seing no lykelod of ony repentaunce in yow hath utterlie cast awaye al hope of your recoverie Whereof doith follow the most horrible sentence of condempnation both of your body and soule both your temporal death and eternal Which is to me so great an horrour to here that if there were ony way or mean or fashion that I might fynd to remove you from errour bryngeng yow to the knowledge of the truth for your Salvation This I testifie to you afore God apon the Salvation of myne owne sowle that I would rather chuse to be that meane that yow might receive this benefyt by me then to receive the greatest benefyt for my self that can be geven under heaven in this world I easteme so moch the salvation of one sowle And becawse it happened to me to see your private lettres directed to the Qwenes Highnes sent by the same unto me wherein you utter and express such appearaunt reasons that cause yow to swarve from the rest of the Church in these Articles of the authoritie of the Pope and of the Sacrament of the aulter Concluding with these words That if ony man can show yow by reason that the authoritie of the Pope be not prejudicyal to the wealth of the realm or that your doctrine in the Sacrement be erroneous then you wold never be so perverse to stond wylfullie in your own opinion but shal with al humilitie submytt your self to the truthe in al things and gladly embrace the same Thise your words written in that lettre geveth me some occasion desyring your wealth not utterly to dispayr thereof but to attempt to recover yow by the same way that yow open unto me Which is by reason to show yow the error of your opinion and withal the light of the treuthe in both causes But whither this may healp yow indede or bring you to revoke the same with trew repentaunce this I know not and I fear moche the contrarie For that I see the ground and begynning how you fel into errour in both thise articles not to be of that sort that maketh men commonly to fall into errours and heresies Which sort and way is by medling with your wyt and discourse natural to examen the Articles of the faith Makeing your reason judge thereof which ought to bee judged and ruled by the tradition of the faith Which abuse causeth men dayly to fall into errours and heresies And the same also is in yow and is joyned with that yow have done But here standeth not the grownde of your errour nor yet in this other common maner of faulling from the trouthe which S. Paul noteth in the Gentiles and is in al meâ— commonlie that followeth their sensual appetites Qui veritatem Dâ—i in injustitia detinent Which thing also hath been occasion of your â—rrour But yet not this is the very grownde thereof but a further sawte that you geveng your othe to the truthe yow mocked with the same as the Iewes mocked with Christ when thei saluted him saing Ave Rex Iudaeorum and afterwards did crucifie hym For so did yow to the Vicar of Christ Knowledgeng the Pope of Rome by the words of your othe to be so and in mynde entendeng to crucifie the same authoritie Whereof came the plague of deape ignoraunce and blyndnes unto yow Which is now that bringeth you to this greivous peryl to perish both bodie and sowle From which peril no reason can deliver yow But yow discovereng your self touching the entrie when yow shuld make the customable othe of al legitimate Busshops in Christendom which is the dore for you to entre to the service of God in the highest spiritual office withyn this realme and seeing you made the same but for a countenaunce nothing meaneng to observe that yow promised by the othe this is a dore that every thieffe may entre bye This is not the dore that thei entre by that mean earnestlie the service of God Wherein the Prophets sentence is playne askeng this question Quis ascendet in montem Domini aut quis stabit in loco sancto ejus And then answering to the same
't is said from the Arch-bishop Therefore the King prest by some of the Papists about him who began now after Lambert's Death to listen to them set forth a Proclamation Novemb. 16. for the stopping of such Matrimonies Which ran in this Tenor. That the King's Majesty understanding that a few in number of this his Realm being Priests as well Religious as other had taken Wives and married themselves c. His Highness in no wise minding that the generality of the Clergy of this his Realm should with the Example of such a few number of light Persons proceed to Marriage without a common Consent of his Highness and his Realm Did therefore streightly charge and command as well all and singular the said Priests as have attempted Marriages that be openly known as all such as would presumptuously proceed to the same that they ne any of them should minister any Sacrament or other Ministry Mystical Ne have any Office Dignity Cure Privilege Profit or Commodity heretofore accustomed and belonging to the Clergy of this Realm but should be utterly after such Marriages expelled and deprived from the same and be had and reputed as Lay-persons to all intents and purposes And that such as should after this Proclamation contrary to his Commandment of their presumptuous Mind take Wives and be married should run in his Grace's Indignation and suffer further Punishment and Imprisonment at his Grace's Will and Pleasure Dat. xvi Novembris Anno Regni sui xxx Wherein we may observe what a particular regard the King had for the Arch-bishop in relation to his Wife that the danger of the Proclamation might not reach him by limiting the Penalty not to such as were married and kept their Wives secretly but to such as should marry hereafter and such as kept them openly And we may observe further that it seemed to be in the King's Mind in due time to tolerate Marriages to Priests by Act of Parliament which that Clause seems to import that these Priests had married themselves without a common Consent of his Highness and his Realm And Bishop Ponet or whoever else was the Author of the Defence of Priests Marriage assures us that the King intended to permit Priests to take Wives knowing how necessary it was to grant that Liberty and he affirms that it was not unknown to divers that heard him speak oft of that Matter But was hindred by some jealous Councellors that pretended how ill the People would take it had it been done by his Authority The Sect of Anabaptists did now begin to pester this Church and would openly dispute their Principles in Taverns and publick places and some of them were taken up Many also of their Books were brought in and printed here also which was the cause that the King now set out a severe Proclamation against them and their Books To which he joined the Sacramentaries as lately with the other come into the Land Declaring That he abhorred and detested their Errors and that those that were apprehended he would make Examples Ordering that they should be detected and brought before the King or his Council and that all that were not should in eight or ten days depart the Kingdom This Proclamation may be read in the Appendix Num. VIII Where I have misplaced it A Commission also was then given out to the Arch-bishop to Iohn Bishop of Lincoln Rich. Bishop of Chichester and others against this Sect. Which Commission was signed at the bottom by Thomas Crumwel It was observed that the Parsons Vicars and Curates did read confusedly the Word of God and the King's Injunctions lately set forth and commanded by them to be read humming and hauking thereat that almost no Man could understand the meaning of the Injunction And they secretly suborned certain spreaders of Rumors and false Tales in Corners who interpreted the Injunctions to a false sense And because there was an Order that all Christnings Marriages and Burials should be registred from time to time and the Books surely kept in the Parish Churches they blew abroad that the King intended to make new Exactions at all Christnings Weddings and Burials adding that therein the King went about to take away the Liberties of the Realm for which they said Thomas a Becket died And they bad their Parishioners notwithstanding what they read being compelled so to do that they should do as they did in Times past to live as their Fathers and that the old Fashion is the best and other crafty and seditious Parables they gave out among them This forced the King to write his Letters to the Justices of Peace to take up such seditious Parsons Vicars and Curates And in these Letters is explained the true Reason of Thomas a Beckeâ—'s Contention with K. Henry II. As that he contended that none of the Clergy offending should be called to account or corrected but in the Bishop's Courts only and not by the Laws of the Realm and that no King should be Crowned but by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury only The Church of Hereford being now become vacant by the Death of Fox an excellent Instrument of the Reformation the Archbishop committed the custody of the Spiritualities to Hugh Coren Doctor of Canon Laws and Prebendary of that Church and by him visited the Church and Diocess and gave certain Injunctions to the Parsons Vicars and other Curats there These Injunctions as I find them in Cranmer's Register were eight in number Which I shall not here insert at large because they may be met with in the History of the Reformation But in short they enjoined the Observation of the King's Injunctions given by his Majesty's Commissaries in the Year 1536. They enjoined that they should have by the first of August a whole Bible in Latin and English or at least a New Testament in the same Languages That they should every day study one Chapter of the Bible or Testament conferring the Latin and English together and to begin at the beginning of the Book and so continue to the End That they should not discourage any Lay-men from reading the Bible but encourage them to it And to read it for the Reformation of their Lives and Knowledg of their Duty and not to be bold and presumptuous in judging of things before they have perfect Knowledg That they should both in their Preachings and Confessions and in other their Doings excite their Parishioners unto such Works as are commanded by God expresly Adding that for this God should demand of them a strict Reckoning And to teach them that other Works which they do of their own Devotion are not to be so highly esteemed as the other And that for the not doing them God will not ask any Account That no Friar have any Cure or Service in their Churches unless he were dispensed withal and licensed by the Ordinary That they admit no young Person to the Sacrament who never received it before unless such
as one of the truest Glories of that See Though these three Martyrs Cranmer Ridley and Latimer were parted asunder and placed in separate Lodgings that they might not confer together yet they were suffered sometimes to eat together in the Prison of Bocardo I have seen a Book of their Diet every Dinner and Supper and the Charge thereof Which was at the Expence of Winkle and Wells Bailiffs of the City at that time under whose Custody they were As for example in this Method The first of October Dinner Bread and Ale ii d. Item Oisters i d. Item Butter ii d. Item Eggs ii d. Item Lyng viii d. Item A piece of fresh Salmon x d. Wine iii d. Cheese and Pears ii d.  ii s. vi d. From this Book of their Expences give me leave to make these few Observations They ate constantly Suppers as well as Dinners Their Meals amounted to about three or four Shillings seldom exceeding four Their Bread and Ale commonly came to two pence or three pence They had constantly Cheese and Pears for their last Dish both at Dinner and Supper and always Wine the price whereof was ever three Pence and no more The Prizes of their Provisions it being now an extraordinary dear time were as follow A Goose 14 d. A Pig 12 or 13 d. A Cony 6 d. A Woodcock 3 d. and sometimes 5 d. A couple of Chickens 6 d. Three Plovers 10 d. Half a dozen Larks 3 d. A dozen of Larks and two Plovers 10 d. A Brest of Veal 11 d. A Shoulder of Mutton 10 d. Rost Beef 12 d. The last Disbursements which have Melancholy in the reading were these  s. d. For three Loads of Wood-Fagots to burn Ridley and Latimer 12 0 Item One Load of Furs-Fagots 3 4 For the carriage of these four Loads 2 0 Item A Post 1 4 Item Two Chains 3 4 Item Two Staples 0 6 Item Four Labourers 2 8 Then follow the Charges for burning Cranmer  s. d. For an 100 of Wood-Fagots 06 0 For an 100 and half of Furs-Fagots 03 4 For the carriage of them 0 8 To two Labourers 1 4 It seems the Superiors in those Days were more zealous to send these three good Men to Oxon and there to serve their Ends upon them and afterwards to burn them than they were careful honestly to pay the Charges thereof For Winkle and Wells notwithstanding all their Endeavours to get themselves reimbursed of what they had laid out which came to sixty three Pounds ten Shillings and two Pence could never get but twenty Pounds Which they received by the means of Sir William Petre Secretary of State In so much that in the Year 1566 they put up a Petition to Arch-bishop Parker and the other Bishops That they would among themselves raise and repay that Sum which the said Bailiffs were out of Purse in feeding of these three Reverend Fathers In which Petition they set forth That in the second and third Years of King Philip and Queen Mary Arch-bishop Cranmer Bishop Latimer and Bishop Ridley were by order of Council committed to the Custody of them and so continued a certain Time and for them they disbursed the Sum of 63 l. 10 s. 2 d. Whereof but 20 l. was paid to them Therefore they pray his Grace and the rest of the Bishops to be a means among themselves that the remaining Sum may be paid to them being 43 l. 10 s. 2 d. Or some part thereof Otherwise they and their poor Wives and Children should be utterly undone And to give the better countenance to these Men that were going to carry up their Petition Laurence Humfrey President of Magdalen College and the Queen's Professor wrote this Letter on their behalf to Arch-bishop Parker IEH MY humble Commendations presupposed in the Lord. To be a Suitor in another Man's Case it seemeth Boldness and in a Matter of Money to write to your Grace is more than Sauciness Yet Charity Operiens multitudinem peccatorum doth move me and will perswade you to hear him A Debt is due unto him for the Table of Mr. Dr. Cranmer by the Queen's Majesties Appointment And Mr. Secretary in Oxford wished him at that time of Business in Progress to make some Motion to the Bishops for some Relief The Case is miserable The Debt is just His Charges in the Suit have been great His Honesty I assure your Grace deserves pitiful Consideration And for that my Lord of Sarum writeth to me as here in Oxford he promised That his part shall not be behind what Order soever it please my Lords to take for the dispatch of the same I request your Grace as Successor to that right Reverend Father and chief Patron of such poor Suitors to make by your good Means some Collection for him among the rest of my Lords the Bishops that his good Will shewed to that worthy Martyr may of you be considered And so he bound to your Goodness of his part altogether undeserved Thus recommending the Common Cause of Reformation to you and my self and this poor Man to your good remembrance I leave to trouble you Requesting you once again to hear him and tender his Cause even of Charity for God his Sake To whose Protection I commend your Grace From Oxon November 22 Anno 1566. Your Grace's humble Orator Laur. Humfrey Though I cannot trace this any further yet I make no doubt this Petition was favourably received with the Arch-bishop and Bishops It seems in Cranmer's Life-time Money was sent to Oxford for the sustentation of these Prisoners of Christ but embezzelled For one W. Pantry of Oxford received forty Pounds at Mr. Stonelye's Hand for my Lord Cranmer and the other two in like Case This was declared by the Bailiffs to Thomas Doyley Esquire Steward to Arch-bishop Parker CHAP. XXII Cranmer's Books and Writings HAving brought our History of this singular and extraordinary Light of the Church to this Period we will before we take our leave of him gather up some few Fragments more thinking it pity that any thing should be lost that may either serve to communicate any Knowledg of him to Posterity or to clear and vindicate him from Aspersions or Misrepresentations vulgarly conceived of him And here will fall under our consideration first his Books and Writings after them his Acquaintance with Learned Men and his Favour to them and Learning then some Matters relating to his Family and Officers And lastly we shall conclude with some Observations upon him For the Pen of this great Divine was not idle being employed as earnestly as his Authority and Influence for the furtherance of Religion and rescue of this Church from Popish Superstition and Foreign Jurisdiction He laid a solid Foundation in Learning by his long and serious Studies in the University To which he was much addicted Insomuch that this was one of the Causes which made him so labour by the interest of his Friends with King Henry to
