Brother in the most submissive manner he begs Pardon of Tiberius who appear'd not in the least mov'd thereby By and by the Emperor reads the Accusations and the Names of their Authors with such temper that he seemed neither to extenuate nor aggravate the Crimes XXX Besides Trio and Catus there came also two Accusers more Fonteius Agrippa and C. Livius amongst whom there was some dispute which of them had the Right to accuse him but when they could not agree amongst themselves and Libo came without an Advocate Livius declar'd that he would exhibit the several Crimes wherewith he was charged Of which one was That he had consulted with the Astrologers whether he should ever be rich enough to cover the Appian way from Rome to Brundusium with Money and the rest were much of the same nature Ridiculous and Pitiful Only there was a Writing in Libo's hand upon which the Accuser insisted very much wherein were the Names of the Caesars and of some Senators with Dangerous and Mysterious Notes added to them Libo disowning it 't was thought â—it to put some of his Slaves who knew his hand to the Question But because it was forbidden by an ancient Decree of the Senate to examine a Slave by torture against the Life of his Master Tiberius who was ingenious at inventing new Laws 1 There are occasions wherein the Prince for the Safety of his Person or for the Repose of his People is constrain'd to accommodate the Laws to the Necessity of his Affairs Politicians pretend that the Laws consist not in words but in the Sense which the Publick Authority gives them and that they have no force but as far as the Prince lends it them who is the sole legal Interpreter of them Howsoever that be a good Prince ought as much as is possible to avoid coming to new Examples of severity therein for whatsoever the Cause or the Colour may be the Novelty of the procedure makes him pass for Cruel The action of Pope Sixtus-Quintus who order'd a Youth to be put to Death who was under Seventeen years old telling the Governor of Rome that he would give him ten of his own years that he might be of the Age requir'd by the Laws * Leti lib. 1. part 2 of his Life this Action I say ought rather to be forgotten than imitated order'd Libo's Slaves to be sold to the Publick Register that they might be examin'd against him by torture without infringing the Law 2 It ill becomes Princes to use certain tricks and shams of Art to put a colour upon Frauds and real Injustice The manner of the same Sixtus-Quintuâ—'s dealing with the Author of a Pasquinade upon his Sister Donna Camilla is another action that did no honour to his Pontificate We have promis'd you your Life and 1000 Pistols said he to this Unhappy Man and we freely give you both for coming and making the Discovery your self but we reserv'd in our mind a Power to have your â—ongue and both your Hands cut off to hinder you from speaking or writing any more Lâ—ti lib. 2. part 2. of his Life It is of him that the Pagliari speaks in his 210 Observation where he saith We have seen in our days a Prince who did not invent new Laws but who extended the old ones to all cases which he had a Mind to comprehend under them saying that this was the Intention of the Prince who made them althoughâ— these Cases were not expressed in them Not only all Germany but also all Europe detested the Fraud which Charles V. put upon the Landtgrave of Hesse by the help of one word of the Treaty wherein his Ministers slipt in a W instead of an N so that in the Copy which the Landtgrave signed it was written Euvige whereas the Minutes or the rough Draught had Einige which entirely alter'd one of the Essential Conditions of the Treaty which was that the Landtgrave stipulated to be sent back without any Imprisonment ohne einige ge fangus whereas the Emperor on the contrary having caus'd him to be arrested by the Duke of Alva said that by the Treaty he was obliged only not to hold him in perpetual Imprisonment as the Word Euvige signifies Heiss. li 3. part 1. of his History of the Empire Don Iuan Antonio de Vera endeavours to 〈◊〉 Charles V by saying that the 〈◊〉 had no reason â—o 〈…〉 that a Promise to exempt him 〈◊〉 perpetual Imprisonment 〈…〉 that he was 〈…〉 But this doth 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 to the Letâ—◠〈…〉 written in it yet he can't he excused from breaking his Word seeing he knew that the Landtgrave and his Mediators Maurice Duke of Saxony and the Elector of Brandenburgh had agreed and capitulated for the Contrary Upon which Libo having desir'd that he might have time given him till the next Day for his answer went home and sent by the Hands of his Kinsman P. Qâ—irinius his last Petition to the Emperor whose Answer was that he must address himself to the Senate XXXI In the mean time his House was beset with Soldiers who made such a Noise in the Porch as if they desir'd to be taken notice of so that perceiving what he was to expect he was Melancholly at this last Feast which he had made to take his farewell of Pleasure and called for some body to kill him laid hold on his Servants and put a Sword into their Hands but they trembling and drawing back threw down the Light that stood on the Table and the Horror of the Darkness suiting with his design he immediately gave himself two stabs in the Belly His Freed man hearing him groan as he fell ran to him and the Soldiers retired at the sad Spectacle The Accusation was still prosecuted in the Senate with the same Heat However Tiberius swore that he would have interceeded with the Senate for his Life notwithstanding his Guilt had he not prevented him by a Voluntary Death XXXII His Estate was divided amongst the Accuâ—ers and his Praeâ—orship was given to some of the Senate before the Assembly was held for the Election of Officers At the same time Cotta Messalinus moved that Libo's Image might not be carry'd in the Procession of the Funerals of his Kindred Cneius Lentulus that none of the Family of the Scribonii might take the Sirname of Drusus 1 The Names of Traytors ought to be bury'd in Eternal 〈◊〉 To bear their Name is to partake of their Infamy with them and in some sort to approve of what they have done Iohn II. King of Portugal giving to Emanuel who afterwards succeeded him in the Throne the Conâ—iâ—cation of the Duke of Viseu his Brother's Estate made him take the Title of Duke of Beja instead of that of Viseu that this young Prince might not bear the Name of a Trayâ—or who would have kill'd his King Mariana Cap. ult Lib. 24 of his History And since that time there have never been any Dukes of Viseâ— notwithstanding Emanuel and
