oppose it to all others and condemn all others and refuse Communion with any other he seems to Me to make himself a Schismatick For though the Church be of Catholick Communion yet he communicates in it upon Schismatical Principles and makes it Schismatical to him The Church indeed is in Communion with other Churches but he communicates in it in opposition to other Churches And this seems in some Measure to have been the Case of the Church of Corinth Paul and Apollos and Cephas were all Ministers of the same Christ great Master-Builders in his Church and zealous Maintainers of its Communions and yet several in the Communion of this Church seems to have communicated upon narrower termes then the Constitution of it Required For some were for Paul and some for Apollos and some for Cephas and they that were for one were against the other two and against all others who did not joyn with them in the same quarrel I will not say but that it might go higher and that there might be opposite Communions That St. Paul there Planting the Gospel might leave so many Congregations in that Church as the Number of Converts required That Apollos coming after upon the increase of Converts might leave them more Church-Officers and increase the Number of their Congregations And the first might stand stiffly for Paul and the other for Apollos However the first is not improbable and indeed both might be true successively They might first clash in the same Communion and then break into opposite Communions But this I leave to the further Consideration and Censure of Others IX Where there is such a Renunciation of Communion as to set up opposite Communions it may be Effected several Ways Sometimes the Layety have forsaken their Pastors Congregated into Bodies and of their own Authority Raised distinct Communions I will not here dispute whether they deserve that Name but certainly this is the Height of Presumption and Madness for though it be true which Cerah said Numb 16. 3. That all the Congregation are holy yet the sad Story that follows assures us That they are not therefore all Priests and Levites and that they may not presume to enter upon and promiscuously discharge that Sacred Office and Function Sometimes Subject Presbyters and other Church-Officers have forsaken their Bishop carried away many of the Members of his Church and gathered Sheep from all Quarters out of the true Fold And this is the more Mischievous as carrying along with it some Shew of Authority Sometimes Bishops and their Churches have Rejected the Communion of other Bishops and their Churches Sometimes in like manner Metropolitans have opposed Metropolitans National Churches National and Patriarchal Patriarchal And the Schism is ever the more Mischievous according to the Considerableness of the Persons concerned in it or the Extent of their Jurisdiction or the Cause they divide upon Too much of all this is in the present Divisions of the Christian World which are managed with that Bitterness and Height and have torn the Church so all-to pieces that it is a Subject fitter for our Lamentation then Discourse X. And yet after all it must be Acknowledged that all Separation is not sinful for then wherever there was a Separation they would be faulty on both Sides as well they that made as they that suffer by the Separation Nay if that should be granted a Man might be necessitated to Sin which he never is or can be For if unsufferable Corruptions or sinful Usages be brought into a Church whereof any Person is a Member and set up as termes of Communion He cannot Communicate without Sin nor can he Depart without Sin but unavoidably must Split upon one of these two Rocks if all Separation be sinful And therefore to discover that Schism which is Sinful or Criminal we mast bring it not only a Physical but a Moral Consideration Such the Case may be that the Separation may not only be lawful but necessary It was Gods Command to the Israelites concerning Babylon Jerem. 5. 45. My People Go ye out of thae midst of her and deliver ye every Man his Soul from the fierce Anger of the Lord. And St. Paul having described a Sort of ill Men which in the latter times should infest the Churcâ— he gives this Charge to Tsmothy concerning them 2 Tim. 3. 5. From such turn away Actual Separation therefore may sometimes be a Duty when it is a Departure from those who have before departed from the Right and violated the Unity and corrupted the Communion of the Church But being there ought to be no Separation but upon the score of Avoiding Obligations to Sin and no further then may secure us in that matter there can be no Separation but there will be Sin on the one side or the other And being the bare Separation may not only be lawful but duty the Sin of Schism must Lie where the cause and evil is found and they are the Schismaticks who unjustly cause the Breach And indeed simple Separation doth not include the whole Nature of Schism in an Ecclesiastical Sense For though those who depart from any true Church of God as it is a part of the Catholick Church do break off from the Body yet those who depart upon just and warrantable Grounds though they depart from the Schismaticks yet they do not forsake the Church of God but continue in its Communion and are Members of that Body and therefore cannot be Schismaticks But I need not Discourse this any further because I think it is Agreed on all Hands that the Sin of Schism follows the Cause Now from all that hath been said this or the like Definition of Schism may be Gathered That it is an unjust Violation Breach or Solution of the Unity of the Church Or to express it more plainly a Causeless Separation from Ecclesiastical Communion XI How far some more moderate Person in the Church of Rome may be willing to go along with Me in these Considerations I cannot tell the Generality of them I know go further but that will not be the least part of that Controversie However here we must part But because I do profess my self a Person who doth deeply Mourn over that dismal state of the Church to which thefe Divisions have brought it and that God who knows the Secrets of all Hearts knows that I say true and do wish an End of their Broils and would Contribute the utmost of my Endeavors to Repair the Breaches And do moreover freely confess That Schism is a Sin of a very dangerous Nature it will therefore Concern Me to discharge my self from being either a Partner in or an Abettor of that Mischievous Evil of which I Complain And therefore now I shall endeavour to prove not only that the Cause of the Schism between the Church of England and the Church of Rome lyes at the Church of Rome's door But further that let them pretend what they will that Schism was first made
