an extraordinary Zeal for Religion and that oftentimes made them take Alarme when it was not in any extream danger and if their Knowledge and Discretion were not always proportionable to their Zeal surely among Christians it might be allowed to the Frailty of Humane Nature and the Sincerity of a good meaning If they differ'd sometimes among themselves and were warmer than is fit in their Disputes consider that the Apostles themselves had their Misunderstandings and their Contentions sometimes Peter was to be blamed and Barnabas was carried away The Churches founded by the Apostles were immediately divided about Opinions which were presently determined in Council and yet we do not find that the Controversie was at an end Should any one therefore so abridge the History of the Apostles as to represent nothing of them but their unhappy Contention and leave them under the odious Characters of Disturbers of the World and Dividers of the Church would it not justly pass for a Libel against Christianity It were disingenious and base even in an Enemy in a Christian I know not how to call it Having paid this duty to the honour of Religion by a general Vindication of it from such Consequences as might be drawn from this Church History against the Intention of the Author I come now to his design which is laid down page 27. To shew the Ignorant so much of the matter of Fact as may tell them who have been the Cause of all Church-Corruption Heresies Schisms Seditions c. And whether such Diocesan Prelacies and Grandure be the Cure or ever was But surely this is not the way of cureing Church-divisions thus to exasperate These Reproaches cannot serve to heal but to fret and inflame the Wound I have some hopes that I shall be able to shew the Reader so much of the matter of Fact too as may let him see how much he has been imposed on by this History and that all Corruptions and Schisms are very injuriously and against all Truth of History charg'd upon the Bishops Yet suppose the Charge be true is it such a Wonder that men of great Talents and great Authority do sometimes abuse them and by that means become the Cause of Church-Corruptions Private men though neither better nor wiser than the Bishops have not the Opportunity of doing so much either Good or Hurt and their Mistakes or Vices do not draw after them so great Consequences This Accusation though it may serve to render Bishops odious is yet of use to prove their Authority and their ancient possession of the right of governing the Church like his who would prove that they have troubled the World ever since the Apostles time If the abuse of this Power be sufficient reason to take it away or to render it odious what will become of preaching and writing Books What will become of Scripture and Conscience Let him still exclaim the Bishops have been the Authors of all Corruption and Schism were they not Christians and Men as well as Bishops and if a Heathen or a Jew should not lay such a Stress upon the name of Bishop but put that of a Christian in it's place and then make a great Outery wicked Christians turbulent Christians would not this reasoning hold as well as Mr. B's or if some of the graver Beasts should recover the Conversation they had in Aesop's days and talk judicially might not they bray aloud Horrible men Abominable men that will never agree or understand one another and then conclude with the Ass in the Satyr Ma foy non plus que nous l'home n'est qu'une bête Be the Bishops whose History Mr. B. writes as bad as he will have them how will this concern the rest of that order unless they will follow their Examples and own their Corruptions Machiavel was of Opinion that the greatest part of men were Rogues and Knaves but what is that to You and I let every man bear his own Burden But Mr. B. is resolved to cut off this Retreat and to level his Charge not so much against the Persons as the office of Bishops and to this effect he explains himself p. 22. There is an Episcopacy whose very Constitution is a Crime and there is another that seems to me a thing convenient lawful and indifferent and there is a sort which I cannot deny to be of divine Right Here we have three sorts of Bishops and this is pretty reasonable and compendious but in another Book which he refers to in this he gives no less than twelve Disput of Ch. Government p. 14. dividing was much in Fashion at that time though commonly it was without a difference and as they could make a sort of Seekers that neither sought nor found so he gives several sorts of Bishops that were no more so than he or I nay in this Abridgment of the great Division I believe the Members will be concident and that it is but a little artificial Illusion of Mr. B. that makes them appear several take away the little corner'd glass and that great multitude of pieces we saw are in a moment reduced to one poor Six-pence well let us see then what this criminal sort of Episcopacy is and what Mr. B. has to lay to it's Charge That Episcopacy which I take in it self to be a Crime is such as is afore-mentioned p. 22. which in it's very Constitution overthrows the Office Church and Discipline which Christ by himself and his Spirit in his Apostles instituted this is criminal indeed and a thousand Pities it should stand one Moment But where shall we find this Abomination it is not far of if his Judgment may be taken for Such says he I take to be that Diocesan kind ibid. which has only one Bishop over many Score or Hundred fixt parochial Assemblies Is this then their Crime that they have many fixt parochial Assemblies under their Government Had not the Apostles Had not the Evangelists so too And was that Constitution criminal Had not the Bishops of St. Jerom's Notion several fixt Assemblies That Father did indeed maintain that the poor Bishop of Eugubium was as much a Bishop as he of Rome but he little thought that he was more so or that the Extent of the Roman Diocess had chang'd the very Species of it's Church Government Hieron Ep. ad Evagr. he thought they were both of the same sort and that the single and small Congregation of the one and the numerous Assembly under the Inspection of the other had made no difference at all in the nature or constitution of their Episcopacy he communicated with and submitted himself in Questions of the highest moment to the Bishop of Rome Vid Hier. Ep. ad Damas which considering the Temper of the man and his Contempt of the World he would hardly have done if he had judged him an Usurper but would rather have joyned himself to the poor Bishop of Eugubium and done all possible