of all the Magistrates except the Tribunes of the People who sometimes had the better of him At first the Dictatorship was conferr'd only on the Nobles but afterwards the Commons were admitted to it as well as to the Consulship The Dictatorship saith Machiavel deserves to be reckon'd amongst those things which contributed most to the advancement of the Roman Empire For in Republicks which are always slow in their motions because no Magistrate can dispatch any business singly and one having need of anothers agreement in their opinions the time insensibly slips away The ordinary remedies are very dangerous when they are to provide against some pressing Evil which doth not give time to wait for the Consultation of many whence I conclude that Common-Wealths which in pressing dangers have not recourse either to a Dictator or some other Magistrate of the like Nature will certainly run a-ground upon some sudden accident Heretofore the Dutchy of Brabanâ— created a Râ—vert or a Protector on whom the Province conferr'd an Absolute Power for the time The Prince of Orange got himself chosen Ruvert Anno. 1577. Cabrera c. 24. l. 11. of his Philip II. and Strada lib. 1. dec 1. Dictatorship was granted but as necessiâ—y requir'd and for some time And the Authority of the d Ten Men who govern'd the Common-Wealth instead of Consuls It was under them that the XII Tables were compos'd i. e. a Compilation of the best Laws of Greece but particularly of Athens whose Polity was esteem'd the most Excellent For all those which the Kings had made were abolish'd in hatred of Monarchy The first year each made his Table according to the several matters which fell to their lot and the Year following they made two more in common to supply what was wanting in the ten former But as they were endeavouring to perpetuate their Government which began to degenerate into Tyranny the Deâ—emvirate was abolished for Ever and the Consulship restored The Decemvirs had greater Authority than the Dictator for the Dictator could make no alteration in the ancient Laws of the City nor do any thing which was prejudicial to the State the Tribunes of the People the Consuls and the Senate who still subsisted put a Bridle upon him which kept him from breaking out of the right way saith Machiavel on the contrary the Consulship and the Tribuneship having been abolish'd by the Creation of the Decemvirs to whom the People transferred all their Rights these Ten who had their hands at liberty there remaining no appeal from them to the People had an opportunity of becoming insolent Decemvirate continu'd only for two Years 1 The surest way to preserve Liberty saith Livy is not to permit the Magistracy wherein the Supreme Authority is lodg'd to be of long duration There is no place in the World where this Maxim is so well observed as at Venice and it may be this is the chief Cause which hath made it out-live so many Ages and so many States which were more powerful than theirs and not surrounded with so many dangerous Neighbours Machiavel saith that the short Duration of the Dictatorship hinder'd the Dictator from transgressing the Bounds of his Duty Discourses lib. 1. ch 34. The Consular Power of the e The Patricii or the Nobles being at discord with the People who would have the Commons admitted to the Consulship as well as the Nobles â—ound an Expedient to create Military Tribunes in the room of the Consuls so that as often as the People and the Nobility could not agree in the Election of the Consuls they created Military Tribunes who exercised all the Military Functions A Testimony saith Machiavel Discourse l. 1. c. 34. that it was rather the Name of Consul that they hated than the Authority of the Consulship And this Custom lasted about 80 Years not in a continu'd Succession for there was sometimes of Consuls and sometimes of Tribunes Tacitus says nothing here of the Tribunes of the People who held notwithstanding a considerable Rank in the ancient Common-Wealth as having been instituted to moderate the Power of the Consuls and to protect the meaner sort against the Insolence of the Great ones besides their Persons were Sacred and Inviolable They were instituted fifty years before the Creation of Military Tribunes when the People jealous of the Power of the Nobles and weary of their Insults retired to the Crustumerin Hill call'd afterward the Sacred Hill because of the happy accommodation of this quarrel There was at first but two Tribunes of the People but a little while after there was four other and in process of time they were multiply'd to ten and the Nobility excluded from this Office which was not observed in following times C. â—â—â—inius Stolo and Sextius Lateranus put a stop to the Elections of Consuls for the space of five years and by these means the Senate was forced to admit Plebeans to the Consulship which was conâ—err'd upon them the first time in the Persons of Sextus and Liciâ—â—us Sylla the sworn Enemy of the Common People had much humbled these Tribunes but after lus Death they resumed all their Authority Military Tribunes remain'd in force but for a little space 1 All Power that is Established by Sedition as was that of these Tribunes can never subsist long Neither was the Arbitrary Dominion of Cinna or that of Sylla of any long continuance 2 Nothing is so weak and so obnoxious to a reverse of Fortune as a Power which hath neither Right nor Reason for its Foundation Cinna was sâ—ain in a Sedition by his own Soldiers and Sylla constrain'd to renounce the Dictatorship Upon which Caesar said pleasantly that Sylla could not Read seeing he knew not how to Dictate The Power of Pompey and Crassus were soon transferr'd to Iulius Caesar and the Arms of Marc Anthony and Lepidus gave place to those of his Successor Augustus Then it was that the Civil Wars having exhausted the Forces of the Common-wealth Augustus Caesar assum'd the Government 1 Ambition and the Quarrels of Great Men are the Shelves on which the Liberty of Common-Wealths are always split for the State is weakned in Proportion as particular Persons fortifie themselves by Arms under pretence of revenging their Injuries or of securing themselves against the Resentments of their Enemies or the Violence of these that are stronger And as the People suffer themselves in the end to be the Prey of their Dissentions they are constrain'd to receive an absolute Master that they may have Peace Thus Tacitus had good reason to say that the Factions of Citizens are much more dangerous in Common-Wealths and that Regal Power came not into the World but since Equality and Modesty went out of it Periculosiores sunt inimicitiae juxta libertatem In Germania Postquam exui aequalitas pro modestia ac pudore ambitio vis incedebat provenere dominationes Ann. 3. To conclude Tacitus seems to observe here that