in the Empire of another Site had any peculiar and proper Jurisdiction over the Britannick Churches or whether they were any part of his Diocess as the word in its largest Acception signifies A Division containing several Provinces And this I think will be fully Answered if I prove That in Relation to the Britannick Church either he had no such Jurisdiction or none by Right V. That the Government of the Church was left in the Hands of the Bishops I shall prove hereafter But for the more convenient and advantageous Management of the Churches Affairs there began very early a particular Deference Respect and Observance to be paid to the Bishop of the principal City where the Secular Governour had his Residence He at first was called Episcopus primae Vrbis or Sedis Afterwards a Metropolitan But some overgrown Cities whose Numbers Wealth and Interest enabled them to overtop and oppress Others as it were Naturally Infused into their Bishops a Spirit of Ambition to extend their Jurisdiction and Power Answerably to the Grandeur of their City These Mens Encroachments were for a long time stoutly opposed but Power naturally following Strength Wealth and Interest and an Advantage being given them by the New Division of the Empire by Constantine they in the End prevail'd and Grasp'd so large Jurisdiction as to have several Metropolitans under them and obtained their first Ratification in the Council of Chalcedon as our late Learned Bishop of Oxford hath â—lâ—arly proved Account of Church-Govern These at first were called Exaâ—chs afterwards Patriarchs and sometimes Primates Of this new Booty without fail the Bishop of Rome as Bishop of the most Renowned City in the World and the Ancient Seat of the Empire carried away no small Share for he was always of Kin to the Lion in the Fable who when the Prey came to be divided made the Beasts that Hunted with him Content with a very small pittance if he was so gracious as to allow any thing But yet this New Exorbitant Power did not swallow up the whole Church but in many Places they still Lived in their Ancient Liberty Governed by their Bishops and Metropolitans without being subject to any Pratriarch of which the Cyprian Churches are a famous Instance in the East and I can yet see nothing to perswade me to think otherwise of the Britannick in the West VI. Never any Succession of Men have stood so constantly on their Guard and have been so watchful diligent and industrious upon all occasions to depress others and Exalt themselves as the Bishops of the Roman See All was Fish that ever come to their Net If they could at any time steal into a Jurisdiction though never so unjustly they would never quit it or not without strong Tugging and eternal Claiming And therefore Considering this Temper it were a fair Proposal that Setting aside Flams and Impertinencies they would produce any fair Footsteps of a proper Jurisdiction exercised by the Bishop of Rome over the Britons within the space of a Hundred years after the Council of Chalcedon For when Men have always been so busie in Acquiring so tenacious in Keeping so severe in Exercising Jurisdiction and want no Records unless what themselves have either falsifyed or abused That these Men can produce no good Evidence for such a Jurisdiction to Me it seems a good Argument that from the Beginning there was none If bare Claims and those coming after were enough no Man could live in Peace And therefore he that will thrust another out of possession for his own benefit must well and clearly prove his Title Had these Islands belonged to the Roman Patriarch there was no strength in them to have kept out his Power when it was back'd with the least Shew of Right If therefore it cannot be proved that the Bishop of Rome was in possession of such Jurisdiction here at or near the time that Patriarchates were setled he may let his Suit fall unless he have more Hopes from force or fraud then Right In this Cafe if in any that Common Rule Idem est non esse non apparere hold good And the rather because the Canon that Confirms Patriarchates supposeth the former Exercise of fuch Jurisdiction by Custom What by degrees he gained long after may serve well enough to prove him an Usurper but can Create him no Right as I shall prove Anon. VII Now though it be all the Reason in the World that if the Romanists will pretend a Title they should prove it yet I will not barely insist upon Possession on our part without giving some Reasons that may manifest our Right to it If the Patriarchate of the Bishop of Rome was Confined to the Suburbicary Churches it is most certain that the Britons lay too far off to be Hook'd in by that Title What other Evidence can be brought for the certain Bounds of his Patriarchate I cannot tell I have met with no better And this having been plainly Assigned to him it will concern them to bring their Proofs who will extend it further and therefore I will not longer insist on it Yet this among other Reasons moves me to think that as Patriarch he had no proper Jurisdiction either over the Gallican or Spanish Churches and divers others otherwise then as he might sometimes interpose as an Honourary Arbitrator or at other times upon a nicking Opportunity with the diligence of a watchful Usurper invade their Rights That the French Churches came not under his Authority in the same way and manner that some Others did the Liberties of the Gallican Churches so stoutly Maintained to this very day are an irrefragable Instance And perhaps that is almost the only Church of the Roman Communion which affords us any Hope that the Cause may one day come to a more equal Hearing and Matters be brought more to Rights in the Church of God But as for our selves if the Bishop of Rome never Exercised any such Patriarchal Jurisdiction over the Britons nor would they own or submit to any such considering the low Estate of the One and the Power Arts and indefatigable Industry of the other it will be a Convincing Argument to any unprejudiced Person that he never had any such Jurisdiction here That he did Exercise any such Jurisdiction I deny And it will Concern them to Convince Me by clear Instances of the contrary who will Assert it But if it were possible that they could tell me Five Hundred Tales of Persons sent over hither by the Bishop of Rome I shall not Value it one Rush For if wherever he sends one of an Errand he Requires the Jurisdiction of the place as he hath the Privilege which never Man had so if he hath not been very negligent and false to his own Interest he might long since have gained the Jurisdiction of the whole World and that is certainly too much for a Patriarch which is our present dispute But though I am not bound to prove the Negative yet