in the Catalogue of Bishops ordain'd by Meletius and given in to the Bishop of Alexandria The lastthing I shall take notice of is the Diocese of Theodoret. This indeed I just mention'd and remitted the Reader to the D. of Pauls who had spoke very particularly of it I shall therefore say very little to it here being unwilling to do any prejudice to so good a Cause and so great a Person by a weak and unnecessary Defence But this I cannot omit that if those 800 not 80 Churches as this Gentleman reckons them belong'd to him as Metropolitan and they were all Episcopal this poor Region of Cyrus would have more Bishops than all Africk notwithstanding they were more numerous there than in any part of the World besides I have no more to add but that there was design'd a Chapter concerning the Right of electing Bishops and Church-Officers with an Historical Deduction of the Practice of the Church through the several Ages of it but because it could not answer the Design first form'd without swelling this Book to too great a Bulk It may hereafter in due time be publish'd by it self The Subject affording Variety enough for a large Treatise and requiring some Time and Diligence to do it to any Effect CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS CHAP. I. OF the Design of Mr. Baxter's Church-History and his Notion of Primitive Congregational Episcopacy Page 1. CHAP. II. Of Heresies and the first Councils p. 76. CHAP. III. Of the Council of Nice and some that followed it p. 105. CHAP. IV. Of the Council of Constantinople p. 130. CHAP. V. Of the first Council of Ephesus p. 177. CHAP. VI. Councils about the Eutychian Hereresie p. 228. CHAP. VIi The Council of Calcedon p. 239. CHAP. VIII Of the Authors of Heresies Schisms and Corruptions and whether they were all Bishops p. 276. CHAP. I. A short View of the other Governments set up in Opposition to Episcopacy p. 364. CHAP. II. Of the Rise and Progress of Diocesan Episcopacy p. 433 ERRATA THe Faults that have escaped are almost infinite I have noted some of the most gross Page 5. for the effect read this p. 10. for judicially r. judiciously p. 11. for concident r. coincident p. 5. for the right r. their p. 18. for and so many r. over p. 21. for or Elders r. over p 23. there is a whole passage so mangl'd that it requires some trouble to restore it What refers to the Council of Calchedon cited in the Margin That is left out viz. that at that time they reckon'd 27 Bishops of Ephesus from Timothy that Polycrates reckon'd himself the 8. not the 6. Bishop of that Church for so many understand the passage of his Epistle tho' that does not necessarily follow from the words cited by Eusebius p. 27. for positure law r. positive ibid. the residence r. their p. 29. as they c. d. as p. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. for our Presbyters r. your ibid. for alledging r. alluding 16. for Capital r. Capitol p. 39. in the Margin r. coimus in caetum p. 41. for the generality of Christians r. many Christians p. 57. for made r. many Congregational c. p. 61. for before our Saviour was born correct before his Passion p. 63. r. Pantenus Heraclas p. 68. for shine r. thinne p. 69. r. that he should be p. 81. for is dangerous r. as p. 113. for Constantin's time r. Constantius p 126. for a dozen times r. lines p. 136. for to Meletius r. to Pautinus p. 143. for possum r. portum p. 319. for Observations r. Obsecrations p. 332. for not an Heretick r. Arch-Heretick 16. Arch Heresie d. Arch. There are very many false pointings which the Reader may correct as Isidor Pelus Evagrius Pontious c. where the Comma's are to be blotted out and several other wrong punctations that render the sence sometimes difficult but with a little observation the understanding Reader may restore them CHAP. I. Of the Design of Mr. Baxter's Church History and his Notion of Primitive congregational Episcopacy THERE is nothing so fatal to Christian Religion as our unhappy Dissentions about it especially such as divide the Church into Parties abhorring each others Communion for besides that the very Disagreement between men of the same Profession brings the whole Doctrine under suspition of Falshood or Uncertainty the Method that the Parties contending commonly make use of to set up themselves by the Disparagement and Reproach of the contrary side serves to bring them and their Religion into the lowest Contempt and the Result of all is that the common Enemy is made Judge between them who fairly sums up the Evidence and passes Sentence upon all sides according to their mutual Accusation This sad Truth is but too much confirmed by the experience of our times wherein there are few so happily removed from the noise of profane Conversation as not frequently to hear the scurrilous Blasphemies of the Atheist under pretence of running down the several Factions in Religion 't is this gives them Shelter and Protection and while they pretend to expose this or that Party they have the Opportunity with little change of Company to mock all Religion by parcels and that with the great good likeing and approbation of Christians themselves This is no such News but that most men seem to be sensible of it and bewail the thriving of Prophaneness by the Countenance that it receives from our Differences yet for all this how few abate any thing of their Fierceness How few will be so moderate as to sacrifice even the most disingenious Arts of Contention Calumny and Railing to the Safety and Honour of our common Faith I wish Mr. B. had had this Consideration before him when he set upon the writing of his Church History of Bishops and their Councils abridged he has indeed sufficiently abridg'd all the good Services that Bishops and Councils have done to the Church but their Miscarriages he has enlarg'd upon to purpose and sometimes by a foul Juggle conveyed the best of their Actions into the Catalogue of their Crimes and their greatest Services for Religion prove a considerable part of their Endictment I must confess I never saw any thing that in my Judgment reflected with more dishonour upon Religion than this strange account that he has given of the progress of it and the frightful Representation that he has made of the Church in all Ages Heathens have been civil and modest in their Character of us l. 27. compar'd with this Ammianus Marcellinus though he be something sharp upon Damasus Bishop of Rome yet speaks honourably of the generality of Christian Bishops Zosimus does not mention Chrysostom with any disrespct l. 5. c. 23. though he had a fair occasion nay the scurril Wit of that Buffoon Lucian nor the Malice of Julian the Apostate have left nothing half so scandalous in all their Libels against Christians as this Church Historian has raked up for here is
