to be The like words also he hath in his 112. Epistle Also in 37. cha of his second booke against Crescon In like maner S. Cyprian sayth VVe must not haue regarde what this or that man doth before vs but what Christe Iesus hath done who is before all Like vnto this is the rule whiche S. Augustine gaue to Hierome And in an other place also when hée disputeth againste those which woulde vse the Councell of Ariminum Neyther will I saith he alleage the Councell of Nice against you nor shall you alleage the Councell of Ariminum againste me By the authoritie of Scripture lette vs weye matter with matter cause with cause and reason with reason Chrysostome was of the same opynion as may appeare in his 49. Homely vpon Mathew For the Church is founded vpon the foundation of the Prophetes Apostles Therefore to conclude this matter we embrace the holy Scripture for the fâ—…l and perfect declaration of al things which appertayne to our saluation But as touching that which appertaineth to generall councels and to the bookes of the fathers we meane to vse them and we forbid not you to vse them so farre foorth as that which ye shall bring from them be not disagreeing with the worde of god But for Gods sake bring not in their bare authoritie vntill al thinges are examined by the Scriptures For we saye with S. Augustine in his seconde booke De doctrina Christiana the. 6. chapter If there bee any difficultie in the interpretation of Scriptures the holy Ghoste hath so tempered the Scriptures that what soeuer in one place is obscurely spoken in another place is more playnely and euidently reuealed And thus far concerning that Article the whiche I haue prosecuted the more largely to the endâ—… all men maye knowe that we are enimies neither to generall Councels nor yet to the auncienâ—… Fathers There remayne yet to speake of two articles namely concerning the Sacraments and Ecclesiasticall discipline The first truely deserueth a copious and long tractation by reason of the often and great controuersies euen at this day concerning the same but bycause it is not our purpose to dispute but onely to declare the speciaâ—…l pointes of our confession it seemeth enough to me to eâ—…plicate the summe of our faithe We agree as I thinke in the description of the name of the Sacrament namely that Sacramenteâ—… are visible signes by the meanes and helpe whereof the coniunction which we haue with our Lord Iesus Chryst is not only simply signified or figured but is also truely offered vnto God and is confirmed sealed and as it were grauen by the power of the holy Ghost in their mynds which with a true faith apprehend that which is so signified and offered vnto them I vse this word Signified not to weaken or abolishe the Sacramentes but to the ende I might distinguishe the signe from the thing signified Herevpon we confesse that it is alwayes necessarie in Sacramentes that there be a heauenly and supernaturall change for we say not that the water in Baptisme is simply water but a true Sacrament of our regeneration and of the washing of our soules by the bloude of Christe Neither do we say that the breade in the holy Supper of our Lorde Iesus Christe is simply breade but a Sacramente of the precious body of Christe Iesus whiche was giuen for vs and that the wine is not simply wine but a Sacrament of his precious bloud which he hath shed for vs Neuerthelesse we deny that there is any change made in substance of the signes but in the ende and vse for the which they are instituted We denie also that the same mutation is made by the efficacie of certaine wordes pronounced neyther by the intention of him that pronounceth them but by his wil only which hath ordeined this heaueÌ„ly and diuine action the institution also wherof ought euidently and playnly to be expounded in the vulgar tongue that all men might vnderstand and receiue the same Thus muche concerning externall signes Nowe to come to that which is shewed and exhibited by those signes We say not that which many do who not well vnderstaÌ„ding our myndes haue supposed that we haue taught namely that in the Lords supper ther is only a coÌ„memoration of the death of our Lord Iesus Christe Neither do we say that we are partakers of the frutes of his death passion onely in that thing but do ioyne the ground it self with the frutes whiche do come fro him to vs affirming with S. Paul â–ª The bread which we breake according to the Lords instiâ—…tion is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the participatioÌ„ of the bodie of Christ which was crucified for vs The cup which we drinke is the participation of his very bloud which was shed for vs yea â—…ueÌ„ in the verie same substance which he toke in the wombe of the virgin which he caried vp into heauen Behold I pray you can ye fynd any thing in this Sacrament which we séeke find not But me thinks I heare some body make answer For many wold haue vs to confesse the the bread the wine are changed not into the sacraments of the body bloud of our Sauior Iesus Christ but into the very bodie bloud of our lord Other some peradueÌ„ture wil not so vrge vs but wil haue vs coÌ„fesse that the body bloud is really corporally in with or vnder the bread wine But here my Lordes I pray you heare me paciently a little for a time suspend your iudgements If either of these opinions shall be proued vnto vs out of the worde of God to be true we are redy to imbrace it and wholly to reteine it But it séemeth vnto vs according to the measure of oure faith that this Transubstantiation cannot be reuoked or brought to the analogie substance of faith and to sounde doctrine bicause it is wholly repugnant to the nature of Sacramentes in which it is necessarie that there remaine substaÌ„tial signes that they may be true signes of the body blod of Iesu Christ. Furthermore it doth euert and confound the veritie of the humane nature in Christ of his ascentioÌ„ And as my opinioÌ„ is of TraÌ„substantiatioÌ„ eueÌ„ so is it also of ConsubstaÌ„tiatioÌ„ which hath no grouÌ„d in the words of Christe neither is it necessary to this that we be partakers of the Sacraments But if any man demaund of vs if we make Christ to be absent froÌ„ the supper we answer that we do not separate him from the supper But if we haue respect vnto the distaÌ„ce of places as we must of necessitie wheÌ„ we speake of his corporal presence of his humanitie distinctly considered wee affirme that his body is so far absent from the bread wine as the heauen is absent from the earth fâ—…r so much as we the sacraments are in earth but he is so glorified in heaueÌ„
the Edicts which haue ben made in these our kings dayes pertaine to no other end than to kéepe the kings subiectes in their obedience and to auoyde seditions vntill such time as the kyng were come to his full age for all those Edictes are temporall and serue but for a tyme to the intent they may be chaunged â–ª if so be necessitie and experience of things shall so declare it to be best The Edict of Iuly was not so soone made as abrogated at the making wherof you your selfe were present and yet notwithstanding the same ought not therfore to be defended by violence â–ª After this there was made another Edict in the moneth of Ianuary And least it should rather bring trouble than tranquillitie at the first we doubted to confirme the same but when we had good hope of peace and tranquillitie we confirmed the same otherwise we would not haue doon it And vppon the same hope of peace thrée dayes agoe we confirmed and published another Edict like to the Edict of Ianuary in euery poynt sauing that Paris the Metropolitane Citie is excepted The which exception was not made without great cause For when the sedition which was there of late dayes wared more gréeuous than in other places it could not be otherwise appeased The end of those Edicts was not to bring in news Religions but as it is sayd already to kéepe the people in peace and tranquillitie If the offence be as great in the first as in the second the Kyng hath power of himself to continew or to alter lawes and not the subiects by priuate aucthoritie by force of Armes The whiib thinge truly wee cannot couller or hide séeing wée read in your declaration how that you say that you and fiftie thousaÌ„d more which are of the same mind wil speÌ„d your liues in this cause We wish that you may receiue this our admonition to your profite to consider that it is a great deale more méet for you being the kings néer kinsman to defend his dignitie than to ioyne your selfe to others which are not in the same conditioÌ„ If by your following of other counselles the dignity of the king be deminished the greater blame reproch shal be youres You know that we haue maintained your InnoceÌ„cie and do perswade wyth you to vse wholesom Counsell least you hurt your selfe We cannot offer vnto you a better testimonye of our good wil ready to serue you which we wil constantly retaine so long as you shew all due obedience to the King and Quéene Concerning other matters which are written in the same your declaration because they doe not appertaine vnto vs you shall vnderstande the Kings will to whome they do appertaine This one thing we adde That the examination of the slaughter committed at Uassi is appoynted to vs to be examined the which shall be handeled of our parte according to oure office and manner wyth iustice and equitie WE haue spoken before concernyng the letters which the Quéene sent to the Prince of Conde In the which shée perswaded him to come vnto the King vnweapened and wythout Armor that the matter might be ended quietly among them and that he might by his presence put away those slanders which were reported of him For there went diuers euell reportes abrode of hym and the more by reason of the Declaration which he caused to be published the Kings Letters being set forth against the same insomuch that the causes of all the troubles were openly layd vpon him Wherevpon the Prince of Conde published another wryting the. ix of May in the which he declared that the Guises whych were called the Triumuiri and not he were the causes of al the troubles declaring reasons by which it might appeare that he had soughte peace did and would still séeke the same And although sayth he I haue alwayes hitherto declared by vndoubted Arguments not only a singuler loue and an obedient mind towards the King and Quéene but also a notable desire and care for the profite and concorde of the Realme the which also of late I declared when as I deferred the putting my self in Armor euen vntil the very pinche and extréeme necessitye at what time I was constrained to doe it that I might resist their violence which threatned to kill and slay and made great bragges and which of late when they had gotten an Army of men contrary to the King and Quéenes commaundement armed them selues entred into Paris where I was at that time being not ignorant what they ment to do yet notwithstanding I made no sturre or do least I should put the City in pearill Yea I hauing no consideration of my estate and condition although I was not the first that put my self in Armor yet notwithstanding at the first commaundement of the Quéene least I might séeme to omit any thing lawful that might bring peace I with mine weÌ„t from Paris minding to get me home to my own house and to dismisse al my train thinking that my aduersaries would haue done the same who notwithstanding coÌ„trarywise kéeping Paris still and doing many things there against their office and also hauing vsurped the Kings authoritye kept the King and Quéene captiues not only in body but also in minde I on the contrarye part ceassed not from that time forward to propounde al reasonable conditions that might be to the end all things might be ended peaceably as testify my wrytings and those men them selues whome I vsed as meanes to bring matters to quiet ende although I say all these things were done thus by me that it might plainly appeare that I desired nothing more than the Kings dignity and the peace and tranquilâ—…ity of the Realme yet notwithstanding fearing least my answers to the Rescripts from the Quéene after I had offered the conditions of peace be not so truely and wholely brought to her handes as they passed from me I thoughte good to haue the whole matter put in wryting both to the ende they may be considered of the King and Quéene and also that they being published throughout all Christian Realmes may be known to all Princes to our Frends in Fraunce and specially to all Courts and ParliameÌ„ts of this Realme of the which but specially of the Court of Paris to the which before this time I haue sent my Declaration I require and craue that these explications of my reasons may be put in the publique Regester to the ende I may geue accounte of all my actions to my Prince and soueraigne Lord the King at what time be shal come to that age that he may Iudge of the merites of his subiects and of their euell desertes also which haue don any thing during the time of the kings Minoritie First of all this I thinke for a suertie that it neyther can nor ought to be sayd that I haue ben the cause either of stirring vp or of maintaining these commotions and troubles when as my ennemies them selues wil
haue the matter quieted or thei which had rather bring al things into present peril daunger than to forsake their armour which most vniustâ—…y they haue put on and to followe peace which they haue vngodly forsaken Iudge I beséeche you if thâ—… matter came thereunto that they had destroyed them whom they perceyue to resiste their ambition in what state should the kingdome then stande the kéeper protector wherof you are and of what power you should be of to defend and preserue the same If the matter ' concerne your dignitie you may call to mind what manner of persons they are which scarce two yeres since were not contented not only to take away your dignitie but sought your life also And whether they haue since that time chaunged their mindes I cannot tell time truely will reueale but thus much I protest for my selfe that the obedience which I owe vnto you I will performe shew while life doth last vpon condicion that he may bée made equall with those which are neither so néere vnto you by bloud nor yet so borne to obey you as hée is Neuerthelesse you shal graunt me leaue to be ignorant how they can be your friends who are not content agayn to séeke to put your brother to death except thye make you the minister and instrument of their hatred But wey consider that I haue spoken these things not for myne own cause but for the glory of Gods sake for the loue of my countrey and in respect of you before you procéed any further to set vpon him which by the bond of nature is no lesse carefull and louing vnto you than you are to your self for as by the leaue of God hée wil neuer cease to doe his dutie vnto you euen so hée had rather suffer death than to wishe those calamities which will follow this contention which way soeuer the victory shall encline But and if the authours of these troubles which ought to submit them selues to reason and equitie doe prosecute their counsells being not restrayned by you to whom God hath giuen authoritie we trust by the help of God the defence of whose glory wée will séeke to the shedding of the last drop of our bloud that you shall behold that euent which shall euidently declare vnto you the endes of all their counsails and shal also certifie you how faythfull a harte not only I but this whole assembly also haue borne to you next vnto God and the King and Quéene The Prince of Conde sent with his letters also the summe of his petitions briefly contayned in writing in maner and forme following I think saith he that these are conuenient and necessary meanes and waies to auoyd the perturbations and troubles which hange ouer the realm the which I propound by the leaue of the King and Queen For so much as before thei began their counsail which were the first that put themselues in armour and which as yet kéepe the Kinge in their custodie by force of armes all thys whole realme began to enioy peace and tranquillitie concerning religion men of both sorts of religioÌ„ thinking themselues in very good case by the benefite of the Edicte made in the moneth of January last past with the aduise and consent of the Princes the kings kinsmen of the Kings Counsaill and by the consent of all the most notable men of all the kingdome and experience will shewe that without the obseruation of that Edict there cannot be peace and concord kept among the kings subiectes First of all I require this that the same Edicte of January according to the forme thereof be obserued and kept without alteration of the same vntill the determination of another Parliament or vntil such time as the King himself by lawfull age shal be able to take vpon him the gouernement of the Realm and to order the matter according to his owne discretion to whome I and my CoÌ„federates doo yéeld ourselues in such wyse to obey that if it should please the King to take from vs the benefite of the reformed Religion we would also alter our purpose and obey Secondly that al violent actes on both partes coÌ„mitted since the time that they put themselues in armour may be punished and that whatsoeuer hath bene done and constituted since that time may be quite abolished and taken away because the mindes of the Kinge and Quéene were and are captiued by the Guises And because the coÌ„ming of the Guises of the Constable and of the Marshal of S. Andrewe into the Court and many of their déedes which they did are the only causes of these tumults I can sée no other way to bring peace and concord then to haue theÌ„ to depart from the court The which I desire not for that I for my owne parte beare vnto theÌ„ any euill will but to the end the King Quéene may haue their liberty that the Quéene may haue her authority in gouerning the kingdome that the Edictes may be obserued that there may be some con sideration regard had of mée of those which attend vpon me of all the reformed Churches which otherwise stand in great feare I desire therfore that the Guises the Constable and the Marshall of S. Andrew may laie aside their armour and that they may go home to their owne Lordships vntill the kinge come to more perfite age And I promise that I and they which are with mée shall do the like And to the end the matter may be sene to be spoken in good faith I wil giue my Eldest Sonne in hostage and al the rest of my children to be most precious pledges of my faithfull meaning These are the most equall and indifferent pledges that I could deuise And I protest that I will put away all causes of debate and enmity that appertayned to me and the Guises for the kinge and Quéenes sake The which Conditions if they be reiected I sai and affirme the which also I haue oftentymes protested that not I but they are the authours of al those calamities and miseries which by reason of all these Ciuill warres haue happened vnto mée who haue reiected these conditions to the present peril of the kingdome ¶ The fyfth Booke of Commentaries concerning the state of the common wealth and Religion in Fraunce vnder the raigne of King Charles the ninth THESE peticions and admonitioÌ„s of the Prince of Conde to coÌ„corde tooke no place but were lightly regarded whereby the matter daylye waxed worse worse The quene could neyther retaine her authoritie neyther did shée care at the length to haue the same And whereas at the first shée was drawne away from the Prince of Conde through feare shée became now through effeminate rashnes and inconstancy a bitter enemye to him and his cause The Kinge of Nauar being vtterly blinded and bereâ—…t of iudgement was so inflamed with wrath and greate indignation against his brother and his adherents also against the reformed Churches as
maner of our elders The which is the only foundatioÌ„ of those things which haue happened since that time to the which all those things ought to be referred and brought as to the toutchstone that they may be discerned whether they be good or euill Those lawes and constitutions were deuided into foure principall heades 1 The first concerned the custodie and protection of the Kyng and the Gouernour of the Realme 2 The second concerned those which should be of the Kyngs Counsell for that time 3 The third concerned prouision for warre and all maner of Artillary 4 The fourth concerned Religion and the staying of such troubles as might ensue by occasion therof As touching the first vppon great causes and reasons wise waighed and considered the States or whole body of the Realme haue decréed that the Quéene the Kyngs mother shal haue not only the charge and custodie of the Kynges maiestie her sonne but the gouerment also of the Realme in her owne person and the same not to be put ouer to any other without her consent will and pleasure And this decrée of the States was confirmed and approued by Princes the Kynges kinsmen Also the States decréed that the Queene Mother should be by them so directed that she by her wise ordering and disposing of thinges should discharge the great debt which remained to be paied after the death of king Henry and Fraunces and so the people to be disburthened from such great exactions and payments as they had aforetime payed And that she for her part should endeuour her selfe to bring all thinges to their former state and condition and that the people might liue euery where in peace and tranquillitie The second principall poynt was concerning the Kynges Counsaile The which the States desired to haue furnished with men that were vertuous wise carefull for the Kyng and the Realme Therfore they thought good that the Kynges Counsayle should consist of such men as were not sworne to any forreyne Prince or power as Cardinalles Bishoppes Abbats all such which they call Ecclesiasticall persons both for that they ought to followe their ordinary and proper office and calling and also for the oth which they haue sworne and vowed to the Bishoppes of Rome concerning temporall obedience which haue ben oftentimes enemies to the Bishoppes of Fraunce Therfore they prohibite and disalow any of them to be of the Kynges Counsayle or that there shoulde come vnto that Counsell two bretherne or more together according to the example of other Parliaments NotwithstaÌ„ding here thei except those which are Princes and the Kyngs kinsmen to whom it appertaineth without limitation of number by right to bée of the Kyngs Counsayle except the States haue any thing to obiect against them to the contrary Also they forbid such to be of the Kyngs Counsaile as haue had the ouersight vse and disposing of the Kyngs treasure vntill such time as they haue made their accompts And last of all bicause the Kinges Counsailers are bound to make account to the King of their iuste and lawfull counsaile and also to preserue and maintayne the Kinges treasure and when the Kinges treasurie hath smal store of money in it not to receiue of the King or to suffer to be giuen to any great and large gyftes the states do appoint and determine that all such giftes shal be reuoked and that so many as haue receyued such gyftes be constrained to restore them backe againe and in the meane tyme not to be of the Kinges counsaile Upon this second point dependeth the occasion of the â—…uill warre and sedition which at this day shaketh and violently assalteth the whole Realme of Fraunce the Guises the Constable the Marshall of Santandre perceyuing that they by thys meanes should not only be exclu ded out of the Kinges counsaile but also be constrayned to restore those giftes againe which they haue receyued of the Kinges thereby greatly in riched themselues And so they haue ioyned themselues and coÌ„spired togyther specially to hinder and frustrate that decrée It is no new thing that giftes which Kings haue bestowed contrary to the lawes appointed should be nothing regarded not only of the States which are chiefe in authoritie in the tyme of the Kings nonage but also of the ordinary Iudges of the exchecker by whose indgemeÌ„ts the Kinges afore tyme haue ben put to great expences in gyftes contrary to the lawes of the realme Of these thinges we haue many examples as of the Constable Clisson in the dayes of Charles the vi who was depryued of his office because he had gayned by the seruyce of the King to the valew of sixtene thousand pound But there is greater and more vehement cause at this tyme why they which are bound by the decrée of the states should be called to giue an account of that which they haue receyued and seing that now there is found in the kinges Treasurie the suÌ„me of 330000 poundes which was neuer séene before and yet the people at this present are more burthened with exactions and tributes than euer they were before And it is manifest that King Frauncis the first of that name which had diuers warres for the space of thrée and thirty yeares paied for his discharge a great summe of money and toke not so great and so many tributes of the people lefte notwithstanding in his treasury a greate masse of money Therefore the states demaunde the cause of so great expence And because it is likely that they were spenders and wasters whose dutye it was to husband and increase the same the States vppon verie good consideration do desier to haue an account that restitution and allowance may be made of such vnmeasurable expences The which truly is the verie cause why those thrée haue brought the Realme of Fraunce into these troubles to ouerthrowe those decrées of the states that the same may appeare most true which we saide before namely that they conspire not for religioÌ„s sake but for because they are couetously and ambitiously minded which Religion notwithstanding they take for a cloake to couer and hyde their wickednesse withall The third principall point of their costitutions is this The States would haue it in their power and authoritie during the tyme of the Kinges minoritie to order and appoint warres and at their pleasure to commaund the subiectes to arme themselues Because before they take warres in hand they should vnderstand the causes thereof and by what meanes they might be appeased Therfore also they would haue this authoritie that they which haue prouoked the people to Ciuyll warre might be made knowne to be the authoures of all the calamities and detrements which come by these warres The fourth principal point is that which concerneth Religion by which the states haue decréed that there must be a difference made betwene the cause of Religion and the cause of sedition in so much that for Religions sake no man ought to be condemned
THE Three Partes of Commentaries Containing the whole and perfect discourse of the Ciuill warres of Fraunce vnder the raignes of Henry the second Frances the second and of Charles the ninth With an Addition of the cruell Murther of the Admirall CHASTILION and diuers other Nobles committed the 24. daye of August Anno. 1572. Translated out of Latine into English BY THOMAS TIMME MINISTER Seene and allowed DEVTERON 32. Remember the dayes of olde consider the yeres of so many Generations aske thy father and he will shew thee thine elders and they will tell thee IMPRINTED AT LONdon by Frances Coldocke ANNO. 1574. R Regard not worldly wealth I In Christ repose thy trust C Consider well thy finall end H How thou art but dust A Aske mercy for thy sinne R Reioyce in vertues lore D Detract no time for to atchieue B Beatitudes in store A Aboue where Christ doth raigne K King of imperiall power E Eche Angell his triumphant praise R Resounding euery hower T. T. To the right worshipful Sir Richard Baker Knight Thomas Tymme wisheth desired health and prosperitie with full perfection of Christian vnderstanding and godlynesse IN all Ages and times there haue bene some godly and well disposed Fathers that imployed theyr tyme and trauayle in describyng the State of Christes Churche and of the common wealth of the Lordes Israell As for example In the tyme of the law before Christ Moses Samuel Esras Nehemiah and others After the law since Christ S. Luk Theodoret Sozomenus Epiphanius Nicepho rus Iohn Sleidan and in our time Maister Iohn Foxe oure Countrey man whose godly labour hath deserued great coÌ„mendation As these fathers and godly learned men in their times by occasion haue labored and trauailed to benefite the Church of Christ which through ignorance hath bene much endamaged euen so that notable graue godly learned Father Petrus Ramus the Authour of these Commentaries of the state of the Common wealth and Religion of Fraunce whereof this booke is but the first part hath taken no lesse paines to the same ende and shall profitte in deede no lesse than the trauaile and paine of others taken that way For in his Commentaries beside the godly lessons both concerning doctrine and manners and otherwise are conteined manye notable examples of Gods great mercyes in defending and preseruing the Christian professors of his name in Fraunce in extreme perils and also diuers experimentes of his seuere iudgements in ouerthrowing the cruel tyrants and in punishing the persecuters In consideration wherof I thought is good to translate the same into our English toung both for that I thought it should generally profit our countreymen and not those alone which vnderstand the Latin toung as your worship doth and also for that I thoughte it a meete occasion wherby I might testifie my good will and meaning towardes your worship for the freendly inclination and willingnesse to benefit me that I haue heretofore found in you Desiring you to accept the dedicatioÌ„ hereof though not for the worthinesse of the thing giuen yet as a sure testimonie of such a well willing mynd as by this which he here presenteth declareth what he would do if he had any thing of more price to giue and also to suffer my trauaile to passe forth vnder your fauourable protection and garde to the common profitte of our countreymen and the glory of God who send you long life increase of worship and the perfect felicitie of the life to come Your worships Thomas Tymme The Authors Preface to the Reader WHat a great businesse and much adoe there was of late yeares for Religion that in the Kingdome of Fraunce there is no man but he knoweth â–ª yea all men sée the same to be such that it ought with diligence to be Cronicled for euer and to be sent to the borderers of the vtmost part of the earth for all posterities But he which hath taken this labour in hand of good will desireth earnestly that it may generally take effect and turne to the profit of all men For so farre as I know there is nothing extant to be read but certaine writings which were put forth and set abrode as the matter required and certaine Commentaries in the French toâ—…gue and if there be any thing it is so obscurely written that the same of all men can not be vnderstoode And truly there are certaine reasons which stayed mamy men of great wisedome and experience in these matters from that publique writing For who not knowing as yet what would come to passe dare take vppon him to set foorth openly a whole Tragedie or Comedie without manifest daunger to loose his labour or at the least to séeme to lose it Furthermore who séeth not that it is a thing at this time full of perill and procuring enuie and displeasure And beside all this such laboure at this time séemeth almost vnprofitable For those matters are as yet freshe in memorie and more sensibly felt of a great manie than were to be wished and are noysed abroade by others in forreine Nations To conclude this thing séemeth almost hurt full For when as these controuersies haue ben stirred vp tho rough diuers opinions of religioÌ„ which controuersies burst forth into so great perturbations and troubles the rehersall now of these thinges shall not only séeme pernicieus but also vntimely and out of order The which also séeme to bée other causes which haue discouraged learned men who no doubt did diligently note and marke the reasons and falling out of those matters which wonderfully hapned in these our dayes from labouring to set forth this history For either the hast is vnprofitable or else the vntimely comming forth ridiculous of this so spéedie vnseasonable labor Therfore least any man should thinke that it is our purpose to write and sette foorthe a iust and true Historie of the state of the Churche of Fraunce wée giue to vnderstand that it is neyther our purpose nor yet agréeing to the time Howbeit hereafter more copions and plentifull woorkes of better learned menne so soone as the troubles and lettes of these times bée taken awaye will come abroade and will also committe to those that shall come after a perfecte and full memoriall and Chronicle of matters Let this now bée our beginning and entrance and a certaine declaration of a greater worke that we may shewe some part of that large and ample argument and that we may reduce into these Commentaries a certaine Uiew of the seuerall times of our Churches both that we may stirre vp such of greater learning and experience as may happily hereafter take this matter in hand more fully to handle the same and also that in the meane time wee may giue some fast of the greatest matters to Christian men desirous to know the truth of this thing and to men of forreine nations bewayling our estate and condition And in these thrée first Bookes of our Commentaries we set forth vnto the reader the first