the Occasion of the 6th Canon of that truly Venerable and so much Celebrated Councel of Nice where in Relation to the Right of Menopolitans it is thus determined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And though the latter part of the Canon seems to Confirm to them something extraordinary i. e. all that Custom couâ—d then fairly and clearly entitle them to yet notwithstanding this Complement to Men then great and pious it seems to have been made on set purpose that it might be a Barr to their future Usurpations XXVIII This will more plainly Appear if we Consider the Eighth Canon of the General Councel at Ephesus which was Composed with a Deâ—â—gn both to Explain and Strengthen the Nicene Canon For overmuch Greatness is hardly to be Confined within Rules And their Topping Biâ—â—ops had been at Work again The Bishop of Antioch had made fair Attempts to Seize the Isle of Cyprus and the Bishop of Rome not only took his part but by his Letters Condemned the Cyprian Bishops as not wise in the Faith for opposing and plainly gave the Cause on his Side which had been â—nough in all Conscience if he had been near so infallible or powerful then as he is now But when the Matter came before the Councel the Fathers without any Regard to the Authority of the Roman See are quite of another Mind This Act of the Bishop of Antioch which was the Ordaining Bishops in Cyprus they stile 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An Innovation contrary to the lawes of the Church and the Canons of the Holy Fathers And though the Complaint was particular as to the Province of Cyprus yet they make it a Common Cause saying that it was a Matter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which concerned the Liberties of all Churches They Compare it to a Common Disease which needs a stronger Medicine or Cure And then haâ—ing Restored the Cyprianâ— to their Rights lest they should seem negligent of other Churches and leave them open to Usurpers they make their 〈◊〉 General against all other Persons who should invade the Rights of any â—ther Church whatsoever and that twice in the same Canon so jealous 〈◊〉 tender were they in this point First 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. That the same thing should 〈◊〉 Observed in all other Diocesses and Provinces whatsoever that none of the most Holy Bishops should invade any other Province which of old time and from the beginning had not been under the Government of him or his Predecessors But lest this should not be enough they Back it again with another Sanction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. It hath seemed good to the Holy and Universal Synâ—d that the Rights of every Province which Confirmed by old Custom have been Held formerly even from the Beginning shall be preserved pure and inviolable and that every Metropolitan have free Liberty to take a Copy of their Transactions for his own Security And here we have the Nicene Canon not only Confirmed but we are informed what are those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those Ancient Customes which they would have take place They were such which were not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not only of some time backward but from the Beginning And if these be they which must carry the Cause I think the Churches of these Isles are or ought to be as safe as ever were the Cyprian For these had not then so much as been Attempted when the other were but a small Matter from being quite Ravished and had undoubtedly been swallowed up had a General Councel been kept off but some few yeares longer But that they might more effectually prevent the Mischiefs which Attend such Encroachments and the Detriment and Dishonour done to Religion by them the Holy Fathers give no less then three Reasons for this their Constitution First 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Canons of the Fathers may not be transgressed it seems the Laws of the Church had been all along against it But what of that What are Canons to the Pope who is subject to none 'T is pity he was not excepted But the true Reason is because the Fathers thought he ought not The Plenitudo Potestatis now so much boasted of was not then thought of Or if it was durst not appear abroad lest it should have been Knock'd o' th' Head for a Monster Popes themselves in those days pleaded the Canons and were iudged by them And this Canon hath a peculiar evil Aspect upon him for it is directly contrary to his declared Opinion and Determination in behalf of the Bishop of Antioch So that if the Popes now do not regard the Canons it seems heretofore they as little regarded him The second Reason of the Canon is expressed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Pride and Vanity of Secular Power may not enter the Church under a pretence of Discharging the Ministerial Function which seems directly to point to that Saying of our Saviour to his Disciples Matth. 20 25. I Cite the Original because there is something peculiar in the words which our English Translation could not easily reach 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Surely if these Fathers had not a Grudge at the Bishop of Rome they had a foresight of his Progress For put together what the Bishop of Rome now Acts and what he Claims And if that Typhus Seculi which the Antients all along so feared and bitterly inveighed against be not brought into the Church by him I will be bold to say that all their Feares were Follies and that it neither it nor ever can be brought in whilest the World stands The third Reason ought to Affect any Man who calls Himself a Christian It is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lest by degrees we lose that Liberty which our Lord Jesus Christ the Redeemer of all Men hath purchased for us or bestowed on us with his Blood If so our Churches in stead of being blamed ought to be highly Commended for defending this Liberty And as he who shall invade it ought at present to be discountenanced by all others so it is to be feared that he will have asad Account to make up in the day of the Lord Jesus though he pretend to be his Vicar Now if Reason could prevail here is sufficient But because oftentimes Men will not be Ruled by Reason therefore the Fathers yet take a further Care to Compel them by Law and determine in the same Canon That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. If any Man do Seize anothers Province and subject it to Him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That He shall Restore it And that they might take away all Pretences they Conclude 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That if any Man should produce a Constitution contrary to what is now determined it shall be void or of no Authority Now if there be any Reverence for or force in a Canon so carefully penn'd by so Venerable a Councel then it is plain That we have withdrawn