them to be troublesome in any State or Circumstances yet there are some that qualifie them more for Mischief and others that dispose them for it There may be many wicked men that might be willing enough to make a disturbance but they may want parts and Abilities for the work Any man may pretend to a wicked opinion but every one cannot recommend it to others and there are few that care for being Hereticks by themselves But where Malice and an evil temper has the advantage of Natural and acquir'd endowments like Sulphur and Salt peter it does not only presently take fire but has likewise an extraordinary force and capacity to destroy It is observ'd by some of the Fathers that most of the Haeresiarchae the Authours of Heresies or Sects Aug. Com. in Psalm were men of great wit and accutness in Reasoning Non Enim putetis Fratres potuisse fieri Haereses per parvas quasdam animas non fecerunt Haereses nisi Magni Homines Do not think that Heresies were first rais'd by ordinary mean persons they were great men that set them up and within the same page he mentions several of them considerable men The same Observation St. Hierom makes Hieron Com. in Osâ—â— c. 9. Nullus enim potest Haeresim struere nisi qui Ardentis Ingenii est habet dona natura qua à Deo Artifice sunt Creata Talis Valentinus talis Marcion quos Doctissimos legimus Talis Bardesanes cujus etiam Philosophi admirantur Ingenium None but men of Great Parts are able to set up a Heresie Valentinus and Marcion we find were very learned men and Bardesanes was admired even by Philosophers Vincentius Lirinensis amplifies upon this subject with great art and passion he tells the great endowments of such as rais'd Heresie and reckons up particularly all the advantages they had to recommend themselves and their Doctrine and at last concludes they were a mighty Temptation enough almost to stagger the most confirm'd Orthodox Believe Vincent Lir. adv Haeres alluding I suppose to that of the Apostle that there must be Heresies that by that tryal or Temptation they who are approved might be made manifest It was a Question that puzzl'd the most understanding Heathen I think that ever was Cicer. how God should ever bestow Reason and wit upon such men as he foresaw would make use of the gifts against the Donor This Christian Religion renders more easie when it shews us the end of this permission the manifestation of those that are approv'd Now though these Qualifications of Malice and Wit where they are met in the same person do dispose and fit him for Disturbances yet he seldom breaks out into any extremity before some outward occasion of Discontent does inflame him There is indeed a Temper that no Fortune no Honours can content and render easy to it self or restrain from disturbing the world but this extravagancy is not Common and the Generality of men though not very quiet or peaceable in their Dispositions yet when they have gain'd their point and are possess'd of wealth and honour they are commonly willing to secure the enjoyment of those Possessions by letting things run in the ordinary course But if one of these men happens to labour under repulse and disappointments his patience is soon at an end Upon this account many of the Inferiour Clergy that have stood in Competition for a Bishoprick and lost it have broken off all Communion with their Bishops whose Competitors they were so Novatianus and several others became Hereticks sometimes growing impatient with waiting for the Death of their Bishop they have revolted against him and drawn the People after them Thus Arius and Macedonius became the heads of Sects sometimes despair of Promotion after long waiting and envy against those they saw preferr'd before them hath carri'd away unsteaddy men to set up for singularity and to make new Sects Thus Aetius Separated from the Arians and taught new Blasphemies of his own Sometimes vain men have been carri'd away with the applause and favour of the people that flock'd after them and through'd their Churches to set up themselves against their Bishop upon presumption of greater interest in the people This St. Austin makes a principal cause of Heresies Sic enim fiunt Haereses schismata Aug. de Bapt. cont Donat. prop. sin cum dicit plebs carnâ—lis quae in charitate dei fundate non est Ibo post Amatores meos cum quibus utique sive per fidei Corruptionem sive per elationem superbiae turpiter fornicantur Heresies and Schisms are caused by giddy People that have itching Ears and run after such Teachers as they fansie There is no doubt but these pretended greater Edification for an excuse of their Curiosity Yet this good Bishop did not like the reason and makes it the cause of all the mischiefs that befel the Church Nay the Apostle expresses no small dislike of those that heap themselves Teachers having Itching Ears Were that great Apostle and that Great Bishop alive now what would they say when they should hear men renounce all order and rule and profess to follow their fancy under the notion of greater Edification Yet this I must observe farther that how good soever the argument may be for separation It sounds not well from the Teachers whose Commendation is involv'd in the reason They might surely give the People leave to say it and that might have sav'd their Modesty without losing the argument To Conclude this Point Almost all the Heresies and Schisms that have distracted the Church have been no other than so many defections of the Discontented part of the Clergy and the more pragmatical part of the Laity from their Rightful Bishop Cyp Ep. 55 Non aliundè Haereses obortae sunt aut nata sunt Schismata quam inde quod Sacerdoti non Obtemperatur Ep. 69. Schisms and Heresies spring from no other cause than disobedience to the Bishop Inde Haereses obortae sunt dum Episcopus qui unus est Contemnitur All the disturbance of the Church is purely for want of observing that Precept of the Apostle Heb. 13.17 Obey them that have the rule over you and submit your selves for they Watch for your souls as they that must give account i. e. Obey those that are Rightfully over you and submit to them not choosing your selves new Teachers and running after your own fancy Epad. Sâ—yr Which Ignatius seems to paraphrase as he is cited by Antiochus Let the people assemble where the Bishop is present The sheep ought not to go wandering whither they please but as the Shepherd leads them The people ought to follow the directions of their Bishop and conclude what he orders to be most pleasing to God And surely any one would think this the securest course Those that seduce the people into Faction they may have interests of their own to serve by making a breach and a