for trying the Government of a Woman named Erato whom they soon laid aside 2 Gynecocracy is the Worst of all Governments For this Sex saith Tacitus is not only weak and voluptuous and consequently unfit for the Management of Affairs of State but besides is Cruel Untractable and desirous infinitely to extend its Power if its Ambition be not restâ—â—in'd The Prophet Isaiah Ch. 3. threatens the Iews with the Government of Children and with that of Women as with two equal Curses So that we are not to wonder if 〈◊〉 is so odious in those very 〈◊〉 where Women have right of Succession nor why divers Nations have for ever excluded them from the Throne and thus being in an unsettled and confus'd Condition 3 Anarchy is the most miserable Condition that a Kingdom oâ— a Common-Wealth can fall into and it is the only plague that can make the loss of a Female Government regreted For it is impossible for Civil 〈◊〉 to subâ—ist without a Master and without Laws And this is the râ—ason that Anarchy hath been always of short duration and rather without a Master than in Liberty they offer the Crown to exil'd Vonones 4 A State however it changes the Form of its Government sooner or later will return to that which it had in its Original The first Goverâ—ment to a Body-Politick is what the Natural Air is to a Humane body But as soon as Artabanus threatned him and it appeared that there was little reliance on the Armenians and as little expectation of assistance from the Romans who could not defend him unless they would engage in a War against the Parthians he retires to Creticus Silanus the Governor of Syria who although he had invited him set a Guard upon him as soon as he came leaving him however the Title and the State of a King 5 It is not the Royal Title or 〈◊〉 that make a King but the Authority The Majesty is in the Functions not in the Ornaments and it is 〈◊〉 this reason that the Title of 〈◊〉 dâ—d not belong to the Senate oâ— Rome although it had all the exterior Marks of it as the Rods the Purple Robe the Ivory-Chair c. but to the People in whom the Supreme Power resided Witness the Form of Words which was pronounced with a loud voice at the opening of all the Assemblies Velitis Iubeatis Quirites which is the Appellation they gave the People in their Assemblies Cabrera saith that Philip II. having marry'd Mary Queen of England and received from his Father the Renunciation of the Kingdom of Naples on the score of this Marriage took it very ill that his Father kept the Administration and the Revenues of it and the more because he was hereby King of Naples and of England only in Title and Name There were also some Englishmen who gave him no other Title but that of the Queens Husband Chap. 5 and 7. Lib. 1. of his History The Earls of Egmond and Horn having been arrested by the Duke of Alva without the privity of the Dutchess of 〈◊〉 Governess the Low-Countreys this Princess who saw that the Duke besides his large power had secret Orders which leâ—t her 〈◊〉 more than the Name of Governess desir'd leave of Philip II. to retire out of these Provinces saying that it was neither for his Service nor her Honour whom he was pleas'd to call his Sister to continue there with a Title without Authority Strada Lib. 6. of Hist. 1. Decad. How he endeavour'd to escape from this Pageant-Royalty we will relate in its proper place 6 A Prince who is dispossess'd of his Dominions doth not willingly continue in the hands of him who hath goâ— possession of them how well soever he is treated by him For this is to adorn with his presence the Conqueror's or the Usurper's Triumph Ferdinand the Catholick assigned Lands and Revenues to Boabdiles whose Kingdom of Granada he had Conquered or Usurped but this Prince soon passed into Africk For saith Mariana those who have seen themselves Kings have not constancy or paâ—ience enough to lead a Private Life Ch. 18. Book 25. of his History of Spain V. But these troubles in the East were no unwelcome News to Tiberius since they gave him a fair Pretence to draw off Germanicus from the Legions that had been accustom'd to his 1 How great soever the Fidelity of a Subject appears to be to whom an Army or a Province hath offered the Sovereignty it is prudence in a Prince under some specious pretence to remove him from this Army or Province for feaâ— lest the Infidelity of others and opportunity may at last inspire him with a desire to accept what may be again offer'd him The Mutineers of Germanicus's Legions had offer'd Germanicus their service being resolved to follow his Fortune if he would seize the Empire Ann. â— and consequently Tiberius had reason to be jealous of the Fidelity of Germanicus and of the Affection which these Legions had for him and Agâ—ippinae who was continually giving them largesse The Satisfaction which the Neapoliâ—ans had in the Goveâ—nment of Gonsalo Hernandez whom they styled by way of Eminence the Great Captain was the principal Cause of the Resolution that Ferdinand the Catholick took to make him return into Spain with hopes of being rewarded with the Office of Grand Master of the Order of St. Iamâ—s which was the highest Honour in the Kingdom command m Philip II. dealt with his Nephew Alexander Farnese almost after the same manner He sent him into France to the assistance of the League whilst his presence was absolutely necessary in the Low-Countreys where he had begun to re-establish the Royal Authority having obliged the Arch-Duke Matthias to return into Germany the Duke of Alonson into 〈◊〉 the Earl of Liecester into England and the Prince of Orange into Holland For his absence gave the Rebels new strength and was the Cause that they recovered a great part of what they had loâ—t So that Don Carlos Coloma had good reason to say that Philip II. acted herein against all the Rules of Policy Lib. 2 and 3. of his Wars of Flanders and to expose him at once to Hazards and Treachery in Provinces where he was a Stranger But the more he was hated by his Uncle and loved by the Soldiers the more he endeavoured to put an end to this War by a Decisive Battel in order to which he consider'd well with himself the Methods of Fighting and what had succeeded well or ill with him after three years War in this Country He found that the Germans were always beaten in pitch'd Battels and on even Ground that their advantages lay in Woods and Marshes in short Summers and early Winters That his Soldiers were more troubled at their long marches and the loss of their Arms than for the Wounds they had receiv'd That the Gauls were weary of furnishing Horses That his long train of Carriages was much exposed to