and grieuance of the Guises Furthermore we will declare what great alterations came to passe after this the yong King Charles comming to the Crowne As the great peace and tranquilitie giuen and graunted to the Churches by the benefite of the Kings Edictes the daily increase of the faithfull the flourishing of the Gospell in euery place the defacing of the Popes doctrine by solemne Court of Parliament the truth also embraced of many of the Nobles And here we will shewe what séedes of dissention were sowne by the subtile practises of the Guises betwéene the Nobles Then I will speake somewhat of the Actes of the parling of Possiacen Last of all I will declare the summe of the Edict of Ianuarye by which greater libertie was graunted to the Churches And bicause about that time there were great troubles of warres I will there make an ende of thys booke leauing the declaration of the rest vntill a more conuenient time Notwithstanding part thereof that is to say the explication of the first Ciuil warres shall be declared in our thrée latter bookes we looking to haue occasions offered to describe other matters which are behinde The booke of Commentaries concerning Religion vnder the reignes of Henrie the seconde Fraunces the seconde and Charles the ninth THe doctrine of Religion which in our time is amended and reformed came at the last into Fraunce But they were hardly delt withall which receyued that doctrine they were banished burnt and with all maner of torments vexed they were also called Lutheranes which name then was made a common reproch to the godly Notwithstanding all this that doctrine did more largely and vehemently spreaâ—…e it selfe abroade and the more that men were toriâ—…ented the more they came â—…o the same by flocks Many to the end they might escape the crueltie of their punishments â—… might enioy the frée vse of religioÌ„ weâ—…t vnto those places â—…n the which y same was purely publikely set forth amâ—…ng which the greatest part went to Geneua From whence many bookeÌ„s and letters being written a great number were brought to the knowledge of that doctrine The which dailie increasing more and more great matters afterwardes came to passe those things which were done in the beginning with feare and secretely were afterwarde frée and common for euery man to vse vntill such time as punishments being repressed torments taken away and the fierie flames quite extinguished that doctrine was receyued of noble men of Gentlemen and of all estates but on the other side the aduersaries of the reformed religion Resisting y same there arose great tumults which by mortall and ciuill warres vexed and much endamaged the great and noble kingdome of Fraunce But these first beginnings are particularly touched in other bookes in the which the noble and excellent triumphes of Martyrs are described I will therfore begin at that yeare since the which matters of Religion being more opeÌ„ly set forth and more vehemently againe resisted haue more happily and euidently appeared And then this was the state of the kingdome After sundrie and long warres betwéene Henrie the seconde King of Fraunce and Charles the fyfth Emperour at the length both their Legates wheÌ„ they could not by peace ende the controuersies which were betwéene them concluded a truce or peace for fyue yeares the which being shortly after broken by the Cardinall of Lorraine the warre began a freshe betwene the two kings And Fraunces Duke of Guise taketh his iourney into Italie with a great armye And Philip king of Spaine and sonne of the Emperour Charles goeth into Picardie who making hast to the towne of Sanquintine gaue the Constable which came out to mete him a great ouerthrow and toke him with a great number of Gentlemen This ouerthrowe and great slaughter of men was called Laurence day bicause it chaunced at the feast of S. Laurence â–ª After this Sanquintine was taken and certaine cities nere vnto the same So that what with the rumor of the sodeine slaughter what with the feare of the enimie which now approched to Paris the chiefe citie of the kingdome all men were wonderfully afrayde While these things were thus a working there began to be a great fame and rumor of the increase of the Lutheranes by reason whereof there followed a notable persecution against them which by the popular and vulgar name is called The winning of S. Iames streete and it was so called for this cause When the faithfull perceyued the great perill and dauÌ„ger that hong ouer the whole kingdome of France by reason of this newe plague and punishment they gaue themselues to prayer and therfore congregated themselues togither by a great number the fourth daye of September in certaine houses of S. Iames stréete in Paris and that in the night for in the daye time they might by no meanes come togither minding to heare the worde preached and to haue the supper of the Lorde celebrated But they being bewrayed the common sort of people with weapons in a great tumult ranne with all haste to this stréetâ—… of S. Iames where the faithfull were assembled who being in those houses before mentioned and séeing themselues to be compassed on euerye side with the furor and rage of the multitude had small hope to escape howbeit part of them when they sawe a waye to be made for them through a certaine gate which wonderfully opened for the safegarde of many when the houses on â—…uery side were beset repeated their former prayers and escaped by flight without harme euen as though God himselfe had gone before them the greater part were taken of the Magistrates among whom were many noble women and women of great parentage and as they were led away by the officers were shamefully intreated and vnhonestly handled of the people Now the matter being in question concerning this asseÌ„bly it was first founde that when the people were assembled togither there was a Lecture of the holy Scripture in the vulgar tongue secondly that all the congregation knéeling prayers were made by the Minister thirdly that the Minister expounded the place of the eleuenth Chapter of S. Paules first Epistle to the Corinthians in the which the vse of the Lords supper is declared fourthly that then prayers were made for the King for Princes Magistrates for all estates of people for peace and quietnesse of the kingdom and last of all that the breade end wine of the Lords supper was communicated and giuen to those which were not iudged vnworthie For these offences they were taken Being therefore taken and cruelly intreated of the people by the way were notwithstanding very vâ—…courteously delt withall in prison For théeues and murtherers and such as by the lawe deserued to die were taken out of their colde and noysome prisons and these men put into the same in their steade all men forbidden to haue any recourse vnto them Notwithstanding it was brought to passe by the singular prouidence of God bicause
confession of the true doctrine were condemned by great consent of the people to dye and were burnt with fire and suffering most excellent Martyrdome by death they woonderfullye triumphed of the crueltie of their enimies The which thinges bicause they be specially touched in another Booke it shall not be néedefull here to speake any more of them Many deliuered theÌ„selues from death by diuers meanes and wayes that were not lawfull But they to whome this charge and trust was commited boldly doing their office and being nothing slow to exercise crueltie certaine of their friendes which 〈◊〉 in holde propounded causes of refusall against the Iudges desiring that there might be other Iudges set in their places This thing for a time stayed the rage of the persecution Notwithstanding the king being certified hereof sendeth letters by which he declaring those refusals to be nothing commaundeth that all other things set apart they giue their diligence only to intende vpon this thing and that the Nobles which were in authoritie should choose out according as they thought good Counsellours to supplie the places of those that were absent and that in the Praetor Munerius â—…oume bicause for the causes before alleaged he was remooued other should serue to be short that final iudgement might be giuen of those matters howbeit that he might haue warning before any matter were ended These letters did againe displease and anger the mindes of those iudges which tooke it heynously that they were refused So that choller was then set on fire against many for this cause séemed as though it would rage and burne in the new yeare following For the aduersaries went about of late to establish bring in the like inquisition that was in Spain which they thought was the only way vtterly to ouerthrow the gospel letters at the last being obtained froÌ„ the Pope by which thrée Cardinals were appointed chief inquisitors they weÌ„t about all that they could to set forward this deuise The king for his part consented Notwithstanding the senate of Paris hauing better consideration of the matter greatlye withstode this new practise alleaged these causes to the king of their withstanding and prohibition saying If this thing should be brought to passe looke how much the power of the ecclesiasticall Iudges and Inquisitors should be enlarged so much should the supreme authoritie of the king be diminished Secondly that it was a matter of great weight for the naturall subiects of the king to be made destitute and after a sort depriued of their King and to be brought to the power of forreine Iudges and to be made subiect to an Offy â—ciall or Inquisitor Thirdlye that it shoulde be a defrauding of the kingdome but specially of the subiectes to be spoyled of the helpe safegarde of the king and to be themselues and all their goodes iudged disposed after the supreme iudgement of an ecclesiasticall Iudge Fourthly that it would come to passe that when they had gotten infinite power and the greatest part of the kings authoritie that is to say when they had gotten power to iudge of life death as theÌ„ listed without further appeale to any higher Court they might easily abuse their offices For say they the libertie to appeale is the onely sanctuarie and defence of innocencie Fiftly and last of all they say that the King to whoÌ„ the appeale should be made is the reuenger and the defender of violated and wronged innocencie and that iniurie shoulde be done if this thing went forward not only to the people but also to Princes to Dukes to Nobles yea and to the Kings nere kinsemen who also shoulde be bounde with this bonde By this prohibition and resistaÌ„ce the matter was delayed for a time at the length when the Kings Court was at Paris the verye same aduersaries of the truth brought to passe that those letters were confirmed of the King as he went to the Senate or Parliament for this cause Thus when they had gotten the lawe into their owne handes and had written new Edictes appointing mortall punishments for the faithfull whome they called Sacramentaries Sectaries and such lyke euery man looking now for grieuous persecutions it pleased God for a time to disappoint those cruell practises and threatenings by troubling the kingdome with warre and other businesse Neither is it to be buried in silence by what meanes God shewed his vengeaunce vpon many of those persecutors which were the chiefe Capitaynes in S. Iames slaughter That Munerius the Praetor which was the first that delt with the causes of the faithfull and had many wayes cruelly intreated them being afterwarde at the length condemned of falshoode in the cause of the Countesse of Senigana suffered by the decrée of the Senate punishment openly in diuers places and being thus ledde from place to place to be made an open spectacle for all men to behold to his great infamie and reproch was also banished his countrie This man while be was kept in prison sayde that he knew that the punishments which he suffered were a iust reward and recompence to him for his euill intreating of the Lutheranes and that he woulde neuer after séeke to do them any harme In like maner one of the Counsellers which were appoynted to vnderstande and iudge of the causes of the faithfull not long after died by sodaine death Another of them likewise being sodenly striken with a most grieuous sickenesse and being also at the poynt of death sayde I see plainly that I haue grieuously sinned against the Lutheranes which so godly pray vnto the Lorde In lyke maner two other whiche were very cruell against the faithfull in the slaughter that was made on S. Iames daye sodenly dyed in the sight of all men Moreouer two other when they retourned from the murther of the afflicted faithfull fell at contention within themselues and at the last were slaine one of another Thus the Lorde shewed many examples of his iust vengeance vpon his aduersaries Then the Church obtayned peace for a time and some occasion to rest and breath for a whyle â–ª by reason of those tempestes They which were before as it were discouraged through that former great slaughter receyued nowe heart and courage againe many others which were eyther confirmed by the constancy of those blessed Martyrs which suffered or els were lately brought to the knowledge of God ioyned themselues to the Church they also which to flye persecution went aside from out of the citie were not altogither vnfruitful Among these there was one which came to a towne called Crucillum in Britayne neare vnto the sea coaste the which towne was at that time greatly giuen to superstition but it was brought to passe by his meanes within short time after that many of the townesmen were called to the acknowledging of truth insomuch that there was a congregation there At the which good successe Satan was greatly grieued Therfore when the fame of this thing was
space of fortie yeares since or thereabouts by many Ministers of the same doctrine being men verye expert in the knowledge of holy Scripture who by their great modestie grauitie and godlynesse hating all vice and specially couetousnesse and contemning their owne life for the renseruation of their doctrine and hauing alwayes in their mouth that moste swéete name Christ Iesus finding also the people going astray without a shepehearde or guyde were easily hearde and receyued and brought great increase to their doctrine and no marâ—…ayle seeing they left nothing vndone that might be done eyther by preaching by writing or by any other meanes to publish and spreads the same abrode But to come vnto those vsurped meanes and wayes which were attempted to â—…ynder and suppressâ—… that doctrine if we shall begin first of all with the Bishops of Rome we shall find that they haue very diligently gone about to sowe discord and to make warre betwéene Kings and Princes But our Kings moued with godly zeale haue appoynted paynes and punishmentes by Edictes thinking by that meanes to driue awaye those opinions and to bring the people to one onely kinde of Religion but in vaine For the Iudges both greatlye abused those Edictes and also oftentymes executed them after their owne euill disposition and pleasure to gratifie those which craued the confiscation and spoyle of their goodes which were accused Of this matter we haue a manifest example shewed not long ago of a man of no meane calling which desired to haue the confiscation and spoyle of one which was accused of heresie whose iudgement he tooke vpon him to order and appoint If any Magistrate Counseller or Lawyer had bene an euill or wicked person to the intent he myght hide his former faultes and wickednesse his maner was by and by to séeke that these causes of Religion might bée brought before him and that he might be put in office and authoritie to deale in these causes the which authoritiâ—… when he had rashly abused vnder the colour of zeale he shoulde streight way haue a name and all that he had done before shoulde be forgotten and forgiuen as though that Religion ought to be defended by these supportations So that it ought not to séeme straunge vnto vs that these executions haue no better successe and also if the people cannot abyde and suffer such wicked and cruell practises On the other side the Bishops haue bene slouthfull and negligent and haue had no consideration and care to giue an account of their flockes committed to their charge but haue rather sought all that they coulde to maintaine and encrease their yerely reuenewes which they consumed vpon filthy vaine vnprofitable things insomuch that at one time forty Bishops togither were at Paris banquetting satisfying their filthy pleasures and liuing ydly while al disorder and wickednesse increased in their Diocesses Moreouer we know that Bishoprickes or the office of a Bishop hath bene bestowed vpon children vpon Infantes yea before they were borne vpon vnlearned and simple men also which neyther knewe howe nor woulde discharge their office And thus the eyes of the Churches that is to saye the Bishops were blynded and the pyllers of the Church cast downe to the grounde The Ministers therefore of this and that sect vsing the occasion of these perturbations and troubles haue omitted nothing to winne the people vnto them And as for Curates they are couetous vnlearned and conuersant in all things sauing in doing of their dutie and as the most part of them haue gotten their Priesthoode by wicked meanes so doe they most vngodlily retaine the same still for Cardinals and Bishops let not to make their seruaunts their Cookes and horsekéepers Priestes whereby Ecclesiasticall persons are become a ieast and laughing stocke to euery man But the onely meane and waye to prouyde for and to remedie these mischiefes is to flée vnto God who in his iust iudgement is wroth with Ecclesiasticall persons insomuch that he séemeth to intende their destruction as hée did once the destruction of the Iewes Also certayne godlye men must be sought for and called togither from all partes of the Realme to consider of these and the lyke wickednesses and to deuise meanes and wayes to extirpe and rootâ—… them out and the King for his part must sée with all diligence that the name of God be not polluted and blasphemed as it hath bene hitherto and that the holy Scriptures may be purely and plainly expounded to the people and also that they may haue daily in their houses godly sermons and exhortations the which shall be able to stop the mouths of slaunderous persons which shamefully sayde that God was not once named or spoken of in the presence of the King. And you sayth he O Quéenes graunt me this one thing I beséech you if I maye be bolde to beséech you that you woulde bring to passe that in steade of prophane and vnsemely songs all your traine and retinue maye sing godlye and vertuous Psalmes to the prayse of God Knowe ye for a suretie that God doth allowe or like of no companie or congregation in the which he is not praysed and extolled To this he added much more by which he proued â–ª that it was against reason that the singing of Psalmes shoulde be forbidden if the interpretation of them which was noted about them were not allowed he sayde it was better that the errors were noted than that the whole worke shoulde be so reiected And he shewed also that the Psalmes were made not only for the publike vse of Churches but also to be daily and priuately vsed And therfore in forbidding the singing of Psalmes there is iust occasion offered to seditious persons to calumniate and speake euill For nowe in this we striue not against men but against God whose prayses are so hindered and let The seconde remedie is a generall Councell the which the Fathers alwayes vsed as a remedie to pacifie and appease the dissentions of the Church I sée not howe the Popes conscience can be quiet nor to be in rest the space of one houre séeing he séeth so many soules to perishe through the diuersitie of opinions and yet for all that séeketh no meanes how to remedie the same But if it shoulde come to passe that the Generall Councell shoulde be let or hindered then the King shall doe his dutie in calling a Councell of his owne Nation after the ensample of his auncetors the Kings of this Realme as of Carolus Magnus and Lodowicke his sonne Nowe they must be called to be of this CouÌ„cell which are counted to be the best learned men among them of that sect and learned men of the contrarie part also that they maye dispute togither of the principall groundes of Religion nowe in controuersie Thus did Theodotius the Emperour at Constantinople against the Arrians and Macedonians although they were iustly condemned by the Councell of Nice and others and afterwardes the
threatnings did nothing at all therein when it came to the pinch Neither would Pope Paule the fourth his successor wheÌ„ he was yet but Cardinal establish that which he thought to be mete necessary I omit that which Bernard other learned fathers haue said only this I say except we aply our minds put our haÌ„ds to the tearing vp of this roote of al euil Jesus Christ will descend from heauen with a whip in his hand to expel vs as buiers sellers out of the temple The third remedie shal be to confesse our faults the which in dede is the first step to helth to make the same manifest by publike generall fastings the which maner was alwayes obserued in the olde Church whensoeuer any great perill or daunger was like to come vpon the Church as plague famine or warre the which thrée euils in these our dayes inuade the realme togither For what greater plague can there be thaÌ„ that which slayeth mens soules What greater famine can therebe than the famine of Gods word Or what warre caÌ„ be more mortall or cruell than the corruption of pure doctrine By which we being drawn froÌ„ God are depriued of the eternal kingdom which Christ by his bloud hath purchased for vs Let vs therfore turn vs vnto those old accustomed remedies as to Câ—…mmon praier to fasting and to wéeping and first of all we must take into our handes the sworde of God that is to say his word the scahard wherof we scarsly retaine neither must we thinke that Myters Croziers Cappes Garments and other ornaments the which in old time were outwardly worne to shewe that which was inwarde that is to say that godly doctrine ought to be ioyned with a godly life can deliuer vs froÌ„ the coÌ„tempt of the people seeing that which is eternall is wanting there onely remaineth an outward shew feined sight Let vs set before our eies this horrible sentence which John the Baptist pronounced against the Jewes saying Nowe is the axe put to the roote of the trees euery tree therefore that bringeth not forth good fruite is â—…ew â—…e downe and cast into the fire The fourth remedie shall be while the Councel is a preparing gathering togither to stay seditious persons so to restraine theÌ„ that they break not by any meanes the coÌ„mon peace tranquilitie let this be kept as a law ratified and inuiolable that it is not lawful for any subiect vpoÌ„ any occasioÌ„ or for any cause to take armes to lift vp the sword without the coÌ„mandement or leaue of the Prince the only moderator gouernor of warres This I speak for the sorowful exaÌ„ples sake which hapned are like to happeÌ„ except we take heds Of the one part we saw the tumult of Ambaxia on y other part there were certain Preachers which stirred vp the people to tumult violently to set theÌ„selues to destroy banish those protestaÌ„ts vnder a pretence of godly seditioÌ„ as though that Religion coulde or ought to be established by sedition And thus there was greate offence committed on both parts insomuch that many were slaine which were thought to be Protestants Moreouer those protestants did greatly offend enterprising many things rashly to put away these iniuries offred vnto theÌ„ taking armes therby violating the law of the magistrate which beloÌ„geth to no priuate persoÌ„ For the end of the law is to liue according vnto Gods wil to hurt no man and to obey the lawe of Armes Therfore the king is the maintainer of Gods law and the moderator of wars the which he may and ought to vse to the authoritie of the lawe and to the punishing of rebelles and traitours To be shorte he counteth him selfe a king who although he be not ordained of God yet of his owne will and authoritie moueth warre And truely herevpon it followeth that he ought to be counted of all men as an enimy and to be punished as a breaker of Gods ordinance and publique power For this cause I thinke it good that commaundement be giuen to inferior Magistrates that they diligently attend vpon their charge and offices least some newe thing happen by their carelesse negligence Hereby therefore it euidently appéereth that the first bonde to preserue the kings estate is so to establishe Religion that no man may abuse y same at his owne pleasure against the authoritie of the law and the ende thereof which is that both God and the king maye be obeyed But now to come to the seconde principall point as concerning the ordering and kéeping of the people in due obedience we thinke this to be the waye namely to heare the complaintes of the subiectes and to vse conuenient remedies for the same Notwithstanding there is great differeÌ„ce betwéene priuate open complaintes for if the complaints be made of priuate persons to priuate persons the diligence of the Judges which are appointed to ordinary gouernemeÌ„t is a spéedie way to remedie and helpe them But when there are generall complaints or when eyther the confirmation or alteration of things commeth in question we must straight way haue recourse to those auncient constitutions and orders by whiche the safetie of the kingdome standeth the which are nothing else than those thrée orders which we call the states That is to saye that those things being made manifest and opened which maye bring any confusioÌ„ and the remedies which were prouided to put away the same being diligently sought for the king for the loues sake that he beareth to his people maye determine and appoint that which is iustly required to the honor of God and the coÌ„mon profyte of all men Of the which thing the good will of the people wholy dependeth that hauing done that duetie which he oweth vnto God he may in lyke maner satisfie the mindes and willes of his subiectes And so he shall not onely kéepe the name of a king the gifts of nature appertaining to a kingly name but also may rule and gouerne by peace seing that gentlenesse may allure them of their owne good wils to do more than force or violence can extorte from them And to the ende it may euidentlye appéere that the complaintes are such that they ought to be heard and examined of the assembly of the States I will shewe vnto you a generall reason namely this The extraordinarie taxes tallages tributes haue so increased that now the subiectes not onely are not able to beare this great burthen but also not able to satisfie discharge those old duties which were before time accustomed to be payde Is not this a complaint to be considered talked of in the assembly of States Seing the greatest part of the people complaineth of the same and are by no maner of meanes any thing disburthened but specially seing that to heare the afflicted oppressed is the beginning of consolation to declare a readinesse and good will to ease theÌ„ is
slaughter was a preparing and whilest all men loked to sée great things come to passe beholde sodaine and vnloked for alterations happen For the king had a ceataine paine and disease in his eares Of the which after he had bene sicke a while he dyed the fifth day of December in the yeare of Lorde god M. D. LX. At the which sodaine alteration the Guyses were not a little dismayde When King Fraunces was deade the Quéene his mother sent vnto the Constable who had detracted the time to come to Aurelias assuring him of hir friendship and promising vnto him that neuer hereafter none should intrude him selfe into an other mans office and praying him also that he would come vnto hir with all spéede There the Constable came to hir to Aurelias without delay with Martiall Momorencius his sonne and saluted the newe king Neuerthelesse the Prince of Conde was kept in holde still but not without greate reuerence of his kéepers shewed towardes him and continusd in prison after the death of the King by the space of ten dayes denying to go out of prison vntill he knewe his aduersarie in this matter layde to his charge But all the matter was layde vpon the King deceased Therfore by a wonderfull and straunge way or meane as by the death of the King the subtill practises of the aduersaries were brought to naught whose funerall was so slenderlye celebrated that he was depriued of that vsuall pompe which Kings commonly haue at their buriall all men wondering that the Guises woulde suffer the same the which also was very wel noted by a publike Epigram or libel sent abrode There were truly within a short time wonderfull manifest signes of Gods iust iudgemeÌ„t against many Princes the which al meÌ„ at that time did plainly sée acknowledge Concerning the which these verses folowing were made Charles a Tyrant King of all kings that before him went Most craftily by counsell gainst Christ his force he bent Till that his foolish madnesse of children being espied In midst of all his mischiefe most sodenly he died And thou O Henrie eke by men that wicked were nought VVast too much led and therfore greedily hast sought The bloud of godly men thereof to drinke thy fill But he that sittes aboue restrainde thee of thy will. For in thy witlesse mode thy rashnes great thou didst declare therfore wouÌ„d of deth by spere thou hadst ere thou wast ware And so thy bleding corps eÌ„brued the earth with blood Bicause to kill the Saints to thee it seemde so good Frances that was his sonne vnhappie childe did so direct His fete in his yll wayes that Christes voice he did neglect He stopt his eares as deafe when Christ to him did crie And therfore putrefacted eares did cause hiÌ„ streight to die Be warnde therefore O Kings by these examples iust VVisedomes doctrine to receiue or else to turne to dust Thus rumors were spred euerywhere abroade that so wonderous a thing had happened the lyke wherof was neuer heard of before namely that they which were brought to that passe that they should haue bene put to death were now aduaunced to great honor And contrarywise that it was come to passe that they which thought their authoritie to be confirmed for a long time sawe the same taken awaye and were brought to their former state and degree They which were of the assemblie of States trembling and quaking before for feare tooke now vnto themselues a bolde courage and with one consent make petition that the king of Nauar may be the ruler gouernor of the kingdome during the time of the Kings nonage minoritie also that the Princes the kings nere kinsemen with the Constable the Admiral the Andelote with the rest of the Nobles might be always of the kings CouÌ„selâ—… that Cardinals Bishops should be sent to their diocesses to discharge their Ecclesiastical offices according to the rule of the canoÌ„s in that behalf The Kinges mother tooke it not in good part that so great good will and fauour should be shewed to the king of Nauar whom she demed not long ago to be hir enimie they increased these suspitions which went about to coÌ„firme their authority by their dissentioÌ„s working hatred spite against the king of Nauar through the sentence of the assembly of the parliament which wished him to haue the rule of the kingdome And thus the minds of the Nobles being diuided into two factions one part helde of the Quéene another part with the king of Nauar. Insomuch that a man might sée the Constable the Admiral his two brethren alwais in the coÌ„pany of the king of Nauar On the other part the Guises Nemorosius the Marshal Santandrae the Marshal Brislac the cardinal of TurnoÌ„ always were about the Quéene stode w thir So that now there was great daunger of present seditioÌ„ but the king of Nauar by his courtesie suffrance put away all this daunger like to arise yéelding vnto the Quéene authoritie to gouerne the kingdome Then the Quéene being somewhat appeased plainly saide that she knew nowe the causes of all the troubles past namely that all the Princes which were of the Kings blouds were displeased that they were not accouÌ„ted off according to their worthinesse which thing she said she woulde sée reformed euer afterward By this occasion the stomacking and taking of parts betwéene them séemed somewhat to be repressed There folowed therfore a wonderful alteration chauÌ„ge and all men began to talke one to another to say that the companies of armed meÌ„ were prepared gathered togither to some other vse purpose than for the safetie of the King that their couÌ„sels and meanings were otherwise which had arrogated vnto themselues authoritie also that their practises shoulde not so easily haue successe nowe But the churches now which before were in great perplexity fear obtained peace and all men hoped nowe for a better state For amidst those sundrie troubles and manifolde afflictions which happened vnder the raigne of king Frances the administration of the sacraments the preaching of Gods worde neuer ceased in the reformed Churches although the number that were assembled were but small though also the same was not done without great daunger warinesse For at that time there were cruell conspiracies against the Church which woulde haue done great harme to the same had not the Lorde by his prouidence tourned them away Then did the reformed Churches coÌ„maunde solemne prayers with fasting to be vsed and they which were the gouernors and chiefe of the congregation exhorted their brethren to be of good chéere and comforted them willing them paciently to looke for helpe from the Lorde So that after so great afflictions and feare there followed excéeding ioye and the sodennesse of the chaunce made the matter to seeme more wonderfull Then was there newes brought of the death of