place than a Cave where they could meet but fifty at a time like the Prophets that were fed by Obadiah in the time of Jezebel's Persecution and these Judges when they came together durst not be so presumptuous as to judge a Pope but desired him to condemn himself and when the poor man is perswaded to pass his own Sentence Melchiades pronounces these Words Justè ore suo condemnatus est nemo enim unquam judicavit Pontificem nec praesul sacerdotem suum quoniam prima sedes non judicatur à quoquam and yet for all this Mr. B. declares that whether this be true or forg'd is too hard a Controversie Just as hard as that concerning St. Vrsula and her eleven thousand Virgins or the travelling Chappel of Loretto or the History of the seven Champions The Council of Illiberis follows next that has many very good Canons and some have need of a favourable Interpretation it is very severe in some cases denying Communion even at the hour of Death but this is not the thing which was condemn'd in the Novatians as we shall shew hereafter The Council of Carthage follow'd that began the Schism of the Donatists p. 39 § 40. upon the occasion of Cecilianus his Election Thus says he the doleful Tragedy of the Donatists began by Bishops divided about the Carthage Bishop Tho it cannot be denyed but that Bishops had a hand in carrying on this Schism Opt. lib. 1. contra Parmen yet 't is not true that it was begun by them for Optatus makes Botrus and Caeleusius the first Authors of this Schism for these desiring themselves to be Bishops of Carthage and disappointed of their Hopes by the unanimous Election of Cecilianus left the Communion of the Church and drew Lucilla a rich and potent Lady into their Party Et sic tribus convenientibus causis personis factum est ut malignitas haberet effectum Schisma igitur illo tempore confusâ mulieris iracundia peperit ambitus nutrivit avaritia roboravit These three invited those Traditors of the Council of Cyrta to Carthage to judge the cause of Cecilianus who they pretended was ordained by a Traditor and these inveigled a great many others by a plausible pretence of Zeal against the Betrayers of Religion so Cecilianus was condemn'd and Majorinus put into his place The Donatists says Mr. B. were so call'd from Donatus § 40. a very good Bishop of Carthage heretofore and not from Donatus à Casis nigris 'T is true the former gave them the name but I wonder where Mr. B. finds that he was so good a Bishop (a) De script Eccles in Donat. St. Jerom makes him an Arrian (b) Optat. lib. 3. contra Parmen Optatus represents him as the most arrogant proud man that ever was that he exacted such a Submission even from Bishops as to make them worship him with no less Regard than God himself that he suffer'd men to swear by his name (c) Aust in Joh. tract 3. prop. Friem St. Austin makes him an Impostor that he made his party believe that when he pray'd God answer'd him from Heaven and the civil Magistrate found him no less turbulent than the Church his contumelious Language to the Emperours and their Lieutenants shewing sufficiently what Spirit he was of Gregori Macula Senatus dedecus Praefectorum Lastly He mistakes the time of this Council with Binnius and Baroneus placing it in the year of Christ 306. But Optatus making this Election of Cecilianus subsequent of the Toleration granted the African Churches by Maxentius who had not reduced Africa Valesius de Schismate Donatist c. 1. § 41. till about five years after it is clear that this Council could not be before An. 308. Another Council was held at Carthage where no less than two hundred and seventy Donatist-Bishops The Bishops now begin to multiply Schism the occasion for Moderation agreed to communicate with penitent Traditors without rebaptizing them and so did for forty years This looks liker a piece of Policy than Moderation for it had no tendence to Peace but to strengthen the Schism For the number of Bishops in this Council we have only the Authority of Tychonius Aug. Epist ad Vincentiam a Donatist who probably as the humour of those Schismaticks was might magnifie the strength of his Party and stretch it a point beyond what it really was The time of this Council is likewise very much mistaken as appears by what we have said of the Council going before and it is probable that it was held in the time of Donatus Vales de Schism Donat. c. 3. Schismatick Bishop of Carthage and immediate Successor of Majorinus St. Jerom in his Chronicle sets his Promotion in the year 331. Donatus agnoscitur à quo per Africam Donatiani And it cannot be well imagin'd that Schism should spread so suddenly as in the very beginning of it to have two hundred and seventy Bishops of their Party especially considering that Constantine the Great used all his Endeavours to suppress them It is observable that before this time we do not meet any very numerous Councils either in Africk or any where else the greatest falling much short of a hundred which shews that Bishops were not yet so much multiplied and that their Bishopricks were of a larger Extent but these Schismaticks having divided the Church made Bishops in every Village to strengthen their Party and to out-number the Orthodox besides that they had set up an Altar p. 4. § 44. and made them Bishops in every City where they could get the least Congregation to joyn with them Mr. B. complains upon this Occasion That some Popish Persons liken the Separatists among us to the Donatists who those Popish Persons are I will not pretend to ghess However this I am sure that the word Heresie of old was never worse abus'd than that of Popery is now for whomsoever men have a mind to render odious to the People it is sufficient to call him Popish and then he is baited under that infamous name as the Christians anciently were in the Skins of Beasts But if a man had a mind to make odious Comparisons Mr. B's Defence of our Separatists from the Imputation of being like the Donatists would render them but little Service For his first Exception of our Separatists having no Bishops which the Donatists had makes them differ not only from that Sect but from all the Sects and Churches in the World◠till the last Age and his second Exception of their being the lesser number signifies as little for so were the Donatists at first and so may they long continue or rather may the name of Separation cease and all return into one Flock under one Shepherd But the Donatists divided the Unity of the Church appointed Bishops against Bishops and Altar against Altar pretended to a greater Purity than the Orthodox and boasted that their Church