Winter-Quarters Germanicus with the rest Embark'd on the River of Amisia to return by Sea which was so calm at first that there was no noise heard but of the Oars or Sails of a thousand Ships but the sky being all on a sudden darkned with black Clouds which pouring a Hail-storm upon them and tempestuous Winds blowing at the same time from all quarters the Waves ran so high that they were neither able to steer their Ships nor see their Way The Soldiers unacquainted with such disasters were under a great Consternation and whilst they endeavour'd aukwardly to help they hinder'd the Seamen At last the Heavens and the Sea yielding to the Force of the Southwind which gathering strength from a vast tract of Clouds the rapid Rivers and High Mountains m Tacitus saith That Mountains are the Cause and the Matter of Tempests Moâ—tes causa materia tempestatuâ—â— In Agricola of Germany as well as from the Cold Neighbourhood of the North is generally very violent in those parts and dispersed these Ships through the Ocean or split them on Rocky Islands or threw them on Quick-sands 1 It hath been often observ'd that Captains who have been Successful in Expeditions at Land have always been Unfortunate in those at Sea Every thing succeeded to Germanicus when he fought at Land and all things conspir'd against him when he was on the Seas On the contrary the Prince of Orange who was the Founder of the Common-Wealth of Holland was always beaten at Land where he lost four or five Battels whereas in a continu'd War of ten years he gain'd every Battel that he fought against the Spaniards at Sea Memoirs de M. Aubery du Maurier Thus it was not without reason that that brave Spaniard Iulian Romero who had signaliz'd himself by so many Exploits in Land-fights having been worsted in a Sea-fight out of which he swam for his Life said to the Governor Don Lewis de Requesens Your Excellency knoweth well that I was no Seaman but a Good Foot Soldier I desire you therefore to trust me no more with a Fleet for if you should commit a Hundred to me it is much to be fear'd that I should lose them all Bernardin de Mendâ—za Cap. 2. Lib. 11. of his Memoirs of the Low-Countreys whence those that were upon the return of the Tide got off with great difficulty were afterwards driven at the Mercy of the Winds the Mariners not being able to cast Anchor or to pump out the Water which broke into them Their Horses Arms and Baggage were thrown over board to lighten the Vessels which were often driven on their sides the Waves beating over them XXIV As Germany hath the most boisterous Sea and the sharpest Climate so this Wreck exceeded all others for the Greatness and Uncommoness of it They had no prospect but of an Enemies Country or of a Boundless and Bottomless Ocean wherein some of our Ships were sunk others cast on remote and desart Isles where the Soldiers were starv'd for want of Food except some that kept themselves alive with the Flesh of the Horses which the Waves had thrown up on the same Shores n Don Iuan Antonio de Vera relates a Disaster altogether like this which â—eâ—el the Fleet of Charles V. at Algiers Most of the Galleys saith he were broken to pieces and most of the Ships perished in the Emperor's sight who had neither Bisket nor Powder left insomuch that for the Subsistence of his Army that Night and the Day following they were forc'd to kill Horses and to distribute them through the Quarters At last after he had marched twenty Leagues he Embarked his Troops at the Cape of Metafuz and when there remain'd not a sufficient Number of Ships to receive them he caused all the Horses to be thrown into the Sea which increased the general Grief every one being troubled to see these poor Creatures swim and as it were beg help from the Men who abandon'd them for according to the Proverb a Man ought to have Humanity even for the Beasts that serve him In the Epitome of the Life of C. V. Cabrera recites a Consolatory Letter which his Son Philip wrote him upon this Disaster wherein he said to his Father That to return from difficult Enterprizes without Victory never took from Kings nor Great Captains that Glory which is always due to Martial Valour the most Prudent and most Prosperous having lost as well as won that he ought so much the more to comfort himself because he had yielded to nothing but the Force of Fortune which had conspir'd with the Elements against his Prudence and Greatness that he ought never to be angry with accidents which depended purely on Chance that one hath acquitted himself well when he has projected and ordered things well that the good Fortune of Augustus and that of King Ferdinand Grandfather to his Imperial Majesty by the Mother's side appeared prodigious and that nevertheless if we compare their Successes with their Misfortunes it is hard to say whether Fortune was a Mother or a Step-mother to them Cap. 2. Lib. 1. of his History The Galley in which Germanicus was came alone to the Coast of the Chauci where as he continu'd several days about the Rocks and Promontories hoping to get sight of some of his Ships he was always condemning himself as the Cause of this Calamity and so sensibly was he touch'd with it 1 There are Men saith the same Antonio de Vera who to shew that they are above Events affect a Stoical Constancy in their Afflictions and Glory as of a Greatness of Soul in not shedding a Tear or changing their Countenance under the most sensible Calamities But for my part I believe this is altogether contrary to what they ought to do because such People by their insensibility or their hardness offend the Providence of God who sends them these Afflictions A certain Person hath said with great judgment that Iob that he might not be charged with Pride lamented his Calamity and expressed his Grief even to the rending of his Cloaths not that he had lost his Patience but to shew his Docâ—lity and Submission And this Doctrine concludes yet more strongly when a Peoâ—le fall under some very great Misfortune by obeying the Will of their Prince for in this case indeed the Prince may glory of Constancy in not appearing 〈◊〉 but not of his Gratitude St. Paul saying that he who hath not care of his own hath 〈◊〉 the Faith and is worse than an Infidel And if a Passage of the Holy Scriptures is not suâ—ficient to convince the Author who blames the Tenderness and Grief which Charles V. expressed under this Adversity he will have it may be a greater Difference to the Authority of Tacitus who saith that Germanicus being afflicted for the loss of part of his Army ran up and down accusing himself as the Cause of this Disaster and was about to have kill'd himself