hear of the abolishing especially of that law that gave that title of the Supremacy of the Church in the Realm to the Crown Suspecting that to be an introduction of the Popes authority into the Realm Which they cannot gladly hear of And for this cause cannot gladly hear of my Legation in the Popes Name Wherupon her G. in the same letters doth exhort me to stay my voyage until a more opportune time And asketh my counsil in case the lower House make resistance in the renouncing of the title of Supremacy what her G. were best to do and what course she had best to take One other poynt is that her G. desireth in the same letter to be certified by me how it came to pass that a Commission given by her to Mr. Francisco Commendone in secret was published in the Consistory as her Graces Ambassador resident in Venice doth certify her These be the two points wherin her G. requireth my answer And for to obey her demand which to me is a Commandment I do send you not only to present my letters but also my mouth and with these present Instructions for more satisfaction of her G. in al points As touching the first point which is of most weight and so great touching the honor and wealth of her G. both spiritual and temporal as none can be more ye shal shew her G. that my first advise and counsil shal be to obtain of God by prayer that which I pray him to give me writing this Which is to have Spiritum Consilij Fortitudinis And this her G. must now pray for that as in the attaining the Crown his high providence shewed by manifest tokens to have given her these two graces so in the maintaining therof he wil confirm these two gifts in her mind Her Highnes knowes if she had relented at that time for any peril when that both mans counsil and force were against her she had lost So if she for any fear do relent and do not renounce the title of Supremacy which took the name of Princess and Right heire from her she cannot maintain that she hath gotten already by the spirit of Council and Fortitude So that my first counsil is this that obtaining by prayer these two gifts which her G. had at that time to shew her self no less ardent in the leaving of the title of Supremity for to maintain her right then the King her father was in the acquisition therof to the privation of her right Which so much more she ought to do and be more fervent in this then her Father was in that Because that was done against al law both of God and man and this that her Majesty doth now shewing her self most fervent herein doth fulfil both Gods law and mans And that is her very duty if she should loose both state and life withal As she hath known she ought to do by the example of the best men of her realm Which for this cause resisting the Kings unlawful lawes lost both And now the goodnes of God putting no such hard conditions to her G. nor laying afore her eyes only Praemia futura with loss of temporal as he did to those men but praemia coelestia with terrena joyned together That serving to the honor of God which is in this poynt to render the title of Supremacy of the church in earth to whom God hath given it she doth establish her own Crown withal If now she should relent herein for any fear of men being brought to that state that other men should rather fear her then she them especially in so good a cause this afore God and men were most perpetually to be blamed Wherfore what my Counsil is herein on this maner now rehersed you may inform her Highnes Now to come to the execution of the thing After her G. is determined to have it done casting away al fear the same stondeth to have it put forth and causing it to pass by the Parlament this is another council necessarily to be pondered Consisting the whole after my opinion in the proponement of the person that hath to put forth the same that with les difficulty and more favour it may pass Here ye may say that I much pondering the same and considering that it must be a person of Authority that should propone the same if it should take effect When I look in my mind upon al them I know of the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal and persons of the Lower House that might have authority I do see none but that other he hath defended the contrary cause by his Sentence and writing as the Spiritual men have done which taketh away a great part of authority to persuade others when men heareth them accepting that matter that aforetime they have oppugned Or else to speak of the Temporal Lords or others being al intangled with private profit enjoying goods of the Church by rejecting the authority of the same they cannot speak with that freenes of spirit as such a matter requireth Wherfore yee may conclude with her G. mine opinion herein that after long consideration hereof I see no person but one that is able with authority and also favour to propone this matter And that person is her G. her self God having brought it to her hand alone She being in this matter and al other immaculate and without blot ordered of God to defend his cause and her own withal And this ye may say the Counsil that it pleased God to put in my mind is that her G. do in this case as I remember the Emperor did in his own case passing by Rome wheras his mind was to justify his quarrel touching the war betwixt him and the French king afore the Pope and the Cardinals When doubting if onye other person should propose the same it might have contradiction of that party that did favor France he determined without any conference either with his Councel or others to put forth the matter himself And so when nother the Pope nor no other looked for any such thing his Holines and the Cardinals being now congregate he entred in among them in the Consistory and made a long Oration in justifying his cause and obtained that he would without any resistance Underneath this maner my poor advise should be that her Majesty should personally come into the Parlament and put forth the same her self and I dare be bold to say what for her authority and the justnes and the equity of the cause it self she shal have no contradiction And if need were also to shew her self to the Lower house the thing it self so neer toucheth her wealth both godly and temporally that it would be taken rather cum applausu then otherwise Further and jointly with this it shal be necessary her highnes make mention of the Popes Legate in my person to be admitted and sent for Wherin her G. hath this first to entreat that the law of my banishment may be abolished and
I restored to name and bloud And herein her G. doth know what extreme injustice hath been done to me and al our house And touching my person what ever was done that could be layd against me why I should be ashamed which never thought nor did in that cause I was banished for but that wherby I deserved rather great reward then any pain being so given with heart and mind to the Kings honor and wealth both of him and his realm that with no reward that was offered me great the King himself could not persuade me to do or sentence any thing against his honor and the wealth of the realm and to his damnation Here is al the cause why I suffered banishment with so great loss of those kinsfolks that were dearer to me then my life And this being done by consent of the Parlament though I doubt not against their mind the Parlament is bound afore God and man to revoke me again and especially now coming with extraordinary Commission that bringeth the establishment of your Graces Crown to the comfort of the whole realm both temporally and spiritually And this her G. may boldly say of al the time of my exile wherin God hath given me honor more then I did require or would have had if it had layn in my own choise and goods sufficient to maintain my state if ever it should be found that for any respect of persons for ambition pleasure or lucre I swarved from that I judged the honor of God and in matters of my Country from the wealth therof I am content not only to be excepted at this time but perpetually to be banished But if they prove al the contrary and that with the King your Father not only as a faithful subject but with that love also that no servant could shew to his master more nor son to his father I shewed ever to exteame more his honor and wealth then mine own goods or Country and never procured other then the wealth of the same then let them believe now that I never would come unto them after so many years absence your G. bearing the crown with other Commission than that I know surely should be to the honor comfort and wealth of your G. and the whole Country And so touching this point of my counsil that her G. requireth of me here ye have explicated how the whole matter wherin my counsil is required may be concluded For otherwise at this time I se not what might be taken nor can imagine no other so good as this way Which me seemeth God hath ordered should be taken and preferred above al other After this ye shal shew her G. if this way be not followed or deferred what I most fear And this is first that the Popes Holines being already persuaded to graunt to the stay of my journey contrary to his first Commission when her G. shewed more fervency to receive the obedience of the Church that the next Commission I shal have shal be to return back into Italy again And the cause why I fear this is that the Pope shal think by offering to her G. and the Realm al those graces that do pertain to the reconciliation of both to the church when he seeth it is not accepted with that promptnes it is offered he shal think that both afore God and man he hath satisfied al that could be required of him touching the demonstration of his paternal affection to her G. and the realm In the which the College of Cardinals peradventure wil judge that his Sanctity hath been over much bountiful especially when they hear of this my staying being made without their consent Which they wil ever take for a great indignity hearing no greater nor more urgent cause therof then hitherto hath been shewed and knowing how her G. cannot maintain her Right nether afore God nor man without having recourse to his Holines and to the See Apostolic and of whose Authority and Dispensation the whole right of her cause doth depend as some of them then would have had his Holines at the beginning not to have sent his Legate until he had been required and much more now after he hath sent and he not accepted they wil al be of opinion that he shal be revoked And then what peril both her G. and the whole realm standeth in by the reason of the Schism yet remaining it is manifest of it self And yet this is not al my fear of my revocation but that which may follow that I fear more Which is this that wheras now if I had been accepted with that promptnes and sincere affect as I was sent of the Popes Holines and that I brought with me my Person I trust should have brought more comfort to her Highnes and the rest of the Country then any stranger as the Popes Holines thought when he made me Legate so now on the contrary for the self same circumstances and causes that pertain to my Person not being accepted it shal more aggravate the cause at all times that the Realm hereafter should require to be absolved of the Schism and al other that would seek to prevail against her Graces title by the reason of the Schism for the self cause that I was not accepted returning again to Rome would take this for a great proof of the obstinate enduring in the same which al divine lawes doth most condemn So that my Person I desiring nothing more then to bring comfort to her and the realm not accepted shal be cause of more discomfort which as I say God of his mercy forbid Expounded under this maner my fear which stondeth in my revocation not for my self but for the domage that may come to her Majesty and the realm therby the same being very likely if my stay be deferred ony longer space knowing that his Holines and the College wil not suffer such indignity then you may declare withal the remedies that I thought best to be used at this time to avoyd this inconveniency And herein you may shew how the first Remedy is that the Pope and the College of Cardinals be wel persuaded that my stay here is but for a smal time and for to bring a more sure conclusion and to make the way more plain as I have caused the Popes Holines to be informed by a servant of mine sent by post shewing the tenor of the bil her G. wrote Herrye my servant Wherin was conteined that her Highnes shortly trusted that the matters of the Parlament should have that conclusion that I most desired And upon this hope that messenger had to shew his Holines that I had sent my stuf afore towards Flaunders and now also for confirmation of that hope I have sent a part of my company afore to tarry me there So that this you may say is the first remedy I can find to keep the Pope and the College in hope of a brave and good resolution One other chief Remedy is because I