Ecclesiasticall persons if they well consider the weightinesse of the matter will looke better vnto their office and duetie than they haue done heretofore Let vs knowe that the dissolution of our Church was the first beginning of heresies but it is to bée thought that a Reformation will take them away againe This victorie must not be sought for by violence or by force of armes but by godlye exhortations and by godlynesse of lyfe Wyth these weapons the Heretikes in tymes past were ouercome We must not hate the menne but the vyces and wickednesses that are in men and wée must goe aboute all that wée maye to bring them into the waye that are in errour Let vs therefore put awaye all factious and seditious names as the names of Lutheranes Huguenotes Papystes and suche lyke and let vs retayne and kéepe still the names of Christians But bicause there are manye founde whyche wyll not bee satisfyed desiring tumult and confusion enimies to peace and the cōmon welth and as it appeareth contemners of God and Religion the King which otherwise of himselfe is gentle and long suffering hitherto hath vene constrayned and peraduenture shall be hereafter vrged to indeuour himselfe to punishe the frowarde obstinate It may seeme a very sharp remedy but if we looke well vpon the disease and mischiefe yet a growing we shall find it very necessary for the same Notwithstanding it is so come to passe as yet by the goodnesse of God and the clemencie of the Prince that there hath bene no greater punishment layde vpon any man nor no greater destruction followed as the subuersion of Cities the burning of houses the disfraunchizing of Cities of their priuiledges and the restraint of their liberties the which other Princes that dwell about vs haue oftentimes vsed euen within the compasse of our remembrance for the punishing of seditious persons And bicause it is to be feared least the armies of souldiers being dismist the seditious will begin to practise and conspire a freshe of two things the one is to be done namely that either the armies be kept and maintained still which cannot be done without the great cost and charge of the Subiectes or else that the Citizens of euery Citie endeuour themselues to punishe such seditious and seditious persons and he that shall be first founde to go about to alter the state of the common welth let him by his seuere punishment be an example to all the rest The King to this ende and purpose will giue you a power of armed men Consider with your selues which of these wayes is most for your profite either that you maintaine garrisons of souldiers to kéepe the cities for the king or that you your selues in your owne persons do it at your owne costes and charges As for all other things the King will prouide and sée vnto them by his officers In the meane time let such as are Ecclesiastical persons doe their dutie by prayers by Sermons and by diligent instructing of the people And so it will come to passe that the King shall be obeyed and you shall enioye peace tranquilitie Whē the Chaūcelor had procéeded thus far forth and had spokē somewhat concerning the Kings substaunce and great erpences exhorting the Court of Parliament to ease the same he declared that it was the King and the Quéenes pleasures that euery man shoulde fréely put forth his complaintes and sutes for that their Maiesties intended with all clemencie as it was meete to prouide for all thinges And this only was done the first day In the next méeting the assemblye of States chose out thrée men to speake for them the which thrée stoode before the King and made their seuerall orations The sum wherof I will briefely repeate so far forth as they shall séeme necessary for our purpose The speaker for the thirde order of States that is to say for the Commonalty was named Angell a Counseller and a pleader of causes in the Senate of Burdeux in Gascoyne This man declared by many reasons that for the due putting away of perturbations and troubles it séemed good and most necessary to the people first of all to remoue and to take away the causes Which causes he saide were partlye the corruptions among Ecclesiasticall persons among which corruptions which were very many in number there were thrée notable and more pernicious than the rest namely Couetousnesse Ignorance and Luxurie Ignorance he sayd was so manifest that no man néede to doubte of the same and so great also that among that sorte of men it was to be séene from the hyest to the lowest Which ignorance is the mother and Nurse of all errours as both experience and also the testimonies of learned fathers aboundantlye declare To remedie this he saide Canons and decrées woulde be prouided but in vaine For so great is the contempte and negligence of preaching and instructing the people which is notwithstanding the office of a good pastour that Bishops at this day counte it a shame and reproch vnto them to féede the flocke of Christ. And such as are Curates and other masse priests following the euill example of Bishoppes doe also euen abhorre their office and doe commit the same to vnlearned vicars who singing Masses for their rewarde haue onely some one slender bosome collation or other which they alwayes vse without discretion as one plaister to all maner of soares The seconde vice is Couetousnesse the whiche as it is no lesse pestiferous than Ignorance so is it no lesse to be séene as well in the heades as in the inferiors And as for Luxurie the pompe and pryde of Prelates he fayde it was suche that it was a great stumbling blocke and offence to all men For they are painted and set for the as though by an outwarde shewe in the world they should represent the maiestie of God when as they shoulde rather expresse the same by godlynesse and integritie of life How greatly haue our Bishoppes of late dayes degenerated from the meane estate puritie and godlynesse of the true Byshoppes of olde time All these corruptions saith he must be taken away by a godly and lawfull Counsel called and also by the kings authoritie The speaker for the Nobilitie was one Iacobus Sillius This man began first to speake many things concerning the power authoritie and office of Kings and largely also concerning the order of Nobles which he saide was verye profitable and necessary to preserue and maintaine the dignitie of the king In speaking of matters concerning Religion he founde this fault aboue all others namely that hytherto there had béene great ouersight in suffering Ecclesiasticall persons to haue so great power and authoritie and so large lyuing and reuenewes who haue incroched vnto them selues the houses of Noble men do wickedly abuse all that euer they haue Wherfore saith he it is necessarye that these sortes of men shuld he reformed Also he wished that it might be diligently
Germanie concerning the Lords Supper the whiche he sayde was sent by them to him out of Germanie But herein he played the craftie Foxe to the ende that if they had openly denyed this thing he mighte haue set them and the Ministers of Germanie togither by the eares but if they had imbraced the same that then hee mighte tryumphe ouer them as if they had gotten the victory Beza to auoid this Dilemma and subtill traine answered That he and his fellowes came thyther to defende the confession of their owne Churches whiche they were onelye by them inioyned to doe So that he desired that the order of the disputation might be framed vpon the forme of their confession to the end that they might gather thereby bothe the greater fruit and also come into a more perfect concord For the order of nature doth require that firste of all those things which are more easie shoulde be handled and we must first of all dispute of doctrine bycause the Sacramentes doe depende of Doctrine Notwithstanding the Cardinall did with no lesse vehemencie still vrge the matter Therefore the chosen men of the Churches fearing least by this meanes occasion mighte be taken to breake off the conference and that the blame thereof shoulde be layde vpon them they desired to haue leaue to vewe and consider that writing whereto the Prelates wente aboute to make them to subscribe and so they woulde deliberate together what they were best to doe Then was broughte for the a fourme of the article concerning the Lords Supper written as the Cardinall said oute of the Augustane confession thus VVe doe Confesse that the very body and bloud of Christ Iesus is truely really and Sacramentally in the Supper of the Lorde and is so giuen and receiued of those that doe communicate There were also broughte forthe manye opinions of the Saxone Ministers concerning this matter written in the yeare of oure Lorde 1559. And thus was the assembly dismist vntill another day In the meane time newes was broughte that the writing exhibited by the Cardinall of Loraine was by the industrie of one Frances Balduine sente with letters whiche signifyed that he woulde come verie shortly and bring certaine ministers with him out of Germanie which shoulde dispute and contend with Beza and with the rest of the challengers of the reformed Churches Balduine therfore came to Poossiac in the time of the conference leauing notwithstandyng behynde him those ministers of Germanie making the more haste to the intent he mighte offer vp a certayne Latine booke intituled The office of a godly man among the controuersies of Religion perswading himselfe by this meanes that he shoulde please all men specially the Byshoppes And this Booke he highlye commended and bragged of as a certaine singular meane and waye to worke peace and vnitie the author of the which booke the miserable ambitious man partlye affyrming and partlye denying hymselfe to be by vayne dissimulation the name of Cassander beyng suppressed and quite taken awaye whiche had patched the same together would that all men should haue counted hym to bée the authour thereof perswading hymselfe hereby to wyn greate fame But his expectation for all this was deceyued for he was called of neyther part into the conference for that all men feared his inconstancie and lighte rashenesse whiche he had all his lyfe time shewed by manyfest proofe and shewe of his subtill and false minde But his hatred for this matter was wholly kindled against the Ministers of the reformed Churches whom he thought to be the cause that he was not called to the conference Afterwardes he inueyed againste Caluine and Beza who by theyr answere agayne declared by euident argumentes that he was giltie of a lye of falsehoode and of impietie That is to saye Balduine not long agoe â—…ayned to loue the Gospell and declared the same also by setting forthe of bookes and was conuersaunt in the refourmed Churches whereby among good men he had gotten a good reporte notwithstanding chaunging oftentymes his Religion one while he séemed to imbrace the doctrine of the Gospell going to those places in the whiche the same was publiquely preached another whyle he wente to the Papistes seeming to lyke of their seruice whereby at the last all men iustly Iudged hym to bée of a wycked and vnconstant mind Therefore after he hadde experience and proofe of diuers Religions shyfting oftentymes from one to another the subtill fellowe thought that he had at the last founde oute a certayne vndoubted fourme of Religion and reported abroade that he knewe a sure meane or waye to appease all controuersies for Religion And beyng broughte vnto the King of Nauarre by the practise of the Cardinall of Lorayne hée made hym to haue a wonderfull opinion of him And whilest the King of Nauarre was greatly disturbed with the fayre promyses of the Pope of the whiche wée wyll speake anon thys fellowe dayly called vpon him who also bringing forthe argumentes oute of certayne auncient notes and abbreuiations whiche he sayde hee hadde founde by chaunce he put the Kyng of Nauarre in suche hope to get the Kingdome of Nauarre that his loue and zeale towardes the Gospell waxing colde by little and lyttle at the laste he vtterlye renounced and forsoke the Gospell to the greate detrimente and hurte of the reformed Churches and of the whole Realme of Fraunce in furtheryng whereof before tyme he had notwithstandyng béene very diligent Balduine for brynging these things to passe receiued for his reward a great summe of money and had also committed vnto him the charge to bryng vp the kyng of Nauarres bastard for which he receiued a stipend But nowe againe they come to the Conference so that when they were all assembled togyther and leaue giuen to the Ministers to speake Beza pronounced this Oration before the Quéene We declared of late before your Maiestie noble Quéene according to our skil our opinion concerning the Article propounded vnto vs of the Church and of the markes and authoritie of the same in opening of the which things we haue so followed the word of God that we trust no man hath had iust occasion to complaine of vs But for so muche as those things which haue bene opened by vs ought either to be approued or else to be reprehended by the worde of God it was euen nowe demaunded of vs by what authoritie wée would preach the worde of God and minister the holy Sacramentes in the which demaunde to make our cause to be hated there was lefte nothing vndone We knowe not to what end these things haue bene propouÌ„ded For first of all we came not hyther eyther to preach the word or to minister the Sacraments So that it séemeth superfluous to demaund of vs by what authoritie we would doe this thing If answere be made vnto vs that this was therfore demauÌ„ded that we might giue account of those thinges whiche we haue done afore time it was to be coÌ„sidered that this
assembly doth consist of two sorts of men For some are Ministers of other Cuntreys in such places in whiche their calling is approued Of these men ye haue nothing to do to take an account of their offices Other some there are here whiche preach the word of God in this Realme but ye haue not called these men before you to constraine them to make an account of their calling but to conferre with them concerning doctrine otherwise they mighte séeme after this manner to be brought to iudgement the which we thinke O Quéene not to be your will or meaning But if ye did it for disputatioÌ„s sake by your leaue I must say that it was not meete to moue any such talke openly to answere the which we had no good occasion offered vs excepte we woulde offende the mindes of the Prelates the which to doe we would be verie loth least we might seme to be the cause that the conference should be broken off And least we may séeme to speake without reason consider that so often as two partes come together to conferre or to dispute If the one parte demaunde why do you this and the other parte also demaunde the same thing saying why do you this it cannot be but in these questions reiterated there shall discention arise But omitting the Prelates of this Realme whome we will not offende let vs imagine with our selues that there were here a certaine Bishop which should demaund of vs saying by what authoritie doe ye preache and minister the Sacramentes And we in like maner should demaund by what authoritie he did the like that is to saye whether he were elected by the Seniors of his Churche in the which he is Bishop whether the people desired to haue him and whether his life maners and doctrine were firste examined He would answere that he was in that order called but the contrary is manifestly knowne and we call the conscience of those to witnesse that heare vs knowe how y matter standeth If he should saye vnto vs ye are no ministers bicause ye haue not the impositioÌ„ of haÌ„ds we in like maner would answere neyther are ye Bishops bicause in your institution the principall and most substantial matters commaunded by the worde of God are lacking If the disputation procéede farther we maye vse these wordes ye haue but one onely thing which is required in the right institution namely laying on of handes If the lacke of this one thing make as you thinke that we are not ministers 〈◊〉 must néedes the lacke of the other two namely the election by Seniors and the triall of life and doctrine proue you to be no Bishops The Councell of Chalcedone euen one of the firste vniuersall Counsels appoynted that the ordering and appoynting of a Prieste shoulde be voyde whiche was not doone by the Ministerie of some one Churche A greate deale more might we say to the Byshoppe disputing with vs séeing that two principall and substantiall thinges are wanting to him centrarie to the commaundemente of the Apostle There is also an other thing whiche we speake agaynst our will and yet notwithstanding we must speake it that all the whole assembly maye euidently sée that this question concerning Uocation is full of perill and 〈◊〉 If ye shoulde demaunde of that Byshoppe of whome he hadde receyued imposition of handes and for howe muche he hath bought the same what woulde he saye Surely he woulde make aunswere that he hadde receyued imposition of handes of Byshoppes and that he hadde not bought the same but that he gaue for it so many thousande Crownes whiche is as muche as if he shoulde saye I haue not bought the breade but I haue bought the wheate If this disputation verily shoulde be iudged by the Counsels and Canons of the Church it woulde make many Byshoppes and Curaâ—…es ashamed Into the whiche Disputation we woulde not willingly enter leaste we shoulde offende any man But take not this to be spoken to the ende we might enter into that disputation or to the intent we myght render quid pro quo or check for taunt but to the end you might vnderstand O Quéene that we did therfore very vnwillingly touche the matter leaste the peace and concorde a working might be hindered As touching the Article of the Lords Supper we would of late speake no further of the same bycause we hadde regarde to many men of this assembly whiche neuer hearing of any suche matter before mighte easily haue béene there at ofâ—…ended as at some newe thing We hadde rather that they shoulde heare the wordes of the aunciente Fathers of the Church than ours for somuche as the Cardinall of Loraine by open promise bounde himselfe to persuade and satisâ—…fie 〈◊〉 in this principall point of doctrine by the proper words of the fathers the which thing we greatly desired To satisfie this our desire and the expectation also of a great manye men the article of the Lordes Supper was put forth decided out of many and verie necessarie articles of the fayth and it was sayd vnto vs Either subscribe vnto this or else we wil proceede no farther If ye were oure Iudges and had authoritie to sit vpon our liues ye woulde not say Subscribe vnto this but VVe condemne you Your office leadeth you to another maner of speache and willeth you to shewe vnto vs our errors if there be anye in vs and to instructe them in the doctrine of truth which are readie to giue an account of their faith by the word of God. We are here before you O Quéene that for two speciall causes The firste is that we maye giue an account of our faith to God to you to the whole world The seconde is that we may obey God the king you so much as in vs lyeth to the pacifying of those troubles which are raised vp for Religions sake If ye had to do with vs onely which are here ye might the more easily haue yâ—…ur wils and purpose but hehold we represent a great number of men which are not onely in this kingdome but also in the chiefest partes of Heluetia Polonia Germanie England Scotland and Flanders and which long to see to what ende this conference will come But they shall vnderstande that in steade of the determination of a free and generall Conference the tenth parte of an Article was exhibited and that it was sayde Eyther subscribe vnto thys or else wee will proceede no farther And admit we should subscribe herevnto what were ye the better They whiche haue sente vs hyther wyll knowe whether by constrainte against our wils or else by force of good and holesome Argumentes we haue subscribed Therefore O Quéene we most earnestly beseche you that so good and godly a worke be not brokeÌ„ off and that ye will vouchsafe to graunt such men vnto â—…s which will not disdaine peaceably and soberly to conferre and dispute with vs otherwise you may consider with your selfe what great
as the King had founde in the beginning of his raigne diuers and sundrie troubles hee vvente aboute by due aduise and Counsell of the Queene his mother of the Princes his neere kinsmen and of his Lordes and Nobles to prouide remedies for them setting forth to this ende and purpose diuers Edictes and among the rest one the last of Iuly In the vvhich all doctrines vvere plainely forbidden sauing the auncient and accustomed rytes and ceremonies of the Churche of Rome the force notvvithstanding and effecte of the vvhich Edicte vvas not onely let and stayed but thereof also folovved diuers perturbations and troubles through the obstinacie and headinesse of the people complayning and finding fault vvith the seueritie and rigor of the same Edict Therefore he hauing regarde to the peace and tranquillitie of his Subiectes by the Counsell aduise and consent of the Queene the King of Nauarre and by the consente of the Princes and Nobles of this Realme and by the aduise of other vvise and graue meÌ„ of the Parliament hath and doth appoint charge and commaunde That the men of the reformed Religion so called doe forthvvith restore vnto all Ecclesiasticall persons their Churches houses or fieldes and their reuenevves or Tenthes vvhich they haue occupied and that they doe suffer them peaceably and quietly to inioy them that neither directly nor indirectly openly nor priuily they hinder vexe or moleste them Yet notvvithstanding it shall not bee lavvfull for those persons of the reformed Religion eyther vvithin or vvithout the Cities to builde them Temples or other conuenient places for the gathering of assemblies together and for preaching of Sermons Also he vvilleth and commaundeth that no Crosses Crucifixes and Images be ouerthrovven oranye other offence in these things hereafter commited vpon payne of death vvithout any hope of pardon Furthermore it shall not bee lavvfull for them to haue anye Sermons or the administration of Sacramentes vvithin the Cities by any manner of meanes openly or secretely in the day time or in the nighte NotvvithstaÌ„ding for the peace and tranquillities sake of his subiectes vvhich he specially seeketh he hath vvilled and commaunded and by these presents doth vvill and commaunde that vntill the determination of a generall Councell no maner of punishment vnder the pretence of the former Edictes be executed vpon those vvhich shall preach or minister according to the reformed Religion or vvhich shall come to or frequent those Sermons or administrations of the said reformed Religion so that they be vvithout the cities Earnestly charging and forbidding all Magistrates others his Maiesties officers to doe any hurt or harme to the men of that Religion for these causes as for going to Sermons or suche other like exercises yea hee vvilleth and commaundeth the sayd Magistrates and all others that beare any manner of publique office to protecte and defende them and to saue them from all iniurie and harme if they neede armour in their defence to put on armour but in anye vvise notvvithstanding to take and punishe according to the Edicts most seuerely such as are seditious vvhat ReligioÌ„ so euer they say they follovve Also hevvilleth commaundeth all men of both sortes of Religion of vvhat state or condition soeuer they be of that they do not assemble themselues together in armour And that no man bâ—…stirred or prouoked for his Religion or bee miscalled vvith contumelious or factious names but that all men liue peaceably and quietly together Moreouer he vvilleth and commaundeth the Ministers of the reformed Religion so called that they receiue no man into their fellovvship or congregation before their lyfe and manners beevvell examined to the intente that if anye man be founde giltie of anye crime he may be deliuered into the hands of the Magistrate But if any of his officers vvill goe to their assemblyes to heare and consider of the doctrine vvhich is there preached his Maiestie vvill that they be honourably receiued vvith due consideration had of the dignities and offices they beare Also he vvilleth and straightly chargeth that they make no nevve ciuill Magistrates among them and that they haue no Synodes Courtes or Consistories excepte some one of the officers be present therat But if any thing should be needefull to be appointed by them concerning the vse of their Religion then he vvilleth them to bring their matter before his officers that by his authoritie all things maye be confyrmed Also he vvilleth that there be no choise of men or entering into league of either part for the putting avvay of mutuall iniuries That there be no contributions of money but if contribution be made for almes sake let the cause firste be shevved to the Magistrate and then let it be done Furthermore he vvilleth and commaundeth that those men of the reformed Religion doe obserue the politique lavves and specially those things vvhich concerne festiuall dayes that no trouble for this cause doe arise in like manner that they obserue in the bondes of Matrimonie those things vvhich concerne consanguinitie Also that the Ministers of that Religion come vnto the Magistrates to svveare before them to obserue and keepe this Edict and also to preache and teache the people onelye the vvorde of God vvith all purenesse and sinceritie doing nothing against the Nicene Councell and against the bookes of the olde and nevve Testament Moreouer he vvilleth that they vse no reproches nor seeke to constraine any man by force to heare or to beleue their doctrine this he giueth in charge to the Ministers Also he vvilleth and commaundeth that no man of vvhat Religion or condition soeuer he bee of doe bolster hide or conceale anye that is a seditious person vpon payne of forfayting for suche as beryche to the poore a thousande Crovvnes and vpon the paine for suche as be poore and not able to paye of vvhipping and then banishment Finally he vvilleth chargeth and straightly commaundeth that no man make sell or cause to be solde anye Bookes or vvritings that tend to the defaming or sclander of any person vpon paine of Cudgeling for the firste time and for the seconde time death And that Magistrates doe their duetie vvithin their precincte othervvise to be remoued from their offices Also if any seditions happen that then they enquire out the authours of the same and punishe them being found most seuerely the matter being manifestly proued to pronounce against them the sentence of death vpon paine of the Kings displeasure This Edict he commaunded to be proclaimed and obediently obserued and kept throughout his whole Realme without exception or exempting of anye person whatsoeuer Yet notwithstanding the Senate of Paris after the first seconde and third commaundement of the king scarcely published the same where as in all other Courtes and parts of the Realme it had béen very solemnly proclaimed according to the kings commaundement in that behalfe But the obstinate contempt of the Senators which were set on
of these confusions tumultes God himselfe the Prince of Princes shewed his singular prouidence care which hee hath effectually towardes mankind but especially peculiarly towards his church to preserue and stablish the same mightely in the iniddest of al worldly troubles neither by one meanes only bnt by sundry meanes as it hath seemed good to him in the diuers formes of rule gouernment to assigne vnto his church an abyding place as of old time in the gouerning of the primitiue Church immediatly after the Apostels and in our tyme in Germany Switserland England Scotland and in other places it hath appeared and more of late in these our countrey of Fraunce is euidently seene not that in this varietie we should ascribe any thing to the rule of fortune but that the manifold and maruailouse efficacy of the wisdome of God might be considered which doth singularly wateh ouer the safety of the Church And if it may please thee to consider the second middell causes and reasons of the Instruments which God vsed in the beginning of this worke you shall see how cōtrary they be and how variable On the one side the wicked and vnbridled iustes of men proue to worke mischief doo appeare a colour of religion is pretended to worke the ouerthrowe of Religion the kinges name is vsurped when they go about to suppresse the King himself and in the meane time the gospeil is accused as a common enemy and the subuersion of the same is conspyred On y other side God styrreth vp many men to preserue defend his church in those troubles because the destruction of the same was chiefly desired Ther appeareth in those mē as the history plainly sheweth a desire of the safety of the church of the Kings dignitie authoritie of the publique peace and yet in the ex◅ution of that their laudable desire it appeareth that they were not vtterly faultlesse yet is the Church preserued in the middest of all these misorders that as it is manifest that men cannot be sayd to be the very authors keepers therof so must we nedes confesse that God is the very author preseruer and keeper of the same Therfore the church doth not triumphe as hauing gotten the victory by mans ayde neither doth it lye vtterly prostrat by the violence of worldly tumultes which being fashoned like vnto her head raigning in the middest of hi◅ enemies doth so stryue in continual conflictes in this world because she certainly knoweth that the heauenly Iudge hath prouided ◅ time when they shall fully triumph The church hath heretofore ben exercised in many battails how many are behind God knoweth bycause the time which is appointed for the last victory is vnknown yet the promise of the heauēly reward is most true which that most valiant Chāpion hath pronounced with his own mouth saying That through many tribulations we must enter into the kingdom of heauen If the promise of God as touching y victory of his church were included within the limites of this world surely it should triumphe in this world by the vertue power of the omnipotent euerlasting God but that her triumph is appointed elswher the often greuouse spoyles and calamities of the same declare In the meane time let vs consider these things contemplate wher in what partes of the world the tokens of that Catholike true church do appeare let vs aduaunce the prouidence wisdom bountifulnes and power of God in preseruing gouerning the same least if the blind ignorance of men be reprehended that worthely because they see not God who hath not left himself as saith the Apost◅e without witnesse in this world we also be much more worthy of blame who see not the light before our ◅yes ▪ nor the Sunne beames glistering throughout the whole world neyther do reuerence Iesus Christ diuersely triumphing by the mighty working of the Gospell Truly gentle reader this is my counsaill purpose in writing these Commentaries to giue thee occasion by preseruing the memory of these things to contemplate reuerence the prouidence of God in the gouernment of his church wherof we be members and that we thereby while the whole body is assaulted enduring manfully our own particular conflicts might with all our mind long for the reward of the heauenly victory Moreouer what soeuer in this litle work wherin I haue traueled faithfully belongeth vnto me I dedicate the same wholy liberaly frankly to thee Christian Reader neither shall it greeue mee too beare the censure of diuers iudgements so that thou by reading these s◅iender Cōmen taries mayest be encouraged and prepared to reade a iust history FARE WELL. The Table A ACtes done by M des Adretz in Dolphini in the countie of V◅ ayas 143 Aunswere made by the Prince of Conde to the supplicatiō which was put vp too the King and Queene by the Guises 91 Aunswere made by the Prince of Conde and his friends to the decree of the Senate of Paris 148 Assault giuen too Cesteron by the Papistes a citie in Prouance 181 Auinion a Citie in Prouance yeeldeth to the faithfull 80 Aide commeth from the Princes of Germanie the Protestants to the Prince of Conde to Orleans 214 B Blesa and Towers taken by the Papistes 137 Breach of the Edict of Ianuary cau sed the Ciuill warres 2 Burges besieged by the Papistes 199 C Cane in Normandie woon by the Admirall 259 Ciuill warre caused by the breach of the Edict of Ianuary 2 Ciuill warres begon 124 Complaint made by the faithful of the slaughter at Vassie 14 Comparison made betweene the Princes request and the request of the Guises 110 Conde forsaketh Paris 19 Conde commeth to Orleans 21 Conde enclined to peace 24 Conde perswaded to take the protection of the young King. 26 Conde complaineth too the olde Queene of the murther done a◅ Sens 34 Conde sory for the slaugher of Mot recondrine 085 Conde returneth to Orleans with his armie 173 Conditions of peace offered by the King to the faithfull 124 Conditions offered by the Prince of Conde at the first parley 219 Conspiracies made against the Gos pell by the Guises the Marshall of Saint Andrew and the Constable 4 Craftie pollicies wrought by the cō spiratours to seduce the King of Nauar to take their partes 5 Conspiracie against Languedocke 184 Crueltie vsed at the takinge of Orange 140 Coūsaile holden at Orleans by thē of the reformed Religion 72 D Declaration set forth by the Prince of Conde the second time 56 Decrees made by the Senate of Paris against the men of Orleās 145 E Edicts set forth in the kings name promising peace to them which had and would forsake the Admirall 245. F Foure speciall constitutions in the kings minoritie 168. G Great cruelty vsed by the papistes to the inhabitants of Orange 140. Great slaughter of the papistes 194. Guyses vnder collour of pence seke to dec◅e the prince of Cōde 130. Guyses