one to Reform it 3 Princes are never pleas'd to hear Discourses of Reformation for under the Colour of reforming Luxury and other Abuses which creep into Civil Societies the Censors often go up to the very Springs of Government the Secrets of which ought not to be laid open to Subjects Besides the Reformation of Abuses is not proper to be made at all times If Physicians need wait for a Proper time to purge a sick Person â— Prince hath much greater reason to use this Precaution seasonably to apply the Remedies which are necessary to the Body-Politick which is always charged with many humours which it is dangerous to stir too much A great Person said to some who spoke to him of the Disorders of his age Let it run it will die soon for it is very sick In the Aphorisms of Anthony Perez XXXIV Upon which L. Piso complain'd of the Illegal ways of obtaining Offices of the Corruptions of the Courts of Iudicature of the Insolence of Advocates who menac'd People with Accusations protesting that he would retire from the City and live in some remote and obscure Country and at the same time went out of the Senate-House Tiberius was incens'd however he caressed Piso with fair words 1 It is the Quintessence of Knowledge to pass sometimes for Ignorant and the greatest Victory of Reason to suffer ones self to be overcome by the present Necessity David himself put this Reason of State in practice He was willing enough to punish Ioab for killing Abner but it being dangerous to raise troubles in the beginning of his Reign he defer'd the Punishment of this Crime saying I am this day weak though anointed King 2 Sam. 3. and put his Relations upon using their endeavours to prevail with him to stay A while after Piso gave another instance of as great freedom when he commenced a Law Suit against Urgulania who was so much in favour with Augusta that she thought her self above the reach of the Laws As Urgulania instead of appearing to the Summons went to the Emperor's Palace 2 It is of pernicious example for a Prince to permit his Palace to be a Sanctuary to those who contemn the Authority of the Magistrates A famous Carver who fled into Arragon for having resisted the Iustice of Madrid could never obtain his Pardon of Philip II. notwithstanding that he was the best Workman of his Profession and that this King had great need of him to work on the Escurial setting Piso at defiance so he desisted not from his Prosecution notwithstanding Augusta complain'd that she her self was Affronted and exposed thereby Tiberius thinking it was but decent for him to shew so much complaisance to his Mother 3 It is very becoming a Prince to be complaisant to his Mother so long as it is not to the prejudice of the Laws and his Reputation A certain Prince being importun'd by his Mother to grant her an unjust thing excus'd himself saying that she would sell him too dear the Nine Months that she had carry'd him The Pagliari saith after the Goselin That that which ruined Ferrante Gonzaga Governor of Milan with C. V. was his suffering his Daughter and his Son-in-Law Fabricius Colonna to intermeddle in recommending the Causes of private Persons to the Publick Magistrates Observation 40. Queen Margaret blamed her Brother Henry III. for suffering himself to be influenc'd by the Persuasions of his Minions Maugiron and Saint-Luke to that degree that he went himself to sollicite a Law-suit for Madame de Seneterre against M. de la Chastre because the Latter was in the Service of the Duke of Alenson his Brother Lib. 2. of his Memoirs The Majesty of Kings saith Cardinal de Richelieu obliges them to reserve themselves for the Party of Reason which is the only one that they ought to espouse on all occasions They cannot do otherwise without divesting themselves of the Quality of Iudges and Sovereigns to take upon them that of Parties which in some sort sinks them into the Condition of Private Men. Those who are to defend themselves against the Power of a King know too well that they cannot do it by force and therefore have recourse to Intrigues to Artifices and secret Practices to secure themselves which often raises great disturbances in Kingdoms Pol. Test. part 1. c. 6. as to promise to go himself to the Praetor's Court and appear on Urgulania's behalf and in order to it went out of his Palace ordering his Guards to follow him at a Distance As the People flock'd about him he appear'd very composed talking freely of several things as he went to prolong the time in the mean time Piso's Friends importun'd him to let fall his suit but to no purpose however before the Emperor had reach'd the Court he was acquainted that Augusta had order'd Piso the Sum of Money that he demanded So that the Issue of this Affair was not inglorious to Piso 4 There is nothing more dangerous for a Great Man than to come off with advantage from an Affair wherein the Prince's Authority seems to have been 〈◊〉 and very much for the Honour of Tiberius But Urgulania grew so assuming that she refused to come and give her testimony in a Cause that was heard before the Senate so that the Praetor was sent to examine her at her own house whereas it was always the Custom even for the Vestal Virgins themselves to come into the Courts whenever they were summon'd to give their Testimony XXXV I would not mention the stop that was put to Publick Affairs this Year but that it is worth the while to know the different Opinions of Cn. Piso and Asinâ—us Gallus 1 It is the Duty of an Historian as Tacitus saith in the Preface to his History to relate not only the Events of things but also the Causes and Motives which producèd them nothing can make a History more instructive than faithfully to report the Opinions of those who have had a share in the Consultations of the Great Affairs which it speaks of For it is in these Opinions that we discern the Ability the Interests the Passions and all the Good or Evil qualities of those who have deliver'd them Amongst the Modern Writers those who have excell'd in this Kind are the Famous Fryar Paul in the Histories of the Council of Trent and of the Interdict of Venice the C. Bentivoglio and Strada in the History of the Wars of the Low-Countrys Lewis Cabrâ—â—â— in his Philip II. The Author of the History of the Union of Portugal with Castile attributed by the Italians to Ierom Conestaggiâ— a Genouese Gentleman and restor'd by Father Belâ—azar Gracian and by some other Spanish Writers to Doâ— Iohn de Silva Count of Portelegre in Portugal on this Occasion Tiberius having said that he should be absent for a few days Piso was of Opinion that they ought the rather to proceed in publick Business it being for the Honour of the