Angliae quam quivis externus Episcopus That is That the Bishop of Rome hath not some greater Iurisdiction conferred upon him by God in this Realm of England than any other Foreign Bishop This was consented to by the Prior's own Hand subscribed and sixty nine of the Convent besides The Original whereof is in a Volume of the Cotton Library In another place of the same Volume is extant the Subscription of the Bishops Deans and several Abbots and after that of the University of Oxford and all the particular Colleges and after that the Names of all the subscribing Priors of England The Arch-bishop was one employed about the Act of Succession that was made the last Sessions of Parliament which was to invest the Succession to the Crown upon the Heirs of Q. Ann and that Q. Katharine should be no more called Queen but Princess Dowager In the Preamble to the Act there were certain Touches against the Pope's Supremacy and against his Power of dispensing in the King 's former Marriage with his Brother's Wife carnally known by him To this Act all Persons were to swear to accept and maintain the same upon pain of Treason The Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Ld Chancellor Audley Secretary Crumwel the Abbot of Westminster and others were the King's Commissioners appointed to tender this Oath The Nobility and Gentry took it none denying to which they set their Hands in a long List. On the 13 th of April the Commissioners sat at Lambeth to receive the Oaths of the Clergy and chiefly those of London that had not yet sworn who all took it not one excepted And a certain Doctor Vicar of Croyden that it seems made some boggle before went up with the rest of whom Sir Thomas More who then stood by made an Observation how as he past he went to my Lord 's Buttery-hatch and called for Drink and drank valde familiariter whether saith he sarcastically it were for Gladness or Driness or Quod ille notus erat Pontifici The Oath also now was taken by Dr. Wylson a great Court-Divine in those Days who for Queen Katharine's Business was a Prisoner at this time though a great while he was unsatisfied and consulted much with Sir Thomas More about the Lawfulness of taking it The same Day were conveyed hither from the Tower Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More the only Layman at this Meeting to tender this Oath to them Who both being separately called refused it After the Clergy were sworn and dispatched immediately Sir Thomas by himself was sent for the second time Now he had much talk with the Lords who would fain have brought him to comply They urged him to declare the Causes why he would not Swear But he excused his so doing Then they charged him with Obstinacy He said it was not Obstinacy but because he might not declare his Mind without peril of incurring the King's further Displeasure He told the Commissioners that for his part he condemned not the Consciences of any but that he was dissatisfied in his own Conscience for certain Reasons The Arch-bishop taking hold of this spake to him thus That it appeared well that Sir Thomas did not take it for a very sure thing and a certain that he might not lawfully swear but rather as a thing uncertain and doubtful But you know said my Lord for a certainty and for a thing without doubt that you be bound to obey your Soveraign Lord the King And therefore are you bound to leave off the doubt of your unsure Conscience in refusing the Oath and take the sure way in obeying of your Prince who commands you to Swear This Argument as Sir Thomas confessed in one of his Letters to his Daughter Roper seemed so subtil and with such Authority coming out of so Noble a Prelate's Mouth that he could answer again nothing thereto but only that he thought with himself that he might not so do because that in his Conscience this was one of the Causes in which he was bounden that he should not obey his Prince sith that whatsoever other Folks thought in the Matter whose Conscience or Learning as he said he would not condemn or take upon him to judg yet in his Conscience the Truth seemed on the other Side wherein he had informed his Conscience neither suddenly nor slightly but by long leisure and diligent search for the Matter In fine the farthest Sir Thomas could be brought and which he offered voluntarily that Morning was to swear to the Succession which was the main Design of the Act though not to the Preamble At parting the Lord Chancellor bad the Secretary before More take notice that More denied not but was content to swear the Succession More assented and said in that Point he would be contented so that he might see the Oath so framed as might stand with his Conscience Fisher Bishop of Rochester offered the same before this Assembly that More had done and in a Letter of his afterwards writ to the Secretary assigned the Reason why he could with a good Conscience swear to the Succession viz. because he doubted not but that the Prince of a Realm with the Assent of the Nobles and Commons might appoint his Successors according as he pleased In the Appendix this Letter will be found which Bishop Fisher writ upon occasion of the Secretary's Advice who laboured to gain him that he should write to the King to declare his Mind to him in swearing to the Succession and to petition him to let that suffice because his Conscience could not consent to the rest of the Act. The Secretary also had sent unto Fisher lying in the Tower Lee Bishop Elect of Lichfield and Coventry to whom he declared again that he would take the Oath to the Succession and moreover that he would swear never to meddle more in Disputation of the Matrimony and promised all Allegiance to the King But he told Lee his Conscience could not be convinced that the Marriage was against the Law of God because of a Prohibition in the Levitical Law See Lee's Letter in the Appendix to Secretary Crumwel The Arch-bishop soon after that meeting of the Commissioners at Lambeth retired to Croydon And being a Man not kind to his own Party and Perswasion only and fierce and bloody-minded to them that differed from him but compassionate towards all Friend and Foe his tender Spirit suggested to him to make this serve for an Occasion to intercede for More and Fisher to Crumwel shewing him in a Letter dated April the 17 th how adviseable in his Judgment it would be to be satisfied with that Oath they had offered to swear in case they would swear to maintain the said Succession against all Power and Potentates Urging to him that there would be these Advantages gained thereby First That it would be a means to satisfy the Consciences of the Princess Dowager and the Lady Mary who it seems made
Crumwel speak against it the Reason being no question because they saw the King so resolved upon it Nay it came to be a flying Report that the Arch-bishop of Canterbury himself and all the Bishops except Sarum consented But this is not likely that Cranmer who had so openly and zealously opposed it should be so soon changed and brought to comply with it Nay at the very same time it passed he staid and protested against it though the King desired him to go out since he could not consent to it Worcester also as well as Sarum was committed to Prison and he as well as the other resigned up his Bishoprick upon the Act. In the foresaid Disputation in the Parliament-house the Arch-bishop behaved himself with such humble modesty and obedience in word towards his Prince protesting the Cause not to be his but God's that neither his Enterprize was misliked of the King and his Allegations and Reasons were so strong that they could not be refuted Great pity it is that these Arguments of the Arch-bishop are lost which I suppose they are irrecoverably because Fox that lived so near those Times and so elaborate a Searcher after such Papers could not meet with them and all that he could do was to wish that they were extant to be seen and read However I will make my Conjecture here that I am apt to think that one of the main Matters insisted on by him at this time was against the cruel Penalty annexed to these Articles For I find in one of the Arch-bishop's Manuscript Volumes now in Benet-College Library there is in this very Year a Discourse in Latin upon this Subject Num in haereticos jure Magistratui gravius animadvertere liceat Decisio Vrbani Rhegii Interprete Iacobo Gisleno Anno 1539. Which Book I suppose he might at this juncture have read over and made use of The Dukes and Lords of Parliament that as above was said came over to Lambeth to visit and dine with him by the King's Command used words to him to this Tenor The King's Pleasure is that we should in his behalf cherish and comfort you as one that for your travail in the late Parliament declared your self both greatly Learned and also Discreet and Wise And therefore my Lord be not discouraged for any thing that past there contrary to your Allegations The Arch-bishop replied In the first place my Lords I heartily thank the King's Highness for his singular good Affection towards me and you all for your pains And I hope in God that hereafter my Allegations and Authorities shall take place to the Glory of God and Commodity of the Realm Every of the Lords brought forth his Sentence in commendation of him to shew what good-will both the King and they bare to him One of them entred into a Comparison between the said Arch-bishop and Cardinal Wolsey preferring the Arch-bishop before him for his mild and gentle Nature whereas he said the Cardinal was a stubborn and churlish Prelate that could never abide any Noble-man The Lord Crumwel as Cranmer's Secretary relates who himself heard the words You my Lord said he were born in an happy Hour I suppose for do or say what you will the King will always take it well at your Hands And I must needs confess that in some things I have complained of you to his Majesty but all in vain for he will never give credit against you whatsoever is laid to your Charge But let me or any other of the Council be complained of his Grace will most seriously chide and fall out with us And therefore you are most happy if you can keep you in this State The Roman Zealots having obtained this Act of the Six Articles desisted not but seconded their Blow by a Book of Ceremonies to be used by the Church of England so intituled all running after the old Popish strain It proceeded all along in favour of the Roman Church's superstitious Ceremonies endeavouring to shew the good signification of them The Book first begins with an Index of the Points touched therein viz. Churches and Church-yards the hallowing and reconcileing them The Ceremonies about the Sacrament of Baptism Ordering of the Ministers of the Church in general Divine Service to be sung and said in the Church Mattins Prime and other Hours Ceremonies used in the Mass. Sundays with other Feasts Bells Vesture and Tonsure of the Ministers of the Church and what Service they be bound unto Bearing Candles upon Candlemass-day Fasting Days The giving of Ashes The covering of the Cross and Images in Lent Bearing of Palms The Service of Wednesday Thursday and Friday before Easter The hallowing of Oil and Chrism The washing of the Altars The hallowing of the Font upon Saturday in the Easter-Even The Ceremonies of the Resurrection in Easter-Morning General and other particular Processions Benedictions of Bells or Priests Holy Water and holy Bread A general Doctrine to what intent Ceremonies be ordained and of what value they be The Book it self is too long to be here inserted but such as have the Curiosity may find it in the Cotton Library and may observe what Pains was taken to smooth and varnish over the old Supperstions I do not find this Book mentioned by any of our Historians The Bishop of Winchester with his own Pen hath an Annotation in the Margin of one place in the Book And I strongly suspect he was more than the Revisor of it and that it was drawn up by him and his Party and strongly pushed on to be owned as the Act of the Clergy For this Year there was a Convocation The King had sent his Letters written March the 12 th in the 30 th Year of his Reign viz. 1538. to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury for summoning a Convocation to meet together at St. Paul's the second day of May. But this Assembly by the King's Letters to him was prorogued till November the 4 th At this Convocation I suppose these Articles were invented and propounded to the House All this long Book in behalf of the Ceremonies did our laborious Metropolitan put himself to the pains of answering and thereby hindred the Reception of it For concerning this I do interpret that Passage of Fox viz. That the Arch-bishop confuted eighty eight Articles devised by a Convocation and which were laboured to be received but were not But to return to the six Articles Great triumphing now there was on the Papists Side as appears by a Letter wrote from some Roman Catholick Member of the House of Lords to his Friend Which may be read in the Appendix But after some time the King perceiving that the said Arch-bishop and Bishops did this thing not of Malice or Stubbornness but out of a zeal they had to God's Glory and the Common-wealth reformed in part the said Six Articles and somewhat blunted the Edg of them March 20. Two Commissions were sent to the Arch-bishop to take the Surrender
brought into it These his Thoughts he communicated to Arch-bishop Cranmer which was about the Year 1546. Whereupon they both set to examine it with more than ordinary Care And all the Arguments that Cranmer gathered about it he digested into his Book Nor was the good Arch-bishop ashamed to make a publick Acknowledgment in print of this as well as of his other Popish Errors in his Answer to Smith's Preface who it seems had charged him with Inconstancy This I confess of my self that not long before I wrote the said Catechism I was in that Error of the Real Presence as I was many Years past in many other Errors as of Transubstantiation of the Sacrifice propitiatory of the Priests in the Mass of Pilgrimages of Purgatory c. being brought up from my Youth in them For the which and other the Offences of my Youth I do daily pray unto God for Pardon and Mercy After it pleased God to shew me by his Holy Word a more perfect knowledg of his Son Jesus Christ I put away my former Ignorance As God gave me Light so through his Grace I opened my Eyes to receive it And I trust in God's Mercy for pardon of my former Errors I set this down the more at large to shew the great Ingenuity as well as Piety of this good Man Peter Martyr in the Year following this printed a Book of the Sacrament which was the Sum of what he had read before upon that Point in the University of Oxford Which Book he dedicated to his Patron the Arch-bishop of Canterbury And giving the Reason why he made the Dedication to him said That he knew certainly that Cranmer had so great Skill in this Controversy as one could hardly find in any one besides That there was none of the Fathers which he had not diligently noted no antient or modern Book extant that he Martyr had not with his own Eyes seen noted by the Arch-bishop's Hand Whatsoever belonged to the whole Controversy he said that the Arch-bishop had digested into particular Chapters Councils Canons Popes Decrees pertaining hereunto and that with so great labour that unless he had been an Eye-Witness of it and seen it he could not easily have believed others if they had told him in regard of the infinite Toil Diligence and Exactness wherewith the Arch-bishop had done it He added that the Arch-bishop had not bestowed such kind of Pains and Study in the Matter of the Sacrament only but that he had done the same thing as to all other Doctrines in effect which in that Age were especially under