seeme to goe home to their houses 134. Guyses remoue their armye from Bogencia and take Blesa and towers 137. Guyses ayded by the Germans and Switsers 145. Guyses authours of moste horrible murder done at Vassy 10. Guyses come to Paris againste the Queenes commaundement 16. Guyses hauing gotten Paris seke to get the king also 19. Gnyses seeke to staye the Prince of Conde from ioyning wyth the Englishmen 237. Guyse being at the siege of Orleans was slaine by treason 258. H Horrible murder done to them of Towers by the Guyses after they had won the towne 137. Horrible murder coÌ„mitted at MoÌ„bâ—…yse by Baron des Adretze 183. Helpe desired by the Prince of Con de of the Queene of England the princes of Germany 146. I Idols broken downe and defaced at the Citties of Towers and Blayse 50. Idols broken downe at OrleaÌ„s 50. K King of Nauarie being shotte into the shoulder with a small pellâ—…t dyeth 202. L League made betwene the Nobles and the Prince of Conde 25. Letters sent by the olde Queene to the Prince 31. Letters sent from the Prince of Con de to the reformed churches 47. Letters sent by the olde Queene to the Prince 50. Letters sent froÌ„ the prince of CoÌ„de to the Emperour 70. Letters sent from the Senate at Paris to the Prince of Conde 51. Letters sent from the Prince of CoÌ„de to the Prince of Palatine 71. Letters sent to euery congregation from the Counsell holden at Orleans 73. Letters sent to the countie Palatine from the Synode at Orleans 76. Letters from the Prince of Conde to the Queene 115. Letters from the Prince to the king of Nauar. 118. Letters sent by the Prince of Conde to the Queene of Englande and the German princes for aide 146 Letters found in the Papistes tentâ—… after they were put to flight bewraying their hole purpose 195. Letters sent to the Germanes which were in the hoast of the Guyses by the Priaces of Germany to disâ—…ade them to take his part 210. Letters parents giuen out to them which had started awaye froÌ„ the Prince of Conde 212 Letters written to the Germanes which were in the princes of CoÌ„de his army to dehort them from his seruice 2540 M Marshall of S. Andrew being taken and wounded in the head dyeth in the fielde 243. Momorantius the Constable ioyned in amitie with the Guises 3. Montauban taken by the Faythfull 74. Monsieur Montbron put to flighte with his army 181. Monsieur â—…oyse besieged Montpelier 185. Monsieur Bularges got a wonderfull victory ouer the enemy 193. Monsieur de Adretze his acts done in Dolphiny and in the countie of Venayas 143. Mottecondrine slaine 81. N Names of the Captaines ouer the faithfull 139 Narbone is left by the faithfull too the tuition of the Papistes 79 Nemeaux otherwise called Nemis is taken by the faithfull 80 Nemours winneth Vienna 248 Nemours deceiued by an Inhabitant of Lions 249 Noble men of the Prince of CoÌ„des side went too parley with the Queene 133 Nonay cruelly spoyled 252 O Orenge assaulted and taken by the Papistes 140 Orleans vexed with a greeuous pestilence 146 Orleans besieged by the Papists 255 P Paris being gotten by the Guises they seke to get the King also 19 Parleyes hadde betweene the olde Queene the Admirall and the Prince of Conde 2â—…4 Peace offered by the king too the faithfull but vppon conditions 124 Peace taken on bothe partes 260 Poictiers woon by the Maâ—…shall of Saint Andrew 145 Pollicies wrought by the Guises to expell the Conde out of Paris 17 Prince of Conde becoÌ„meth pledge 131 Practises to take the Prince of Conde 131 Prince of Conde returneth to his ar mie backe againe 136 Prince of Conde forsaketh Paris 17 Prince of Conde specially inclined to peace 24 Prince of Conde coÌ„plaineth of the murther done at Sens. 34. Prince of Conde receiueth letters from the Senate at Paris 51 Prince of Conde returneth from Paris to ioyne with the EnglishmeÌ„ 237 Prince of CoÌ„de taken prisoner 242 Purpose of the Guises concerninge warre 22 Pultrot sent from Lions to Orleans with letters 256 Pultrot sâ—…apeth the Guise and by the meere prouideÌ„ce of God is taken againe 258 Pultrot is drawne in peeces with horse for killing the Guises 265 Q Queene of Scottes promised to bee giuen in mariage to the king of Nauar. 7 Queene mother denieth thevse of the reformed Religion too the Prince of Conde 134 Queene mother would haue the Prince of Conde and his friendes banished 135 Queene of Nauar sheweth her self to be a vertuous Lady 202 R. Requestes made by the faithful 124 Roan in Normandye besieged but in vayne 138 Roan besieged the second time 201 Ruzeus a professour of the Gospel commaunded to ward 23 S. Saltanus Lieuetenant of Lyons anenemie to the gospell 82 Slaughter at Tholoze 79 Slaughter of the faythfull at Vassy coÌ„mitted by the Duke of Guise page 10 Supplication offered to the King Queene in the name of the Triumuiri 87 Supplication offered the seconde time to the King and Queen by the Guises and his confederates pag. 90 Suze his army in Dolphiny greatly anoyed the faithful 146 T Talke betwixt the King of Nauar the Old Queene and the Prince of Conde 115 Talke betwene the old Queen and the Nobles on the Prince of CoÌ„de his side 133 The second declaratioÌ„ of the prince pag. 59. The true cause of the firste warres pag. 168 The beginning of the ciuill warres pag. 124 The reasons that stayed the Prince of Conde from going into exile pag. 222 The forme of the gouernement of the realme in the Kings minoritie 222 The order of the meeting of booth the battailes on the plane of Dreux 238 The first battaile wherein the Constable was taken and many Swit sers taken and slaine 240 The Admirall goeth into Normandie 257 V Valentia taken by the faithfull 81 Vienna woon by the Papistes 248 IV VVarre purposed by the Guises 22 VVickednes almost vncredible com mitted by the Papists against the faithfull in Prouance 185 VVritings published by the Queen of England coÌ„cerning the helpe she sent to the Prince of Conde page 203 VVritinges published by the Prince of Conde wherin hee declareth himselfe not to be the beginner of these warres 215 FINIS Faultes escaped in Printing both in the second part and also in the last part Page 57. line 7 leaue out of the which Page 88. line 10. for and reade an Page 97. line last for They then sayd read Thus much they said at that time Page 105. line last for they read the. Page 133. line 13. for orget read forget Page 147. line 13 for oh read of Page 169. line 27. for Bishoppes read Kyngs Page 175. line 6. for a read as Page 174. line 28. for the read then Page 176. line â—…6 for rnd read and. Page 187. line 8. for breathe read bredth Page 188. line 22. for ayy read any Page 204. line 30. for my sée read maye sée Page 224. for it it
aucthoritie and estimation among the Parisians thrée counsels of the Citie sumptuously apparelled and a great concoursâ—… of the Citizens crying God preserue the Duke of Guise The which acclamation is proper only to Kinges Now when they were come there were many doubtfull and vncertaine reportes in the Citie and the conspiracy betweene the Guise the Constable and the Martiall of S. Andrew euidently appeared to all men Who ioyning with them certayne of the Senators of Paris sate in counsell euery daye The Prince of Conde also came to Paris accompanied with certaine noble men and exhorted the faithfull not to forsake him in so great perill and daunger The Guises were very sory for this comming of the Prince of Conde which they iudged would be very hurtfull for them For although the common sort of people of the Citie of Paris were foolish hawtie stout at the first by the coÌ„ming of the Guises yet notwithstanding their courage and pride was brideled and abated euen with the name of the Prince of Conde insomuch that they stayed from open outrage Therfore the Citie by the comming of the Prince of Conde was quieted and as it were newly altered But this thing did very much hinder the purpose of the Guises which greatly desired to obtayne Paris being the chiefe Citie of the kyngdome and a very fit place to bring their matters to passe Therfore first of all they saw that they must bring to passe that the Prince of Conde might depart from the citie Wheruppon they practised by the King of Nauar that Marshall Memorencie the Lefetenant of the citie might be called backe againe and that the Cardinall of Borbon which woulde be at their commaundement might be sent in his stede the necessitie of the tyme saye they greatly requiring this thing The Constable brought to passe that his sonne Momorencie should not greatly refuse this thing who if hée had coÌ„stantly withstoode them and denied their request they had very hardly brought their purpose to effect hée being a man of excellent wisdome and experience but yet withall a tyme seruer By this tyme the King of Nauar was come to the King and the Quéene which lay at Moncaulx thither came also out of hand the chief master of the MarchaÌ„ts an Authour of Seditions hyred and sent by the Guises This fellow declared to the King and Quéene that the Prince of Conde wrought sedition at Paris the whiche would shortly tourne to great mischief except he departed from thence the which if it should come to passe hée to whom authoritie was giuen to prouide remedies for the same should beare all the blame So that with hys often complaynts to the Quéene he brought about that according to his request the king of Nauar should goe out of hand to Paris Then the Guises ioyning with theÌ„ certayne of the Senate of Paris that were fittest for their purpose and séeking to haue the greater authority through the presence of the king of Nauar which was chiefe Uicegerent they determined to haue a common counsell to the which they neuer called the Prince of Conde And this they called The Kings Counsel The king of Nauar by the decrée of this counsel wrote out of haÌ„â—… to the Quéene that it was necessary that the Prince of CoÌ„de should departe from Paris and get him home to hys house except she would haue present perill of sedition by reason of his presence to burst foorth into open and manifest perturbation and garboyle Notwithstanding it was to be doubted what would come to passe For a man might beholde thoroughout the citie the diuersitie of mennes myndes by diuers shewes Somewhile they trembled somewhile they triumphed both partes in one hower chauÌ„ged Diâ—…ers rumours were disperst abroade In so much that there appeared euident and most certayne tokens of imminent sedition Great was the power of the Guises through the authoritie of the king of Nauar The Senat had the handling of the cause The greatest part of the people consented the common multitude being easely led On the other parte the authoritie of the Prince of Conde was not small his name hauing suche a maiestie that the people trembled at the same great also was the number of the faythfull and no lesse was their power In so much that there was no great inequalitie betwéene both partes yet 〈◊〉 the twayne the Popes number was the greater yea by many Also the Prince of Conde perceyued well enough all the practises of the Guises and how they went about to bring the king and Quéene to Paris But hée was not as yet fully determined what to doe for he feared least hée forsaking Paris the Guises should possesse the same and if hée should abyde at Paris that then by the Counsels of the Guises the King and the Quéene should bée wonne from him Notwithstanding he wayed and considered with himselfe the graâ—…itie and wisedome of the Quéene of whom he was fully persuaded that shée would withstande the practises of the Guises And hée could not be altogyther certiâ—…ied That his brother the king of Nauar would be so blynd as to preferre straungers before his owne bloud Being therefore doutefull what way to take hée was the more colde in his busâ—…nesse In the meane tyme the Queene being stirred and prouoked with the dayly complayntes of the Marchant maister wrote vnto the Prince of Conde wisshing him to forsake Paris and to come to the King And the Prince of Conde was dayly disturbed and persuaded hereunto by the Cardinall of Bâ—…urbon his brother who was sent as we sayd before to kepe the Citie Therefore he went from Paris to his house called Fertea in his owne Dominion purposing to goe from thence to the Kinge as the Queene had giuen commaundement Things being thus appointed and the Guises being free from their gâ—…t feare by the departure of the Prince of Conde they appointed a very great and strong garrison of soldiours ordayned before by the Marchant maister to keepe Paris Thus when they had gotten the citie according to their own desire they seekâ—… to atchieue and bring about another principall poynt of their counsels and deuises Therefore they made hast with an armie of men to the king who at that tyme was at Fontainbleau The Queene being amased and afrayd at his sodein preparation looked for the Prince of Conde who euen now also had taken his iourney to come Of the which when the Duke of Guise had intelligence fearing least the Prince of Conde would enter into Paris hée gaue charge and commaundement to the Marchantmaister to looke diligently thereunto Uppon this commaundement the Marchantmaister warned the Captaynes to haue their Souldiours armed and in a readinesse appointed watch and ward to be in euery place of the citie and planted péeces of Ordinance in suche places as he thought néedefull Therefore when the Prince of Conde came néere the citie notwithstanding mynding not to enter therein the whole citie roonge and sounded with the
at the last the streates and the riuer were filled with dead carcasses There was nothing so cruell which the furious multitude did not attempt To this tumultuous and sedicious citie did the Guises bring the king first of all to the Castell which appertayned to the King then the King entered the citie without any maner of kinglike pompe to the Castell called Lower All thinges falling thus out according to the desire of the Guises they now seriously studie and beate their braynes concerning the order of their warres and they communicated their busines with the Kinges counsell which they had almost renued chusing such as they knew were for their purpose and putting out others cōmaunding also Michael Hospitall the kings Chaūcelour to get him home to his house requiring them to prouide for the mayntenaunce of the warres euen as if they should haue delt with the forreyne enemy They sent also Ambassadours into Spaine into Italy and into Zwitserland to haue helpe and ayd from thence Euery where but specially at Paris there was pressing out of souldiours the Marchants and the shaueling Priestes setting forth many souldiours armour goonnes and all maner of furniture being prouided for the warres On the other part the Prince of Conde séemed to be very carefull and disquieted with these commotions musing what successe his enemies should haue and of the euent of the imminent warre being very lothe as it shuld séeme to warre wyth them Wherupon he cau sed the Edictes concerning the maintenance of peace to be proclaimed least any mā for religions sake or for any other cause should make a tumult and declared to the magistrates of the towne and to his Centurious that he desired nothing more than to haue all men liue according to the prescript of the Kings Edicts He wrote also daily letters to the King to the Quéene and to the King of Nauar hys brother beséeching them to take héede and sée that all things were done peaceably and by cōmon consent if it might be admonishing also such as had the gouernment of the Common wealth to be ware least by the ambition of the Guises and of his adherents the King and the Realme were broughte into great pearill and danger for the auoiding whereof so many meanes of late were vsed protesting héerewyth that he desired rather to sée the very extréeme end than warre and that he wished specially that the king in that hys tēder age and hys realme also might be accordingly prouided for Notwithstanding the willes and purposes of hys aduersaries so manifestly appeared that he was admo nished by diuers prudēt and wise men which attended vpon him that it was his part to séeke all that he could to let and hinder them least they did turne to the ruine and subuertion of the whole realme and of the reformed church For there came vnto the Prince of Conde of all estates some from all partes of the Realme and very many also of the Noble men as the Admirall the Andelot his brother and the Cardinall Odette the Earle of Rochefoulcaut the Prince Porcian Piennes Crusol Soubiz Mouy Sanli Estern and manye others which came to the Prince in great number to Orleans These men perceiued wel inough the horrible and wicked enterprises of the Guises and their adherents the manifest violating of the Kings Edicte the iniury offred to the yong King and to the Quéene his mother and the conspiracies of straungers againste the Kings kinsmen and therfore they thought it their duty to prouide for these mischéenes Whervpon after deliberation had with the Prince of Conde they earnestly persuaded with him to take vpon him the patrociny and defēce of the realme for that the right of gouerning the realme during the time of the Kings minoritie pertained vnto him the King of Nauar hys brother neglecting his duty in that behalfe They prayed and most earnestly beséeched him being of the Kings bloud that he wold not forsake the captiued King in such time of perill that he would not suffer the Kings Edictes to be violated and contemned of strangers of whose violence he him selfe not long agoe had experience and principally that he would not permit that true Religion wherof he hym selfe was so zealous a professor to be suppressed so furiously by warre This thing they being the kings faithful subiects most humblely beséeched him that he wold vauchsafe gladly to take in hād they promising to shew them selues ready at all times to shewe all manner of lawfull obedience and to spend their goodes and their liues to in so iust a cause The Prince of Conde being moued in conscience with this plaine declaration of his duety and hauing so oftentimes called vpon the mother Quéene by his letters he at the last toke vpon him the defence of thys cause and the charge so earnestly offered vnto hym Wherevpon the Prince of Conde and the Noble men made a league betwéene them selues for the defence of that cause and then caused the same to be put downe in wryting the eleuenth day of April in maner and forme folowing WE Lodowic Borbon Prince of Conde and the greatest Parte of the Nobilitie of Fraunce whose names are subscribed to this League esteeming nothing more precious next to the honor and glory of God than the obedience of our King and the conseruation of the Crowne aed Dignity during the time of this his Minority established by the Authority of the Quene and by the high Court of Parliament and seeing the presumption and boldnesse of certaine of the Kings subiectes to be such that not only they dare beare armoure contrary to the Kings Edictes to destroy his subiectes because by the benefite of the Edictes they come together to heare the word of God and to call vpon his holy name but also haue taken into their custody the King the Queene and her sonnes againste all Lawe bothe of God and the Realme seking hereby so farre as we can perceiue vnder the pretence of the Kings authoritye to deface true religion and to destroy the greatest part of the Kings Subiectes which in dede were the way to get the Kingdome into their owne handes VVe therefore I say for these causes to restore so much as we may first of all the Kings maiesty to his dignity the Quene to her authority and may also maintaine and kepe the Kings faithfull subiects in the liberty of that Religion and conscience which is licensed and geuen to them by the Kings Edicte made by the iudgements and consents of the Princes the Kings kinsmen and of the Kings counsel and also of the whole assembly of Parliament which ought to abide firme and immutable in this tender age of the King are constrained according to our duety and office as the Kings loyall faithfull subiects to take the sweard in hand the which is the only remedy geuen of God at this time to remedy and resist so muche as we may these outrages and vnlawfull actions For the
what she would whom she perswaded in her letters to take the mateer into his owne hand and to defend the same and declared also at that time by her letters that she did vtterly dislike and abhor the Guises Certaine of the which letters according to the very tenor of them which remay ned in the Prince of Conde his handes I thought good here to bring in The coppie wherof is this I Haue receiued welbeloued Cosen the letters which you sent vnto me by the Lord Guardius and I signifie vnto you good Cosen that I am as fully perswaded of those thinges contayned in your letters as I may bee of any thing and am no lesse assured of them than I am of my selfe neither wiil I bee vnmindfull at any time of those things which you do for the King my sonnes sake And because the same messenger retourneth back again for those causes which he shall declare vnto you I will wright no more at this time Onely â—…his I will request at your hands that you beleue me in those things which he shall speake vnto you in my name who wisheth so well vnto you as if she were your owne mother namely your deare Cosen CATHARINE The Coppie of another of her Letters I Haue talked with M. de Iuoy euen as if you your selfe were present of whose fidelitie and trustines I doubt not And whatsoeuer I send backagain I assure my selfe that he will disclose to none sauing to you and that you in like maner for my sake will keepe all secret Only be mindfull to preserue and defend the Children the Mother and the kyngdome as he to whom this thing doth specially appertaine and he namely the kyng will neuer I warrant you be vnmindfull of so great a benefite Burne this letter when you haue red it Your deare and louing Cosen KATHARINE These things I say at that time were wrytten by the Queene In the meane time the King of Nauar folowing the willes of the Guises and his adherents both thought and spake very muche euell of hys brother the Prince of Conde All things daily on both partes waxed worse and worse Newes was brought to Orlians concerninge the slaughter of the men of Sens which greatly inflamed the mindes of men Sens is a noble Citie bordering vpon Burgondy In the which the faithful according to the Edicte of Ianuarye congregated them selues together to hear the word of god And although there were new rumors daily concerning the perturbations and troubles at hand yet notwithstaÌ„ding they continued in their godly exercises Therefore diuers Bands of soldiers well appoynted at the commaundement of the Cardinall of Guise who was Bishop of the same Towne sodenly and vnloked for sette vpon the Congregation and flew many of them and at the last such was their rage that they killed both old and yong yea wythout all pitye or mercy man woman childe The which slaughter coÌ„tinued the space of thrée dayes and had continued longer if so be any store of the professors of the Gospell had ben left aliue to kill Yea and it was reported that diuers women great wyth childe were put to the swerd and the children most horriblely torne out of their wombes Suche was the spoyling of the houses of the faithfull and the shedding of bloude in this Citie that the horrible murther committed by the Guises at Vassi was counted nothing in respecte of thys When newes héereof was brought to the Court it made all that heard the same abashed Yea they them selues that had commauÌ„ded this to be done when they heard of the euent were also abashed Notwythstanding after these presumptuous enterprises and beginnings after the slaughter of Vassi all men were fully bent to Ciuill warre The Prince of Conde complained of this thing to the Quéene by his letters which he wrote the ninth of Aprill to this effect First he sayth that he thought that the fault and blame of the wickednesses afore time com mitted would haue stayed their boldnesse which enuied the peace and tranquilitye of the common wealth and haue taught them at the length to embrace folowe and obey the Kings Edicts But sayth he so hath their malice increased that they can no more restraine and bridle their wickednesse but do violate and breake al law which may moue vs to loke for nothing but the seuerity of Gods iudgement to fall vpon vs. Of thys brutishe boldnesse sayeth he after so many olde examples there is now a newe come in place to be séene in the pitifull slaughter at Sens vppon those that professed the liberty of the Gospell by the benefit of the Kings Edict the description of the which Tragedy he sayeth he sendeth vnto her Not doubting but that shée according to her natural and great goodnesse wil tremble at the hearing of so horrible a butcherly murther wherby shée hath to consider what is to be looked for at their handes which blinde and beguile men with theyr faire and flattering woordes He cannot he sayeth but he must néedes complaine vnto her of so great wickednesses committed and is constrained also to hys great gréefe to say That if these presumptuous and horrible murthers escape vnpunished the crye of the innocent bloud that is shed will so pearce the heauens and enter into the eares of the highest that the ruine and vtter subuersion of this whole realme by the iust iudgement of God is to be feared Therfore he sayth he beséecheth her setting before her eyes the examples of so greate and horrible wickednesses and considering also his patience in forbearing so long time euen vntill that present day for the King and her Maiesties sake that shée would diligently vse her authority to repel and reform them and not to suffer suche manifest contempt of the Kings maiesty to escape vnpunished least violence and rebellion were planted in steade of equitie and iustice In so doing shée should preserue the Kings maiesty and the tranquillity of the Realme Otherwise lamentablâ—… afflictions were like to ensue NotwithstaÌ„ding thys reasonable and godly request of the Prince both the people of Parris at the hearing of the Rumors waxed more outragious daily and also the Guises wyth their Adherentes wholely bent them selues to warre We haue spoken before concerning the league betwéene the Prince of Conde and hys Adherents All things therefore daily growing from ill to worse nothing now was looked for but warre But before the warres began the Prince of Conde and they of hys part set forth another Proclamation in the which they shewe the causes and reasons of their purpose and why they were constrained to lift vp the swearde And after certaine letters sente to the King and Quéene and to the king of Nauar they sent vnto them that Proclamation also which was to this effect folowing Althoughe they whych of their owne authority doe first of all put them selues in Armoure oughte to geue account and reason of their so doing yet notwithstanding the Prince of
Conde séeing that this motion for diuers circumstances is subiecte to diuers mennes Iudgements and because the knowledge hereof appertaineth to all men would to put away all occasions of slaunders shewe to all men manifest reasons whych haue constrained him to ioyne with a great number of his fréends and retainers to serue the King Quéene and to procure the peace and tranquillity of the whole Realme All men know that after the diuers perturbations and troubles for Religions sake when as greater also wer lyke to ensue to stay appease them at the last in the moneth of Ianuary laste past there was made an Edicte by the Kings commaundement to quiet and pacifie bothe partes wyth the aduice and consent also of the most Noble of the high Court of Parliament The Proclamation of thys Edicte whych at the first was much hindered caused suspicions to arise that these things were done not wythout a confederacie which teâ—…ded to a farther matter The which suspitions wer increased the more by the méetings of the constable and the Magistrates of Paris by the coÌ„moning of the senators also by the often assemblies of the chéefe Marchantes notwithstanding all the whych the Prince of Conde or any of the reformed Churches neuer did or spake any thing which might interrupt or breake the publike peace any manner of meanes Yea euen in the midst of those vexations and troubles they loked quietly and modestly for the Proclamation of the same Edicte in the Senate of Paris Thys proclamation being at the lengthe made at Paris and being extorted by the Supplications of the King and Quéene rather than by commaundements the Prince of Conde after his gréeuous sicknes when he had saluted the King and Quéene gotte hym home to hys house to recreate him selfe Amidst these troubles there came newes concerning the cruell and horrible slaughter at Vassi done in the presence of the Duke of Guise and by hym many of the Kings Subiects both men and women being slain which according to their manner by the benefite of the Kings Edict came together to heare the worde of God. This horrible Acte being reported at Paris greatly moued the mindes of all men of bothe partes insomuch that much mischéefe was like to followe And among other Rumors it was reported that the Duke of Guise was comming with a great armye of men to the intent he might vtterly destroy the churches of the reformed Religion Whervpon the meÌ„ of those Churches came out of diuers places to the Court and required of the King and Quéene punishment of so greate and notable wickednesse committed Thys was the cause why the Prince of Conde going homeward stayed at Paris went from thence to Monceaulx at the commaundement of the King Quéene to whom he said he feared the commotions troubles like to ensue to stay the which he sayd he thought this the only remedy namely that the Duke of Guise which was said to be coÌ„ming to Paris with a great army of men might not be suffered to enter therein the which aduise séemed to please the Quéene and the king of Naâ—…rre very well And according to this aduise the Quéene wrote her letters to the Duke of Guise intreating him that he would come to the king and to her to Monceaulx The which thing being twise required by the Quéene was also twise denied of the Guise the first tyme hée made excuse that hée was busied in entertayning his friendes which were come to sée him and the second time by silence making no aunswer at all â–ª But hée came to Paris with a great nomber of armed men hauing also with him the Constable the Martiall of S. Andrew and diuers others of his counsell And hée was receyued into the citie by the citizens with great pompe the Marchantmaister being their Captayne and the people crying as hée entered into S. Anthonies gate euen as if hée had bene king God preserue the Duke of Guise he séeming in no point to dislike of the same The Prince of Conde returning from Monceaulx that hée might goe to his house according to his former purpose and being certefied of the coÌ„ming of the Duke of Guise and of his company to Paris hée altered his purpose and determined to abyde at Paris according to his dutie to defende the kings subiectes being persuaded that his presence would staye the mindes of the citizens of Paris which began to waxe somewhat haughty by the comming of the Guises And truely all men knowe that so long as the Prince remained at Paris there burst forth no great Sedition Notwithstanding there were many great reasons why the Prince and many of the Nobles which were with him should be disdayned For the Guises so soone as they were come to Paris calling vnto them such out of the Senat as they thoght méet had a counsel which they called the Kings counsell as though a councell consisting of the chief officers of the king were very lawfull The which truly séemed very straunge to the Prince of Conde and to those noble men that were with him Is it lawfull to haue any other kings counsell than that which is néere to the king and Quéene and the Prince of Conde the kings néere kinsman to whome a care of the king and Quéene appertayned and being also in the same town in the which the counsell was held not to know thereof This euidently declared a manifest conspiracy which would bring no small hurt to the king and Quéene For if in that counsell of the Guises those things were handled which appertayned to the preseruation of the kings authoritie and the common wealth what cause was there why thei should shoon the presence of the king and Quéene and of the kings coâ—…sell Moreouer it is well enough knowne what displea sure the Guise tooke with the Quéene when he departed from the court complayning misliking that he was thoght to be made acquainted with Nemours his dealing who was accused to go about to carry away the king The Constable also of late very contemptuously vsed the Quéene in woordes méeting with the kings retinew and being told that the king was present hée passed by so vnreuerently as if hée had met with some strauÌ„gers his proud and lofty wordes whiche he also oftentimes vttered at Paris did plainly declare that ther were some new things a working Also the Martial of S. Andrew â–ª did not only refuse to goe to attend vpon his charge coÌ„mitted vnto him by the kings commaundment but also before all the kings counsel he so contented with the Quéene in brawling woordes that it might euidently appeare that hée leaned to some other greater trust In consideration therfore of these men which seperating themselues from the Kings counsell called a couÌ„sell of their owne authoritie and put men in armour the Prince of Conde could not but looke for some lamen table ende Beside all this when the Quéene had openly declared that hir will was that