the Secret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and blabs out his Author I have heard says he from a credible Person who was acquainted with these Monks The Relation shews sufficiently he was of the Party and that he had it from them and if a Monk cannot tell his Story sufficiently to his own Advantage and to the Prejudice of his Enemy let him be irregular and to say Truth without this Intimation one might taste something of a Monkish Invention and Spirit the whole Story is so marvelously gross Besides that Socrates and Sozomen are not so credible in this Particular because they every where espouse the Cause of the Novatians to whom Theophilus was no great Friend reason enough to incur a very odious Character in their History as many other good men have done upon the same account But other Historians and more credible than Socrates or Sozomen discover sufficiently the Vanity of this Fiction Posthumianus was in Alexandria immediately after these things happen'd and let us hear what account he gives of this Affair After seven days Sulp. Sever Dial. l. 1. we came to Alexandria where there was a foul Contention between the Bishops and the Monks about the Books of Origen those condemning and forbidding the reading of them because of many dangerous Errors contain'd in them the other Party charging this upon the Hereticks that had corrupted the Works of Origen The Contention in short grew very high and the Bishops according to the Authority they had forbid all good and bad because there were Ecclesiastical Writers enough that might be read with as much Benefit and much less Danger and then instanc'd in several places of Origen that were very extravagant but this could not satisfie the Favourers of Origen who began to be in an Uproar which when the Authority of the Bishops could not appease the Civil Magistrate is forc'd to take the Church-Discipline into his own hands Saevo Exemplo says the Author Upon this the Monks were terrified and made their Escape whither they could and the Edicts of the Magistrates pursued them This person it seems was no Favourer of Theophilus and yet there is nothing he finds fault with but the too great Rigour and the taking of the Governour to supply the defect of Church-Discipline yet it seems there was absolute Necessity for it for these Monks had mutiny'd and rais'd a Sedition and then surely it is time for the Magistrate to look about him 2. The same Historian represents this not as any sudden surprizing Oppression of the Origenists for he mentions several Synods that had been assembled for this purpose 3. He does not make this the Effect of any particular Quarrel between the Monks and Theophilus but makes the Controversie to be between the Monks and the Bishops and which of them had most right to govern the Church and appoint what Books were or were not fit to be read But to return to our Author he tells us farther Sever. The Bishop of that place entertain'd him very courteously and beyond what he could have expected he made him a kind Invitation that he would stay and live with him but that he refus'd thinking it not fit to stay in a place ubi fraterna Cladis tam recens fervebat invidia Then he adds That though the Monks ought likely to have obey'd the Bishops yet on the other side they ought not to have us'd so great a Rigor Here is not a word of Theophilus his Crimes which he would not have dissembled having so fair an Occasion to mention to mention them and they would have been very proper Reasons for his Refusal to stay at Alexandria and would have very much aggravated the Envy of persecuting those Monks Theophilus But here is not a word of Him which the other Bishops are not as nearly concern'd in as himself and lastly here is a plain Confutation of that pretty Story of Socrates That the Origenists were persecuted for believing God to be incorporeal whereas they were the Errors of Origen as that Christ had dyed to save the Devils and such like that the Bishops objected And to say Truth that was a pretty Suggestion that they should be call'd Origenists for holding God incorporeal Was Origen singular in that point Did not every one that ever had any Reason with his Sense teach the same thing And therefore the other Story of the Anthropomorphites urging Theophilus to condemn Origen upon the same Account comes under the same Suspition for by the same Reason they must have forc'd him to condemn all the Ecclesiastical Writers in the World Yet such was the Impudence of these mutinous Monks that they were not asham'd to tell it all the World that all those that were against them were Anthropomorphites Hieron Johan And Chrysostom was so credulous as to believe them and to charge Epiphanius with that Error to which no man was a more bitter Enemy Whereas the Controversie was indeed whether Origen's Works were to be read and this was started sometime before Theophilus was concern'd in it Ep. ad Tranquil 76. Edic Mar. Victorii as appears by St. Hierom who in a Letter to Tranquillinus condemns the passionate Haters and admires of Origen he allows him to be read sometimes for his great Learning as Tertullian Novatus Arnobius Apollinaris but with Caution that we choose the Good and avoid the Evil But if these Passionate Friends and Enemies of Origen will be in the Extream and will either reject the whole as Faustinus or receive and approve the whole and admit no mean his Determination is Libentius piam rusticitatem quam doctam blasphemiam Eligam which shews the Controversie between the Orthodox and the Origenists and serves likewise to vindicate St. Hierom from the Imputation of having prevaricated in this case Sulp. Sev. D. 1. Ruffin Inv. as