Transactions of those times His Words are these Caeterùm hanc Bullam Pontificii plerique moderatiores tacitè improbabant quòd nulla ex jure admâ—nitio praecesserit praevidentes molem malorum inde sâ—bi impendere qui priùs privatim sua sacra intra parietes satis securè coluerunt vel recâ—pta in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ sacra sine Conscientiae Scrupulo adire non Recusârunt Annal. Eliz. ad Ann Dom ' 1570 So that the Reformation was indeed made on our part for which we wanted neither good Cause nor sufficient Authority But the Separation was made by the Pope For had not He Excommunicated Queen Elizabeth for what Reason the Romanists held Communion with us till such Excommunication for the same it might have continued to this day and no Schism made But if this Excommunication had neither lawful Authority nor just cause then will the Pope be not only the Author but cause of the Schism and draw the whole guilt of it on him and his party The proof of this in particular I will not insist on here because it will be â—bundantly done in the progress of the Work especially in the second and â—â—ird part if it shall please God that I live to Finish them Only here I will leave this Choak-pear which I desire my Adversary to swallow before 〈◊〉 â—ttaqae me That whosoever undertakes the Defenee of that Bull beâ—â—des all other Extravagancies which he shall be obliged to maintain must in the first place fairly Confess himself to be a Rebel and a Traytor as to Principles of Civil Government and obliged in Conscience actually to be so 〈◊〉 often as the Pope requires and of this the Pope to be the sole and unconsroulable Judge XXXVII Having here slipt into the mention of Queen Elizabeth it may not be altogether impertinent to Acquit Her of one dishonourable Scandal wherewith some foul Mouth'd Romanists endeavour to Blast her Memory â—f Henry the Eighth belonged to any he was certainly theirs not ours Yet Handling the Reformation they spare not to charge Him with all the â—â—decencies true or false which they can Rake together But nothing 〈◊〉 more exagitated then his two First Marriages and that oâ—ten in such 〈◊〉 and obscene Language as is not a little offensive to chast Eares The Deâ—â—gn of all this is that they might invalidate Queen Elizabeths Title to 〈◊〉 Crown upon which score some ruder Romanists will at this day as faâ—iliarly and confidently call Her Bastard as if she had been found in the â—â—eets laid at some door in a Basket It is well known that she was a Perâ—â—â— so excellently qualified for Government that even living she struck Envy â—â—mb and made those who most implacably hated Her to Admire Her it might therefore justly move Indignation in any Generous Spirit to see â—â—ery Ass spurn at a dead Lion But if this were as rrue as it is false yet if 〈◊〉 would deal ingeniously they must confess that this could no way effect 〈◊〉 Church as to that Power Conferred on it by God and that Authority which doth always distinctly and entirely remain in it self Only it may 〈◊〉 the Church destitute of any Legal Civil Sanction during her time â—nd if for that they will Condemn us they may as well Condemn the Chriâ—tian Churches of the first three Hundred Yeares and then we shall not be â—uch afraid in so good Company But there is nothing but Malice or Igâ—orance in the thing it self and the Romanists of all Men ought to be cautious in this Matter because whilest they Fence with this Two-Edged Sword intending to Cut Queen Elizabeth they as deeply Wound Queen Mary Neither will the Sickly Salvo of the Popes Dispensation stand them in any stead for it is not only we who deny that his Power reached to it but the greatest part of their own Universities gave it under their Hands and Seals And indeed this was at that time so generally the Opinion of the Romanists That the Author of Church-Government freely Acknowledgeth though little to the Credit of his Cause that when Mary was Offered in Marriage First to the Emperour Charles the Fifth and after to Francis King of France She was Refused by both on this Account because they doubted of the Lawfulness of Henry's Marriage with her Mother part 5. cap. 2. But for my part I am not of their Humour who take a pleasure in bespattering Princes and to do it by our own can be no Honour to our selves I do not see that any thing Alledged can be any real Prejudice either to Mary or Elizabeth for the Succession to our Crown depends neither upon Canons nor Councels much less upon Popes Bulls and Decretals but upon the Constitutions of our Kingdom And it was nevâ—r yet doubted but that King Henry was Married as well to Katherine as Anue Bolen And if the Marriage was Soleâ—nized the Children are Legitimate by our Laws which abhor all thoughts of any such thing as Bastards in Matrimony 'T is true our Laws permit and Authorize Ecclesiasticks to divorce such Persons who Marry within the degrees prohibited but yet suffer no prejudice to be done to their Issue And if the Parents though too near of Kin were Legally Married their Châ—ldren shall succeed to their Estates and Rights in the same manner that other Persons Childâ—en â—o where the Marriage was without Exception And it is very hard Measure to deprive a King of that privilege which belongs to the meanest of his Subjects especially in this Case which may endanger to involve a Nation in Confusion and Ruine Let King Henry therefore Answer for his own faults what iniquity soever there might be in his Marrages yet being Married his Issue are Legitimated And I doubt not but that Mary and Elizabeth were both in their Turns our Lawful Sovereigns I will therefore prosecute this no further save with a Request to the Romanists that henceforward they would cease to set the Childrens Teeth on Edge with the soure Grapes the Father Eat and be as ready to AcknowIedge Queen Elizabeth a Lawful Sovereign as we are Queen Mary XXXVIII I did once Intend to have thoroughly Examined the Matter of the Reformation but I find that it would oblige Me rather to Write a Volume then a Chapter And after all perhaps I should be accused of needless pains for it hath been often and sufficiently done already And all Answers contain only the Crambe centies cocta or some bold Fictions or tedious Triflings Nor do I think that I can be Constrained to Answer for all that went before me In this Church I was Born Baptized and Bred I had no Hand in the Making Modelling or Altering it Gods Providence cast Me into it and I take it as I found it And if as such it be defensible I need concern my self no further And therefore without troubling my self to Rake the Dead out of their Graves I shall Consider our Church under her present Constitution for if that