moleâ—…eth or troubleth them in their Religion or that doth hinder their Clergie by any maner of meanes And if there were any of vs that would so do or that would behaue our selues otherwise than we ought there are lawes and punishments to punish vs But truely vnder the coullor and pretence of Religion they séeke another thing We denie not but that they hate the truth of the Gospell as they haue of late declared by fyer and sword but this is the speciall thing they séeke for to trap and snare those that before tyme miraculously haue escaped their handes to be reuenged of others whome they haue alwayes hated and to enrich themselues by the spole of others The whicâ—… to bring to passe they care for no Religion And such as go about to resist their practises by which they séeke both the pâ—…rill of our kyng and the destruction of his subiecteâ—… by Ciuill warre they call open enemies to the kyng THese and many other things which time will reueale being wayâ—…d and considered the Prince of Conde testified before the kyng and Quéen these things also following and wished all kyngs Princes Nobles and all others of the Realme of Fraunce and all Christi an Nations â–ª truely to vnderstand these thinges First of all therfore he testifieth that he is not moued by desire of his owne profite but only with loue of the glory of God and of the profite of the whole common wealth to séeke the which he thought him selfe specially bound vnder the Quéenes auethoritie So that for conscience sake to do his dutie and for the loue hée beareth to his Countrey he sayth he is constrayned compelled to séeke all lawfull meanes to set the Quéen and the kinges Sonnes at libertie and to mayntaine and defend the kyngs Edictes and the Edict of Ianuary which was made for the ordering of Religion And he prayeth and beseecheth all the kynges true lawfull subiects waying and considering the matter as is before sayd that they would ayd and assist him in so good and godly a cause And because the king in the beginning of his raigne found him selfe oppressed with a great burthen of debt and hauing but little any maner of waye to discharge the same many of his faithfull subiects gaue vnto him a great summe of money both to discharge the same also to recouer his patrimony but there is no doubt but that they which are the auethors of this Ciuill warre will now laye holde and catch vnto them that sum of money which was giuen to the kyng for those causes and will spend and bestowe the same to oâ—…her vses Whereby both the people shall receiue great hurt and losse and also the hope which the Quéene and the kyng of Nauar had for the paiment and discharge of all the kynges debtes that the people might be brought into the same state in the which they were in the time of kyng Lodowiâ—… the xij that hope I saye by the wasting and consuming of that money should be 〈◊〉 and quight taken awaye For these causes the Prince of Conde affirmeth that they which shall get vn to them that money shal be bound to restore the same againe and at the length shall giue an accompt for the bestowing therof But he testifieth that he and all those that fight vnder his banner shall mayntayne furnish themselues with their owne proper costes and charges And God sayth he will heare from heauen the â—…rie of his poore oppressed people against those which begin warres and refuse all reasonable order which séeke trouble and constrayne vs to defend our selues wyth force of Armes And because all men do vnderstand and knowe that the kyng and Quéene being beset on euery side wyth souldiours and captiued and ruled and that the greater part of the Counsell are so quayled wyth feare that they dare not resist the auâ—…thors of this warre The Prince of Conde would haue all men certefied that hée myndeth and will shew towards the kyng and Quéene all obedience in the which he will giue place to none and that he will not suffer him selfe to be so deceiued mocked vnder the pretence of rescriptes of commaundements and of Letters vnder the kinges name and seale but will warre against them vntill the Kyng and Quéene do recouer their former libertie and authoritie and may declare their willes by their owne méere gouernement Concerninge the kyng of Nauar his brother the Prince of Conde beside the naturall bond of brotherly loue the particuler cause of obedience which he ought and will giue vnto him he testifieth that he doth consider of him according to his worthines and will giue vnto him next vnto the King and Quéene al obâ—…dience And hâ—… trusteth that he wil giue an accompt of his dealing whensoeuer it shal be required at his handes To be short the Prince of Conde and a great multitude of Earles Lordes and Nobles and other estates to declare that they speake simply and in good earnest and that they séeke for nothing more than the glory of God and the excellency and dignitie of their kyng Do earnestly pray and beséech the Queene Mother with all reuerence that setting the feare of men aside whych gard her after a straunge fashion with force of Armes as if she were a captiue that she would according to hir iudgement and mind fréely declare whether part were to be blanted and that she would goe vnto that Citie whererevnto she had most mind that from thence shée might coÌ„maund both parts by the meanest seruant she hath to put of their Armour so they would shew that dew obedience which shoulde become loyall subiectes to shew vnto their soueraigne Lord and would also mo destly answere to their doings according to the lawe The Prince promiseth that he will obey her lawâ—…ull commaundements vppon the condition that others would shew themselues ready to do their duties But if they refuse he testifieth that he with fiftie thousand men more which are of the same mynd will spend their liues And if it please not the Quéene to go to another place to do these thinges then let her first of all seeke that they by whom she is garded and captiued may goe to another place puâ—…tting of their Armour namely the Duke of Guise and his bretherne the Constable and the Marshiall of S. Andrew And although he being a Prince and the kynges néere kinsmen were their superior yet notwithstanding to the inteÌ„t it might apéere that he is in no poynt the cause of trouble and vnquietnâ—…s he promiseth that he and his whole armie will depart euery man home to his owne house vppon those conditions before spoken of Also hee sayth that hee hath a speciall care for this that the Kynges Counsellers may haue their accustomed libertie and that the kyngs lawes and the Edict of January may be obserued and kept vntill the kyng comming vnto his Maioritie may iudge of the matter him selfe and may punish
no doubt might runne before their wyt The which thing truly doth sufficiētly declare that those things are true which certeine of their familiar friends and houshold seruaunts haue reported which doth also appere by diuers of their letters that haue ben taken namely that their purpose is to depriue me of that company of men which are here with me to punish them with such punishments as they had already deuised The which in déed the slaughters and spoyling rapine committed by the soldiers of the Constable those things also which were done in diuers places against the mē of the reformed Religion do opeuly declare but specially that horrible murther don by the Guises at Sens. Of the which calamities they are to giue an account and to answer But as touching the cōmaundemēt of the Quéen by which shée hath willed me laying my armour asyde to come vnto the king vpon hir fayth and trust and too make me such assurance in wryting as I shall require I protest truly that I haue a singular desire good will to obey hir commaundements but I vnderstand that these are the subtil practises of my enimies which bring all things to passe as they lust themselues And agayne I sée not how the Quéene can saue me harmlesse so longe as shée is in that state that she is now in For how shall she resist them who putting thēselues in armor against hir wil haue beset hir round about And as like it is that my brother the king of Nauar cānot exercise his power and authoritie as he should whose facilitie sufferance thei haue greatly abused do what they list themselues both against his will and the Quéenes eut̄ as also they haue done oftentimes heretofore when they were put in authoritie to gouerne The which iniuries done to them if they would remember they must néedes think themselues much bound to the prouidence of god which hath safely preserued them from the counsels and practises of the Guises To be short I sée no other way for the safegarde of the king and Queen than for the Guises to depart from the Court home to their howse and for the Quéene hir self to recouer hir former libertie For truly I will not thinke and beléeue that they are to bée trusted so long as they kéepe themselues in armes doo retayne those bandes of men which they haue gathered vnto thē yea I my self am plainly taught to take héedby their promises heretofore For what mischief is it not that they séeke to worke against me and those also that are with me They openly reuile vs as rebelles open enimies to the King and the realme and doe thruste vs out of our offices and also threaten death vnto vs For who knoweth not what false rumors and shamelesse re ports they haue openly bruted abroad against me Who séeth not the preparation of warres which they make against me both within the kings dominions and also without They conspire with foreyne Ambassadours to make warre partly without the Quéenes knoweledge and consent and partly by hir consent which they extorte from hir through feare abusing hir facilitie making hir beléeue that which they intende not They set the King and encourage him agaynst his faythfull subiectes They spende and waste the kings Treasure in warlyke affayres which should be better bestowed to the paying of his debtes So that the same whiche the people gaue to helpe their King withall is nowe tourned to their destruction And to accomplish their wickednesse at the full they mind vtterly to destroye the greatest part of the Nobilitie which mislike of their wicked actes The which certainely is nothing els but to bring the kyng and the Realme into present destruction And in the middest of these their diuelish Counselles am I in safetie For whereas it is sayd that I do séeke my owne priuate commoditie more than the common wealth that certainely cannot be rightly sayde of me but more truly a great deale of them which adde dayly to their olde wickednes new mischiefes being so obstinate and wilful that they had rather bring the kyng and the Realme in to this perill of warre than for common quietnes sake somewhat to relent They say that they will not go home from the Kyng What faythfull Subiecte would denie to obey his soueraine in this To the auoyding the causes of such present and imminent euilles For whereas they obstinately say that it is not méete for them to depart from the Kyng in this his minority they haue no reason for it For the Quéene is sufficient inough to discharge that matter specially whē as great and vrgent cause requireth the same Let them remember that they were aduaunced to their dignities not to do all thinges after their owne mind and contrary to the wils of the kyng and Quéene to bring the Realme into these daungers but to the end they might kéepe the same in peace and concord that is to leaue it in that state in the which it was before thei enterprised to take armoure In putting on of the which dare they say that they haue done according to their office It is lawfull for no man truly in this Realme to put on Armour except it be by the expresse commaundement of the kyng It hath not bene lawfull at any time by the lawes of Fraunce in the dayes of those kynges that haue bene of lawfull age for the kynges naturall bretherne though they retourned from warre to enter armed ▪ into the court And haue they aucthoritie so to do in this time of the Kinges minoritie But if they were the Kynges faithfull subiectes séeing that by their comming in Armour into the Court the whole Realme is in a roare they would for the peace tranquillitie of the Realme depart And séeing this is the only way to bring peace and concord they if they were good and faithfull subiectes woulde shew themselues to haue more regard to the cōmon profite of all men than to themselues Although truly I my selfe am not only as they are an officer to the kyng but also the Kinges néere kinsman and therfore haue more right and authority to be with the king yet notwithstanding I which was not the first that put my self in Armour for the common wealthes sake do protest and promise that I with all that are with me will depart euery man to his house vppon condition that they will do the like To the which condition except they graunt all men may sée that it is not I but they which prefer their owne gaine before the common wealth But and if they cannot be satisfied with these reasons let them also search for examples let them call to mind what hath ben alwayes wont to be done hitherto in these matters and they shall find that the Kynges aforetime of Fraunce haue vsed this meane that when controuersies haue fallen out betwéene their Princes and that both partes had put themselues in Armes by their priuate
aucthoritie to giue commaundement vnto them to vnarme themselues and to go home to their houses and afterward to make them answere to the same But admit that they had aucthority to abide stil with the Kyng against right and all approued customes being but his seruants only and to beset him round about with such souldiours as they haue gathered together by their priuate aucthoritie yet notwithstāding it cānot be denied but that I haue great iniury I I say which shoulde haue this prerogatiue before them beinge the Kinges néere kinsman and which haue not put on Armour but by them constrayned only for this cause to defend the Kyng the Quéene and my selfe from violence these thinges I say considered I haue great iniury except I haue leaue in like mauer for mée mine to be about the kyng which are sworne as well as others vnto him and which I say and affirme are the Kynges faithfull subiectes and seruants as they haue both shewed already and also will shew hereafter at what time they shall be commaunded by the kyng of Nauar the kynges Deputie to defend the kynges libertie and the aucthority of the Quéene and of the kyng of Nauar being ready for the same to spende both their life and goods But and if they will not suffer the Quéene to vse that equallitie that she ought let her not leane to the one part more than to the other howbeit if she be more inclined to any part she should rather be inclined to me being a Prince and the kynges néere kinsman and let her vse her aucthoritie to remedy the mischtefe at hand otherwise than she hath done before for no man wyll thinke that any thing hath ben done by her consent séeing that shée is of such wisedome and so carefull for the preseruation of the kyng her Sonnes dignitie that she woulde not bée negligent to do her dutie in a matter of so great waight But there is no doubt but that which shée did was for feare of them which hauing hir in holde pulled her from doing of her dutie When as also it is manifest that the King is broughte to that state that he is constrained to graunte manye things against his will. To proue this thing their chusing of new Counsellers shall serue whom they therfore chose that vnder the pretence of a Counsell the Quéene might be constrained to do what they wold by a more clenly way For it is knowne in what order it was done and in what estimation they nowe haue the Quéene who deliverate and take counsell together by them selues a parte and do conclude whatsoeuer they them selues do like of They do many things by their owne priuate authority and when they haue don then they come to aske her minde and opinion And what soeuer they them selues lust to haue done they cause the high Courte of Parliament to confirme the same And in very déede they preuatle more wyth those of the Parliament than the Quéene her selfe can Finallye who will deny that it is necessarye at this time to deliuer the Quéene from feare of this violence that shée may recouer her former authority and so they to lay aside their Armor and to goe home to their houses that all suspicion of violence being taken away there maye be more quietnesse héereafter and the perrils of great calamities auoided For I and all that are wyth me he fully perswaded and bent that except the matter be vprightly and indifferently handled rather to abide the extremity and to sèe the end than that they which haue vsurped to them selues power against all law right to the great hurt and detrement of the Kings subiectes hitherto and also as yet going about to worke their vtter destruction by so many horrible murthers cruelly committed against the kings Edicts should still héereafter impudently procéede in their Insolencie And to take away all occasion of slaunder whych they may haue against me héereafter wheras they say that the kings letters were taken away frō the kings Postes by my cōmaundement I answere that I haue geuen contrary commaundement to those that attend vppon me neither were there letters at any time taken by them which were sent eyther to the king to the Quéene or to the king of Nauar. This I confesse to be true that there haue bene many letters taken which haue bene sent to diuers priuate persons by which are to be séene an infinite number of sclaunders false rumours counselles and practises against me many thinges being quite contrary to those promises which they haue made vnto me concerning peace and concorde But concerning the casting downe of the Images at Towers and at Blais I protest that I was very sory for the same in so much that I signified to the kinges Officers which are in those places that I would ayde and assist them to punish those according to the kings lawes which should be found gilty in the fact This is and may be an Argument of my will and meaninge the which also I haue done and doe as yet at Orleans Euery one of what state and condition so euer he be of prayseth and commendeth the moderation and behauiour of al those which are with me which liue peaceably and quietly with the Townes men without any maner of offence or breach in any poynt of the Edicte of Ianuary And as touching those which kéepe in hould certayn Cities I affirme that they do it for no other cause than to keepe those Cities for the vse of the Kinge and not to suffer them to come into their handes which abusing both the Kings name and his Artillery do séeke to get power for their owne priuate profite For so sone as the Quéene shal be restored to her former liberty and into that state wherin she was within these thrée Monethes she shal wel perceiue and vnderstand that those Cities will shew all obedience to the Kinge and to her as they had euer done before and will alwayes continue in the same so faithfull that in that point they will geue place to no Citie within the Kings dominion no not to Paris which of late hath gone about to cause this ciuill warre spending great store of money to that end and all vnder pretence of Religion And nowe I and mine are so farre from forgetting these thinges and buryinge them in silence as we are wished to do that we would rather haue thē to be chronicled for euer to be written in Tables and to be portrayed in letters of Golde and to be shrilly proclaymed throughout all Christian realmes that they may sée our dutifull obedience and faithfull trust shewed towardes our King greatly iniured in this his younge and tender yeres and also that so notable an example of my courage concord with the rest of the Nobilitie of France which haue ioyned our selues together with one hart consent to preserue the dignity of the kinge Quéene may be a memorial for euer in writing to the posteritie I for
my part truly do thinke that I could not haue better occasion offered to expresse my loue and duty towards the kinge and to get vnto my selfe true honour and prayse than by this meanes and fully I am perswa ded that my King and Prince will consider my dutifull seruice which I now shew vnto him when he commeth to that age that he is able to iudge hereof and to weigh the sayth and truth of my good wil shewed in such time of néede For these causes duly considered and weyed I which haue sought al meanes and wayes to paceâ—…y these troubles which are like to bring destruction to the realme which haue offered and do offer still al reasonable coÌ„ditions to be takeÌ„ for the laying aside of armour on both parts only vpon consideratioÌ„ of the king and Quéene of the coÌ„mon welth do protest again before the king quéene before al the states of the realme that the whole fault and blame of all those calamities and mischéeues which are like to ensue by the meanes of these warres is to be attributed to those alone whom I haue declared to be the causes of these perturbations troubles who refuse in the presente peryll of the destruction of the Realme to departe from the Courte and the kinges Counsell which their armor layd apart would bring peace and concord I do earnestly pray and beséech all the kings Courts and Parliaments and all estates and degrées to weigh and consider all thinges in due time and to be diligent in doing of their duties for the preseruation of the kinges dignity and the authority gouernement of the Quéene that one day they may geue an accouÌ„t of their doings as I trust to do of mine to the king when he cometh to his lawful age that they may rather haue praise reward for their doings than reproch ignominy And not to forslow themselues either for to satisfy their own desires or for fear or fauor of those which seeke to colour their faultes And to conclude I hartely pray and beséeth all the Kynges faythfull subiectes to helpe ayde and assiste me in this so good and iust a cause callinge God to witnesse that I onely for the aduancement of Gods glory for the setting of the Kynge and Quéene at theyr former liberty whom I sée beséeged and inclosed about with theyr subiectes for the mainteyninge of the Quéene in her authoritie for the defendinge of the common wealth and for the putting away of those iniuries offered to the Kinges subiectes for these causes I say I haue bene prouoked to put my selfe in armour and to resist theyr violence The which euen at this day I iudge and sée to bée so profitable to bridle the outragious madnesse that I trust hereafter God will blesse my labours and will bringe the woorke which he hath put into my handes to so good effecte and to so prosperous an ende that his name shal be glorified our Kynges dignitie and Royal seate defended and peace and tranquilitie main tayned This was the whole summe of this Protestation which the Prynce of Conde sente to the Kinge and Quéene by certayne Messengers to whom he gaue commaundement to declare howe earnestly he deuÌ„red peace for the which he woulde refuse no indifferente conditions He wrote also to dyuers Princes that were his fréendes in the kingedome of Fraunce and specially to the Princes of Germany whom he prayed to be meanes to make peace amonge them He wrote also letters to the Emperour the fower and twenty day of May to this effect In consideration of the singuler clemency humanity and wonderfull wisedome which for diuers causes I haue thought to be in you I thought it my dutye although to my great gréefe to make you acquaynted with the state of Fraunce Know you therfore that the matter is come to this that the Guises conspiring with the Constable and the Martiall of S. Andrew haue gotten the king into their hands insomuch that they haue taken away from him and froÌ„ the Quéene their liberty and setting at naught the kinges Edictes they do euen what they list themselues And they haue already so begoon their Practises and Counsailes that if they may bring them to effect ther is no doubt but that the kings dignitie and the liberty of the kingdome of Fraunce wil quight be ouer throwne But to the ende you may vnderstand the whole matter I sende here vnto you the trew and plain explication of al things whych both the Guises and I my selfe haue done in this businesse By which it may euidently appeare that the Guises are the conspiratours and the breakers of the kings lawes and dignitie But I to stay these troubles for the defence of my kinge to whom I am bound both by duty and also by the bonde of nature also for the Realme my natiue contrey will spend all that I am able and my life it selfe And I alone will not do this but a great manye more of the same mind Wherfore I huÌ„bly beséech you to waigh and consider the reasons of all my doings the which if they seme iuste and good be an ayde I pray you in these perillous times to the king and Quene and to al the family of Valesia and set to your helping hand for peace and concorde In so doing your maiestie shall do a most godly acte He sent letters also to the Countie Palatine called Frederike all most to the same effect with both his writings also in the which he declared the maner of his doinges and because he had alwaies wished al his actions to be knowen to all men and to be iudged of those that will vprightly consider of the same he sayde he greatly desired that the truth of all thinges might be faithfully and truly knowen to all men to the end all those slaunders might be takeÌ„ away which his aduersaries the authours of al the trouble to his infamy euery where colourably spred abrode Although therefore the truth nedeth no defence and although he had both the testimony of a good conscience and also a sure testimony of many men for all his doinges to maintaine his cause yit notwithstanding he said he thought good to signifi vnto him with how great care labour he had sought as it became a faithful subiecte to do to make peace and quietnesse Where by hée trusted that he should sée both his faithfulnes towardes the king in the which he would alwaies abide and also should marualle at the peruerse obstinacy of his enemies which intend rather to coÌ„fouÌ„d peruert al things than to forsake their ambitiouse desire to rule Therefore hée sayd that hee wold write vnto him those things which he had great cause to lament beséeching him that for the loue and friendship which he bare to the King the realm he would helpe to further his purpose which only tended to the working of peace and tranquillitie To the same effect also he wrote two
his power and authoritye with these exceptions They then saide And now they go about to make that an euerlasting and irreuocable lawe which they thrée themselues haue deuised and decréed Truly we may with better reason and truth conclude that they go about to make the king a captiue and bonâ—…man vnto them not only in this his minoriti but in his maiority also Who séeth not their sondry and contrary deuises Who séeth not that they go aboute not only to haue the king in their handes and to rule him at theyr pleasure but the whole Realme also when as in a mat ter of so great waight and perillouse they dare take vpon them to determine decre what they theÌ„selues list Dyd euer those Triumuiri of Rome namely Augustus Antonius and Lepidus which by their conspiracie peruerted the lawes and the common wealth of Rome any thing more bould and presumptiouse If they had ben moued by the loue of peace as they say and not by the outragiouse heate of sedition if they had ben moued by zeale of Religion and not by the force of ambition they would not haue begon those their counsailes with force and murder they would haue come reuerentlie and modestly they would haue declared the causes whi they could not allow of the Edict of January And they would haue intreated the kinge and quéene to consulte with their CouÌ„sail for the remedeing of those troubles to the glory of God the dignity of the king and the conseruation of the Realme And so they should haue declared that they were moued by zeale of their consciences But while they go about these things they sufficiently declare that they take Religion but for a colloure to the end that they may draw away the Kinges subiectes to take their part that by their help by the help of strauÌ„gers they may bring al things to their rule Can the Princes the kings kinsmen suffer this that strauÌ„gers shal make lawes Edictes to rule the king the whole Realme 4 They require to haue the church of Rome which they call Catholike and Apostolicall to be alone through out the whole Realme and that the vse and administration of the reformed religion should be forbidden Let this be the Edict of the Duke of Guise a straunger of the Constable Momorentius and of the Marshall of saint Andrew the kinges seruauntes Let their willes mindes and decrese be set against the authority of the kinges Edict which the king the quéene the king of Nauar the Princes the kinges kinsmen the kinges Counsel and forty chosen men out of euery court of the realm haue made Let them oppose and set this their Edicte both against the decrées of the nobility and the cominaltye by their supplicatioÌ„ which they offered to the king first at Orleans then at saint German concerning the orderinge of ReligioÌ„ after this maner theÌ„ they must nedes acknowledge and confesse that their Edict will be the cause of ciuil warres and in tyme the destruction of the realme But blinde Ambition carieth them out of the way to bind the king and the Realme to them as they saye by these merits For this I affirme that the Duke of Guise and his brethren can not deny but that while they go about to molest trouble those that are of the reformed Religion what zeale soeuer they pretende they brynge the Realme into greate perill Let them remember what happened of late almost in the same counsel to theÌ„ in Scotland There both sortes of men that is to say both papistes and Protestants liued peaceably obediently vnder the gouernement of the Quéene vntill it was commaunded by the aucthority of the Guises that no other religion should be there receyued then that which is of Rome Then a certen smal nomber of men for this cause being raised and appointed to battaile by the wisdome of the quene and by the help of the Nobility were easely put down again The which thing ought to haue made the Guises sease from their former purpose for feare of greater trroubles whiche would ensue by the meanes of those Edictes But they on the contrary part more obstinately went forwarde with their purpose to hinder the reformed religion writing sharp letters vnto the Quéen because shée shewed hirself so fauourable and perswaded with hir that it was necessary that the principal authours and many of the Noble men should be put to death Therefore to bring that to passe in déed which they vttered in woordes they sent an army of meÌ„ into Scotland with M. Brosseus the Bishop of Atniens At whose comming most seuere Edictes were made coÌ„cerning the obseruation of popish rytes and comming to Masse The Bishop said that he would soone cal those that were gone astray as hée sayd to the obedience of the Church of Rome and monsieur Brosseus said that hée would quickly within few dayes by force of armes put all the rebels to flight And as cruelty hath always couetousnesse ioyned with it they beheld considered the landes and possessions of the noble men and wrot to the Guises that they could both make the people tributary to pay vnto the Frenche king two hundred thousande Crownes and also assigne to a thousand Noble men of France which should continually maintayne warre in Scotland houses and land The Guises hearinge of the which were glad but the Quéene Osellus a noble maÌ„ of Scotland said vnto M. Brosseus that the Scotts could not be so easely coÌ„quered who if they were coÌ„strayned would craue helpe of straungees which imbracinge the same Religion would not desire to haue better occasion to banish the Popes Religion out of Scotland whereby the Kings Royall estate should come in peril But they refusing these admonitions of the Quéene Osellus said that the Quéene with hir facilitie and sufferance would marre all and they called Osellus foole and dastard Ther fore these wise men so wrought that the greatest parte of the nobility gathered vnto them an army of men and within few dayes eyther slewe or put to flight the Papistes and sacrifising priests which if this had not ben might haue liued peaceably And thus thei which before would binde Beares and which triumphed before the victory â–ª did not only dishonour the Duke of Guise but also lost the aucthoritie of the Church of Rome By this example the Guises ought to acknowledge their fault and to leaue of their enterprise also to haue no more in their mouthes these wordes One of those two Religions must be banished the realme and some muste needes giue place to other some These proud words become not subiectes and seruaunts but a king of full and perfect age And whereas they would haue no religion but the Romish religion established within the realme which they go about to defende by force of armes they bring the realme into great perill and daunger And truly it were a great deale better to kéepe both partes in peace and concord and