he is charg'd by Posthumianus and Ruffinus as if once he had been an Origenist himself and that this Letter was writ before the Troubles about that Question in Alexandria is clear from the fathering of that Opinion upon Faustinus which he would never have done if it had so great Patrons as Theophilus and the Authority of several Synods to confirm it And whereas Theophilus is represented so odiously by credible Socrates and the Character is believ'd by credulous Mr. B. it will not be amiss to see what other as credible men as any of his Enemies say of him whether in general or with Relation to the Condemnation of the Origenists St. Hierom blames him for his too great Moderation in this Particular Ep. 68. Super Nefaria haeresi quod multam patientiam geris putas Ecclesiae visceribus incubantes tuâ posse corrigi lenitate multis sanctis displicet ne dum paucorum paenitentiam praestolaris nutrias audaciam perditorum factio robustior fiat This does by no means agree with Mr. B's Authors who intimate as if he had circumvented and surpriz'd them And in another
this in the next page our Author observes to the discredit of the Bishops of those times p. 103 111. that they were so far from the Martyrs constancy that they turn'd as the Emperours Countenance and the Times and worldly interest turn'd Voting down things and persons in one Council and crying Omnes peccavimus in the next How easie they were to follow the Emperours Inclination in this case we have seen already in the Account these Bishops gave of the violence us'd towards them When Souldiers and a giddy Rabble of Monks with Swords and Staves like Bedlam broke loose run upon men with open mouth denouncing death and destruction We ought rather to pity the infirmity of those poor men that were overborn with the Temptation than to insult over them It may be they had no mind to be Martyrs in this Controversie that must be confess'd as it was manag'd to be something perplex'd though neither these nor any other terrours could have prevail'd with them to betray their religion And it is not unlikely that had they had the cause of the Martyrs which was plain and indisputable they might likewise have had their Resolution and Constancy and Basil Seleuc. does mention when this levity is objected to him that he had behav'd himself with greater courage upon the account of Religion at C. P. probably against Macedonius or the Arians Mr. B. who is here so severe upon the Bishops for sacrificing their Consciences to their fears might have remember'd that when the Jews came with Swords and with Staves to take our Saviour the Disciples forsook him and fled and Peter deny'd his Master out of fear and yet they were all receiv'd again upon their return and entrusted with the planting and propagation of the Gospel From these warm debates of the Bishops Mr. B. observes two lamentable §. 19. undeniable things The Reader may observe that when our Author ventures upon Observations it is more than an even lay that he is out I believe his memory betrays his judgement for his eye is no sooner off of the book to consider but he loses his story Now let us see what he infers from what he has recited as he says out of Binius and others 1. That this doleful Contention p. 103. sect 19. Anathematizing and ruining of each other was about the sense of ambiguous words and that they were of one mind in the matter and knew it not Who were they that were of one mind and knew it not Eutyches and those that oppos'd him They were far from being of a mind for Eutyches deny'd Christ to be truly and properly man i. e. to have the proprieties and the Constituents of Humane Nature and the Monothelites Theopaschites c. were the Genuine Disciples of Eutyches and own'd those Consequences of his Doctrines which he did not think fit to publish Or who else were those that were of one mind and knew it not Dioscorus and Flavian I am apt to believe they were much of the same Opinion as to the point in Controversie and knew it well enough which was the only reason why Dioscorus with his party of Bishops and Monks would not endure to come to any Debate of that matter for fear it would appear that they all agreed and then there would have been no pretence to condemn Flavian which was the design if not of the Emperor yet at leastwise of those that govern'd him and several Bishops in that infamous Assembly at Ephesus were about to make this Mutual consent in Doctrine appear if the Monks the Myrmidons of Dioscorus would have given them leave to speak Or lastly did not the Bishops in the Council of Chalcedon understand one another The contrary is notorious from their Debates and their Subscriptions The Egyptians indeed scrupled subscribing not upon the account of the matter but the form because they had no Metropolitane Dioscorus being now depos'd and it was against their usage to sign any thing in Council without their Metropolitane and as soon as they had one they subscrib'd willingly But if they were all of a mind and knew it How did they condemn Dioscorus Anatolius confesses in the Council and no man contradicted him that Dioscorus was not condemn'd for Heresie but Misdemeanours Well But why did Dioscorus absolve Eutyches if he had not thought him to be of his opinion There is good reason for that for Flavian could not be condemn'd unless Eytyches were absolv'd and that those very men that receiv'd him did not think he was of their opinion though their expressions were the same appears manifestly from the manner of their transacting that affair for when some well-meaning Bishops were so curious as to desire he should explain himself in that point of doctrine for which alone he had been call'd in question Dioscorus forbids any farther search for fear Heresie would appear and then Flavian must be acquitted The Case was just as if a Papist were to purge himself of that Imputation in an Assembly of Divines and should offer the Nicene Creed for his Faith But some honest plain men not satisfy'd with this Impertinent vindication in those things he was not question'd for putting cross questions about Transubstantiation or Supremacy should immediately be check'd and all should cry we will have nothing added to the Nicene Faith would not any one conclude that this Reverend Assembly was afraid Popery would appear and that the man that for private Reasons they would acquit for that time would discover himself to hold such opinions as he could not be able to approve to