shall do it more fully hereafter if it shall please God to Vouchsafe me Life and Leasure But to say the Truth there is a subtil Gincrack in this Objection which when they speak out runs thus You were once Vnited and Lived in Obedience to the See of Rome â—â—d are now gone off from it What do you tell us of Corruptions Faults or 〈◊〉 Actions of the Church of Rome You cannot be safe till you be reconâ—â—â—ed and again Vnited to it because that Church is the Mother and Myâ—â—ess of all Churches and the Source of all Authority This is indeed a nimble Way to take for granted the main Matter in dispute And if they could 〈◊〉 easily prove it as they are ready to beg the Question it would go very 〈◊〉 But by the Way take Notice how streightly She hath bound all other Churches in Fetters and what a swinging Priviledge She hath Cut out for â—er self Let her do what She will all others must follow Her Let her do â—â—ver so ill none must so much as Accuse Her Let her hold here and She is safe enough It is well Conâ—rived if these wicked Cross grain'd Herâ—ticks would but believe it They who Claim such ample Privileges ought â—o produce their Charter But when they come to proving they produce â—othing but such wretched stuffe that Men are at a loss to return them an â—nswer by being stâ—uck with Admiration at their Impudence That other â—hurches have as good Authority as the Roman is already proved and shall be more fully in due place And therefore this Assertion is an insolent Afâ—â—ont and Abuse to all the Churches of God But yet I further Answer That supposing some Preeminence did belong to the Church of Rome that cannot Justify them in an ill Cause If ever any Church should Claim to be the Fountain of all Authority the Jewish Church whether as Mosaical or Christian seems to bid the sairest for it Upon that Stock as I may say were the Christians Grafted What Prâ—eminence St. Paul allows the Jews above the Gentiles you may read Rom. the 11th and elsewhere And what particular Respect all the Apostles had to the Jews how forbearing they were towards them how yielding to them how tender of them and how careful and desiâ—ous to Maintain Communion with them the Scriptures every where Testâ—fy But yet when they became obstinate and spake evil of Christianity even St. Paul himself departed from them and separated the Disciples Acts 19. 9. Now we have cast off a Usurped Authority and Reformed some insufferable Abuses For this the Pope not only with the Jews speaks evil of us but thrusts us away and Curseth us Let him pretend what Privilege he will if we be Schismaticks we are Schismaticks with St. Paul And in so good Company we are nothing concerned though the Popâ— and his Teazers Rail and Bâ—rk at us all the Way we go It must needs be saith our Saviour Matt. 18. 7. that Offences come but Wo to that Man by whom the Offence cometh So deplorable Schisms there be and perhaps more or less will be till the dissolution of all things put an end to them But then Wo be to that Man who to Maintain his enormous Greatness tramples on his Fellow Bishops and Tyrannizeth over all Christians and unless they will buy Peace at his unconscionable Rates will not suffer the Wounds of the Church to be healed nor her Breaches made up Nay if they should yield to him it might indeed be some kind of uniting like Brethren in iniquity but then it would be only a debanching not regulating the Church So that it was not for nothing that Marcellus the second in a Silent Melancholick posture Leaning his Head on his Hand at length broke forth into this Expression I do not see it possible how a Man in this High Dignity can be saved But let them look to that for having put in an Answer to the Claim of the Western Patriarch and briefly Justified the actual Separation I shall now Examine whether the so much boasted Councel of Trent can do them any better service CHAP. V. Of the Councel of Trent I. THough the best things by the Frowardness and Contrivance of wicked Men and Seducers may be abused to the worst Ends and perverted contrary to their Nature to serve the most pernicious Designes as hath been too often the Fate of Councels yet it ought not to be denied but that General Councels or others are of greatest Use and Benefit to the Church of God when lawfully called and duely managed where serious continued and unanimous Prayers are put up for Gods Assistance where Matters are freely and fairly debated and where not only the Intentions but Endeavours of the Parties are wholly bent to discover the Truth of God not to Gratifie any Party of Men. For if God have promised to be with two or three who are Gathered together in his Name Surely he will not be wanting to the Governours of his People and the wisest and soberest of Christians when Met together to discover to the Christian World the poison of Hereticks and to serve the Necessities of his Church provided that they take due Couâ—ses And it is Agreeable to Reason that a Considerable Number of good and able Men Assembled together in the fear of God where Matters are freely and fully debated and all Moral Industry used should be better able to discover Truth from Falshood then any single Person or any small Number of Men. And where Men are satisfied of the Regularity of their Proceedings though they should not be so well satisfied in their Determinations yet the Authority of the Persons and unexceptionableness of their Proceedings would be an Awe at least upon all sober and Rational persons and make them cautious oâ— disturbing the Churches Peace Nor doth it seem to be without Encouragement and Direction that the primitive Christians in difficult Cases Fled to General Councels as their Sovereign Remedy For the Apostles themselves set them a Precedent and the first Councel at Jerusalem though small yet perhaps the most General that ever was was a Pattern worthy Imitation For though the Apostles had severally the Holy Ghost and were the Persons purposely Chosen to make known to Mankind the extraordinary Revelations of Gods Will and so might have determined any Question concerning any such Matter by their own Authority yet the Quarrel arising between the Jews and Gentiles concerning Circumcision and in the Consequence concerning the whole Ceremonial Law of Moses though they knew that one great End of Christs Coming was to abolish it to fulfil its Types and set up a more spiritual Worship yet the whole Church being divided by this means into two Parties they would not determine the Matter till Met in Councel together that a full debate and their unanimous Consent might give the greater satisfaction to all And indeed their Proceedings are an admirable Copy for all following Councels to write after even