he attempted no maner of force because of the letters that came in the meane time The sixe and twenty day following the Guises the Constable and the Marshall of Saint Andrew departed from their Campes And by by word was brought to the Prince of Conde that those thrée accordinge to the forme of the peticion were departed from their armie home to their houses When the Prince of Conde vnderstoode this he came to the King of Nauar to Baugence with a fewe only attending vppon him Wherevppon he was brought through the middest of the host in al the hast to a village called Talsiac wher the Quéene aboade and betwene Baugence that Uillage Talsiac were placed certain Garrisons of soldiers When he came to the Quéene he was of her very louingelye entertained and had many faire promises made him and by request easely obtayned leaue of her that certain of his fellowes might come vnto that place both to the end they might salute her and also that they might conferre and talke togither concerninge concord and peace In the meane tyme woord was brought to the frendes and fellowes of the Prince of Conde that the Guises the Constale and the Marshall of Saint Andrew abode still at Chastellodune which was not far distant from Talsia where the Quéene and the Prince of Conde abode and certaine letters also of the Dukeeof Guise to the Cardinall of Loraine his Brother were taken by the way and brought to them Of which letters this is the summe word for word as they were written I send vnto you this messenger in all hast possible to certefie you that all thinges were yesterday finished And know you this also for certaine that many are blinded and deceiued very much Our Mother and her brother sweare that they will not forsake vs and that they will followe no other Counsell than the Counsayle of such whom you know To be short the reformed Religion if we behaue our selues wisely as we mean to do will haue a fall Ye and our Admirall shall haue euill successe All our power remayneth still whole but theires is broken and dispersed our Cities are rendred vp againe without any maner of mencion of preaching or of the administration of Sacraments This messenger which I send vn to you is trustie There came also to the hands of the Prince of Conde by the meanes of one of the kyng of Nauars houshold seruaunts a note in writing of the Duke of Guises left with the Kyng of Nauar for a remembraunce to this effect Let there be no obligation made for Religion See that the pledge be kept in any wise Concerning the rendering vp of the Cities let there be no delay Order the matter wisely Suffer them in no wise to come any neerer to Orleans Let vs be diligently certefied and admonished of all things These forewarnings greatly troubled the Prince of Conde and his adherents they sawe that he was fallen into the handes of his enemies so that there was great daunger on euery side Notwithstanding his friendes thinking it not good to delay the matter and to suffer the Prince to be in perill when they had giuen the Captaines charge to be vigilant and to haue their souldiers in a redines came to the Queene The principall wherof were these the Admirall the Andelot Monsuer Porcia Monsuer Rochfocald Monsuer Rohan Monsuer Genluis Monsuer Grammontius Monsuer Soubizius and Monsuer Piennius These saluted the Quéene and were very louingly entertayned of her She gaue vnto them thankes for their great diligence and paines for her and the kynges prifite at that time insomuch that she sayd they had pre serued her life and the kyngs the which their merits deseruing honour pryce the sayd she wold neuer or get Then they declared to the Quéene with what fidelitie they had serued the Kyng with their body goods vnder the Prince of Conde they shewed vnto her the equitie of their cause which at that time was in controuersie and their earnest care also which they had for the preseruation of the kynges dignitie and the peace profite of the whole Realme Whereuppon they most hartely prayed and beséeched the Quéene that they might not preferre the immaginations of a few men before those things which appertayned to the glory of God and the safetie of the Realme For God saye they will defend euery good cause and seuerely punish all kind of wickednes which are committed against the Kyngs Edicts abusing the Kinges name therunto For himselfe also the Prince of Conde protested that it séemed very straūge vnto him that some shuld be had in such estimation and no regard at all to be had of him which was not only néere of kin to the king whereas the other were straungers and but seruants to the kyng but also had offered all maner of indifferent conditions and submission Wherefore he sayd it was now high time to prouide some remidies to resist and repell those calamities at hand The Quéene being before instructed concerning euery thing what answere she should make began not to answere to those things which were spoken by the Prince of Conde but to declare That the number power and authority of those was very great which followed and imbraced the Church of Roome and they haue the sword in their hands sayth she and are fully determined to defend that Religion which all former kings haue receiued and imbraced so that they meane this shal be the principall condition among the rest for concord and peace That there be no other Religion obserued followed throughout the whole Realme than the Catholique Religion of Roome But the Prince of Conde in the name of the rest replied that they did not plead their owne priuate cause but whatsoeuer had ben done by them vntill that day was done first for the defence of the kynges libertie and authoritie and secondly for a common wealth and herevppon they put themselues in armour at the first by the Quéenes commaundement for the which cause they did not care if they spent their goods liues so that the kyngs Edict might be obserued and kept wherby euery man might haue leaue to vse the reformed Religiō and the libertie of their conscience without the benefite wherof they thought them selues to be but dead Insomuch that if they in whom so great a number of faithfull did repose their trust for the handling of these matters should so much ouershoote themselues and forget their dutie that they should agrée to those thinges which were so repugnant to the glory of God and the common profite of all men it could not be auoyded but that they should be counted of all men forsakers contemners of the glory of God of the kings dignitie and safetie of the cōmon peace tranquillity of the realme The which rather then it should come to passe shoulde cause them to forsake the realm before they would agrée to those so vniust
to pacefie the present troubles To be short her behauiour towardes me and my fellowes when we and shée were together at Baugence do so playnely proue her consent and agréement in this matter that it shall be néedelesse to repeate many other arguments to proue this thing For there before seuen Noble men shée speaking of our dutifull obedience protested vnto vs that she did acknowledge that we by our déedes had preserued her life and the Kynges These thinges considered haue our aduersaries any reason nay haue they any coniecture of Rebellion against vs By whose aucthoritie shall we be sayd to be Rebelles Shall we be sayd to be Rebelles by the Kyng and Quéenes authoritie who haue giuen vs expresse coÌ„maundements to arme our selues who flée vnto vs for succour in these perilles who by their will letters and messages like of our doings giue vs thankes and approue the same as profitable for the preseruasion of this Realme Furthermore all men know that those our enemies haue abused the Kyng Quéenes names whose willes also they haue captiued vnto them â–ª The which is the only cause why I and my fellowes haue hitherto testified and as yet also do vnfainedly protest That we will not receiue any Edicts Rescripts or Decrées comming forth in the Kynges name so long as he enioyeth not his libertie For probation wherof this example may serue namely That the Quéene complayned vnto vs oftentimes in hir letters that she could not therfore graunt vnto vs our requestes because the contrary part was mightier and the people armed And although the Kinges name since the Moneth of Aprill last past hath ben so abused yet notwithstanding the matter thereby hath the more playnely appeared but most playnely by those letters which the Quéene sent by Monsure de Villars and MoÌ„sure Vieilleuill the xxiiy day of May In the which shée wrote that shée deliuered the Kyng into other mens handes vnderstanding by these woordes other mens handes our aduersaries Whereuppon it followeth that this sentence of Rebellion and all other thinges done in the Kynges name ought to be iudged to be done by our enemies séeing the Kyng is in their handes as appeareth by the testimony of the Quéene Let men iudge therfore what sentence that is against the condemned being pronounced by those which are both aduersaries and Iudges But let vs sée what great fault of Rebellion that is which is layed to our charge and why it is ob iected to vs Because say they they will not vnarme them selues If this be the fault I demaund what they are to be called which comming to the Court armed although they had no enemies in Armes yet notwithstanding would not vnarme them selues at the commaundemeÌ„t of the Kyng and Quéene and which continew in the same boldnes and presumption still But who is hée which at the commaundement of the enemie will laye aside the sword which he hath drawne to fight What doth the enemy els in commaunding me to vnarme my selfe than to will me to commit my goods to the spoile and my life to crueltie and also to receiue the lawe at the handes of an outlawe Is not that to breake the fence with the which God hath inclosed his Church that being destitute of fence and inunition men may fall in to the handes of their cruell and fierce enemies Furthermore all men know very well that I alwayes offered to laye aside my Armour so soone as my enemies vnarming them selues had restored the Kyng to his former libertie Was it not méete that they which were the first that put them selues in Armour and that without commauÌ„dement and aucthoritie and against the expresse Edicts and commaundements of the Kyng and Quéene should bée the first in like maner that shoulde vnarme them selues rather than they which by their example put on Armoure that is to saye by the commaundement of the Kyng and Quéene to preserue them and also to defend the Edictes from the oppression and violence of others To be short let all my actes done vntill this day be examined and it shal be found that my aunsweres my declarations conditions and all my actions are testimonies of my innocencie What condition of peace agréeable to reason and equitie haue I aâ—…any time refused nay rather I and my fellowes haue desired the same How often tymes haue I refused straungers least they should enter into thys Realme Haue I not signified the equitie of my cause to forreyne Princes that haue ben in league with thys Realme and desired them that they would be meanes to take vp and pacefie these controuersies With what modesty haue I behaued my selfe in those Cities which were in my handes Was there euer any signe shewed of violence or vniust dealing Whereas the enimies assaulting the Kings Cities and taking away the benefite of the Kings Edictes concerning Religion did all things with barbarouse crueltie in so much that they filled the streates of the Cities with deade bodies and caused the earth to flowe with innocent bloud Let men therefore iudge by the effectes who they bee that are worthy to be counted gilty of Rebellion Am I and my fellowes which haue armed our selues to defende and mayntayne the Kings Lawes made by solemne acte of Parliament so to be counted or our enemies who putting themselues in armoure without the Kings authoritie haue broken the Edictes spoiled Cities brought the Kings subiects to the slaughter and taking awaye the Kinges Edictes and specially that notable and worthy Edict of Ianuary haue made newe Edictes themselues Therefore if all the partes of this cause be vprightly wayed it shal be found that I and my fellowes are falsly accused of Rebellion of those which are theÌ„selues rebelles in déed and of sedition by those which haue ben themselues since the dayes of King Henry the causes of all those troubles which haue afflicted the Realme also of treason by those which go about to oppresse the king depraue the Kings Edictes and abuse his name and authoritie to enriche them selues to his ruine and decaye They euen they are gilty of diuine treason against the maiestie of the liuing God whose actions haue alwais declared that Ambition is their GOD Couetousnesse their Religion and worldly Pleasures their felicitie who haue proclaymed open warre agaynst the sonne of God and agaynst the professours of his word who play the Anabaptistes rebaptizing infantes again who haue their houses full of rapines and their handes defiled with innocent bloud And they are gilty of humane trea son which contemne the Kings lawes kéepe the Kinge as a captiue beset with armed men on euery syde and which seeke the destruction of the King and the Realm And to conclude they are gilty of Treason which haue encouraged and brought the whole Realme to wickednesse and to oppresse the libertie of the Gospell and which doe bind the Kinges subiectes vnto them in seruice by an othe Those outragiouse kindes of wickednesse and horrible actes do crye that the Guises
and his fellowes are rebelles seditiouse and gilty both of Diuine and humane treason Contrarywyse it is euident that they are the true and faithfull subiectes of the King which stoutely withstand their rebellions seditions and wicked practises to ouerthrow the Kings authoritie and the state of the Realme Of the which matter beside the Arguments which I haue alleadged this also may be a testimony That they haue ouerthrowne the Law and Gouernement of this Realme and that in the Senate of Paris whose helpe thei haue abused in this false and perniciouse sentence of Rebellion And truely they could not haue found more wicked and corrupt meÌ„ and more seruiseable to their mindes who either had their offices by fauor of the Guises or else hoped to come to some preferment by them and many of the chiefe of them haue conspired with the Guises the lamentable successe wherof wée féele at this day And truly we must néedes confesse that among all the calamities with the which God hath afflicted this realme this one is the greatest that this Senat which ought to be the place of Iustice the refuge and Sanctuary of the oppressed and the brydel punishment of vice is so declined from his right natu rall vse that it looseth the raynes and openeth the gate to all Iniustice violence and to all vnbrideled wickednesse And for probation hereof I do not only bring in the manifold iniuries which they haue done to diuers the complaintes the cryes and the bloud of so many oppres sed condemned and slayne innocents by them but specially I bring forth this false and peruerse iudgement which thei haue denounced against vs which is an iniury done to a great number of men whose lyfe actions haue alwaye testified the reuerent obedience which we wishe might be giuen to the king But to the end those vniust Iudges might leaue nothing vndone they pronounced this sentence the cause not heard no matters discussed and the reasons of iustification not vnderstood also they being refused and the causes of the refusall or appeale being declared yet neuerthelesse they persisted in their purpose that all men might knowe how that in the Senat of Paris there ar no other Iudges but preposterouse opinions corruptions and hatreds that there are no other lawes than the contempt open violating of the Kings Lawes Edictes and of his approued customes And here I appeale vnto you which beare the name of Iudges What is it to deale vniustly corruptly if this be not so to deale â–ª For where is there any forme of Iustice obserued where are the reasons with the which they that are gilty are conuinced where is y auncient approued custome that one Iudge in one the selfesame cause ought not to be Iudge also plaintiue Wherfore haue you made your selues Iudges of those men which haue refused you to be their Iudges hauing so many reasons mouing theÌ„ therunto as there ar argumeÌ„ts of iniustice in you And to speak truly are ye not iustly and vpon good and sufficient cause refused which haue thrust out of your society all those which yée thought would not condescend agrée to your conspiracies that is to say yée which by that your Edict put the sword into the hande of the furiouse and mad people against the law of God the law of man your own lawes and against the whole peace tranquillitie of the realm Who haue proclaymed the Ministers of the reformed Churches to be open enemies and traytors to the King whom notwithstanding the King had receyued into his fauour and which also vpon this condicion were sworn to the King. You truly which are growne to such boldnesse that by your Deputies Monsieur de Fay and Monsieur Chambo that ye durst say vnto the king that these words concerning the enterance into peace concord séemed won derfull vnto you and perniciouse and that ye would neuer allow these reasons coÌ„cerning the making of peace betwéene mée my aduersaries to take away all doubt that ye were to me and to my fellowes mortall sworn enemies But what néedeth many wordes Let men coÌ„sider the Metropolitane Citie of the kingdome in the which ye dwell let men consider the horrible cruelties which the people dayly commit before your eyes with your consent will and prouocation Let men consider the greatest part of you of the which many to the ende ye may the better shew your selues to haue cast awaye Iustice and rather to vse violence and force than the law are become of Iudges and Councellers or Senators soldiers and haue chaunged your pennes into swordes and your scarlet gownes into armour ye shewe your selues to be warlike Captaines and are openly séene in armour setting forward this kinde of wickednesse very far vnméete for your calling Let all these things be considered But and if rebells cannot iudge of rebellion and open enemies of peace tranquillitie of sedition also if the breakers of the kings lawes cannot iudge of traytours if I say they which are condemned themselues ought not to condemne others ye cannot deny but that those whom ye haue condemned haue iust and vndoubted reasons not onely to refuse you but also to haue you punished accordinge to your wickednesses committed Therfore al these things being iustly wayed in equall ballance shall euidently appeare to all those which shall bring to the discerning of this cause an vpright iudgement without preiudice although nothing be brought to defend my innoceÌ„cy the innoceÌ„cy of my fellowes against this vniust iudgmeÌ„t yet notwithstanding the matter is so apparant plain that it speaketh for it selfe and plainlye conuinceth the false and impudent sclaunders of the Iudges our aduer saries And this thing I leaue to all men to consider of what iust cause I haue to be gréeued séeing that I haue alwayes faythefully obeyed the commaundements of the King and Quéene for their defence and haue done so much as a man of my estate degrée and calling might doo for the peace and profite of the whole Realme and now to be recompenced with these rewardes as to haue my seruise done to y king called in question my obedience couÌ„ted Sedition This thing is not only greuouse vnto me but altogither intollerable And although they cannot touch me with that note of infamy which they lay vnto my charge yet notwithstandinge I professe and acknowledge that I haue a great desier to defend my estimation and credit and the estimation of my fellowes and will séeke by all meanes possible that our innocencie may appeare not only to our contrey men but also to people of forreine nations and that it may be remembred among all pâ—…sterities And because I perceaue that by so vniust a sentence pronounced against me and my fellowes and by the breaking of the lawes and auncient customes of Fraunce the way to attaine iustice is stopt against me that I can haue no hope to looke for the obseruation of the
kinges Edictes and therefore not to declare and shewe forth my innocency as I would for these causes I am compelled to take the sworde in hand as the only and last refuge The which séeinge I haue taken into my handes both at the commaundement of the King and Quéene and also for my office and callinges sake which I am of in this Realme I protest that I am in the same mind that I wil neuer lay away the same vntill such time as my soueraigne Lord the King be of all men peaceably obeyed his Edictes obserued my innocency the innoceÌ„cy also of the rest of my fellowes be made euident plain to all men The glory of God my duty perswade me herevnto I cannot chuse but publish the same Therefore I and my fellowes proteste before God him selfe before the kings maiesty before al people nations to whom the knowledge of these things may come that we are most obedient loyall and faithful subiects seruants of the kings maiesty our soueraine and léege Lord and that we do beare our armoure not againste him but against his aduersaries and enemies Whom we call Rebels seditiouse and Traitoures because they haue peruerâ—…ed the lawes and institutions of the Realme broken the Kinges Edictes impudently violated the authority of the estates of the Realme and besides this they haue thrust theÌ„selues into the Kings counsaile beinge forbidden before by the decrée of the states after which time they troubled and vexed many faithfull and good men of the Kinges priuie Counsaile And also because they hauing taken the King into their handes do depriue him of his liberty do abuse his name authoritie to satisfie their insatiable couetouse and cruell desiers and do dayly make conspiracies and consultations both for the kepinge of that which they haue vsurped also to destroy the greatest part of the Kings true and faithfull subiectes specially for this cause that they may banish the pure sincere preaching of the Gospell out of Fraunce and may quight destroy the louers professors of the truth Therefore only againste those men and for those causes especially I and my fellowes proteste that we haue taken the swerde in hand and that constrained by extreme necessitie seing that we haue no other way to defend maintain the King the authortie of the Kings Edictes the firmity of the Kinges dignity the state of the whole Realme the goodes and liues of many of the Kinges subiectes and the pure woorshiping of God and the King established by Edictes throughout the whole Realme The waight of which thinges do so touch our mindes that when we considered the horrible calamitie and destruction which through murders bloudshed rapines and such kinde of mischieues is like to come vpon the whole realme if they go forward as they haue begon for the space of these fyue monethes we haue determined for the auoyding of such euilles to shunne no perill and for the safetie of the Kinges subiects and the tranquility of the Realme to aduenture our liues and loose our goodes And as for that wicked and false iudgement of Rebellion we feare it not at all but do account the same a false slaunder impudently deuised and published by our aduersaries And truly séeing we do oppose and set our selues against the same we protest that we do not in any point withstand the Kinges will nor the ordinance and decrée of the Parliment lawfully made but the robbery oppression open violence which our aduersaries shew against our liues and goodes Wherfore I pray and beséech not only all the inhabitantes of this Realme which are willing to yelde all obedience vnto the King but also all forreine Princes which loue equyty and right to ioyne with me againste those that vse violence iniury and oppression against the King be ing yet a Childe Whose vertues appearing in this his tender age do put vs in good hope that when he shall come to his ripe perfite age he wil giue harty thanks to the ayders and assisters of him in his great necessityes And specially I pray beseech all forrein Germans and Swysers which are come already and are daily loked for to come to helpe my aduersaries that they will call to their remembraunce that good name renowne and equity which their Elders had alwaies in estimation and reuerence least they do that which shall afterward turne to their reproch shame because they shal fight in the defence of an euil and vniust cause against a good and iuste cause for the Kinges enemies againste the Kings faithfull subiectes for forreine Prnces agaynst a Prince that is the Kings neare kinsman for Papistes and main tainers of the Church of Rome against those which professe the sincere truth of the Gospel And here I call the consciences of all those straungers before the iudgement seate of God which professe purity of the Gospel that they take héede that they be not helpers of our aduersaries to expell and banish the Gospell out of the Realme and all the godly and Christian professors of the same I also pray them to note and marke the pur pose of my aduersaries who although they pretend the name of rebellion and go aboute to lay the same to me and to my fellowes charge yet notwithstanding seke to suppresse the Gospell being contrary to their ambition and cruelty and that therefore I am molested by them because I séeke to defend and mainetaine the libertie of the Gospell graunted by the Kinges Edicte Therefore those forreiners which imbrace with vs the pure and sincere doctrine of the Gospell ought not to giue to my aduersaries occasion to laugh them to scorne as though they could bring to passe by their money which they already boast of that they which had defended the Gospel in their owne countrey should come to warre againste the Gospell in Fraunce I admonish them also to haue farther regard to the matter and to feare that if those enemies of the truth destroye the professoures of the truth of the gospel in France they will also war against the inhabitants of Rheyne to the end thei by the league made with the Pope and other forreyne Princes maye set vppon them also beinge in their houses professinge the same doctrine that we do And although for my part I haue refrayned vntill this day to séeke the helpe ayd of straungers yet notwithstanding séeing my aduersaries haue begon to call straungers to assiste theÌ„ in their euill cause I protest that I will not let hereafter to vse their helpe to defend my cause because the coÌ„seruation of the king standeth thervpon And because this warre which dayly increaseth more more cannot choose but bring great calamities with it I and my fellowes protest before God and men that we are not the causes of those calamities but they which haue stirred vp caused these garboiles that is to say my enemies that they may beare the blame of all
the euills like to ensue Finally I will and desire that the league whiche I haue made with the Princes Péeres Nobles and with all those that follow me and shall follow me may be established confirmed by this my writing To the which my fellowes I promise and vow that séeing it hath plea sed God to aduaunce me to so great honor as to make me the Captain and principall of that league and to be a deliuerer of the reformed churches liuing vnder the Kings Edictes from the iniuries and violence of the enemies I wil be the first that will spend my lyfe goods to maintayne the pure worship of God to defende the true professours and followers thereof to restore the King to his former libertie and authoritie and his Edictes and the lawes of the Realme to their proper dignitie In like manner I pray and beséeche all my Confederates that they abyde in the same mind courage and constancy that I am of in this so godly and commendable a purpose hauing alwayes respect vnto the vprightnesse of our cause reposing all their trust in the power of God being fully perswaded of this that fighting for the glory of God for the preseruation of his Church and for the conseruation of the King and the Realme God the mighty Lord of hoastes will stretch forth his mighty hand to helpe Whom I most humbly beséeche to take vpon him the patrociny and defence of our cause and to enter into the Throne of his iudgement before whom I shew and reueale the horrible blasphemies which our aduersaries haue breathed out against his Maiestie the cruelties which thei shewed vpon his poore afflicted meÌ„bers the innocent bloud of so many of his seruauntes that hath ben shed and the bloudy and mischeuouse coun sailes against his glory and the lyfe and safetie of hys Saincts so that hée taking his people vnder his protection would shew his power Iustice and wisdome both in destroying his aduersaries and also in blessing those which séeke to defend his people whereby all the world may know that hée is a refuge for the afflicted in time of trouble a deliuerer of his Church and an enemie anâ—… Iudge of his enemies About this time also the Prince of Condes fellowes sent letters to the Emperour Ferdinande to whom they declared their cause and rendered a reason of all theyr dooings and frustrated the rumors of their aduersaries praying him that hee would be carefull to defende thys cause and also that hée would call backe the Germanes that were gone to helpe the Guises And although saye they the reportes of the troubles which were in France were euery where spred abroad and were come also to the Emperours eares by letters sent from both partes yet notwithstandinge the Prince of Conde sent to the Emperoure whom he vnderstoode should come to an honorable assembly the causes of all his actions that the Emperour himselfe might certefie the whole assembly of the same seeing so great and waighty matters were obiected against him by his aduersaries the Prince of Conde thinking that it became him in a matter of so great waight to shewe the causes of all his dooings to all men and to the Emperour himself being of so highe calling that he might leaue to the whole world euident testimony of his innocency To bring the which matter to passe he may be glad that he hath gotten so good occasion to craue helpe to be ayded in this iust cause for the preseruation of the yong King of France being of suche age that the same of itselfe requireth and ought to obtayne helpe It is no new thing neyther wanteth it exaÌ„ples that Kyngs in their minoritie and infancâ—…e haue receyued the Kyngdome of Fraunce as appeareth by the late times of Charles the sixt and the eight and of others In whose time of minoritie we do not read that there was any contention about the gouernement of the Realme because the Princes which were the Kynges kinsmen left alwayes the gouernement of the Realme to thein which were elected and created by the States of the Realme of Fraunce to whom the gouernement of the Realme was committed so long as the King coÌ„tinuing in his minoritie which was vntill he came to the age of fouretéene yeares The which order of gouernement in the Kyngs Neâ—…age hath ben alwayes so approued that Kyngs haue warely prouided in their Testaments that if they should disceace before their Sonnes were come to their perfect age to gouerne the Realme then the States should prouide for the same gouernement The which doth sufficiently declare that this kind of gouernement doth in no poynt deminish the Kynges aucthoritie or power whom whosoeuer resisteth resisteth the ordinaunce of God but is rather necessary to preserue and defend them so long as they are vnméete to take vppon them any such gouernement through the defect and imbecillitie of Nature But when the Kyng shall come to the age of fouretéene yeres that vicary or substituted gouernemeÌ„t doth cease and all things do so retourne to the Kyng that whatsoeuer he shall will or decrée shall be ratified In the dayes of Charles the sixt after he had raigned many yeres and that it pleased GOD for the sinnes of the people to depriue him of his witte and sences and when the time came that the Realme must of necessitie be gouerned there arose a certaine contention among the Princes that were the Kyngs kinsmen about the same gouernement but this was neuer heard of that a forreyne Prince would euer intrude him selfe into the gouernement of the Realme and that against the will ordinance and decrée of the States as doth now the Duke of Guise at the first with force of armes and afterwardes vnder the coullour and name of the Kyng of Nauar corrupting and breaking all Lawes constitutions and customes that by all meanes possible he might satisfie his ambicious minde and get the gouernement of the Realme into his handes And say they most renowmed Emperour you must not thinke that he is moued to do these things for the loue he beareth to any Religion but doth only make Religion a cleake to fulfill his ambicious desire but vnder this pretence he hath drawne a great part of the people vnto him whom he hath so stirred to outrage crueltie promising that they shall escape vnpunished whatsoeuer they do that now the mad and franticke people throughout the whole Realme of Fraunce do nothing els but kill spoyle and shew al maner of violence After the death of Henry the second and Fraunces the second Kynges of Fraunce it was expedient according to the auncient vse of the lawes that the States of FrauÌ„ce should be called together and that in the greater number because Charles our Kyng was of tender yeres Then the States as it was méete made certayne lawes and statutes the which should only stand in force and strength duringe this time of the Kynges minority according to the institution and