that Assembly This is the naked case from whence the Reader may judge how far these were of one mind and that men of very different opinions joyn'd to serve a present turn and united in design when they knew some of them that their doctrines could never be reconcil'd Mr. B. to make out that they were all of one mind p. 102. sect 19.1 shews how they came to be mistaken The Egyptians Eutychians took two natures and two sons to be of the same sense which the others did not The Egyptians indeed took two natures to imply two sons for they took nature in the sense Cyril us'd it for hypostasis and so it really did imply two persons but they acknowledg'd distinct properties of the divinity and humanity which Eutyches did not and so Eutychians and Egyptians are not altogether the same thing 2. Though at first the Egyptians seem'd not to understand what Flavian meant by two natures yet it is evident that there was something of wilfulness in that mistake and at the Council of Chalcedon it was quite taken away and all subscrib'd to two natures that yet own'd Cyril's expressions of but one Nature Incarnate It is plain saith Mr. B. that while all sides held p. 103. 11. that Nestorius held that there were two sons which he expresly deny'd that they accus'd Nestorius in ignorance It is true indeed that Nestorius own'd
Council in the West since they would not determine this present Controversie Upon which Cecropius Bishop of Sebaestopolis said We desire the Definition may be read and then those that will not subscribe and conform to rightful Determinations let them walk to Rome i. e. to that General Council which the Emperour threatened to call in the West And the Illyrican Bishops seconded this Motion Those that contradict are Nestorians let them walk to Rome What manner of slight this was is not easily guess'd at the worst these Bishops did no more slight Rome than Cecropius did the West whither he bid Dissenters walk to be satisfy'd In the next Paragraph our Author makes Theodoret speak what was never in his §. 26. thoughts nor indeed in any honest mans Theodoret said I take not my self to say true but I know I please God These are not Theodoret's but Mr. B.'s words and very applicable to himself and his Church History For as mean an opinion as I have of his knowledge in Church History I doubt not he can read Latin when he had the book before him and yet when he does that I am afraid that many times He takes not himself to say true But perhaps he may be of opinion that a pious fraud may be accepted and that by calumniating the Bishops whom he takes for Enemies to the Kingdom of Christ and gratifyers of the Devil he may please God Disp 1. of Ch. Gov. I cannot clear him of that in other places so well as in this Here our Authors fault was only ignorance of theodorets language or a mistake of his Latin Translation which I shall rectifie for it is pity the good Father should suffer by it His words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in English In good truth I do not speak but as I know is pleasing to God The Latin Translation puzled our Author Vere i. e. reverà non dico nisi quomodo novi placere Deo The next words of our Author do as much wrong the sense though not so much the Reputation of Theodoret I would first satisfie you of my belief whereas Theodoret said only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. I would perswade you in the first place that I regard not preferment The Latin thus Priùs satisfactio vobis quia neque de civitate cogito c. And at last after a great deal of that debate about Theodoret our Author concludes do not these words here Translated out of Binius agree too well with Gregory Nazianzen 's character of Bishops and their Councils How well they may agree with Nazianzen is not so material but they should have agreed better either with the Original or at least with the Translation out of which our Author Translated them and yet for all this our Author will understand all these Greek Bishops better than they did one another or even themselves In the next place we have an account of Ibas Bishop of Edessa p. 108. sect 28. His Epistle to Maris against Cyril was acquitted at least the Bishop upon the reading of it It is a sad Narrative of the Calamitous Divisions which these Prelates and their Councils made In the first place there is no truth in what our Author says that this Epistle was acquitted for the Council says no such thing In the next place Ibas was not acquitted upon the reading of this Act. 10. Con. Chalc. any more than a prisoner is acquitted upon the reading of his Impeachment but he was upon the defence he made that he communicated with Cyril and receiv'd his Orthodox interpretation of those twelve Articles which before he thought to be full of Impiety Baronius An. 432. deceiv'd by Gregory the Great Gregor l. 7. Ep. 53. Act. 6. and the Acts of the Second Council of Nice concludes this Epistle to be forg'd and falsely father'd upon Ibas but Anno 448. he recants and owns it to be genuine The truth is Ibas himself never pretended to disown it neither at Tyre nor Berytus nor Chalcedon where this was objected against him but confessed that before Cyril explain'd himself he thought him a Heretick and follow'd the Judgement of the Eastern Bishops Some say this Epistle was written whilest Ibas was a Nestorian before the Reconciliation but the words of that letter are express to the contrary for it mentions the Union and Peace of the Churches by the means of Paulus Emissenus How then comes he to give such an odious account of Cyril and the proceedings of the Council of Ephesus The Truth is the Eastern Bishops were not so ingenuous and fair after their Reconciliation with Cyril as he was towards them however he goes in Mr. B.'s History under so odious a character Who ever reads his Letters to Nestorius and to John of Antioch and considers with what candour he acts must needs see that he had very hard measure from those whom he treated with great ingenuity and confidence The Eastern men are still upon the disparagement of Cyril's proceedings and the vindication of themselves with what Truth or Reason has been shew'd already and Ibas here pursues the same prejudices and would insinuate that his party had the Right and Cyril was their Convert But if here was any change of opinion on either side it was on theirs for first they joyn'd with Nestorius and afterwards condemn'd him Yet this Epistle of Ibas shews that