Salvation was by the Law of Moses not by the Faith of Christ Jesus Fled as far as they could from them and would not joyn with them in or Practise any of the Rites peculiar to the Law of Moses for the Matter was now come to that pass that they could not do it without betraying the Christian Religion so that now ceased the Obligation to these Matters which the Council at Jerusalem had formerly imposed in favour of the Jews and Hopes to Win them And hence it is probable many Churches tooâ— Occasion to turn the Great Festival of the Jews the Sabbath into a Fâ—â—t And for this Reason amongst Others viz. That they might not Ground their Festival from any Jewish Rite or because they thought the Account noâ— exact they declined the Fourteenth of the Moon and began that Feast on the Lords Day reckoning from the Fifteenth to the One and Twentieth of the Moon Now not to Run over the Stories of Simon Zelotes Joseph of Ariâ—â—athea and Others who are Celebrated for the first Planters of the Christian Religion in these Isles From these Premisses it is not irrational to Conclude that the British Churches observing the Feast of Easter after the Usage which obtained before the Separation from the Jews and the Roman Church more exactly as was devised afterwards the Gospel in all probability must have been Preached and Received in Brittain some time before any Considerable Church was Gathered at Rome And being this Usage continued for several Hundreds of Years though the Bishops of Rome were so far from suffering it in that they would scarce suffer it out of their Jurisdiction it will follow that these Churches were neither of Roman Conversion nor Roman Jurisdiction IX This Matter will be much clearer if we now descend to Consider the Debates Behaviour and Actions of the Brittish Bishops towards Augustine the Monk who was sent hither by Pope Gregory for the Conversion of the Saxons But first to prevent mistakes I must tell you that I have no design either to Vindicate the Brittish Bishops in the Observation of Easter or to condemn the Roman It Matters not to Me who was right or wrong but it is the Difference and the Grounds whereon it was Maintained which serves my Ends. The Britons were not Quartodecimani as some have supposed for those kept the Feast on the Fourteenth of the Moon on what day of the Week soever it fell but the Britons expected the Lords Day But I suppose none now will Contest it but that the Romans were most exact and right in their Observation but then that arose from this Nicety That the Law of Moses Commands the Paschal Lamb to be slain in the Evening of the Fourteenth day of the first Month Now according to the Jewish Account who Reckoned the foregoing Night to the following day that must be on the Beginning of the Fifteenth day But the Britons who Reckoned not from Sun-set but from Sun-rise and so on the contrary joyned the following Night to the foregoing day could not see this but must of course take the Evening following the Fourteenth Day to be part of the Fourteenth Day And therefore their Practice being suitable to their Common Conceptions And having obtained amongst them from their first Entrance into Christianity it was unreasonable that those who had no Jurisdiction over them should impose an Alteration upon them and still worse to raise irreconcileable fewds and make Divisions in Gods Church for such a matter As if a Man could not be a good Christian without being an exact Astronomer and Critically cunning in the Customes of other Nations X. But to Return to our Matter Mauritius according to Beda Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 23. came to the Empire in the Year 582 In the Tenth Year of his Reign Gregory came to the Popedom And he in the Fourteenth Year of the same Emperours Reign sends Augustine to the Saxons so that Aâ—gustines first Mâ—ssion was about the Year 596 But though he and his Companions seemâ—d to set forth with great Chearfulness and Resolution yet whether from the dread of a Warlike and barbarous People or from an Apprehension of their inability for the Work as not understanding the Language or what other Cause I know not After mature deliberation in Council they fairly tack about and Sail back again This much troubled the good Pope who by all Circumstances seems to have Set his Heart on this Work And he had the greater Reason for it because it was already half done to his Hands And therefore he gently Reproves those faint-hearted Souldiers but takes greater pains to encourage them And that they might want nothing to Fit them for the work he Sends and Recommends them to Etherius Archbishop of Arles who furnisheth them with Interpreters de Gente Erancorum Bed Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 24. 25. And now away they go for good and Land in the Isle of Thanet and perhaps there was no great difficulty in Converting King Ethelbert for it was now about 150 Years since the Coming in of the Saxons And though their Quarrel was with the Britons yet they could not in all that time but understand somewhat of the Christian Religion from them Besides Ethelberts Queen was a Christian and de Gente Erancorum Regiâ as Beda phraseth it And it was Conditioned at her Marriage That She should have the frâ—e Use of her Religion And the Condition was duely kept for whereas the King had his Court in Canterbury the Queen had for her Use the then Ancient Church of St. Martin standing at the Towns-End and her Bishop Lindhardus who Officiated And any Body will suppose That both She and her Bishop would do all they could to Influence and perswade the King Further Beda Eccl. Hist lib. 1. cap. 25. saith expressly though somewhat mincingly That Antea fama ad eum Christianae Religionis pervenerat And Gregory the Great in one of his Letters saith They were desirous of it And whosoever shall duely Consider the whole Behaviour of King Ethelbert will find in him no Aversion to the Christian Religion but that like a wise Prince he only â—ook care so to manage the Matter that he might Receive it with the Satisfaction of his Subjects and draw them to it after him Well in a short time the King is Convertâ—d and Augustine becomes his Favourite And yet before this with the true Industry of a Monck he Lends the Honest Bishop Linhardus a Lift who had prepared Matters for him and by the Kings Favour gets Possession of St. Martins Church And here I know not well how to excuse Beda from Partiality For he saith as little as could be beâ—ore but henceforward not a word of the endeavors of the Queen or her Bishop nor a tittle of all the labor and pains of the French Intetpreters without whom this our English Apostle could have done nothing But Augustine like a true Son of the Râ—man Church goes away both with