in no perell hereafter by any maner of meanes eyther for wearing armour or for Religion commaundinge that all sentences pronounced againste him for these causes to be voyde and of none effect and that his goodes substance which hath bin brought into our treasury be giuen restored to him again and commanding also the watch ward about his house to cease whatsoeuer hath bin ordeyned and decréed in our Parlements for this matter notwithstanding Also that it shal not be nedefull for the said T. R. our suppliant to haue any other argument or proofe to declare our will and pleasure herin but these our letters only Notwith standing prouided that he be no author of seditions of rapines or of spoyling of Churches nor that he secretly conuey to our enemis either money or armour and also vpon this condition that he liue euer hereafter Catholicly and come not to the seruice or rytes of the new Religion that he neuer hereafter beare armour against vs nor do ayde and assiste those that are our enemyes any maner of way But as by these meanes snares were layed to trap entangle the simple and héedelesse sort as shortly after appeared in many when they were come home so there was no staye of excommunications thoondered out at Paris at Tbolouze and at Bordeaulx and in other places where the papistes ruled against such as were counted Huguenotes strayt charge being geuen to al meÌ„ to detect such persones the payne appointed threatened to suche as should conceale any such so suspected and a rewarde promised to him that would detect any such person the Kings Attorney being commaunded to inquire and â—…nd out such causes and to bring them with all spéede before the Senate Then after the publishing of those letters of warrant from the King whereof we spake before the Senate or Parliament of Paris decréed that all those men which came from Burges Poytiers Meaulx Roane Lions and from other Cities which were kepte by the Prince of Conde to Paris should be taken and that they should be punished according to the prescript of the Kings Edicte which commaundeth al men of the new Religion to goe out of Paris notwithstandinge that they had gotten the Kinges letters of warrant and had made a Catholique confession as they terme it of their fayth Roane being wonne as we declared before the army of the Guise came to Paris about the beginning of Nouember the rumour increasing more and more concerning the ayde of the Germanes and of the Englishe men which should come to the Priuce of Conde very shortly Therefore Roan being fortified agayne the breaches of the walles being builded vp and a Garrison left in the towne the Duke of Guise retourned backe agayn with his armie to Paris In the meane tyme came the armies out of Germanie to Orleans sent by the protestant Princes vnder the conduct and charge of the Marshall of Hessen They were thirtéen enseignes of horsemen contayning in iust number 2600 and eleuen enseignes of footemen contayning thrée thousand souldiours Then the Prince of Conde when hée had gathered togyther an armye mynded to remoue from Orleans and to goe to Paris But before his departure from thence hée published a writing in the which he cleareth himselfe from being the author of the first motions and of the ciuill warre deryuing and laying the same vpon the Guises his fellowes and protesteth that dutie moueth him too enter into warre to deliuer the Kinge and the whole Realme from those iniuries and violence This which followeth is the summe of his letter I haue hitherto sufficiently sayeth he by many writings published and sent abroad euidently declared that the Guises the Constable and the Marshiall of S. Andrew are the authours and the first and true causes of those troubles which we sée at this tyme to be so hote outra giouse in the Realme because they tooke disdayne that they should be remoued from the gouernement whiche they vsurped in the dayes of King Fraunces the seconde and were offended at the decrée of the States of the Realme in which thei are commaunded to make an accompt of the excéeding number of giftes which they had receyued in the former Kings dayes and of the ordering and bestowing of the Kings money greatly refusinge not onely to be deliuered from this account but also vsing their former subtilties to enriche and set vp them selues by the ruine and decay of others After that I shewed the diuers Counselles and secret deliberations had they couering their conspiracies with the cloake of Religion and how they began to arme them selues by their owne prinate authoritie contrary to the expresse commaundements of the Quéene and the Decrée of the States breaking the common peace how they contemning the Quéenes authoritie the decree of the States by which they were commaunded to goe home to their owne houses came with an army ofmen and tooke the King and Quéene into their handes perforce with so much grief to the King that hée declared the same with teares openly I haue also declared and will euer euidently declare that I haue for iust and necessary causes and by the expresse commaundements of the Quéen her selfe as may appeare by letters sealed with her owne hand armed my selfe and haue ben nominated and elected by her to take vpon me the defence of this cause as can testifie Monsure Jarnac Monsure Soubize and moÌ„sieur Pordillan to whoÌ„ shée expresly declared that it was her will that the Kings faithfull subiectes should obeye mée and that they should at my commaundement withstand the counselles and practises of the Kinges aduersaries to restrayne their licenciouse willes And as for me if I should not take the sword in hand the King and Quéenes Maiesties and the Realme cannot choose but be ruled by the wills of the aduersaries whom experience hath shewed of late to be the tyraunts of Fraunce And now although I haue the testimonie of a good conscience towardes God and the Quéen who hath power and authoritie to gouerne the Realme and although I haue already declared all my actions and the trueth of my cause by diuers writings yet neuerthelesse because my aduersaries according to their wonted wicked custome do send abroad into forreyne nations many false reportes and sclaunders in writing impudently burthening mée with false lyes making mée the authour and cause of all these troubles I which desire to haue a good name and report among all Christian Princes Nobles and among the Kinges faythfull subiectes which desire to kéepe my honor and dignity thought good after many other to publishe this writing also To the ende all men may vnderstand how carefully euen vntill this present daye I haue laboured sought by al meanes possible to mitigat and pacefie those troubles raysed by their wickednesse not onely because I know what great destruction will come thereby but also because I haue a singular care and desire both to stablish the
fauour with the people who in open assembles would so frankely set out and bâ—…ag of the fame and glory of a forreine Prince and such a one as might the easier anâ—…oy them by reason hee was so neare adioyning vnto them yea certaine Orations that he had made of that matter were at the Cardinall Granuillans commaunded printed at Andwerpe and published abrode Wherefore the people encouraged by the example of Monsieur Begat began to talke of the Spanish Kings name and to boast and vaunt themselues of his fauour and the Papistes in euery place mingled and enterlarded the Catholique authority and power of Spain with the affaires of Fraunce as though the King of Spaine had had the ordering of Religion there and the gouernment and moderation of the Kinges Edict Monsieur Curee who as we haue beefore declared had valiantly behaued himselfe in the vauntgard of the battayle of Dreux vnder the Prince of Conde was by the Kings commaundement ruler and gouernour ouer the Prouince of Vendosme a man much giuen to the stu die and embracing of the reformed religion and therefore greatly hated of al the papists in so much that the filthy bloudsuckers encouraged by the impunitie of the hauâ—…cke made vpon the faithful of Macine and hauing their handes red and dyed with the bloud of the miserable subiectes began nowe to conspire the death of their head and ruler and laying snares and ambushementes for him set vpon him suspecting no such thing and cruelly flue him Monsieur Curee his wyfe and his brother complained of the matter to the King declaringe what an horrible villany was committed vpon the person of the Kinges Lieuftenant and after they had taryed and wayted at the Court sir whole wéekes at the last wyth great sute much a do they obtayned that the murther should be brought in question and examination Whervpon the doers of the déed were accused and apprehended and when the case was proued by so many certaine and euident argumentes that euerye man thought it should haue proceded on be put in further execution that no man could withstand it behold sodenly those hainous and trayterous murtherers were deliuered dispatched out of hand by the Kings commaundment he that apprehended them sent them to ward was coÌ„maunded to apeare and that vnder payn of sharpe punnishment to giue accompte of his doinges for hee was charged to haue done more then his commission would beare him in his house was made flat with the grouÌ„d and he him selfe appeared and was throwen into prison and very hardly at length got out again The murtherers as though they had done well were not onely pardoned and forgiuen but had also great rewardes for their wel doinges and offices also bestowed vpon them A notable surely and an euill example of contemning and ouerthrowing of Iustyce There came out also about this tyme the Kings letters contayning certeyne newe exceptions against the Edict That it shold not be lawful for any Ministers of the reformed they terme it new Religion to dwel or inhabite in any other place then in suche as were in euery prouince appointed for the hearing of sermons for this purpose that they might not visite and comfort the sick nor take any héed or care of the housholdes and families of the faythfull And that it should not be lawfull for any of that profession to be schoolemaisters or keepe any open schoole for to bring vp or teache yonge children And this was the old fetch of the Cardinall of Lorraine that taking away all discipline the puritie of doctrine should vtterly decay and that all knowledge of good learning and liberall Sciences being banished the study and desire of trueth might be darkened with the duskie and lothsome clowds of barbarous and sauage ignorance A practise vsed in tymes paste by Iulian the Apostate and now put in vre agayne by the Cardinall a good and cunning scholler in suche matters and worthie of such a maister whereby he might declare him selfe an open and manifest enemie to al humanitie and pure doctrine Notwithstanding there were causes and matter pretended that in shew were very godly as That it was so enacted to the end all things might bee done in good order and least that the greater part of his subiectes beeing thereby stirred vp might gyue occasions of new trou bles not that it was the Kings pleasure to chaunge or alter any thing in the Edict but that this was the very plain exposition of his Maiesties pleasure which he commauÌ„deth and willeth to be receyued and kepte of all his subiectes The King as we said before vnder coulor to suruay and vewe his Realme came to Paris and from thence he first went to Troye a noble and famouse citie of Campaigne thence he remoued to Lions and so along through Dolpheny Prouance and Languedoc towardes Baâ—…onne a Citie of Guian situat vpon the Sea coaste and next adioyning to Spayne that there the Sacred league might be made and established as hereafter we will shewe in place conuenient It were a long and tedious matter to rehearse here what was done in euery Citie what complayntes and supplicacions were put vp to the Kinge what iniuries done to the protestants and what sleightes and deuises were forged and practised to enflame and encense the yong King against Religion that must be done hereafter by some more large and perfect historie But wee because we meane but to drawe out briefe and shorte notes of the warres will briefly setting apart all long discourses of so large and copiouse matter set forth the summe of that was done in this progresse The papists spared no sleightes no forgerie no lies no saucie malapartâ—…es no impâ—…dencie nor any kinde of malicious spyghtfull wickednes whereby they might by any way procure hatred and enuie against the protest and 〈◊〉 and their cause I seâ—…aunder no man for 〈◊〉 I am bond by reason order of this my enterprise to say the trueth I will not spare to speak it From euery quarter came great flockes of the faithefull complayninge of their wronges supplications were offered vp but when any satisfaction was to be made to their complaintes they were so posted ouer from this man to that man from this place to that place that whilest the executioÌ„ of law and equitie was prolonged and differred Iustice was quight gone and fled from amongst them We haue spoken before of the accusation commenced against the Admirall as though he had ben authour of the Duke of Guises death and of his aunswer there too But because the matter séemed likely to bréede further trouble and that it was such as might hinder and disquiet his progresse both partes being so earnestly bent to wrath and reuengement the King thought it best to decide and take vp the matter before he procéeded any further on his iourney Wherefore at Molins the chief Citie of the Dukedome of Bourbone the Admirall was
declared by the Kings decrée free and cleare from that accusation and that he ought not in any poynt to bee charged therewith and commaundement was giuen that the matter should on both sides be buried in the darke graue of euerlasting forgetfulnesse and obliâ—…i on and be troden vnder foote as though it had neuer bene done The Guises also they of Chastillon were charged to lay aside all hatred and grudge and to be reconciled and euerafter become friendes and louers This commaundement was obeyed and receyued of both sides whereby the wound was stopped couered for a while but not thorowly healed Notwithstanding the Cardinal of Lorayne was here by sinely beguiled and defeated of his purpose thinking by this to haue had iust occasion as the Spanish Kinge br agged in his letters both to haue displaced the Admirall and also vnder a faire shew of this cause to haue violated and broken the peace The Prince of Conde the Admirall the Andelot and other of the chief Nobles that were professors of the reformed Religion went not with the King on this iourney The Cardinall also of Lorrayne taryed behinde in Fraunce as we shall hereafter declare After this the King came to Lions with a very great trayne and was Royally and sumptuously receyued of the Townesmen of both Religions Here they had determined to frame and put in practise many conceyptes and deuises for that if they could ouerthrow and suppresse the congregatign that was here being of all other the chief and most famouse they shold the easier deface and destroy others that were lesse For the state of that most florishing populous church did gréeue the Archepapistes at the very hartes Wherefore they thought it behouable and very expedient by all wayes possible to oppresse and disquiet it Yet contrary to their purpose and meaning they taryed but a small tyme there by reason the plage raged so cruelly that through the stubborne wilfulnes of the Quéene that meant to haue stayed the Court longer there the plague came euen into hir owne chamber and dispatched one of the Noble women of her own trayne out of the way Wherefore thorough feare of the pestilence the Courte remoued from Lions to Rossilon a territorie belonging to the howse of Tarnon their howses being very stately garnished be fore with the Kings owne prouision and furniture and yet the papistes were not idell at Lions although their aboade there was both short and daungerous For the chief men of the reformed Religion were charged to abstayne and not to resort any more to Sermons or other assemblies And that this might the better bee done in all places where the Court should passe there came out a commaundement from the King forbidding That the reformed religioÌ„ should bee exercised in any place where the king should passe or in any place where he lay as loÌ„g as he made his aboade there and that it should not be pra ctised at any tyme hereafter in any of the kinges howses and pallaces the cause also was added least the Catholiques being greeued and offended with it new troubles should arise There was also a pÌ„face adioined That the same was omitted in the Edict wherunto the king would all men should vnderstand he ment not by this interpretation to adde any thing So thus they vsed the name of the Edict where in déed they endeuored to ouerthrowe and abolishe it A fortresse also by the Kings commaundement was begonne to be built at Lions to kéepe in subiection and ouerlooke the Townesmen vpon the hill of S. Sebastian in the highest part of the Citie the garrison augmented with a new supplie of fresh souldiers whereby the protestantes were manifestly marked with the note of rebellion Wée declared before how the Citie of Lions in the be ginning of the former warre was kept and fortified with a garrison of the protestantes and how Monsieur Saltan a noble man had as then the gouernment rule ouer the Citie who being very earnestly requested of the faythfull that he would in the Kings name goe forward in the administration of their common wealth notwithstanding refused to do it and leauing Lions got him quietly home to his owne howse By his defaulte and negligence the Duke of Guise when he liued would say that Lions was taken of the protestants and many complaintes and accusations as touching that matter were put vp against him by the chiefe of the popish Nobilitie and certayn Italians were suborned to accuse him before the King for betraying Lions into the protestaÌ„ts handes To these complaintes Monsieur Saltan maketh aunswere and albeit he had sufficiently proued them to be but méere surmises and false sclaunders and was also quited and discharged by the Kings own Iudgement of that accusation yet notwithstanding no punishment although he complayned diuers tymes to the Kinge therof was executed vpon these wrongful sclauÌ„derers Moreouer intreatie was made with him by Interpreters in the Kinges name that he would gyue ouer his Presidentship wherefore beeing nothing desirous of glorie and authoritie willingly gaue place and resigned his office in whose roome was placed Monsieur Lossay a man of very craftie and deceiptful disposition and excéeding hautie and proud For it is almost impossible to be told with what intollerable pompe and excessiue pride he vaunted and boasted himselfe and how great impunitie and carelesnesse in offending against the protestaÌ„ts was graunted to the papists by him The particular discourse whereof as I haue often sayde before doth not appertayn vnto our purpose for so should we take vpon vs an other mannes charge and our Commentaries which we purposed to make but short and briefe would growe vnto a great and large volume About the fourth day of August a new interpretation of the Edict was enacted and called the declaration of Religion wherein firste was placed a preface at the first vew very goodly That it was the Kinges will and pleasure that his Edict of and for religion should be straightly kept and obserued euery where that they that should be guilty of the contrary should be punished that law and iustice should bee ministred vnto all men indifferentlye and without partialitie and that his maiestie did suruey and visit his Realme and Prouinces to th entent he might meet with and prouide for al such confusions and disorders as were in the common wealth But whereas he is giuen to vnder stand that the libertie that hee had graunted out for the vse of religion did dayly minister occasions of strife and contentioÌ„ he was ready to prouide remedy for that mischiefe And to the entent that here after no doubtfull or double vnderstanding of the Edict which was made and set forth by his authoritie be left stil vncertaine and for that the declaration of his owne and very true meaning doth onely appertaine vnto him selfe for these causes he hath thought good to set it forth in open writing And whereas saith hee we do
of the garrisons which were so nie Againe they told him that it was certainely reported that the purpose of his aduersaries was to take him and the Admirall Therfore when the Prince of Conde had consulted with the Admirall they perceiuing that they had no longer time to tary they commended the successe of al thinges to the prouidence of God and tooke with them their wiues and their children and fled the xxij daye of August the same day the Prince of Condes letters being deliuered to the Kyng in the which he declared vnto him the cause of his departure and complained also of the iniuries offered vnto him I AM SORY saith he most Christian King that in all my letters which I haue sent vnto you since the proclimation of the Edict you haue found nothing but complaints and lamentations of your subiects and yet I am constrained too write of the same vnto you still For if euer any subiect had iust cause to complaine and lament to his Prince and soueraigne Lord then I and the rest of my bretherne haue cause so to do who a long time haue ben abused and oppressed miserably with all kind of iniuries and violence ▪ The which they haue borne the more paciētly because they haue thought that time at the last would ease them of all their euils and because they wold let passe al occasions that might renue the wounds of former warres although ▪ by the goodnes of God they might haue repelled those iniuries many wayes The causes wherof we know O King are not to bee imputed vnto you who of your selfe are so well inclined and disposed that you are an vtter enemie to such waies The which you haue often times declared vnto me by your letters and also by the communication which you had of late with your Mother the Quéene by which you declared how odious the renuing of troubles was vnto you when as you requested her to séeke to pacefie all thinges and to bring to passe that the ciuil warres might be no more begon which could not chuse but bring in time extréeme destruction But we impute the cause of these troubles to the Cardinall of Loraine and to his fellowes your aduersaries and enemies to your Crowne and dignitie by whose wicked counsaile and familiaritie which they haue with the Kyng of Spaeine dissentions and hartburnings haue ben continued these sixe yeres among your subiectes and are miserably fostered and increased by murthers which are dayly committed euery where at their becke vppon those which refuse to ioyne with them Wherin they do openly abuse your Maiesty that they may make your selfe the instrument of the detestable destruction of your Realme and they do also obscure your Maiesties fame while they go about to constraine you to violate the warrant of your faith openly giuen and confirmed by your othe that this one thing might be to all your subiectes and to all forreine Nations an example neuer to credite your faith hereafter whatsoeuer by woordes you shall professe the which how perilous and pernicious a thing it is for the conser uation of your state do ye not sée For what shall they say which haue heard of our prompt and readie obediēce which we haue shewed towards you in disarming our selues and in dismissing our armies with all spéede go ing home to our houses voyde of armour and discouering our naked brestes to the sharpe swordes of our aduersaries and all vnder trust warrant of your faith Shall your faith be said to be a net and share to intangle and slay your better sort of subiects and shal their faithfull obedience be thus tried How long shall an armie at your cost and charge bee waged to gard and defend your enemies but to woorke the destruction of your good and faithfull subiects What shall they saye which vnderstand of the peace made Surely they wil say that we could not sléepe safe in our owne houses that to saue our liues we are constrained with our wife and children to flée from house to house I was no sooner come to this place in Burgandy but there were diuers spies sent to vew the walles therof and the altitude of the Castell And now because our aduersaries would not faile to bring their mischeuous purpose to passe they haue sent hither the chiefest part of their power to hem vs in and to set vppon vs Insomuch that wée are constrained to depart from hence and too wander vp downe vntill God shall appoint a place of refuge and all to auoyde the brutish madnes the furies and cruelties of the Cardinall and his compartners enemies to the Crowne of Fraunce Can there be found in any monument of histories and Cronicles an example of so great falshode and such detestable trechery executed vnder the pretenced name of the Kyng Will you suffer your faith your promise and name to be so abused by them and your subiects which serue you faithfully and truely to be so violently oppressed Shall an vnchast priest a Tiger and a cruell Tirant ▪ with a ra ble of such as he him selfe is rule you and the rest of your Princes the Péeres and Nobles of the realme How long shall your pacience suffer such Iauelles too abuse your authoritie and name and make you the author of your owne destruction How long shall they bée counted for faithfull subiects and seruants which séeke for your Crowne to deuide the same with straungers And how long shall they be counted for Rebelles and Traytors which willingly submit themselues to that obedience which they owe vnto you and desire only to liue peaceably vnder your protection I might be more tediouse vnto you most Christian King if I would speake all that I might to this effect the which séeing thei are more particularly declared in the Supplication which I haue sent to your highnesse by this bearer I refer my selfe to the same and I shall most humbly pray and beséeche your Maiestie to accept to consider and to way the same as procéeding frō him who seeketh so much the preseruation of youre dignitie and Royall estate as the Cardinall and his fellowes are mortall enemies to the same yea as procéeding frō him who only wisheth to liue and dye in that naturall subiection and loyall obedience which hée oweth vnto you Therefore the Prince of Conde sent with these letters a Supplication which although it be long and tediouse yet notwithstāding because it declareth the causes and reasons of great and gréeuouse complaints and sheweth also the necessitie of the warre which he tooke in hand the third tyme we will not let to put down the same in order And thus the Prince of Conde began Although I neuer doubted most Christian King of your Maiesties singular good will to haue your Edicts of pacification obserued because it is the only and most present remedy to establish the peace and tranquillitie of your Realme séeing also your Maiesty hath oftentymes signified vnto mée
the time of troubles and that you thought that they had done all things vppon iust groundes and considerations WhervpoÌ„ they conclude that the same sentence or decrée is so confyrmed by you the which is false séeyng the same decrée against Rapine was giuen forth the thirtéene daye of Aprill and therefore after the Edict made and proclaimed As touching the eyghtene braunch where you say That you are verye sorye that iustice is not truely and purely ministered as you desire and would haue it the which you could not hitherto remedy bycause the men of the reformed Religion had not so fully obserued the Edict as they ought all the Cities which they helde being not rendered vp when as your Maiestie your selfe had first of all giuen them an example of the obseruation of the Edict I would gladly demaund of the Cardinall of Loraine and his fellowes whether I forsoke and rendred vp Orleans by and by yea or no and whether at my commaundement the like was done at Auxer at Suessi and in diuers other places in these parts and as touching those cities which were farther of I demaund whether I sent not certaine with my letters to commaund them to sollowe my example in yéelding vp themselues But to be short if I haue pretermitted no thing which was my dutie to do and which I was able to do can it bée truely said that I haue kept my authoritie still ouer those Cities which are not surrendered To whome therefore maye you iustly impute the cause but to the Cardinall of Loraine who is the the very cause of all violence committed at Orleans at Suessi at Ualence at Cisteron at Auxer and at Saint Spirit the which cities being cruelly vexed haue notwithstanding shewed the principall part of obedience Was this way to cause other cities to surrender and to lay aside their armour Was the staying of the proclamacion of the Edict the waye too make the same too bee obserued Should not the Edict haue ben proclaimed before the men of the reformed Religion had ben punished for not obseruation of the same But they are so farre from desiring the obseruation of the Edict according to the prescript of your will that we haue found some of their letters cleane contrary too the same an example and coppie wherof we haue sent vnto you the letters them selues are in the hands of the Quéene of Nauar being writteÌ„ by the two Capitolles of Tholoz the Magistrate of a towne is so called to their fellowes saying that your Maiestie was sory that the Edict was not proclaimed at Tholoz because thereby the surrender of the Rebellious Cities would be delayed and therfore it was necessary for the commen profit of all men that the proclamation should bee made in the Parliament out of hand notwithstanding without any maner of solemnitie in the proclaiming therof and with those exceptions which the Court shall thinke méete But some wil replie and say that we must not haue regard to a fewe sedicious persons truly we would with all our hartes make no account of them if so be their sedicious counsailes were not effectually commauÌ„ded and yours reiected For it is most true that you were faine so send commaundement foure seuerall times before your Edict would be proclaimed and then it was not so â—…oolorably and fraudulently as maliciously and spitefully done adioyning to the woords of the Edict contrary to the expresse forme therof this sentence 〈◊〉 is contayned in the secret and priuie Commentaries of the Senate by the which words it is plaine that they haue inserted exceptions cleane contrary to the Edict Whereby it may euidently appeare that they are more carefull to defend and enlarge their owne dignitie than the preseruation of your Maiestie and authoritie As though their honour did depend vppon any other than vppon you and although they had any other authoritie to defend than that which appertayneth vnto you The which they shall not do so long as I can find any waye to hinder them And yet notwithstanding their Rebelli on and boldnes is so farre from reproofe that you haue written your letters at the sute of some to approue maintaine the exceptions and delayes in proclaiming your Edict Moreouer where as you say in the former brauÌ„ch That your Maiestie hath in nothing broken your promise I pray you hartely giue me leaue to say that neither I nor any one of the reformed Religion haue felt as yet any frute or profit by this peace and haue enioyed none of those thinges which you haue promised vnto vs but haue felt the oppression violence shewed to vs ward since the peace made to be a great deale more than the hurt and detrement which we receiued by open warre Insomuch that in respect of our selues wee may truly say The time of warre was to vs the time of peace and the time now of pretended peace is to vs the time of most cruell warre Concerning the last braunch where you saye That it is very vnresonable and farre from the dutie of a good subiect to go about to abrogate the authoritie of your Maiestie but that you might when perill is like to ensue and for the auoyding of the destruction of one of your chiefe Cities to alter and change the places appoynted for preaching of Sermons and that you are fully perswaded that the reasons and considerations were such why that libertie was taken from Lions that I also wold haue approued them if I had bene of your counsayle I most hartely beséech your Maiestie to thinke that I would neuer so much forget my self and my dutie that I would but once haue a thought to deminish your dignitie but contrariwise I protest that I would moste gladly spend my life to séeke all meanes and waies that might enlarge the same Let your Maiestie call to mind also that this libertie of Lions is a matter of great waight which also was so greatly debated among vs when the peace was in question And it is wel knowne that the same matter hath bene handeled heretofore in your counsaile at Sangerman when the making of the Edict of Ianuary was in hand at which time were present the most principall of your priuie counsaile the chiefest men out of all your Courtes within this Realme of both sortes of Religion by whom after long disputation it was concluded that in the bordring Cities as in Mets Bolone Callece Ardes and in such other like places there shuld be a preaching place with in those cities to auoyd all occasions of lying in wait of treason Notwithstanding the Cardinall of Loraine and his fellowes will persuade if they can that they which séeke and require the precise obseruation of auncient constitutions and of the Edicts would abrogate your Maiesties authoritie and that they and their fellowes séeke to maintaine and enlarge the same when as in deede they would haue it quight abolished Furthermore it is contained in the former braunch That your Maiestie was