Controversy And this that Learned Man said he had made good Observation of Nor as he went on that he wanted Skill a Method and Industry in defending what he held Which might he said be known by this because he had so often conflicted with his Adversaries both publickly and privately and by a marvellous strength of Learning quickness of Wit and dexterity of Management had asserted what he held to be true from the thorny and intricate Cavils of Sophisters glancing at his Controversies with Winchester who was commonly then called the Sophister and that he wanted not a Will yea a Mind ready to defend Sound and Câ—ristian Doctrines That all Men did sufficiently understand who saw him burn with so great an endeavour of restoring Religion that for this Cause only he had great and heavy Enemies and neglected many Commodities of this Life and underwent horrible Dangers The great and intimate Converse that P. Martyr had with Cranmer gave him opportunity to know him very well and therefore I have chosen to set down this Character that he gave of him and particularly of his Ability in this Controversy of thâ— Eucharist And I am apt to think that the careful perusal of these Authorities collected by the Arch-bishop and his Conversation with this Learned Prelate being much with him at Lambeth was a cause of bringing Martyr to the True Doctrine For at his first coming to Oxon he was a Papist or a Lutheran as to the belief of the Presence And so Feckenham Dean of S. Paul's told Bartlet Green at his Examination and that Martyr perceiving the King's Council as he uncharitably suggested to be of another Opinion he to please them forsook the true Catholick Faith But Mr. Green who had been a hearer of him at Oxon replied That he had heard Martyr say That he had not while he was a Papist read S. Chrysostom upon the tenth to the Corinthians nor many other places of the Doctors But when he had read them and well considered them he was content to yield to them having first humbled himself in Prayer desiring God to illuminate him and bring him to the true understanding of Scripture As to the Authorities the Arch-bishop alledgeth in his Book it was the Conjecture of Iohn Fox that he made use of Frith's Book which he wrote of the Sacrament against More divers Years before and that from the said Author the Arch-bishop seemed to have collected the Testimonies of the Doctors which he produced in his Apology against the Bishop of Winchester and that he gathered the principal and chiefest Helps thence that he leaned to But although he might peruse Frith as he did almost all other Authors that wrote of this Controversy yet he was too well versed in the Ecclesiastical Writers that he needed to go a borrowing to the readings of any others for Sentences and Allegations out of them Cranmer lived to see his Book replied again unto by his Adversary Gardiner in Latin under the fained Name of Marcus Antonius Constantius a Divine of Lovain His Book went under this Title Confutatio cavillationum quibus sacrosanctum Eucharistiae Sacramentum ab impiis Capernaitis impeti solet Printed at Paris 1552. In this Book he spared the Name of the Arch-bishop but reduceth all the Arch-bishop's Book into no less then 255 Objections To each of which one by one the Catholick is brought in making answer Next whereas Cranmer had laid down twelve Rules for the finding out the true Sense of the Fathers in their Writings the Catholick examines them and enervates them Then follows a Confutation of the Solutions whereby the Sectary as he is called that is Cranmer endeavoured to take off the Arguments of the Catholicks And which is the fourth and last part of the Book he defends Catholick Mens Sense of the Allegations out of the Fathers against the Sectaries Gardiner when he compiled this Book was in the Tower a Prisoner but yet he was under so easy restraint that he was furnished there with Workmen and Amanuenses As they of old to the building of the Tabernacle so he to the preparing of his Book a kind of Papistical Tabernacle to use the words of Martyr all sorts contributed something For his Book was Pandora's Box to which all the lesser Gods brought their Presents For every Man were his Learning less or more that had
would deal sincerely with him without Fraud or Craft and use him as they would wish to be used in the like case themselves Bidding them remember that with what Measure they meet it should be measured to them again Therefore to make himself some amends for all this foul Dealing his last Refuge was an Appeal Whereof he seriously bethought himself when and in what manner to make it The Causes for his resolving upon it besides those already mentioned were because he remembred Luther once did so in such a Case and that he might not seem rashly to cast away his own Life and because he was bound by his Oath never to receive the Pope's Authority in this Realm and because the Commissioners had broken their Promise with him as above was said and because he thought the Bishop of Rome was not an indifferent Judg in this Cause which was his own Cause for all the Arch-bishop's Troubles came upon him for departing from him He therefore wrote privately to a trusty Friend and Learned in the Law then in the University to instruct him in the Order and Form of an Appeal and whether he should first Appeal from the Judg-Delegate to the Pope or else from that Judg immediately to a General Council And so earnestly entreated him to lay aside all other Studies and to take this in Hand presently because he was summoned to make his Answer at Rome the sixteenth Day of this Month that is of February There was one reason more moved him to Appeal which must not be omitted namely that he might gain Time to finish his Answer to Marcus Antonius He feared after all they would not admit his Appeal But he did not much pass and desired God's Will might be done So that God might be glorified by his Life or Death He thought it much better to die in Christ's Quarrel than to be shut in the Prison of the Body unless it were for the advancement of God's Glory and the Profit of his Brethren This Letter of the Arch-bishop being writ with so much Strength and Presence of Mind and shewing so much Prudence and Wit is happily preserved in Fox's Monuments where it may be read This Appeal when the Arch-bishop had produced and preferred to the Bishop of Ely he told him That they could not admit of it because their Commission was to proceed against him Omni Appellatione remota Cranmer replied That this Cause was not every private Man's Cause but that it was between the Pope and him immediately and none otherwise and that no Man ought to be Judg in his own Cause And therefore they did him the more Wrong So at last Thirlby received it of him and said If it might be admitted it should And so after this Interruption they proceeded to degrade him taking off the rest of his Habits And then put him on a poor Yeoman-Beadle's Gown threadbare and a Towns-man's Cap. And Boner told him He was no Lord any more and so was sent to Prison CHAP. XX. Cranmer Writes to the Queen AND now having undergone these Brunts with all this Gravity Discretion Learning and Courage he next resolved to give the Queen a true and impartial Account of these Transactions to prevent Misreports and to justify himself in what he had said and done Two Letters therefore he wrote to her but thought not fit to entrust them with the Commissioners since Weston had served him such a Trick in the like Case before In these Letters he related the reason of his refusing the Bishop of Glocester for his Judg and of his Appeal For as he thought it his Duty at that juncture to declare himself in that publick manner against the Bishop of Rome so he reckoned he ought to declare himself also to the Supream Magistrate And therefore before the Bishop of Glocester and the Commissioners he said That as he had thus discharged his own Conscience towards the World so he would also write his Mind to her Grace touching this Matter He wrote to her That the twelfth Day of that Month he was cited to appear at Rome the eightieth Day after And that it could not but grieve the Heart of a natural Subject to be accused by the King and Queen of his own Country and before any outward Judg as if the King and Queen were Subjects within their own Realm and were fain to complain and require Justice at a Stranger 's Hand against their own Subject being already condemned to Death by their own Laws As though the King and Queen could not have or do Justice within their own Realm against their own Subjects but they must seek it at a Stranger 's Hand in a strange Land Then he proceeded to shew her why he refused the Pope's Authority when Brooks Bishop of Glocester came to try him namely Because he was sworn never to consent that the Bishop of Rome should have or exercise any Authority or Jurisdiction in the Realm of England Another reason why he denied his Authority was Because his Authority repugned to the Crown Imperial of this Realm and to the Laws of the same For the Pope saith all manner of Power both Temporal and Spiritual is given unto him of God and that Temporal Power is given to Kings and Emperors to use it under him Whereas contrary to this Claim said the Arch-bishop the Imperial Crown of this Realm is taken immediately from God to be used under him only and is subject to none but God alone Moreover to the Imperial Laws of this Realm all the Kings in their Coronations and all Justices when they receive their Offices are sworn and all the whole Realm bound to defend them But contrary hereunto the Pope he said made void and commanded to blot out of our Books all Laws and Customs repugnant to his Laws Then he proceeded to shew how contrary the Laws of the Realm and the Pope's Laws were And therefore that the Kings of this Realm had provided for their Laws by the Premunire So that if any Man let the execution of the Law by any Authority from the See of Rome he fell into the Premunire And to meet with this the Popes had provided for their Law by Cursing He supposed that these things were not fully opened in the Parliament-house when the Pope's Authority was received again For if they were he could not believe that the King and Queen the Nobles and Commons would again receive a Foreign Authority so hurtful and prejudicial to the Crown and to the Laws and State of this Realm He rebuked the Clergy who were the main Movers of this at the Parliament for their own Ends. For they desired to have the Pope their chief Head to the intent that they might have as it were a Kingdom and Laws within themselves distinct from the Laws of the Crown and live in this Realm like Lords and Kings without damage or fear of any Man And then he glanced at some of the Clergy probably
but to take the King and his Successors for Supream Heads thereof And he was perjured again in taking his Bishoprick both of the Queen and the Pope making to each of them a solemn Oath Which Oaths be so contrary that the one must needs be Perjury And further in swearing to the Pope to maintain his Laws Decrees Constitutions and Ordinances he declared himself an Enemy to the Imperial Crown and to the Laws of the Realm Whereby he shewed himself not worthy to sit as a Judg in this Realm This was the Sum of this excellent Letter of the Arch-bishop to the Queen He wrote another to her soon after wherein he plainly told her That at her Coronation she took an Oath to the Pope to be obedient to him to defend his Person to maintain his Authority Honour Laws and Privileges And at the same time another Oath to the Kingdom to maintain the Laws Liberties and Customs of the same He prayed her to weigh both Oaths and see how they did agree and then to do as her Grace's Conscience should give her For he was sure he said she would not willingly offend He feared there were Contradictions in her Oaths and that those that should have informed her Majesty thoroughly did not their Duties herein He complained that he was now kept from Company of Learned Men from Books from Counsel and from Pen and Ink saving to write to her Majesty at that time and as to his appearance at Rome he said if she would give him leave he would appear there and he trusted God would put in his Mouth to defend his Truth there as well as here These Letters of his one of the Bailiffs of Oxon carried up to the Queen Something else he wrote to her enclosed and sealed which he required Martyn and Story to be delivered without delay and not to be opened until it were delivered unto her own Hands These and other of his smart and learned Letters no question made Impression upon the Queen or at least upon those that read them for they were delivered by the Queen to no less a Person than the Holy Father Cardinal Pole himself who was advised to frame an Answer to them So he wrote to the Arch-bishop in answer to one of them a long Letter dated from St. Iames's Novemb. 6. Wherein he pretended a great deal of Compassion to his Soul which he told him was ready to be lost as well as his Body And that the Condemnation that was lately past on him was so horrible to him to hear that he testified to him before God and upon the Salvation of his Soul that he would rather chuse to be the Means of bringing him to Repentance than to receive the greatest Benefit that could be given him under Heaven in this World Which the Cardinal might say to take off the Odium of the Suspicion as though he hastened Cranmer's Death that he might jump into his Place And so the Cardinal proceeded to attempt to convince him in the two great Points of his Letter viz. concerning the Authority of the Pope and concerning the Sacrament of the Altar Especially because Cranmer had said in his Letter That he would not be perverse to stand wilfully in his own Opinion if any could shew him by Reason that his Doctrines were Erroneous But I refer the Reader to the Appendix if he be minded to read the Cardinal's Letter which I met with among Fox's Manuscripts By comparing of this Letter of Pole's with that of Cranmer's any one may see a mighty difference Strength Evidence and Conviction in the Arch-bishop's who had Truth on his Side but a Flashiness and Debility in the Cardinal 's made up of poor Shifts and weak Arguings and impertinent Allegations of Scripture and personal Reflections to help out a bad Cause To mention some few of this sort He charged the Arch-bishop with Covetousness and Ambition in affecting the Archbishoprick And then by and by not well remembering what he had said before in his Heat against the good Arch-bishop he gives a contrary Reason thereof namely That he might be in a capacity to reform the Church according to his Mind And that it was for the sake of that that he took an Oath to the Pope at his Consecration though he were fain to make a Protestation against the said Oath He said in this Letter That the Arch-bishop's fall into Error was not as the fall of others usually were by Frailty or Curiosity but by deliberate Malice And that the Arch-bishop by his Protestation that he made before he took his Oath to the Pope brake his Oath and was forsworn before he did swear Which methinks is pretty strange And concerning this Protestation he said It was a privy Protestation and that he had privy Witnesses of it Whereas it was done in the most open and publick manner that could be two or three times over before Publick Notaries and by them entred on Record on purpose that all might take notice of it And whereas the Arch-bishop had said That it was much more probable that the Bread and Wine should be a Figure than the real Body and Blood The Cardinal said The more probable it was the more false because the great Sophister and Father of Lies deceived by probability of Reason The Consequence whereof one would think should be the more improbable any Opinion in Religion was the more true But he said the true Doctrine was taught another way He represented the Arch-bishop as challenging them of the other Side to bring any one single Doctor of the Church that ever spake in favour of Transubstantiation leaving out For a thousand Years next after Christ which the Arch-bishop expresly had said And in fine every where he triumphed over the Arch-bishop's wilful Blindness and Ignorance and told him in much Charity That he was under the Vengeance of God a Member of Satan and damned This and a great deal more may be seen in Pole's Letter To which I might have added another Letter of the said Cardinal to the same Arch-bishop concerning the Sacrament a little after the Disputation at Oxford but that it would be too prolix being a just Treatise against Cranmer's Book of that Argument This Treatise bears this Title REGINALDI POLI Cardinalis Legati Apostolici Epistola ad Thomam Cranmerum qui Archiepiscopalem sedem Cantuariensis Ecclesiae tenens novam de Sacramento Eucharistiae Doctrinam contra perpetuum Catholicae Ecclesiae consensum professus est ac tradidit Qua Epistola eum nec Magistrum tanti Mysterii neque Discipulum idoneum esse posse Simulque unde hic ejus Error manarit ostendit Eâ— ad poenitentiam hortatur CHAP. XXI He Recants Repents and is burnt HAving brought the Arch-bishop unto his Degradation and Appeal wherein he shewed so much Christian Courage Wisdom and Fortitude I must now represent him making a great Trip and a sad Fall and mention one of the