Battels of S. Quintin and Gravelines which was a just Punishment for the Breach of the Truce of Vaucelles and altogether a convincing Evidence that the Absolutions a Violent and Passionate Pope gives are not always sure signs of a Divine Absolution So the wise Cardinal d'Ossat had good reason to say that a Pope should be a Man of Virtue and Understanding that he may not be deceived by the Artifices of ill Men and to make him a common Father in holding the Ballance equal not doing ill to any at the Desire and Suggestion of others Letter 330. Gregory XIV at the beginning of his Papacy declar'd he pretended not to govern according to the Maxims of State but according to the Laws of the Gospel That was speaking like a Pope but as a good Milanese he could not keep his word for he soon declar'd for the League in favour of the King of Spain and the Guises As if Partiality had been an Evangelical Precept for a Common Father Herrerac 10. du Livre 6. de la 3 Partie de son Hist. If the Piety of the Faithâ—ul says Saavedra has given the Popes Temporal Power it were more for the Security of their Grandeur never to use it against Princes but when the Universal Good of the Church made it necessary When the Triple Crown is turn'd into an Helmet there is no Respect paid it but as a temporal Thing when it makes use of Politick Considerations it is lookt upon only as the Crown of a Politick Prince and not a Pope's whose Authority should be supported by Spiritual Power His Pastoral Duty is not for War but Peace His Staff is crooked not pointed for 't is to lead not hurt Empresa 94. I will conclude this with a very judicious Reflection of Don Iuan Antonia de Vera in the Second Discourse of his Ambassador What ancient or modern Example says he can be brought in comparison of that which Cardinal Bembo and Thomas Porcachi relate of Pope Iulius II. who being more an Enemy to the French King Lewis XII thaâ— was fit for an universal Pastor of the Church orders the King of Spain's Ambassador and the Venetians his Allies to acquaint their Masters he had made Peace with France but that they should not be allarm'd at it for he continued still his ill Will to that Crown that his Heart was Spanish and that this Peace was only to lay the French asleep to take them afterwards unprovided If there be then so little Security and Faith in a Pope what may we expect from Secular Princes How can we trust those that are not Catholicks or are born Infidels Words worthy this Spaniard who took for his Motto Veritaâ— Vincit Against this Lentulus the Augur and others differently spoke at last it was resolv'd to refer the Matter to the Emperor's Decision LX. Tiberius defers giving his Opinion in it and moderates the Honours decreed Drusus with the Office of Tribune reproving by Name the Insolence of that Proposition that the Decree should be writ in Letters of Gold contrary to Custom Drusus's Letters were read which were taken to be very arrogant though they had a turn of Modesty too They said Things were come to that pass that Drusus upon receiving so great Honour would not vouchsafe a Visit to the Gods of the City nor shew himself in the Senate or begin at least his Authority in his own Country if the War or his Distance hindeâ—â— him However he is entertaining himself on the Shores and Lakes of Campania f A Province near Rome call'd now Terra di Lavoro Florus says Campania was the â—inest Country in the World Terrarum pulcherrima Thus is he bred that is to govern the World This he learn'd from his Father's Counsels Tiberius might excuse himself from appearing in Publick by reason of his Years and Labours but what hinders Drusus besides his Pride LXI Tiberius daily strengthen'd his Sovereignty but to leave some shew of their ancient State to the Senate he sent them the Petitions of the Provinces to examine The Licentiousness and Impunity of Sanctuaries grew to that in Greece thâ— Cities set them up as they pleased The Temples were filled with Slaves Debtors that defy'd their Creditors and Persons subject of Capital Crimes g As Greece was a Province almost all Maritime and where according to Thucidides Piracy prevail'd much and those that exercised it were in good Esteem the Inhabitants built Temples to protect themselves from the Insults of the Pyrates So these Temples were not like our Churches but like Castles and Forts with Vaults under ground and were not for the Retreat of Criminals but for honest Persons that fled from Oppression And if they were abused they lost the Privilege of the Sanctuaries which at first was allowed to very few Places But the Wickedness of Men ingenious enough in finding out ways to abuse the most sacred things wrought â—o great a Change that what was instituted in Greece for a Protection against Oppression became one against Iustice and the Laws so that the Sanctuaries that were at first only a Refuge for honest Men and such as were afflicted served afterwards only for Criminals This made the Senate of Rome to regulate them and take from the Temples in Greece the Privilege of Sanctuaries except Nine that gave better Testimony than the rest of their Original Too small a Number for so great a Province that was more than a thousand Miles extent There was at this time another kind of Immunity not Instituted in Honour of any God nor in Favour of any Temple but only in consideration of Iustice. It was for those had any Potent Enemy they could not oppose they run to some Statue of the Prince embraced it calling for Publick Authority and then no one durst offer them the least Violence Yet this was not an Immunity but rather an Appeal to Iustice For as soon as the Iudges took Cognisance of the Matter if their Cause was good they awarded them Satisfaction but if Unjust a double Penalty was inflicted one for the Crime the other for their boldnesâ— in running to the Princes Statue when guilty Would to God Churches were only Sanctuaries for the Innocent and that Câ—iminals resorting to them were not only punish'd for their Crimes but also for their Rashness in believing God and the Churches will protect 〈◊〉 Thieves Rebels incestuous Perâ—ons and Villains 〈◊〉 Paâ—lo Sarpi chap. 7. de son Traite â—es Asiles Philo Iudaeâ—s explaining the Law in the 21. of Exodus If a Man come presumptuously upon his Nâ—ighbour to sâ—ay him with Guile that thou shalt take him from mine Altar that he may die says That Wicked Mâ—n should find no Sanctuary in Places consecrated to Piety and Worship Proâ—ani in fano nullum esse receptum lib. de spec legib In Petrarchs Letters there is one to the Pope in which he congratulates his repressing the Liberty of the Cardinals who protected any Offenders pursuâ—d by