territorie of Bellouac of which he being certified fled and in fléeing was chased by souldiours till he came to the Sea In so much that he was constrayned to leaue the greatest part of his cariage behind him and to take Ship to passe ouer into England It was also commonly reported about this tyme that Charles Sonne to King Philip of Spayne was dead The causes were by diuers men diuersly reported but that which was most credible is That the Inquisitors suspecting him of certain things concerning religion ê“uoked stirred vp the displeasure of the Father against the Sonne that he might depriue himselfe of his onely Sonne and of the lawfull heyre of Spayn Shortly after this also newes was brought concerning the death of Elizabeth wyfe to Philip Kinge of Spayne and Sister to Charles King of Fraunce Furthermore the Duke of Alba dayly more more played the tyrant in Flaunders straining no courtesie at the shedding of innocent bloud wherevpon the prince of Orange being moued partely to discharge his dutie being one of the Princes of the Empire and partely for the loue which hée bare to his Countrey caused a great Army to be in a readinesse that hée might withstand the cruell tyrannie of the said Duke of Alba. He had to ayde him great numbers of horsemen footemen which came out of Germany out of Fraunce and also out of the low CouÌ„trey County Lâ—…dowike also his brother a valeaÌ„t captain came with a great number of good souldiours to ioyne with him COME LORD IESV COME QVICKLY The. ix Booke of Commentaries concerning the state of Religion and of the common wealth of Fraunce vnder the Raigne of Charles the ninth THus beganne the third ciuill war in FrauÌ„ce being more notable than the others goyng before both for the great atteÌ„pts and enterprises and also for the continuance of the same for it troubled the Noble Realme of FrauÌ„ce for the space of two yeres Therefore when newes was brought to the Courte of the departure of the Prince of Conde there was open prouision made on both partes for the warre but both their conditions were not alike For the Papistes had Cities Artillery money and all maner of prouision belonging to warre they had also the Kings name authoritie and power by which they preuailed more than by any other meane But as for the Prince of Conde and the Protestantes they had almost nothing but the goodnesâ—…e of their cause and couragious mindes to defende themâ—…elues who though to the perill of the losse of theyr lyues and goods were almost desperate to defende the same Moreouer they which should haue bene helpers and furtherers of their cause were hemde in and shut â—…p throughout the whole Realme in so muche that it was marueile that the Prince of Conde was able to holde warre and to withstand his enemies in so great extreamitie There were great and vrgent caâ—…ses of newe contention â–ª as the diâ—…pleasure taken for the breaking of the oath solemnlye made the breaking of the Kings promise and common peace and the meâ—…itable necessitie of defending their consciences and liues But the Papistes beyng forward enough of themselues tâ—… destroy the godly were pricked forward by the bloudy â—…uriousnesse of the Cardinall of Loraine Therefore by the Kings commaundâ—…ment for vnder this name the Papistes did what they would the Armies that were dismiâ—…t were nowe called backe againe newe choyse and musteâ—…s of men were had and they were all commaunded to be at Staples the. x. dayâ—… of September The wholâ—… ordering and charge of the warre was committed tâ—… Alexander Duke of Angewe the Kings brother being but a young man notwithstanding he had ioyned with him certaine valiant captaines as we sayde before Then were baytes and â—…nares subtiâ—…ly layde and in the Kinges name the gouernours of the Prouinces published a decrée as thus The Kyng commaundeth that all the men of the reformed Religion be vnder his protection no lesse than anye other of his subiectes that they may haue leaue to complaine of iniuries done to them that they may haue remedies prouided out of hande as it is meete and conuenient for their defence and that all Magistrates should be vigilant to defend them In the meane tyme he that caryed the Prince of Condes letters to the King after the deliuerie of them was taken and committed prisoner to a certaine noble man and no answere made to the letters The Prince of Conde when he had stayed in the house of Rochfoucant certaine dayes wente wyth hys whole retinew to Rochel of whose inhabitantes he was very louingly receiued And thether came vnto him the inhabitantes of Xantonge of Poictou of Perigueux of Engolmoys and a great number of noble men of the Regions thereaboutes which embraced the reformed religion and as for the common sort of people they came vnto him out of all those quarters by beapes The Câ—…ties also called Sainctes Tifauge and Montagu offered themselues vnto him But for all this he sente letters to diuers partes of the Realme requiring ayâ—… of hys fellowes and forsomuch as the Protestantes were expulsed almost euery Citie it seemed good vnto him that they shoulde come with all spéede to hiâ—… to Rochel and then hauing greater power to ioyâ—… battaile wyth the enemie Notwithstanding in many places by the wonderfull prouidence of God there were diuers places of refuge reserued throughout the whole Realme as to the men of Francoys Sanferre and Uezelay to the men of Languedoe Montalban Castrealby and Milliaulde to the men of Dolpheny which at that time were in great perill the Cities of Uiuaretze were reserued as Albenac Priuac and many others But before the Prince of Conde began any warre he published a certaine solemne declaration of the causes of the same In manner and forme as followeth I protest before God and his Angels and before this holy assembly that â—…as I also declared in my last letters which I sent vnto the King my Lord intend to do nothing against his Maiestie which may either hurt his person or dignitie but taking him for my Kinge and supreme Lorde next vnder God by him so appoynted I protest that whatsoeuer I doe is for no other cause but to keepe and defende the liberties of our consciences the free vse of the reformed Religion our lyues honours and goods from the tyrannie and oppression of the Cardinall of Loraine and his fellowes â–ª the whiche tyrannie they haue alwayes hytherto shewed and minde still to vse towards the men of the reformed Religion contrary to our kings will whiche he hath openly declared by publique Edicts and decrees thereby breaking the common peace and tranquiâ—…itie And for this cause to the end I may defend their lyues honours goods and the libertie of their consâ—…ences which professe the reformed religion I affirâ—…e that I wyll spende bothe my lyfe and whatso euer eâ—…se God hath giuen vnto me And bâ—…cause there came souldiers daye by daye vnto
of God comprehended in the Canonical bookes of the holy scripture that we swarue from the doctrine of the prophets and apostles we will forthwith lend our handes and giue place to such as will instruct vs better in the word of GOD if we erre in any article than we haue bene from the beginning for which cause and the better to effect so happie a purpose we desier nothing more than a conuocation of a counsell frée and generall and lawful ly called wherein as euery one may haue hearing and scope to reduce his reasons at large so the same to be eyther confirmed or conuinced by the only woord of God the true meane vsed in al times of antiquitie vpon like ocâ—asion By which meane Sir also it is not to be doub ted that God by his speciall grace will not vnseale the eyes of your maiestie and so giue you spéedye and true sight into the hartes and willes of your subiects reconciled and knit with an indissoluble bond your Realme returned into his first estate beawty and dignitie to the shame and confusion of yours and our coÌ„mon enemies who by their subtill and priuie intelligences wyth the house of Spayne haue with sinister pollicyes translated the late storme and tempeste of the lowe Countreys to your Realme and almost thundered it vpon the type of your crowne humbly desiringe your maiesty to enter precise consideration and iudgement whether it be better to expecte of two armies already assembled within your realme a firy and bloudy victory yéeldinge equall frute to the conquerour and he that is ouercome or else to employe them togyther in the seruice of your maiestyes affayres in so many goodly occasions presently offered importing no lesse the rest and aduauncement of your crowne and realme than any that euer happened in your tyme returning also by that meane the storme to the place from whence it came wherin the said princes Lordes Knightes Gentlemen with all the rest of their companyes be vnfaynedly resolued as in all other thynges tendinge to the greatnesse of your Noble estate to employ their liues goods with al other meanes wherewith God had endued them euen to the last drop of their bloud acknowledging in this world no other so ueraintie or principalitie than yours in whose obedyence and subiection they â—…o desire to liue and dye The same being also such and al that a soueraigne and naturall Prince is to exspect or desire of his faithfull louing subiects and seruants This request thus deuised and written the Princes sent a trumpet to the catholikes camp to obtayne passeport for a Gentleman to go to his maiestie which being refused the Admiral found meanes to send a coppie of it to the Marshall Montmorancy to present to the King who about the xix of Iulye following returned a messenger to the Admirall to let him knowe that he had presented the requeste to his maiesty who would not looke on it sayinge he would neyther heare nor sée any thing comming from him afore he had put himselfe in obedience and fauour of his maiestie who then assured him to receiue and embrace him when and as often as he would put himselfe in endeuour To this message by letter the Admirall aunswered the. xxvi of the same moneth that séeinge his maiestye would not receyue the said request he could not otherwyse chuse than leaue the matter to the iudgement of al christian Princes not touched with passion or partial affection whither they vsed not indeuour to come vnder the dutifull obedience of his maiestie or not labouringe for their part by all their possible meanes to quench the manifold calamities houering to ouerwhelme the whole realme and so sette themselues within the fauour and grace of the king But now séeinge that there be some will not spare the vniuersall destruction of the realme onely to rauishe their lyues and erercyse of theyr religion they would looke more neare than afore for the remedy The Kinges brother being at Lohes had aduertisement of the sieege of Luzignan dispatching with all diligence the Duke of Guyse to get within Poictiers as well to hinder the taking of the towne as to turne the siéege from Luzignan notwithstanding he was ther no sooner than the castell was rendered The Duke of Guise arriued at Poytiers with the Mar quise du Meine his brother on Fryday xxii of Iuly entring by the Bridge Anioubert with his companies which were about fiftéene hundreth horsemen amoÌ„gst whom were foure hundreth Italians gouerned by the lord Paule Sforce brother to the Counte de Sainct Fiour and one Cornet of Reisters These succoures assured greatly them within the Towne who otherwayes might happely haue treÌ„bled at the comming of the Princes campe There were within Poyctiers afore the Guyses comming the Counte du Lude his thrée brethren de Chastel liers de Sautere and de Briançon the Lordes de Ruffec de la Riuiere Boisequin de Ferraques d' Argence de Rouet other lordes and Knights of the Order and Captaynes of horsemen with part of their companies There were also of footemen the companies of the Captayne 's Passac la-Prade la Vacherie d' Arsac le Lis Bois-vert Boneau Boulande Iarrie with certaine other besides vi companies of footemen raysed by the inhabitants of the town The generall number of Catholike Souldiours of all sortes as well footemen as horsemen straungers as townesmen during this siéege whereof shall be spoken hereafter were v. or vi thousand meÌ„ they had vi péeces of Artillerie as two or thrée meanes and certeyn lessâ—… péeces in the Castell The Princes after the rendering of Luzignan and afore they besieged Poyctiers tooke Monstruel Bonyn Bouché Sansay Viuone with other little Castelles about Poyctiers thereby to hold the Catholiques more strayt In which meane while the princes horssemen made ordinarie roades euen to the gates of Poyctiers burninge many Abbayes Priories and Temples The 24. day the said horsemen as wel French as Allemans presented theÌ„selues in battayl before the town on that side which is aboue the Abbay of S. Cyprieâ—… vntill very néere S. Benoit being deuided into two great hostes Certeyn horsemen of the town issued out at the gate toward the bridge Anioubert with certayn numbers of shot on foote who without any thing dooinge retired into the towne and the horsemen of the Religion into their seuerall quarters The 25. day of the same moneth the Princes foot meÌ„ and horsemen presented agayne before the town about noone The footemen gaue a hoat charge vppon the suÌ„burbes de la Cueille where the Capteyne Bois-vert with hsi companie lodged behind a little trench makinge negligent watch were sodenly set vpon and the moste part killed the rest being forced to retyre more lowe to the suburbs S. Ladre were valiantly followed by them of the religion euen to the postes and houses ioyning to the gate of the suburbes There began a hoat skirmish which lasted almost fyue houres vntill the night deuyded them they of the
the Realme in the kings minoritie For though by the lawe of Fraunce neither the inheritance nor the administration of the Realme is graunted to women yet through the cowardly negligence of Anthonie king of Nauarre the sayde Gatherine de Medices the kinges mother against the custome of the Realme was ioyned with him in that office of protectorship She fearing the presumption and fierce pride of the Guisians wrote to the Prince of Conde with hir owne hand which letters are yet remayning and at the assemblie of the Princes of Germanie at Franckeford holden vnder Ferdinande the Emperoure were produced and opēly read about ten yeares past wherein shée earnestly besought him in so great hardnesse and distresse not to forsake hir but to account both the mother and the children that is both hir self and the king and the kyngs brethren committed to his faith and natural kindnesse that he should with al spéede prouide for their common safetie assuring him that she would so imprint in the kinges mind his trauel taken in that behalf that he should neuer be loser by it Within few daies after the Duke of Guise well knowing howe great authoritie the name of the king would carie in France and to the intēt that he would not séeme to attempt any thing rather of his own head than by the priuitie of the king hauing atteined fitte partners to ioyne with him in these enterprises he got the king into his power Which thing being knowen abrode many hard incombrances ther vpon sodainly rising a great part of the nobilitie of France maruelously troubled with it the Prince of Conde by aduise of his friends thought it best for him to take certaine towns furnish them with garrisons which was the beginning of the first ciuil warre For the Prince of Conde alleaged the cause of his taking armour to be the defence of the kings Edict wherin cōsisted the safetie of the common weale and that it could not be repealed without most assured vndoing of the nation of Fraunce destruction of the nobilitie by reason of the excéeding great multitude of those that dayly ioyned themselues to that Religion Of which number suche as being of noble birthe were in power dignitie wealth and credite aboue the rest thought it not méete for them to suffer the punishmentes and crueltie accustomed to be extended vpon the professors thereof beside that they helde them discontented that the Duke of Guise a newe come a straunger translated from the forestes of Loraine into Fraunce did take vppon him in Fraunce so great courage and so high dominion and power Thereto was added the Quéenes mothers singular care as was reported for cōseruation of peace and repressing the rage of the Guisians Upō whiche opinion it is certayne that aboue twentie thousande men hauing regarde onely to the Quéenes inclination ioyned themselues to the side of those of the Religion and to the defence of their profession which at that time had beūeged the force of the kinges power ▪ After certaine battailes and many losses on both paris the Duke of Guise slaine within a yéere peace was made with this cōdition that they of the Religion should haue frée libertie thereof and should haue assemblies preachings for the exercise of the same in certaine places This peace continued in force but not in all places during fiue yeares for in the moste townes and iurisdictions the officers that were affectionate to the Romishe side whom they commonly call Catholikes did all the displeasures they could to those of the Religion Therfore whē Ferdinando Aluares de Toledo commōly called Duke of Alua was leading an armie not farre from the frontiers of Fraunce against those of the lowe countrey which embraced the reformed Religiō against the will of the king of Spaine the Quéene mother caused to be leuied and brought into Fraunce sixe thousand Switzers for a defence as she caused it to be bruted but as the successe hathe proued for this intent that the Prince of Conde the Admirall and other Noble men of the Religion if they escaped the treasons prepared for them and listed to defende themselues by force and trie it by battaile might bée sodeinlye oppressed ere they were prouided For the courtiers whiche then had the managing of these matters did not at that time wel trust the souldiers of Fraunce Many things pertaining to the course of that time and the renewing of the warre must here for hast to our present purpose be necessarily omitted When the warre had endured about sixe monethes peace was made with the same conditions that wée haue aboue rehearsed that all men should haue frée libertie to followe and professe the Religiō reformed ▪ For this was euer one and the last condition vpon all the warres But within fewe dayes or monethes after it was plainly vnderstoode that the same peace was full of guile and treason and finally that it was no peace but most cruel warre cloaked vnder the name of peace For forthwith al those towns which they of the Religion had yelded vp were possessed and strengthened with garrisons of souldiers of the contrary side sauing onely one towne on the sea ceast of Xantoigne commonly called Rochell For the men of that towne about two hundreth yeares past had yelded themselues to the kinges power allegeance with this condition that they should neuer be constrayned against their will to receiue any garrison souldiers Also the Prince of Conde and the Admirall were aduertised that there was treason agayne prepared to entrappe them by Tauaignes a man giuen to murther and mischiefe which had lately bin made Marshall of Fraunce and that if they did not spedely auoyde the same it should shortly come to passe that they should be deceiued and taken by him and deliuered vp to the crueltie of their aduersaries Upon the receit of these aduertisementes they immediatly make haste to Rochell carying with them their wiues yong children which was the beginning of the thirde ciuill warre the most sharpe and miserable of all the rest There was at that time in the court Charles Cardinall of Loraine brother to the Duke of Guise whiche as is aboue saide was slayne in the first warre one accompted most subtill and craftie of all the rest but of a terrible cruell and troublesome disposition so as he was thought intollerable euen at Rome it selfe This man they of the reformed Religion reported to be the most sharpe and hatefull enimie of their profession and him they abhorred aboue all other for the crueltie of his nature and named him the firebrand of all ciuill flames He at the beginning of the third ciuill warre persuaded the king to publishe an Edict that no man professe any Religion but the Romishe or Popishe and that whosoeuer would embrace any other should be cōpted as traytours In that same Edict printed at Paris this sentence was expressely conteined and for the strangenesse of the matter and for that it stayned
the kyngs name with the most dishonorable spot of periurie and breache of faith it was in other impressions afterward omitted And it was further then declared that albeit the king had in many Edictes before that time permitted the fréedome of Religion yet his meaning euer was to reteine and cause to be reteined of all men the onely Romishe or Popishe Religion within his Realme After many ouerthrowes on both partes giuen and receyued wheras the end of this third warre was thought likely to be the harder by reason of the breach of faith in the yéeres before and on the other side the state of the Realme by reason of the wast that the Cities were brought vnto and the extreme pouertie of the meane people and his husbandmi did require some treatie of composition the king sent messengers to the Admirall to signifie vnto him in the kinges name that the king himselfe had at length founde out a moste sure waye of peace and concorde namely that the armies of both parties ioyned togither should go into the lowe countrey against the Duke of Alua which had bin the authour of the late calamities in Fraunce He signified further that he had great causes of querels against the king of Spayne and this principally that he had inuaded and helde by force sodenly slaying all the souldiers there an Islande of the newe found world called Florida which had bin taken by the French and kept vnder his dominion and likewyse the Marquesdome of Finall the inhabitantes whereof had but a litle time before yelded themselues to the kinges subiection and allegeance He saide that the most stedfast band of concord should be that forein warre and that there could no other better meane be deuised to drowne the memorie of the former dissentions in eternall forgetfulnesse To the performance herof he said it was a matter of most apte opportunitie that Lodouic Counte of Nassaw brother to the Prince of Aurange had bin now two yéeres in the Admiralles camp to whom the Admirall gaue principall credit in all things and that by him and his fellowes of the lowe countrey other whom he vnderstoode to fauour his part it might easily be brought to passe that certaine Cities might be surprised and thereby great aduantage be attained to the atchieuing of the warre The Admiral hearing these things was maruellously troubled For albeit he doubted not of the kings fidelitie yet therwithall many thinges fell into his minde to be considered as the power of the Cardinall the rest of the Guisians who were well knowne to haue bin at all times most affectionate to the king of Spayne For the Duke of Guise had lefte a sonne a very yong man called Henry to whom the Quéene had giuen al the offices and places of honor that his father had borne before being vnfit therto by age and against the ancient lawes and customes and also through the traiterous infidelitie of certaine of the kinges counsaylers whom she knewe for their affection to Popishe Religion to be moste addicted to the Spanish king and that diuers of them had great yéerely pensions of him and did disclose vnto him the affaires of the Realme He remembred howe hereby it came to passe that the same kinges Embassadour which among strange nations séemed vtterly incredible was admitted into the priuie Counsell of Fraunce and that one Biragio a Lumbard and as it is reported a traytour to his owne countrey otherwise altogither vnlearned and specially ignorant of the ciuill lawe was yet for the subtiltie of his witte aduanced to so ḡreat honour that he executed the Chauncellers office Michaell Hospitall being displaced a man knowen to be such a one as there was not in all degrées of mē any either more wise or more learned or more zelously louing his countrey Herewithall he considered the slaunderous cauillations of his aduersaries to whom hereby might seme an occasion giuen as if the Admirall were of a troublesome nature and could not abide any quietnesse nor could long reste at home without some tumultuous stirre Herevnto the messengers replied as they were able therewithall alleaged this cause of so sodaine hatred against the Spanishe king that one Albenie late returned out of Spaine had infourmed the king the Quéene mother for certaintie that king Philip a few monethes before had poysoned his wife the French kings sister and had spred rumors of hir throughout all Spaine such as for the honour of many persones are méete not to be disclosed But nothing moued the Admirall so much as the cherefull earnestnesse of Lodouic of Nassaw who assone as he was aduertised of that purpose of the king omitted nothing that he thought might serue to encourage the Admirall therevnto The Admirall perswaded hereby nothing fearyng the infidelitie of those of the Courte gaue his mynde to hearken to composition And so was the thyrde ciuill warre ended and the peace concluded with the same conditions that were before that euery man should haue frée libertie to vse and professe the Religion Within few moneths after this diuers princes of Germanie that fauoured the Religion refourmed and among those the thrée Electors the Palsgraue the Duke of Saxonie and the Marques of Brandeburge sent their Embassadours into France to the king to gratulate vnto him for the newe reconciliation of his subiectes And bicause they accompted it greatly to behoue themselues that the same concorde should remaine stedfast and of long continuance they promised that if any would for that cause procure trouble or make warre vppon him either within his own dominiōs or without they and their followers should be ready to defend him To this embassage the king first by wordes afterwarde by a booke subscribed with his own hand answered and gaue his faith that he would for euer most sacredly and faithfully obserue his Edict of pacification Hereby so much the more willingly the Admirall suffered him selfe to be drawne to the said purposes for the lowe countrey although oftentimes calling to minde the nature of the Quéene mother he vsed to saye to diuers and specially to Theligny to whome he afterwarde maried his daughter that he greatly suspected the rolling wit of that woman For saith he so soone as she hath brought vs into that preparatiō against the lowe countrey she will leaue vs in the midst Neuerthelesse the Counte of Nassaw writeth to his brother and they conferring their aduises together sent messengers to the king that if it please him to deale with the matter of the lowe countrey they will shortly so doe that he shall by their many and great seruices well perceiue their affection and deuotion towarde him The king writeth againe to them in most louing termes saying that their message most highly pleased him and he gaue to them both his harty thankes About the same time Maximilian the Emperour pitying the estate of the prince of Aurange as he said treated by his Embassadours with the king of Spaine and had in manner
the slaughter of the Admirall and his adherentes was done by the Kings commaundement for so was his maiesties expresse pleasure bicause they had conspired to kil him and his brethren and the Quéene his mother and the Kyng of Nauarre And farther that the King did forbid that from thenceforthe there should be no moe assemblies holden nor preachings vsed of the Religion After the Kinges oratioÌ„ ended Christopher Thuane PresideÌ„t of that ParliameÌ„t a man very notable for his light brain and his cruell heart did with very large wordes congratulate vnto the King that he had now with guile and subtiltie ouercom these his enimies whome he could neuer vanquishe by armes and battell saying that therein the King had most fully veryfied the olde saying of Lewes the eleuenth his progenitor King of Fraunce which was wont to say that he knew neuer a latine sentence but this one Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare He that can not skil to dissemble can not skil to be a King. But Pibrace the aduocate of the FinaÌ„ces made a short oration the summe whereof was to this effecte that although the King hadde iust and great cause to be displeased yet he thought it more agréeable with his maiesties clemencie and goodnesse to make an ende of the slaughters and common spoyle and not to suffer such outrages to be any longer committed without iudiciall procéeding in the cause and besought his maiestie that from thenceforth it would please him to vse the lawe which is well knowne to be the onely stablishment of kingdomes and Empires and that there had bene already giuen to the commonaltie too perillous an example to followe An arrest of ParliameÌ„t with the Kings royall assent being made to that effect there were immediately Haroldes and trumpeters sent rouÌ„d about all the towne and an Edict proclaimed in the Kings name that from thenceforth the slaughters and common butcherly murtherings should ceasse and that all persons should abstainc from pillage and robberie This being knowne there were diuers speaches vsed of this matter throughout the town and specially of learned meÌ„ The most part sayd that they had read many histories but in all memorie of all ages they neuer heard of any such thing as this They coÌ„pared this case with the horrible doings of King Mithridates which with one messenger and with the aduertisement of one letter caused a hundreth and fiftie thousand Romaines to be slaine Some coÌ„pared it with the doing of Peter of Arragone which slewe eight thousand Frenchmen in Sicile which Isle they had surprised in his absence But yet this difference appeared betwene those cases and this that those Kings had exercised their crueltie vpon foreins and strangers but this King had done his outrage vpon his owne subiectes being yelded not so much to his power as to his faith and credit Those Kings were bound by no promise but such as was giuen to the strangers themselues this King was with newe made league bound to the kings and Princes his neighbors to kepe the peace that he had sworne Those kings vsed no guilefull meanes vnworthie for the maiestie of a King to deceyue this king for a baite and allurement abused the mariage of his owne sister and in a manner besprinkled hir wedding robe with bloud Which dishonor and indignitie no posteritie of all ages can forget Some againe discoursed that though this cruell aduise semed to many Courtiers to haue bene profitable yet not onely the honor of a King but also the estimation and good fame of the whole nation was against that shewe of profit They alleaged how Aristides did openly in the audience of all the people reiect the counsell of Themistocles coÌ„cerning the burning of the Lacedemonians nauie although it must needes haue followed that the power of the Lacedemonians their enimies should therby haue bene vtterly weakened â–ª Fuâ—… Camillus receyued not the children of the chief Lords of the Phalice betrayed to him by their schoolemaister but stripped him naked and deliuered him to be whipped home with rods by the same children Pausanias hath left it reported that the posteritie of Philip of Macedon fell into most great calamities for this cause that he was wont to set light by the reuerend conscience of an oth and his faith giuen in leagues Some cited the lawe of the twelue tables Si patronus clienti fraudem facit sacer esto If the patrone or soueraigne defraude his client or vassall be he out of protection They disputed also that like faith as the vassal oweth to his Lord the Lord oweth also to his vassall and for what causes and for what fellonies the vassal loseth his tenancie for the same causes and fellonies the Lord loseth his seigniorie Some said that the right hand in auncient time was called the pledge of the faith of a King and that this if a King shall despise there is no communion of right with him and he is no more to be accounted a king neither of his owne subiects nor of straungers Kingly vertues in tymes past haue bene reported to be these iustice gentlenesse and clemencie but crueltie and outrage haue euer bene dispraised both in all persons and specially in princes Scipio hath in all ages bene praysed who was wont to say that he had rather saue one citizen than kill a thousand enimies whiche sentence Antoninus the Emperor surnamed Pius the kinde or vertuous did oft repeate It was a most shamefull byworde of yong Tyberius to be called clay tempered with bloud They sayd also that kings haue power of life and death ouer their subiects but not without hearing the cause and iudicial proccding that there cannot be alleaged a greater authoritie than the Dictators had at Rome in whome was the soueraigne power of peace and warre of life and death and without appeale yet was it not lawfull for them to execute a citizen his cause vnheard Only théeues and murderers take away mens liues without order of lawe and hearing their cause Who can doubt said they but that this so great outrage so great sheading of ChristiaÌ„ bloud is the frute of the curssed life of the courtiers For said they now throughout al Fraunce whoredom loose leudnesse of life are so frée vsual the now the most part of the women of Fraunce séeme to be in manner common and â–ª the wicked blasphemies and continuall execrations and dishonorings of Gods most holye name and maiestie are suche as God can not longer beare And true it is though incredible among forein Nations that the Catholikes of France haue prescribed themselues this for a special mark to be knowne from other men that at euery thirde word they blasphemously sweare by the head death bloud and bellie of God and wonderfull it is that the King himselfe is so muche delighted in this custome of swearing and blaspheming and this as it were a pestilent infection is spred abroade and common among the very plowmeÌ„ and peysants so as none