value Item One and twenty pair of Hangings for the Altars of the Church Vestments Albes c. Item Twelve Albes of silk Item Of linnin Albes belonging to the Sextre and other Altars 326. Item Vestments belonging to the Altars and Chauntries are of divers Values and works to the number of twenty six Item Corporows cases and Corporaws thirty six Item Altar cloths of Diaper and linnin One and twenty Item Mas books thirteen belonging to the Sextre and Altars The Inventary of our Ladies Chappel Imprimis Five little shrines of copper and guilt Item Three chalices of silver and gilt Item Two Paxes the one of silver and gilt and the other of silver Item Two pair of Beads and silver and gilt being but of ten stones a piece Item Three chappels of divers suites Item Two Copys of silk Item Thirteen Albes and three of them white silk Item Three Collars for the three Altars of silk garnished with plate of silver and gilt and with stones Item Four Altar cloths of linnin Item Two Altars of silk for the Altar The Inventory of the Priors house Imprimis Six salts with three covers of silver and gilt Item Six spoons of silver and gilt Item Five and twenty other spoons of silver Item Three standing Cups one plain and other two swaged with their Covers of silver and gilt Item Seven bollis of silver and gilt with one Cover Item Six silver cupps with one Cover Item Four nuts with three covers Item Two Masers with one cover Item Two silver Basins with their Ewers Item Two Gallon pots of silver and gilt to serve Peter and Paul Item Two smal silver pots Item Two chalices of silver and gilt The Inventary of the Subpriors house Item Two salts of silver and gilt with a Cover Item One little salt of silver with a Cover Item Three silver peeces Item Eighteen silver spoons Item Three old Masers perused The Inventary of the Hordars house Item Two Salts of silver and gilt with a Cover Item One standing Nut with a Cover Item Three silver peeces Item Eighteen silver spoons Item Three old Masers perused The Inventary of the Fratrie Imprimis One standing Cup of mother pearle the foot and Cover being of silver and gilt Item Two great bollys of silver Item One standing Cup of silver and gilt with his Cover Item One standing Massar with a Cover of Wood. Item Three great bollis of Wood with bonds of silver and gilt Item Seven and thirty silver spoons of divers fashions Item Four old Massars perused NUM XVII A Reply to the Archbishop against his Court of Audience TO the first His Protestation sheweth no more but that he is not to be suspected to keep that Court of his Audience by the authority of any Legacy from Rome as by the name of Legate of Rome But forasmuch as no ABp within Christendom hath nor never had any authority to keep any such Court by the reason of the ABric but only Legates of the See of Rome Which Legates what vexations and oppressions they have done by the pretence thereof not only to Ordinaries but also to the Layfee by calling of poor men from the furthest parts of the realm to London for an halfpeny candle or for a little opprobrious word as was declared and proved plainly in this Parliament Which was a great cause of making of a Statute to remedy that before the Statute of the abolishment of the Bishops of Romes authority within this realm Insomuch that this execution of Legacies in other jurisdictions and realms hath been one of the greatest and intolerablest usurpations of the Bp. of Rome these many years among the Commonalty and therfore a thing most necessary of reformation in consideration of the premises no ABp can exercise this authority except he implyeth to al the world tho he speak it not nor write it not that he is a Legate of the See of Rome And in case it shal please the Kings Grace to give like authority notwithstanding so many incommodities to his Graces Subjects by the use therof and not one commodity at al to be abyden by it should seem better to give it to some other by special Commission at his Grace's pleasure Wherby it shal be known certainly to come from his Grace rather than to join it to the ABps See Wherby the old poyson might stil lurk and break out one day again if it should chance some to be ABp of Cant. that would change their copy as hath been in times past And moreover if his Grace should make his Legate it should peradventure derogate the power of his Graces General Vicar And if both should occupy then shall the people so much the rather take occasion to think and say that his Graces Vicar exerciseth the power of a Legate by his Graces authority and the ABp of Canterbury by authority of the Bp. of Rome And where the ABp saith that he seeth no cause why he should not keep that Court at the lest by authority of the Act of Parlament as al others enjoy by that Act al things that they had before from the See of Rome it seems that he never read the said Act nor yet can discern betwixt a thing absolute that may endure without a Dependence and an Advouson in gross and a thing that standeth in a continual Dependence as Service to the Seignory For Exemptions and Dispensations and such others be Absolutes depending nothing of the Grantor after his Grant But Legacies be but respectives And as no longer Lord no longer Service so no longer Bp. of Rome Lord here no longer his Vicar which was but his Servant as appeareth by the text of his Legacy whereof these be the words in the Chapter Quum non ignoretis De officio Legati qui in Provincia sua vices nostras gerere comprobatur And the Act of Parlament which he allegeth is so plain to every Reader that it cannot be drawn with twenty team of Oxen to stretch to the continuance of this Court of his Audience It is in the xxj th Chapter of the Session Anno xxv and in the xxvj th leafe in the latter end The words therof there be these Provided alwayes that this Act or any thing therin contained shal not hereafter be taken nor expounded to the derogation or taking away of any Grants or Confirmations of any Liberties Privileges or Jurisdictions of any Monasteries Abbies Priories or other Houses or Places exempt which before the making of this Act have been obtained at the See of Rome or by the authority thereof Loo this Act speaketh only of Exemptions which is a thing absolute and that only of Houses exempt and of their Jurisdictions Which might be suffered upon their few Parochians and neibours as Prebends have in their Cathedral churches But this Act speaketh not of no jurisdiction universal of Archbishops Bishops or other person Legacy is of that other sort and universal jurisdiction depending on him that usurped an universal
authority through the world And considering that the Bp. of Cant. beside al the Courts within his own Diocess keepeth in London a Court at the Arches sufficiently authorized to hear and to determine al causes and complaints appertaining to a Metropolitane why should he require this other Court of the Audience to keep it in London within the Church and jurisdiction of another Bp. except he mâ—nded to call other Bps. obedientially out of their jurisdiction contrary to the Act Or else at the lest forasmuch as this Court is kept within the Church and jurisdiction of London and the Arches Court within the city but not within the jurisdiction if he may not vex the Citizens and Diocesans of London at the Arches without an Appele first from the Ordinary immediately because of the Canon Lawes yet he might pul them to his Audience at Pauls as he did heretofore by his Legacy and yet offend not that Act made anno xxiij That no man shall be called out of his own Diocess And where the ABp saith that the Kings Grace bad him continue that Court stil it is to be marvelled that he then hath not in his Citations and other wrirings of that Court expressed or signified the same as he did cal himself in al his Writings Legatum Apostolicae Sedis long after that Act of the Abolishing NUM XVIII Archbishop Cranmers order concerning the Proctors of the Court of Arches shewn to be inconvenient by a Paper presented to the Parlament as followeth ALthough it be expedient that every thing which any way may be noyful unto the common wele be duely reformed yet is there nothing that should be rather looked upon for Reformation than such abuses as may be occasion of not indifferent ministration of justice Wherfore among so many things as heretofore hath been wel and condignely reformed touching other the Spiritualty or the Temporalty there is nothing that requireth speedyer Reformation than a certain Ordinance Lately procured in the Court of the Arches at London by the means of the Proctors there for the advancement of their singular wil only By which may and do come divers abuses in the said Court and occasion not indifferent ministration of justice and chargeable and prolix process there The effect whereof is this The Proctors of the said Court of Arches hath of late upon feigned suggestion surmised unto the most reverend Father in God my Lord Archbp. of Canterbury President and Head of the said Court to have been for the common wele and ease of his Provincialls induced his Grace to make such an Ordinance or Statute in the said Court of the Arches That wher heretofore there were in the same twenty or four and twenty Proctors and my said Lords G. at his liberty alwayes to admit mo or fewer Proctors there as should be seen expedient to his G. for the sufficient attending of the causes there depending for the time there shuld be from thenceforth no mo admitted Proctors there until the said nombre of Proctors than being there were decreased and come down to the nombre of Ten and than the said nombre of Ten Proctors never after to be exceeded And furthermore lest my said Lords G. might be advertised afterwards upon better causes and considerations to dissolve the said Statute as his Predecessors did alike other Statutes made in semblable cause long before the said Proctors knowing that his G. would as alwayes did apply himself to that thing that shuld be most profitable for the Common wele and intending to take away that liberty from him abusing also his G's benignity and good zeal to the restraint of his liberties and â—ulfilling of their covetous intent incontinently upon the obtaining of the said Statute procured the same to be confirmed by the Chapter and Convent of Christ's church in Canterbury So that by reason of the same confirmation my said Lords G. ne his Successors cannot as the said Proctors do pretend though they see never so good a cause therto infringe ne dissolve the same And so therby made in maner an Incorporation among them tho they call it not so Wherin be it considered whether they have first offended the King's Laws which do prohibit such Incorporations to be made without licence had of the King's Highness first thereunto And though all Incorporations in any mystery or faculty be not lightly to be admitted in this case wherupon depends good or evil ministration of justice most of al such Confederacies are to be eschued Also the said Statute is divers wayes noyful to the Commonwele of this Royalm and prejudicial to the King's G. Subjects in the same and occasion of divers abuses in the said Court hereafter to be declared But because the said Proctors are persuaded that my said Lord of Canterbury cannot himself Dissolve the same and seeing that no man wil lighty contend alone with al the said Proctors for the Dissolving thereof For though it touch every man generally no man singularly wil suppose the same to touch him so moche that he should for the impugnation of the same put himself in business against so many and so rich a company as the said Proctors be it were not only expedient but also necessary for the indifferent and speedy ministration of justice in the said Court that his said unreasonable Statute were infringed and dissolved by the authority of this present Parliament where al other abuses and excesses noyeful to the Commonwele ought to be reformed for these causes following First The said Statute is prejudicial unto the Commonwele because it is occasion of prolix sutes and superfluous delayes in the said Court else more necessary to be restrained than augmented For the said nombre of Ten Proctors appointed by the said Statute is unsufficient for the speedy and diligent attending of mens causes in the said Court tho al Ten were procuring there at once as it is not like but that three or four of the same shal bee alwayes impotent or absent For such they account also with the nombre of Ten. And besides that the same Ten or fewer that shal be onely procuring shal serve not onely for the said Court of the Arches but also for my said Lord of Canterburies Audience wherein be as many causes as in the Arches and for the Consistory of the Bp. of London For by the Statutes of both the same Courts of Audience and Consistory there is no man admitted to procure in the same unless he be a Proctor admitted first in the Arches So that so few Proctors appoynted for so many causes as shal be under travayl in al the said Courts can never be able to speed their business without great delayes taking For heretofore when there were in the said Court twenty Proctors continually occupying and more it hath been seen that divers of theym hath been than so overlayd with causes that they were driven to take oft and many delayes and Prorogations ad idem for to bring in their matiers