extraordinary Example of Modesty that is followed by few or no Princes oâ— great Men who often take the Honor of that to themselves that has cost them nothing In Innocent X's time S. Peter's Church in Rome was called S. Peter's Dove-Coat to expose the ridiculous vanity of this Pope that set up his Arms there in a thousand Places Eutropius said Constantine called the Emperor Hadrian The Pellitory of the Wall because his Name was writ every where This Vanity is now very common 'T is seen upon the Walls upon the Glass upon the Hangings and even upon the Altars I speak not of Kings Princes or other great Men but Upstarts and Citizens whose Arms we meet with every where On this Occasion he much commended Sejanus to whose Vigilance he imputed it that the Fire did no more mischief and the Senate Decred Sejanus's Statue should be erected in the Theatre LXXIV A little after when Tiberius honoured Iunius Bloesus Proconsul of Africa with a Triumph he said he did it in regard to Sejanus whose Uncle he was yet Blaesus had deserved those Honours For Tacfarinas thoâ— routed several times rallied his Troops together in the middle of Africk and had the Insolence to send Ambassadors to Tiberius to require a Country for himself and his Army or else threatned perpetual War 'T is said Tiberius was never in greater Passion for any Affront to him or People of Rome than to have a Traitor and Robber deal with him like a just Enemy 1 A Prince should never admit his Rebel Subject to treat with him for besides that it is an Example of dangerous consequence 't is iâ— some measure making a Subject his equal or independent Robert de la Marck says Don Iuan Antonio de Vera came a third time into Germany from whence he was driven by the Emperor's Captains for Charles V. would never march in Person against this Rebel who deserved only Contempt remembring what Herodotus writ of the Slaves of Scythia that had taken Arms against their Masters and made Head against them in the Field being proud of the regard had to them in going against them as just Enemies but when their Masters laid down their Arms and took Scourges and Rods to meet them these Wretches submitted when they saw the Contempt their Masters had for them Dans l'Epitome de la Vie de Charles Quint. Spartacus after he had with Impunity harrassed Italy defeated so many Consular Armies and burnt so many Towns was never Capitulated with tho' the Commonwealth was then weakned with the Wars of Sertorius and Mithidrates and when the City is in a flourishing Condition shall she make Peace with Tacfarinas a Robber and give him Lands He committed this matter to Blaesus with order to promise Pardon to those would lay down their Arms and to take their Captain what Rate soever he cost him LXXV Most of his Men accepted Pardon and made War upon him in the like manner as he had done upon others For as he wanted strength and understood pillaging better than they he commonly divided his Army into several Parts would fly when attacked and draw the Romans into Ambuscades if they pursued Their Army was divided into three Parts one of which was commanded by Cornelius Scipio Blaesus's Lieutenant who was to march where Tacfarinas wasted the Leptins and the Retreats of the Garamantes Blaesus's Son led another Body to keep the Cirtensians from joyning him The General marched in the middle erecting Castles and Fortresses in â—itting Places which brought the Enemy into great Streights For which way soever he went he found the Roman Forces in his Front on his Flanks or his Rear and so had many killed or taken Afterwards Blaesus divided these three Bodies into several Parties the Command of which he gave to Captains of Experienced Courage And when Summer was over he drew not his Men out of the Field and sent them into Winter-quarters in Old Africa a So they called at Rome that part of the Province the Romans gained from the Carthaginians as was usual but as if it had been the beginning of War having built new Forts he followed Tacfarinas with light Horsemen that were well acquainted with those Desarts who daily changed his Quarters b The Latin calls them Mapâ—lia poor little Hutts till his Brother was taken then retired with more speed than was for the quiet of the Country leaving those behind him might revive the War But Tiberius concluding it ended allowed Blaesus the Honour to be saluted Emperor by the Legions An ancient Honour victorious Armies formerly gave their Generals upon the first transports of their Ioy. And had sometimes several Emperors together all of equal Dignity Augustus granted some of his Captains this Honour and Tiberius at last to Blaesus LXXVI This year two great Men died Asinius Saloninus Nephew to M. Agrippa and Pollio Asinius and Brother to Drusus c He was the Son of Vipsania Agrippa's Daughter Tibâ—rius's first Wife and Drusiâ—'s's Mother designed to have been Married to one of Germanicus's Daughters and Capito Ateius who was mentioned before and had raised himself by his Studies to the highest Dignity in the City but his Grandfather Sullanus was only a Centurion and his Father Pretor Augustus hastened him the Consulship that by the Dignity of that Office he might be preferr'd before Labeo Antistius 1 'T is very usual for Princes to advance one Man thereby to lessen another of greater Merit they hate For this Reason Philip II. of Spain preferr'd almost in every thing the Prince d'Eboli before the Duke d'Alva At the beginning of the Regency of the late Queen Mother of France Cardinal Mazarine continued thâ— Seals to the Chancellor Segnier who was hated both by him and the Regent that he might have a Man of Wit and Quickness to oppose to M. de Chasteauneuf that pretended to them and to the Dutchess of Chevrâ—use who laboured all she could to have brought her Adorer and Martyr into the Ministry So the Regent called M. de Chasteauneuf Memoires de M. de Chasâ—re who was not inferiour to him For that Age had these two great Ornaments of Peace together but Labeo was most esteemed by reason of his Freedom 2 How good soever Princes are they never love those who want Complaisance Majesty is so used to Respect that whatever savours of Freedom is insupportable There are few Princes like Stephen de Battor King of Poland who gave the rich Palatinate of Sandomir to Staniâ—â—as Pekoslawski who when he was Deputy from that Province to the Diet always opposed him Pekoslawski said Stephen when he named him to the Palatinate Is a very bad Deputy but very good Soldier A memorable Example says the Bishop of Preâ—â—ilz of Generosity and Moderation and the more Commendable because this Prince valued his Merit when he had cause to hate his Person Piajecki dans sa Cronique What Pope Iulius III. did in savour