Converts then Dogs he might have made it a strong Argument for their professing Obedience and Subjection to the See of Rome In fine he will have their Answer Amount to no more but this That only they would not Acknowledge Augustines Superiority over them seeing be was sent only to the English And that the Authority of their own Arch bishop was not taken away by his coming for any thing they knew but remained as before 3 Conver cap. 2. sect 14. What pity is it that Augustine did not better inform them it seem's they would have been a very obedient People had they known the Pope's Orders and been told the Truth of the Matter But it is an unlucky thing that when a Man with Working his Wits has devised an Answer that would do the Business he should not have the Privilege to make it pass for Truth unless it be so in it self Now all this is spoken by a Figure called Fiction which the rude Vvlgar call Lying For the Britons no more regarded the Pope then they did Augustine I have already set down the Answer of Dinothus Abbot of Bangor to which Jeoffery's words Relate and he who will be at the pains to read it will see That it is as expressly and directly Levelled against the Pope's Authority or Supremacy if it must be so called as could be well fâ—amed They impugne Augustines Authority by denying the Pope and own no Superiour but the Bishop of Caerleon who was to oversee under God over them or according to the Brittish had the only Eye over them under God And this they Confirm by their unanimous Practice despising all Orders from Rome and obstinately refusing all Communion with Augustine and his Successors Yet this and more F. Parsons Chymistry can melt into Obedience and an Acknowledgement of the Pope's Supremacy At this Rate who can doubt of Miracles in the Church of Rome XXIII In the next place he is highly Offended with the Magdeburgenses for speaking so irreverently of Pope Innocent the First and his Testimony That all the West Churches were Founded by St. Peter on his Disciples and Successors And it is no wonder if Pope Innocent spoke out for himself and it may go a great way where they have not to do with such Hereticks as expect Proofs If this be true why has F. Parsons discovered some such First Founders of the Brittish Churches as were none of Peters Disciples or Successors His Forgetfulness sometimes doth his Holy Father as much injury as the Magdeburgians malice neither doth it carry any force of Truth because by rheir own Confession there was a time when Easter was not so exactly observed as now it is whether there was a Stated Church at Rome then or not and that the Conversion of the Britons was at that time I see not any better Account can be Given To Help out this he tells us of Two more Popes Honorius and John the fourth who wrote to the Irish to reduce them from this Errour But Honorius will do him small service because in that Account which Beda gives of his Letter Ecc. Hist lib. 2. cap. 19. it is clearly implied that the whole Nation was involved in it and so we have a Pope on our Side to set against him that follows His Pope John was searce Pope then at Best he was but â—lect And the Letter seems to comâ— as ' I may say from the Chapter in the Vacancy of the See and of those many who joyn in Writing it Hilarius the Arch-Presbyter not John is first mentione but for once let John have the Credâ—t of it and he then will tell us That this Heresie i.e. concerning Easter was but lately sprung up amongst them and only some sew infected with it But now how John and Honorius will Agree about this I cannot tell For once I will be so kind to F. Parsons as to try if I can make them Friends The Brittish and Irish Usage was in this Western part of the World a great Singularity in those days Now if John had a Mind to draw them off from it who can blame him from speaking favourably and representing the Matter as inoffensively as could be The Way to Win Men is not to provoke them and we sometimes seem not to believe that a Man is so bad as we know he is because we would not harden him with shame but have a defire to make him better But when Men purposely and designedly speak sparingly their Words are not to be brought as an Evidence of the whole Matter But the Truth is they had little knowledge of our state but by uncertain Relations Gregory the Great himself when he saâ— the English Children Sold in the Market knew not whether their Nation was Christian or Pagan Augustine even for some time after his Coming hither knew not the Usage of the Britons yea even Laurentius his Successor had much such an opinion of the Irisb as F. Parfons till Time and Experience undeceived him And therefore such Forreigners as were far more ignorant of our Affairs we may justly except against as incompetent Witnesses especially they being the very Men who taught these Men their Errour which their Eyes and Eares after Convinced them of XXIV But now comes the Knocking Argument to this Effect That neither Damianus and others sent by Eleutherius nor St. German and his Fellows who came twice hither to oppose the Pelagianâ— make any mention of this Usage which they would have done and Amended it too had they found it here Because saith he both Pope Pius and Pope Victor had before Condemned it for Heretical I could thank the Jesuite for this Argument for it mortally Wounds his own Cause I will not again dispute the Mission of Damianus or Deruvianus or what other Names the Jesuite will give Him nor will I insist on it that Germanus and Lupus were sent by the French at the Request of the Britons and not by the Pope But if that Usage was universally practised by the Bâ—itttish and Irish and no good Instance appear that it was ever otherwise as I have already proved and that it continued for a long time after then it will unavoidably follow that the Britons were not under the Roman Jurisdiction nor thought themselves bound to stand to the Popes Determination Yea fuâ—â—her that these very Men whom he saith the Pope sent were of the same Mind or else dealt very unfaithfully in making no stir about it Nay being the French Churches did Communicate both with Brittisb and Irish at that time when they not only Maintained this Usage in opposition to Rome but refused Communion with their Bishops It is an Argument that they neither thought the Bishop of Romes Decrees did bind the Britons nor that the thing was so Heretical in it self For certainly they would never have so freely and Friendly Maintained Communion with them had they stood in open opposition and professed disobedience to their proper Patriarch By this a Judgement