libells and plees Than moche more must they do the same now being but Ten of theym And most of al when of the same Ten there shal be as like it is alwayes to be three or four absent or impotent Undoubtedly they must needs use infinite delayes Which had else rather more need to be restrained then that any occasion shuld be yet given of more using the same For by reason of the same the King's Subjects called to the same Court are put to great expences tedious Labour and loss of time And therefore divers that have good right to many things pleadable in the said Courts had lever renounce and forgoe their interest in the same than enter so desperate a Sute in the said Courts therefore Also mens causes cannot be diligently attended by so few Proctors And men shal be destitute of councel whereof shuld be alwayes plenty in every Court. And through the negligence of the Proctors that they must be than of whan they shal have so much busines divers good causes must needs perish for lack of good looking unto as likely may be for the forgetting one houre or mistaking of a word doth in the said Courts other whiles marr the best matier And it is impossible that the said Ten Proctors only shal be able to apply accordingly al the causes that shal be depending in al the said Courts as Proctors of duty shuld For a Proctor's office is Laborious and requireth much business First a Proctor must take sufficient instructions of his Clients and keep every Court-day remember every hour that is appointed him to do any thing at solicite and instruct his Advocates write and pen every Instrument that shal be requisite to be made in the matiers And whosoever of the Proctors that shal be negligent or forgetful in doing any of these his matiers must needs delay But so few Proctors as be appoynted by the said Statute are not able not only to do so in each matier but also scant able to remember their Clients names for so many that they shal than have Each matier if it were exactly applied and men able so to do would require a Proctor alone But because every man is not able to find a Proctor for every one matier it were best next the same that there were so many Proctors appoynted as might most easily apply their causes as they shuld And though that were less profit to the said Proctors whose wele is best when they are most charged with busines yet it shuld be more profit for the Common wele whose interest were to have causes speedily and diligently applied in the said Courts Also the fewer that there be of the said Proctors the sooner may they agree among theymselves to give delayes each to other because that one may have the same leave that he gave the other as they do in termes to Prove Where to each of the three termes which they cal Terminos ad proband a month would suffice though they dwelled never so far from the Court within this Royalm they take now by cross sufferance of each other of theym a quarter of a year commonly for each of the same three termes Which were enough and too moche though the parties dwelled in Paris Which delayes though they be nothing profitable ne commodious for the poor Suitors be both profitable to the said Proctors by reason that the causes are kept thereby the longer in their hands And also commodious by reason that they being greatly occupied should have the longer time to do their business in And for like consideration the said Proctors do omit commonly in every matier a certain oath ungeven called Iuramentum Calumpniae which is the best provision ordained in al the said Law of Civil and Canon for the restraint of unlawful Suites and prolix processes The effect wherof is this Both parties being in suite or their Proctors shal by the same oath swear first the Plaintiff That he believeth himself to have a just cause to sue and the Defendant a just cause to defend Secondarily That neitherof them shal use any unlawful delayes whereby justice may be deferred or letted Thirdly That either of theym whan they shal be asked by the Judge shal answer truly to every thing that is asked of theym according to their belief Fourthly That there is nor shal be nothing geven ne promised to the Judge or any other Officer but only the Fees and duty permitted by the Law And fiftly That neither of them shal use ne procure any false witnes wittingly in the matier Which Oath if it were given in every matier as it shuld be there shuld not be so many wrongful causes attempted and kept in the said Courts nor so many delayes as in the same But because that neither of both standeth with the profit of the said Proctors by common assent and cross sufferance of each another of theym they omit the same most commonly not only ungeven but also not spoken of And if they say that they do so because that oft accustoming of oaths maketh men to set less by an oath Truth it is that it doth so And therefore the said oath ought to be chiefly commended For the geving of the same but once in any matier shuld excuse them from geving of many other oaths requisite And where one shuld serve for al better it were for avoyding of too oft swearing that the same alone shuld be given and al others omitted than that it alone shuld be left that al the other doth supply Also The said Statute of Ten Proctors may be occasion that the same shal wax hault arrogant negligent and loth to take paines and excessive in taking by reason that they shuld be so few As we see experiently in al other faculties where fewest Occupiers be of the same trust they be most dangerous and hardest to be gotten to do their faculties and most excessive in taking for the same as scarcity or rarity of any thing else maketh the same dear For whan there be few of a faculty they know than that be they never so excessive in taking or negligent in their doing they shal be occupied wel enough whan men can have no other choice but of a few that be al alike agreed upon the price of every thing as they may soon do whan they be but a few Where if they were many al shuld be contrary Moreover the said Statute of Ten Procters may be occasion that justice shuld not indifferently procede in the said Courts for lack of lawful defence As if the Juges of the said Courts or any of theym be affectionate in any matier depending before them as it may be that the Juges there shal not be alwayes of such integrity as they be of that be there now the said Proctors dare not be retained on his part that the Juge doth not favor or if they be retained they dare not purpose propose their Client 's best Interest and remedy if the same
do any thing offend the said Juges affection By reason that the said Proctors be removeable from their Proctors offices at the said Juges plesure and the same made so beneficial unto theym by reason of the said Statute Than whan the said Proctors shal be in such fear of the said Juges to speak in matier of Instance where the Juge doth bear but a light affection to another man moch more wil they be so in cases of office where the Juge is party himself and hath his own matier in hand And no mervail if they dare not speak in such For it hath not been seldome seen and heard there that it hath been spoken unto such Proctors as hath spoken any thing constantly or freely in their Clients causes by the Juges aforesaid Non es amicus Curiae and that they were threatned of expulsion from their Offices and put to silence Yet no law forbiddeth the contrary but that every man shuld have his lawful defence yea against the Juge himself But if there were many Proctors in the said Courts the Juges could not so lightly keep them al in such subjection and fear of theym Nor than the said Proctors shuld not have so great cause to fear theym so moche seeing their offices shuld not be so beneficial unto theym than And less shuld they yet fear to purpose their Clients right duely if it were ordeined that the same Proctors shuld not be removeable from their Offices at the said Juges plesure as heretofore they were and now are but only for certain great offences proved afore indifferent Juges to be committed by theym after their admission And by reason that the said Proctors be so abandonned unto the said Juges where men had most need of trusty Councillors there they be most destitute of the same as when the Juge is not indifferent For the partiality of a Juge is more to be feared than the manifest malice of an Adversary For the tone hurteth privily and is able to execute his malice and the tother doth apertly al that he goeth about And a man may provide for the avoiding of the intent And he is not so able to execute his purpose as the tother is And though partiality of any Juge is to be greatly feared yet most of al in the Courts spiritual where al depends upon the Juges hands and that one man's commonly For which partiality the remedy of appeal was first invented Which remedy like as it was at the first most wholesomely provided for the avoyding of the iniquity of partial Juges so it is now most wickedly abused for the maintenance of evil doers in their wrongful causes and avoyding of due execution of justice by reason that they be infinite especially after the Canon law For by Civil there is but appellation permitted and that not without penalty on him that shal than appeal without cause and that is more reasonable For like as it is dangerous to abide one mans jugement so it is unreasonable that a man should abide the jugements of never so many And therfore it were very expedient that the same Appeals were restrained somewhat For of theym it is chiefly long that matiers be in maner infinite in the said Courts And that may be the better done by reason that there be two Legates within this Royalm Which were so appoynted because that they might determine al matiers spiritual within this Royalm without moche recourse to Rome being so far from this Country To the foresaid inconveniences may come also through the same statute this abuse following that is to wit if there be a mightier or a richer man that do sue a poorer man in the said Courts the richer man may the sooner by reason that there be so few Proctors retain the most part and the best learned of theym And the other Proctors by reason that they shal be than so wealthy through their great occupying which they shal have whan they be so few wil rather set more by the same great mens favor than the poor mans fee. And therfore wil ether refuse to be retained of the poor mans party or whan they be retained they wil be slack in doing their duty for fear of displeasing the same great men Where if there were many Proctors their Offices would not be excessive gainful but that they set as moche by their fees as by any mans plesure lightly Also the said Statute is a great discourage to young men to leave their Studies in the Law For by the same the reward of Study is taken away and possest by a few And the fewer that be promoted for their Learning the fewer wil study to attain the same And to this it may be occasion that the said Proctors be not so wel learned nor so diligent whan they are so few as they would be if they were many For whan there is choise enough of theym they that are best learned and most diligent shal be alwayes most resorted And than shal they study every man to excel other in learning and diligence whan they se such chiefly resorted unto And so no man wil labour than to be a Proctor unles he be wel learned seeing that learned men shuld only have al the most resort And they that be unlearned wil away and provide theym Livings elsewhere whan they see theymself nothing frequented with causes Furthermore the said Statute is plain contrary to their own law of Civil and Canon For by the same it is permitted for every man to be Proctor for other but only a few which are especially and justly excepted by the same as a Woman a child a madd man and such other And by the said statute it is prohibited that no man shal procure in the said Court for other but only a few that are especially admitted therto and that within a precise and incompetent nombre The said Law doth except and repel very few and that of theym that are not meet to procure and the said statute doth yet admit fewer and that of theym that are sufficiently qualified to procure So that White and Black can be no more contrary together than the said Law and Statute be each to other And though any man would rather prefer the said Law before the said Statute if he did but only consider how that the Law is made so long ago by the concord and discrete opinion of so many great and wise Clerks and holy men and afterward approved by continual usage of divers countries and long succession of time and experiently known to be wholsomely ordeined for the common wele And of the tother side how that the said Statute is but lately made by the procurement of a few private persons for their singular advantage approved by no tract of time to be profitable for the Common wele but experiently known to be contrary Yet beside that if al that were set apart the Law is grounded upon better reason then the said Statute is For seeing