of Bracâ—io Martelli whom he removed from the poor Bishoprick of Fiesole to the rich Church of Leccia though he had always stifly opposed the Authority of the Legats in the Council of Trent where Iulius had presided in that Capacity is one of the noblest Examples of the last Age. Le Cardinal Pallavicin ch 1. du 13. Livreâ— de son Histoire du Concile de Trent Scipio Aâ—â—nirato says That this Prelate's good Life made the Clergy of Leccia who lived very dissolutely when he came to the Diocess so regular and vertuous that the strictest Observers were satisfied with them Disc. 9 du livre 3. de son Commâ—ntaire sur Tacite of Speech d This was he that giving his Vote for Lâ—pidus to be Senator answered Augustus who asked him Iâ— he knew no Man sitter that every one had his Opinion Upon which Augustus being so inceâ—â—'d as to threaten his Life Labeo without changing his Countenance or Courage replied That he thought he made a good Choice when he was for one whom Augustus continued in the Dignity of High-Priest and Capito's Complaisance was more acceptable to the Princes One was much valued because of the Injury done him in that he was not advanced higher than a Praetor 3 When a great Man's Merit is generally known the refusing him those Employments and Honours he deserves recommends him to Posterity And while he lives the publick Compassion recompences thâ— wrong done him And it is a Glory to him to have it asked Why he is not a Marshal or a Governor of a Province because it is an Argument he is worthy of them Ciaconius asked with Admiration Why St. Thomas Aquâ—nas was not Created Cardinal as well as St. Bonadventure whom he equalled both in Learning and Sanctity And I may likewise ask says a Modern Writer Why St. Bernard was not a Cardinal as well as so many other Religious his Disciples But 't is believed his Book De Consideratione ad Eugenium Papam boldly writ and his Remonstrances to many Cardinals whose Behaviour he could not bear were the Reasons Pope Eugenius his Disciple made him not a Cardinal Traite de l'Origine des Cardinaux chap. 6. Nothing exposes a Courtier to more Envy than to be called too soon to Employments to the excluding others of higher Birth and Merit from them The Promotion of Bartelemi de Caransa a Dominican to the Archbishoprick of Toledo created him as many Enemies and Persecuters as there were Prelates in Spain Don Hernando de Valdez Archbishop of Sevile and Inquisitor General who expected this Primacy of Toledo accused him for not being Orthodox and many Religious of the same Order Councellors of the Holy Office joined with this Grand Inquisitor so that this poor Prelate the first Archbishop of Spain was to be a Sacrifice to Calumny when if Phillip II. had led him by degrees to this eminent Dignity no one had taken notice of his Elevation and his Prince's Favour Cabrera ch 10. du liv 4. de son Histoire Don Bartelemi was 17 years in the Prisons of the Inquiâ—â—tion 7 at Madrid and 10 at Rome where he died in 1576. and the other envied because he was made Consul 1. LXXVII And Iunia died in the 64th year after the Philippensian War She was Cato's Neice C. Cassius's Wife and M. Brutus's Sister Her Will was much discoursed of 4 There is always much discourse of great Person 's last Wills which are the most faithful Mirrours of their Sense and Manners Testamenta hominum speculum morum says Pliny Iunior While they live you commonly know not their Hearts they so disguise themselves but when they die their Testaments clear all Doubts and undeceive many that thought they had the best share in their Esteem and Affection What Philip II. of Spain did in 1580. at Badajoz when he thought he should Die discovered to Queen Anne who expected the Regence that she had a Husband of Tiberius's Opinion not to trust Women with Power The sincerity of a Man when he makes his Will appears fully Cardinal Richlieu's Testament Politick to Lewis 13. There you see the King's Picture drawn to the Life there you have all the good Counsel an able Minister can give his Prince exquisitâ— Policy great Thoughts bold Truths a Masculine Eloquence and admiâ—able Wit But Self Love which according to the old saying is the last Shirt a Wise Man puts off has made him commit an Error in speaâ—ing too much of his Services particularly in the first Chapter of the first Part which is more to his own Commendation than his Master's For the rest as to his manner of Drawing Lewis XIII as a Prince and Magistrate there is cause to say A Testament discovers many Thoughts thâ— Testator durst not divulge in his Lifâ— time Ch. 7. de la premier Partie because when she had honourably named all the great Persons and left them Legacies she omitted Tiberius 5 Those that are Born Rebublicans find it very difficult to quit the Love of Liberty witness Iunia who aâ—ter 64 years living under Augustus and Tâ—bâ—rius preserved always the same Sentiments in which her Uncle Brother anâ— Husband dies So her Will could not fail being Republicâ—n as well as her Family which had been for many Ages the Bullwark and Palladium oâ— Liberty which he took not ill 6 There are some things that are not only more seemly but more expedient for a Prince to dissemble than resent Tiberius could not shew himself displeased with Iunia's Will without disobliging all the great Persons she had named in it so that they would have Cause to think he would take away the Freedom of Testaments Besides Iunia seemed to have a good Opinion of his Moderation and Iustice when she made the greatest Persons in Rome her Heirs without fearing the excluding him would overthrow her Will. neither hindred the Solemnizing her Funerals in an Oration to the People and other Ceremonies 7 It is Generous to Honour Virtue in our greatest Enemies Rodolph Duke of Suabia whom Pope Gregory VII made Emperor in the room of Henry IV. that was Excommunicated and Deposed being Buried at Mersbourg like an Emperor the Saxons would have taken a Plate of Brass from his Monument on which was his Arms with the Imperial Crown and other Marks of Sovereignty to avoid Henry IV's Resentment who had gained two Battels against the Rebels but he forbid them saying He wished all his Enemies as honourably Buried Heiss. dans son Histoire de l'Empire Vie d'Henry IV. The Duke de Sesse Viceroy of Naples under Philâ—p II. of Spain caused a stately Mausolaeum to be erected to the famous Captain Pedro Navarro tho' he took part with Francis I. of France against his Sovereign Charles V. and Died at Naples by the Hand of Iustice. Quamvis Gallorum partes secutum says the Epitaph pro sepulcri â—â—â—ere honestavit câ—m hoc habeat in se praeclara virtus ut etiam in hoste sit admirabilis