may be made of the Rest of F. Parsons Arguments I shall follow him no further It is not the Observation of Easter which we dispute with Rome but we urge the Practice of the Britons and Irish to prove the Liberty of these Islands XXV Now to avoid Tediousness in this particular having left the Ancient Britons in possession we must suppose they held it till it can be proved they were ejected Now the first so far as I can yet find who Attempted this to any purpose was Henry Beau-clâ—rk and he being a Wise as well as a potent Prince thought the Subjeâ—â—iâ—g the Welch Bishops to the Metropolitan See of Canterbury might be a means to keep the Welch in order and so far as concerned his own Kingdom he herein dealt not only like a Politick Princâ— but even the Laws of the Church did â—ountenance him But then by the same Act he submitted all the Welch Bishops to the See of Rome as things then stood and so Compleated the Popes Conquest of these Isles which thing the iniquity of those times would either not afford him Eyes to see or not power to prevent Accordingly he prefers Bernardus a Norman and his Chaplain to the Bishopâ—ick of St. Davids But Liberty and Power are both sweet things and Bernardus being got in possession grows resty and Asserts his Rights and the Priviledges of his See And here the Pope first got the Fiâ—gering of the Cause so as to make his true Advantage of it 'T is true Bernardus appeared Confident and swagger'd bravely but in vain did he think â—o carry a Cause in the Court of Rome against the Archbishop of Canterbury's Purse and the Pope's Interest when at the same time and in the same thing he also Cross'd his own Kings design There is no doubt but that his Holiness swallowed this long-look'd for Morsel with a great deal of pleasure and greediness And yet the Sentence did not fully and quietly take place till a long time after which possibly is the Reason that our Authors so differ in Assigning the time of this Submission for the Welshmen could not yet forget what they once were and upon all Occasions strugled hard to retain their Government amongst themselves so that as Affairs went with the English this matter either got or lost Ground If the English Power was at leisure to wait on the Welsh Men and awe them then the Welsb Bishops were the Popes and his Grace of Canterbury's Grumbling Servants But if the English Affairs were so involved that their Countrey had a little Rest the one was as ready to Cast off the Ecclâ—siastical as the other the Civil Yoke And thus Matters seem to have stood Wavering till Henry the third or Edward the first times But about the thirty second year of Henry the third Matt. Paris Hist Maj. Hen. 3. page 715 the English Forces so Harâ—asied Wales that the Ground lay Untilled Cattel neglected the Famine Raged amongst them The Bishop of St. David died overcome with Grief for the miseries of his Countrey and the Bishops of St. Asaph and Bangor were reduced to that miserable Condition as to Beg their Bread in a Counâ—rey wasted with Fire and Sword But when Matters were somewhat Composed St. Davids the Metropolitical See of Wales was found to be so Impoveriâ—â—ed that it was thought a despicable Preferment for an Arch-Deacon of Lincoln though Thomas Wallensis in Commiseration of his Countrey did accept it And here the Brittish Ecclesiastical Liberty seems to have drawn its last Breath or to have given only some few Gasps after yet if we place its Fall in Henry the First his time it will have lasted above 1000 yeareâ— but if in Henry the third's time it will be above 1200. But henceforward till till the Reformation I think it must be Acknowledged that the Pope Rodâ— in full Triumph over all parts of these Isles And though in some Matters he Met with smart Opposition yet he Exercised an Authority nothing less then Patriarchal It remains now therefore to be enquired whether this his Intrusion or Possession did create him any Right or any such Right but that the Churches in these Isles as Matters then stood might Reform themselves and lawfully Re-assume their former Liberties XXVI Were it not that the Romanists make a Flourish with every little Argument that seems to favour their Cause as if there were some great thing in it I should not think it worth my while to mention the Plea from the Conversion of the Saxons by Augustine For first if it were good that would give them but little Ground for his Preaching seems not to have taken any Effect beyond Kent the East-Saxons and perhaps some small Matter in the East-Angles As for the Kingdoms of the Northumbrians and Mercians which were of greatest Extent they were apparently of Scotch or Irish Conversion Nor will this Claim in the least touch the Britons Irish Scots or Picts But Secondly if there be any thing in this then such Zealous Christians as have gone out from any of these Isles and Converted Pagans would obtain a Jurisdiction for the Metropolitans of such Places from whence they went in rhose Countreys But if any of our Bishops should on that score Challenge a Jurisdiction in Germany or other places I am apt to think that they would be well Laught at for their pains and be esteemed very idle impertinent persons if not worse used We are therefore ready Gratefully to Acknowledge all those good Offices which any of the Popes Predecessors have heretofore done for us or he at any time shall do for us But if for Others merits or his own good Turns he conclude he has gained us to be his Slaves I think he Sells Kindnesses the dearest of any Man living and we shall beg his Pardon that we are not in Haste to agree to so hard a Bargain XXVII As for these Isles they having been truly and rightfully possessed of such Ecclesiastical Liberties they cannot be lawfully deprived of them by any fraud or force If another Man take away my Goods and keep them never so long yet if I can prove them to have been my Goods and that they were fraudulently and forcibly taken and detained from Me no Possession or Prescription can Create a Right to him who by unlawful means is possessed of that which Apparently belongs to another de facto indeed it may be otherwise but de jure it never ought or can And therefore it was a Sanction of the Twelve Tables Adversus Furèm aeterna Lex esto But the Canons of the primitive Church seem more carefully to have secured the Rights of pâ—rticular Churches then the Secular Laws have done the possessions of particular Men. The Bishops of thâ—se overgrown Cities Rome Antioch and 〈…〉 mâ—ke Use of their Reputation and Interest to Augment their Power and Jurisdiction But as none other had the like Advantages so none Traded with such Success as the Bishop of Rome These were