part therof that then not giving too much to your own minds fantasies and opinions nor having therof any open reasoning in your open tavernes or alehouses ye shal have recourse to such learned men as be or shal be authorized to preach and declare the same So that avoyding al contentions and disputation in such alehouses and other places unmeet for such conferences and submitting your opinion to the judgments of such learned men as shal be appointed in this behalf his Grace may wel perceive that you use this most high benefit quietly and charitably every one of you to the edifying of himself his wife and family in al things answering to his Highnes good opinion conceived of you in the advauncement of vertue and suppressing of Vice without failing to use such discrete quietnes and sober moderation in the premisses as is aforesaid as you tender his Graces pleasure and intend to avoyd his high indignation and the peril and danger that may ensue to you and every of you for the contrary And God save the King NUM XXIV The Answer or Declaration of Richard Bishop of Chichester in the presence of the Kings Majesty against the sixth Reason or argument of John Lambert concerning the most holy and blessed Sacrament of the Altar THese are the words of his sixth Article Paul doth take it for a sore inconvenince Deducere Christum ex alto Rom. 10. And yet must the Priests do so bringing his natural body into the Sacrament Or else they cannot bring the same body into the Sacrament Which I believe rather The Answer of the Bishop BY this reason you may evidently perceive the Vanity and also the malice of this man So that you may judg by what spirit he is led to make such an argument against so high and precious a mystery as this is What christen man is so ignorant that knoweth not this to be evidently true that this most holy Sacrament hath not his Vertue of the Priest which is a mortal man and many times a sinner For he is but a minister and a very instrument by whom God worketh S. Chrysostome saith that the minister is as it were the Pen God is the hand The grace the vertue is of God In the 27 th Hom. in the second Tome So doth teach the Apostle to the Corinthians in the third chapt of the first Epistle What is Apostle saith he What is Paul Ministers of him in whom ye believe and as he hath given to every one I have planted saith S. Paul Apollo hath watered but God hath given the encrease Wherfore neither he that planteth nor he that watereth is ought but he that giveth the encrease For men must esteem us as Ministers of Christ saith he in the next chapter By these words he proveth that the minister gives no effect or virtue but only God S. Augustin ad Cresconium Grammaticum saith also expresly That if there be among good ministers one better then another the Sacrament is no better given by the better and it is no worse given by an evil man There is for this purpose a goodly saying of Eusebius Emissenus which was much persecuted by the Arians These are his words Invisibilis Sacerdos visibiles creaturas in substantiam corporis sanguinis sui verbi sui secreta potestate convertit No Christen man doubteth who is this invisible Priest which is our Savior the high Priest the perpetual Priest as the Apostle saith Ad Heb. 7. Which to our carnal eyes is invisible and otherwise may not be seen but by the eyes of our soul and faith onely This invisible Priest saith Eusebius converteth and turneth the visible creatures of bread and wine not only into his body and bloud but into the substance of his body and bloud It is not then the Priest that worketh this work nor bringeth Christ out of heaven as this man mockingly and scornfully writeth in this Article but it is Christ himself For as S. Austin saith Idem est Mediator qui offert qui offertur And what spirit this man hath towards this most holy sacrament you may wel conjecture and evidently perceive his malignity which not only gathereth a certain number of vain arguments together to the number of eight that it might appear to the simple ignorant people as though it were a great foundation which he hath for his detestable purpose and yet as I say they are al vain and grounded only upon gross natural reason which can in no wise attain to this high mystery but also in so grave weighty and most reverend cause as this is he dallieth mocketh and scorneth in this fond reason without any reason saying that the Priest must bring the body of Christ out of heaven But it is little to be weighed in this man though that he scorneth the ministration of the Priest sith that he so depraveth his very Lord and Master But in case that he should say that he doth not scorn the ministration of the Priest then must he needs be very ignorant to suppose in any wise that the Priest worketh any thing in this or any other Sacrament more then as I have before said In this argument also he alledgeth one part of scripture in the tenth chapter to the Romans to blind also the simple people that they should think al that he speaketh is the very scripture And surely this place of scripture maketh evidently against him and such as he is For it is written against Infidels such as wil not believe the word of God written but would yet have knowledge from heaven And so the Apostle there maketh example of him that would not believe that Christ is ascended but notwithstanding the testimony of scripture he demandeth Quis ascendet in coelum Hoc est Christum de coelo deducere saith the Apostle Wherefore the Apostle monisheth every Christen man in this maner Nè dixeris in corde tuo Quis ascendet c. That is to say Think not in thy mind Have no such doubt to ask Who ascended or how but believe the scripture For as Moses in the 30 th Chap. of Deuteronomy saith Thou shalt not need to seek into heaven for the knowledg of these things it is not set nor left in heaven it is not above thee it is not far from thee but the Word of God is nigh thee even in thy mouth as it were and ready at hand Believe that and do according to that For so it was answered to the rich man in the 16 th Chap. of Luke Thy brethren have Moses and the Prophets let them hear them And If they wil not hear nor believe them they wil not believe any one that shal come from hence Whersore Chrysostom in the former tenth Chapter of Paul teacheth even Christen men in these things of the Faith in no wise to ask or search how it may be but leaving this infirmity and weaknes of our thoughts and reasons let us receive with a certain
the Vilains to rule the Gentlemen and the Servants their Masters If men would suffer this God wil not but wil take vengeance on al them that wil break his order as he did of Dathan and Abiram altho for a time he be a God of much sufferance and hideth his indignation under his mercy That the evil of themselves may repent and se their own folly XIV Your fourteenth Article is this WEE wil that the half part of the Abby lands and Chantry lands in every mans possession howsoever he came by them be given again to two places where two of the chief Abbies were within every County Where such half part shal bee taken out and there to be established a place for devout persons which shal pray for the King and the Common wealth And to the same we wil have al the Almes of the Church box given for these seven years At the beginning you pâ—etended that you meant nothing against the Kings Majesty but now you open your selves plainly to the world that you go about to pluck the Crown from his head and against al justice and equity not only to take from him such lands as be annexed unto his Crown and be parcel of the same but also against al right and reason to take from al other men such lands as they came to by most just title by gift by sale by exchange or otherwise There is no respect nor difference had among you whether they come to them by right or by wrong Be you so blind that you cannot see how justly you proceed to take the sword in your hand against your prince and to dispossesse just Inheritors without any cause Christ would not take upon him to judg the right and title of lands betwixt two brethren and you arrogantly presume not only to judg but unjustly to take away al mens right titles yea even from the King himself And do you not tremble for fear that the Vengeance of God shal fal upon you before you have grace to repent And yet you not contented with this your Rebellion would have your shameful act celebrated with a perpetual memory as it were to boast and glory of your iniquity For in memory of your fact you would have established in every country two places to pray for the King and the Common-wealth Wherby your abominable behaviour at this present may never be forgotten but be remembred unto the worlds end That when the Kings Majesty was in Wars with Scotland and France you under pretence of the Common wealth rebelled and made so great sedition against him within his own realm as never before was heard of And therfore you must be prayed for for ever in every County of this realm It were more fit for you to make humble Supplication upon your knees to the Kings Majesty desiring him not only to forgive you this fault but also that the same may never be put in Chronicle nor writing and that neither shew nor mention may remain to your posterity that ever subjects were so unkind to their Prince and so ungracious toward God that contrary to Gods word they should so use themselves against their Soveraign Lord and King And this I assure you of that if al the whole world should pray for you until Doomsday their prayers should no more avail you then they should avail the Devils in hel if they prayed for them unles you be so penitent and sory for your disobedience that you wil ever hereafter so long as you live study to redubbe and recompence the same with al true and faithful obedience and not only your selves but also procuring al other so much as lyeth in you And so much detesting such uproars and seditions that if you se any man towards any such things you wil to your power resist him and open him unto such Governors and Rulers as may straitway repres the same As for your last Article thanks be to God it needs not to be answered which is this Your last Article is this FOR the particular griefes of our Country we wil have them so ordered as Humfrey Arundel and Henry Bray the Kings Maior of Bodman shal inform the Kings Majesty if they may have salve Conduct in the Kings great Seal to pas und repas with an Herald of Armes Who ever heard such arrogancy in Subjects to require and wil of their Princes that their own particular causes may be ordered neither according to reason nor the lawes of the Realm but according to the Information of two most hainous Traitors Was it ever heard before this time that information should be a judgment altho the Informers were of never so great credit And wil you have suffice the information of two villanous Papistical Traitors You wil deprive the King of his lands pertaining to his Crown and other men of their just possessions and inheritances and judg your own causes as you list your selves And what can you be called then but most wicked judges and most errant Traitors Except only Ignorance or Force may excuse youâ— that either you were constrained by your Capitains against your wills or deceived by blind Priests and other crafty persuaders to ask you wist not what How much then ought you to detest and abhor such men hereafter and to beware of al such like as long as you live and to give most humble and hearty thanks unto God who hath made an end of this Article and brought Arundel and Bray to that they have deserved that is perpetual shame confusion and death Yet I beâ—seech God so to extend his grace unto them that they may dy wel which have lived il Amen NUM XLI The Archbishops notes for an Homily against the Rebellion Sentences of the Scripture against Sedition 1 Cor. 3. CUM sit inter vos zelus contentio nonne carnales estis sicut homines ambulatis Et 1 Cor. 6. Quare non magis injuriam accipitis Quare non magis fraudem patimini Iac. 3. Si zelum amarum habetis contentiones sint in cordibus vestris c. non est ista Sapientia desursum descendens a Patre Luminum sed terrena animalis Diabolica Ubi enim zelus contentio ibi inconstantia omne opus malum c. Et Cap. 4. Unde bella lites inter vos Nonne ex concupiscentijs vestris quae m ilitant in membris vestris How God hath plagued Sedition in time past Num. 18. Dathan and Abiram for ther sedition against Moses and Aaron did miserably perish by Gods just judgment the earth opening and swallowing them down quick 2 Reg. 15. 18. Absalom moving Sedition against David did miserably perish likewise 2 Reg. 20. Seba for his Sedition against David lost his head 3 Reg. 1. 2. Adonias also for his Sedition against Solomon was slain Acts 8. Iudas and Theudas for their Sedition were justly slain Acts 21. An Egyptian likewise which moved the people of Israel to Sedition received that he
deserved Tumults in England Iack Cade Iack Straw In Germany for their Sedition were slain almost in one month about two hundred thousand The Sword by Gods word pertaineth not to Subjects but only to Magistrates Tho the Magistrates be evil and very tyrants against the Common-wealth and enemies to Christs religion yet yee Subjects must obey in all worldly things as the Christians do under the Turk and ought so to do as long as he commandeth them not to do against God How ungodly then is it for our Subjects to take the Sword where there reigneth a most Christian prince most desirous to reform al griefs Subjects ought to make humble suit to their Prince for Reformation of al injuries and not to come with force The Sword of the Subjects at this present cometh not of God nor for the Common wealth of the Realm but of the Devil and destroyeth the Commonweale First For that it is against the word of God Secondly For that they rise so many lies whereof the Devil is ever the Author Quia mendax est Pater ejus Thirdly For that they spoile and rob men and command every man to come to them and to send to them what they please Fourthly For that they let the harvest Which is the chief sustentation of our life and God of his goodness hath sent it abundantly And they by their folly do cause it to be lost and abandoned Fiftly For that they be led by rage and fury without reason have no respect neither of the Kings Authority nor of the Papists in the West Country nor of our affaires in France nor Scotland Which by their Sedition is so much hindred that there could not be imagined so great a dammage to the Realm Sixtly That they give Commandment in the Kings name and in pain of death having none authority so to do Ever against God the Devil hath raised Sedition As appeareth by the Sedition of Dathan and Abiram and al the murmurations of the children of Israel against Moses and Aaron Also of the conspiracy against Zorobabel in the reedifying of the Temple Also against Christ and his Apostles in sundry parts of the World Also In Germany lately and now among us For the Devil can abide no right reformation in religion Civil war is the greatest scourge that can be and most certain argument of Gods indignation against us for our ingratitude that we either wil not receive his true word or that they which receive the same dishonor God in their living when they pretend to honor him with their mouths Which ingratitude and contumely God can in no wise bear at our hands The Remedies to avert Gods Indignation from us is to receive his Word and to live according therunto Returning unto God with prayer and penance Or else surely more grievous afflictions shal follow if more grievous may be then Civil wars among our selves The chief Authors of al these tumults be idle and naughty people Which nothing have nor nothing or little wil labor to have that wil riot in expending but not labor in getting And these tumults first were excitated by the Papists and others which came from the Western Camp To the intent that by sowing division among our selves we should not be able to impeach them NUM XLII The Lady Mary to the Councel justifying her self for using the Mass in K. Edwards Minority IT is no smal greyf to me to parceyve that they whom the Kings Majesty my father whose Soule god pardon made in thys worlde of nothing in respecte of that they be come to now and at hys last ende put in trust to se hys Wyll perfourmed wherunto they were al sworne upon a boke it gryeveth me I say for the Love I beare to theym to se bothe howe they break his wyll and what usurped power they take upon theym in making as they cal it lawes both cleane contrarye to hys procedynges and wyll and also ageyust the coustome of al Crystendome and in my conscyence ageynst the lawe of god and hys chyrche Which passeth al the reste But thoughe you among you have forgotten the Kyng my father yet both gods commandment and nature wyll not suffre me to do so Wherfore with gods helpe I wyll remayne an obedyent chylde to hys lawes as he left theym tylle suche tyme as the Kynges majeste my brother shal have parfayt yers of discrecyon to order the power that god hath sent hym and to be a Judge in theyse matters hymself And I doubte not but he shal then accept my so doing better then theyrs which have taken a pece of his power upon them in his mynoryte I do not a little mervayle that you can find fawte with me for observing of that lawe which was allowed by him that was a kyng not only of power but also of knowledge how to order his power To which lawes al you consented and seemed at that tyme to the outward appearance very wel to lyke the same And more immediately when the Kyng reasons to have his proceedyngs observed Wherfore I do wonder that you can fynde fawte with me and non al thys whyle with some amongst your selves for runnyng halfe a year before that which you now call a lawe ye and before the byshopps cam together Wherin me thynketh you do me very myche wronge if I should not have as mych preemynence to contynew in kepyng a ful authorysed Lawe made without parcyalyte they had both to break the lawe which at that tyme your selves must nedes confesse was of ful power and strengthe and to use alteracyons of theyr own invencyon contrary both to that ye and to your new Lawe as you call it NUM XLIII The Archbishops letter to Martin Bucer inviting him over into England GRatiam pacem Dei in Christo. Legi tuas literas ad Iohannem Halesium in quibus tristissimos Germaniae casus commemorans te in tua urbe verbi ministerio vix diutius praeesse posse scribis Gemens igitur Prophetae illud exclamavi Mirifica misericordias tuas qui Salvos facis sperantes in te a resistentibus dexterae tuae Nec dubito quin Deus hoc similes piorum gemitus exauditurus sit veram doctrinam quae hactenus in vestris Ecclesijs syncere propagata est conservaturus defensurus sit adversus omnes diaboli mundi furores Interim Saevientibus fluctuum procellis in portus confugiendum est ijs qui vela in altum tendere non possunt Tibi igitur mi Bucere portus longe tutissimus erit nostrum regnum in quo Dei beneficio semina verae doctrinae feliciter spargi caeperunt Veni igitur ad nos te nobis operarium praesta in messe Domini Non minus proderis Catholicae Dei Ecclesiae cum apud nos fueris quam si pristinas sedes retineres Adde quod adflictae patriae vulnera absens melius sanare poteris quam nunc possis praesens Omni
was at a stand He was translated from this imaginary Bishoprick to be Bishop of Oxford in the Year 1541. One Iohn Hatton had the Title of Episcopus Negropont He was Suffragan under the Arch-bishop of York Iohn Thornden who was several times Commissiary of Oxon while Arch-bishop Warham was Chancellor of that University was stiled Episcopus Syrinensis And hereafter in the progress of this Book we shall meet with a Bishop of Hippolitanum who assisted Arch-bishop Cranmer at his Ordinations These were but Titulary Bishops and the use of them was to supply the Diocesans absence to consecrate Churches and Church-yards and to reconcile them to assist at Ordinations and confer Orders to confirm Children and the like Sometimes these Suffragans had no Titles at all to any place but were Bishops at large Such an one named Richard Martin is met with in an old Register at Canterbury who was Guardian of the Gray-Fryars there By his last Will made 1498 he gave a Library to the Church and Covent He was Parson of Ickham and Vicar of Lyd in Kent and writ himself in the said Will Bishop of the Vniversal Church By which the Antiquarian supposed nothing else was meant but that he was a Bishop in Name endued with Orders but not with Jurisdiction Episcopal having no particular Charge to intend but generally officiating as Bishop in any part of the Christian Church This I have writ that the Reader may not be put to a stand when he shall in these Commentaries meet with some of these Titular Bishops But proceed we now to the Bishops that were this Year Consecrated Diocesan Bishops April the 11 th Nicholas Shaxton was consecrated Bishop of Sarum in the King's Chappel of S. Stephen by our Arch-bishop Iohn Bishop of Lincoln and Christopher Sidoniens assisting Septemb. the 15 th was the Act of Confirmation and Election of Edward Fox Elect of Hereford and of William Barlow Prior of the Priory of Canons Regular of Bisham of the Order of S. Augustin Sarum for the Bishoprick of S. Asaph The Consecration of these two last are not inserted in the Register March the 18 th the Act of Confirmation and Election of George Brown D. D. Provincial of the Order of Friars Augustin in the City of London for the Arch-bishoprick of Dublin Consecrated March the 19 th by the Arch-bishop at Lambeth Nicholas Bishop of Sarum and Iohn Bishop of Rochester assisting Of this last-mentioned Bishop I shall take some further notice having been the first Protestant Bishop in Ireland as Cranmer was in England a great furtherer of the Reformation in that Land being a stirring Man and of good Parts and Confidence He was first taken notice of by Crumwel Lord Privy Seal and by his sole means preferred to this Dignity in the Church of Ireland upon the observation that was taken of him when he was Provincial of the Augustin Order in England advising all People to make their Application only to Christ and not to Saints Whereby he was recommended unto K. Henry who much favoured him When the King's Supremacy was to be brought in and recognized in Ireland which was the same Year wherein he was made Arch-bishop he was appointed one of the King's Commissioners for the procuring the Nobility Gentry and Clergy to reject the Pope and to own the King for Supream Head of the Church In which Commission he acted with that diligence that it was to the hazard of his Life such opposition was made to it in that Realm At which time in an Assembly of the Clergy George Dowdal Arch-bishop of Ardmagh made a Speech to them and laid a Curse upon those whosoever they were that should own the King's Supremacy Within five Years after this this Arch-bishop Brown caused all Superstitious Relicks and Images to be removed out of the two Cathedrals in Dublin and out of the rest of the Churches in his Diocess and ordered the Ten Commandments the Lord's Prayer and the Creed to be set up in Frames above the Altar in Christ's-Church Dublin In K. Edward VI. his Reign he received the English Common-Prayer-Book into that Realm upon the King's Proclamation for that purpose after much opposition by Dowdal And it was read in Christ's-Church Dublin on Easter Day 1551. He preached also a Sermon in Christ's-Church for having the Scripture in the Mother-Tongue and against Image-worship And for this his forwardness and conformity in Religion and the perverseness of the other Arch-bishop of Ardmagh who had violently resisted all good Proceedings the Title of Primacy was taken from him and conferred upon the Arch-bishop of Dublin And Dowdal was banished or as others say voluntarily left his Bishoprick And then Goodacre sent from England with Bale for the See of Ossory succeeded In Q. Mary's days Dowdal was restored and being a great Man in this Reign expulsed Archbishop Brown from his See for being a married Man Who two or three Years after was succeeded by Hugh Corwin a Complier in all Reigns and Brown soon after died Suffragan Bishops The first of these standing in the Register of the Arch-bishop was the Suffragan of the See of Ipswich The Bishop of Norwich according to the direction of the late Act wherein the Bishop was to nominate two for Suffragan to the King and the King was to name one of them to the Arch-bishop to receive Consecration humbly signified to the King that he was destitute of the Aid of a Suffragan and so prayed him to appoint either George Abbot of the Monastery of S. Mary's of Leyston or Thomas Mannyng Prior of the Monastery of S. Mary's of Butley to be his Suffragan without mentioning for what place And on the 7 th of March in the 27 th of his Reign he sent to the Arch-bishop to make the latter Suffragan of Gipwich Who was accordingly consecrated by the Arch-bishop and invested in insigniis Episcopalibus Nicholas Bishop of Sarum and Iohn Bishop of Rochester assisting The Date not specified but probably on the same Day with the Consecration following there being the same Assistants The said Bishop of Norwich sent to the King recommending to him to be Suffragan Thomas de Castleacre of the Cluniac Order and Iohn Salisbury Prior of S. Faiths of Horsham of the Order of S. Benet both Priors of Monasteries in Norwich Diocess The King sent to the Arch-bishop to consecrate Iohn the Prior of S. Faiths for Suffragan of Thetford Accordingly he consecrated him March the 19 th Nicholas Bishop of Sarum and Iohn Bishop of Rochester assisting CHAP. X. The Audience Court THE good Arch-bishop almost every Year met with new Opposition from the Popish Clergy The late Act for abolishing the Pope's Authority and some Acts before that for restraining of Applications to Rome served them now as a Colour to strike at one of the Arch-bishop's Courts viz. that of the Audience a Court which the Arch-bishops used to hold in
their own Houses where they received Causes Complaints and Appeals and had learned Civilians living with them that were Auditors of the said Causes before the Arch-bishop gave Sentence pretending that he held it as the Pope's Legat Urging also the great Troubles and Inconveniences it caused both to the Clergy and the Laity and that every Man must by virtue of that Court be forced up to London from the farthest part of the Land for a slanderous Word or a Trifle And that they thought it convenient if it were the King's Pleasure to continue that Court that he would settle it upon some other and not upon the Arch-bishop that so it might appear the Original of that Court was from the King and not from the Pope And lastly that it would not be safe to constitute the Arch-bishop the Pope's Legat because it would infringe the Power of the Vicar-General This was drawn up in way of Petition and Complaint either to the King or Parliament by a Combination of some of the Convocation as I suspect the Paper being writ by the Hand of the Register of the Lower House of Convocation The great Wheel we may be sure that set a moving this Device was Winchester his never-failing Adversary The King notwithstanding bad the Arch-bishop maintain his Court. And he answered all their Pleas against it and by way of Protestation affirmed that he kept not his Court by virtue of his Bull from Rome for Legat and that none could suspect that he did And that he saw no Cause but that he might keep that Court by virtue of the late Act of Parliament that gave Power to enjoy all things that were before had from the See of Rome And finally he answered that it was the King's Will and Command that he should continue his Court. To which the Convocation or rather some part of it made a Reply that may be seen in the Appendix But notwithstanding these Discouragements which were thrown in probably to hinder his good Designs the Arch-bishop vigorously prosecuted a Reformation at this Convocation Where assisted by Crumwel the King's Vicar General he earnestly laboured for the redress of several Abuses and Errors in the English Church And that not without good Success at length For after much deliberation among the Clergy there assembled and much opposition too he got a Book of divers good Articles to that purpose to be agreed upon and subscribed An account of which by and by shall follow CHAP. XI Articles of Religion NOW though I do not find the King went so far as that it should be enjoined on all the Clergy to own the Articles of this Book by their own Hands subscribed yet he published and recommended them to all his loving Subjects in general to accept and repute them to be agreeable to God's Laws and proper for the establishment of Peace and Concord And further probably in prudence the King thought not fit yet to go considering the great Disputes and Arguments that had happened in the Convocation hereupon Now because this was one of the great Services our pious Prelate contributed to the Church and was one of the first Steps made in the Reformation of the Doctrine and Worship it will not be amiss here in order to the inlightning this History to set down the Heads of this Book though it be done by others before me And notwithstanding what the Noble Author of the History of Henry VIII saith he gathered by some Records that this Book was devised by the King himself and recommended afterwards to the Convocation by Crumwel yet we have reason to attribute a great share therein to the Arch-bishop They that are minded to see a Draught of these Articles from the Original with the Royal Assent prefixed to them may have it in Dr. Fuller's Church-History Which he tells us he transcribed out of the Acts of the Convocation The Bishop of Sarum also met with an Original of them in the Cotton Library wrote out fairly as it seems for the King 's own Use and subscribed with all the Hands of the Convocation thereunto He also hath inserted the Transcript of them in the first part of his History of the Reformation In the Rebellion in the North which happened this Year 1536 chiefly raised by Priests and Friars many Copies of these Articles for the Book was printed by Barthelet did Crumwel send by the King's Order to the Duke of Norfolk the King's Lieutenant there to disperse in those Parts together with the Original Copy it self as it was signed by the Hands of the Convocation amounting to the number of 116 Bishops Abbots Priors Arch-deacons and Proctors of the Clergy Which the said Duke had order to shew unto the Clergy and others as occasion served that they might understand it was a proper Act of the Church and no Innovation of the King and a few of his Counsellors as they gave out And after he had made his use of this Original he was required to reserve it safe for the King This choice Treasure which the King himself required such care to be taken of Sir Robert Cotton afterwards procured at his no small Expence no doubt It is very fairly written in Vellam and at the bottom of the first Page is written Robertus Cotton Bruceus by Sir Robert's own Hand signifying his Value of this Monument It is still extant in that incomparable Library in the Volume Cleopatra E. 5. And there I have seen it and diligently compared it Excuse this Digression and I now proceed to the Articles themselves These Articles were of two sorts some concerning Faith and some concerning Ceremonies The former sort were digested under these five Titles following I. The Principal Articles of Faith And they were these That all those things that be comprehended in the whole Body and Canon of the Bible and in the three Creeds are true and constantly to be believed That we take and hold the same for the most holy and infallible Words of God That the Articles of the Faith contained in the Creeds are necessary to be believed for Man's Salvation That the same words be kept in which the Articles of Faith are conceived That all Opinions contrary to the Articles and which were condemned in the four first Councils are to be utterly refused II. The Sacrament of Baptism That it was instituted and ordained by Iesus Christ as necessary to Everlasting Life That by it all as well Infants as such as have the use of Reason have Remission of Sins and the Grace and Favour of God offered them That Infants and Innocents must be Baptized because the Promise of Grace and Everlasting Life pertains as well to them as to those who have the use of Reason And that therefore Baptized Infants shall undoubtedly be saved That they are to be Baptized because of Original Sin which is remitted only by Baptism That they that are once Baptized must not be