there was a core left still In the eleventh Action p. 109. sect 29. two Bishops Bassia nus and Stephen strive for the Bishoprick of Ephesus And saith our Author while the Bishops were for one of them the Judges pass'd sentence to cast out both One would imagine here that the Judges pass'd sentence against the consent or inclination of the Bishops But there is no such matter it was not the Judges but the Bishops past this sentence Act. 11. When the cause of these two Bishops was examin'd the Judges propounded it to the Bishops to determine of the right that was in Dispute the Bishops answer'd that the right was on Bassianus his side let the Ganons take place for Bassianus was the first Possessour The Judges represented to them that in their opinion neither of them were fit to be continu'd Bishops yet referr'd the whole matter to the Council to determine as it should think fit And this Mr. B. calls passing a sentence while the Bishops were against it The Bishops finding that Stephen was not like to carry the cause for they had no great favour for him because he had been a very active Instrument of Dioscorus in the second Council of Ephesus willingly consented the other should be turn'd out too and were so extremely satisfy'd with this expedient that they cry'd it up presently and own'd it to be a Divine suggestion and so the Bishops who Mr. B. says were for one did indeed pass sentence against both Competitors At last our Author enquires after the success of all
Diocesan Prelacy a distinction without ground or foundation as I have already shew'd and will be yet more fully made out The main design or Mr. B.'s History is 1. To charge the Bishops with all Schisms Heresies Corruptions c. 2. To shew p. 27. §. 7.4 that Diocesan Prelacy and grandeur is not the Cure nor ever was And to this purpose are level'd all the particulars of his Church-History In this Chapter I will endeavour to take off the first general Charge That some Bishops have abus'd their Office and Authority and have been the cause of Heresie or Schism cannot be deny'd but Priests Deacons and Laymen have been so too and therefore if the miscarriage of any particular man becomes a prejudice to his Office and the Order must suffer for the personal faults of those that are of it we must have neither Priests nor Deacons in the Church since some of them have been Authours of Heresies c. But this is not all our Author tho' he speaks indefinitely that â—he will shew the ignorant and he must be very ignorant that knows no better who have been the cause of Church Corruptions Heresies Schisms Sedition yet he means they were the Authors of all these evils as he is pleas'd to explain himself p. 72. Next we have a strange thing a Heresie rais'd by one that was no Bishop and then as if that were impossible he shews that was no Heresie and so the Bishops remain under the whole charge of raising all Heresies I wish he had left Schism and Sedition out of this charge for if he can perswade the Ignorant Readers that the Bishops were the cause of all these too they will never be perswaded that any Presbyterians are to be found in Church-History For if they had been in the world they must have had their share with the Bishops in Schism and Sedition It is a heavy charge to accuse the Bishops of all the Heresies and Schisms that have afflicted the Church and if it were true would go near to stagger the Reverence that one might have for the Order For though Bishops as well as other men may be subject to Miscarriages they might be allowâ—d the frailty of Humane nature from which no dignity can exempt us But to be found the cause of All the Evils that have befallen the Church would argue such a malignity in the Constitution as would shew plainly that God never design'd them for good But I believe this can be no more prov'd against them by matter of fact than that Bishops invented Gun-powder or Hand-Granadoes or were the Authors of the Scotch Covenant or the late Rebellion of the Field Conventiclers in Scotland Let us then trace the Heresies and Schisms that have torn the Church in pieces in several ages of it to their first original and examine who were the Authors of them and if it appear out of Church-History that Bishops rais'd them All or the greatest part I will give up the Cause and believe every thing in Mr. B.'s History and for penance read over all the fourscore Books that he tells us he has written Where then shall we begin If the Bishops should be convicted by the first Instance it would be ominous However because it shall appear that I deal impartially I will begin with the first All Ecclesiastical Writers do agree that Simon Magus was the Author of the first Heresie in Christian Religion Simon Magus Epiphanius indeed reckons up about a score of Heresies before this Epiph. Haer. 21. but they are Heathen or Jewish Heresies and I hope Mr. B. will be so kind as to allow that the Bishops had nothing to do with these That Simon was a Heretick all are agreed in though the Scripture say no such thing and though Epiphanius confess that his Sect cannot truly be reckon'd among Christians Haer. 21. p. 55. Ed Pet. This man did teach very strange and if there be any such damnable doctrines But that he was a Bishop no man ever yet affirm'd Justin Martyr thought he had seen an Inscription at Rome to this Simon which own'd him a God though it is possible this might be a mistake But that ever any Writing or Tradition called him a Bishop I have not heard It is true indeed he had a great mind to be a Bishop that is to have power of Confirmation and that every one on whom he should lay his hands should receive the Holy Ghost And he bid fair for it For he offer'd Peter Money says the Text And the Repulse perhaps disgusted him so that he resolv'd to leave the Communion of the Church since he could not be a Bishop in it and it has been the disease of several other Hereticks to scorn to be any other Member of the body but the Head The next that Epiphanius mentions is Menander Menander Epiph. Har. 22. who as Irenaeus and out of him the rest says was Simon Magus his Disciple but neither Irenaeus nor Eusebius nor Epiphanius nor Philastrius nor Theodoret and in short no man that has given any account of Hereticks or any Historian whatsoever that has been yet heard of has given the least Intimation that he was a Bishop Saturnius Basilides Iren. l. 1. c. 22 23. Epiph. Her 23 24. Euseb l. 4. c. 7. August Ep. ad Quodlib Philastâ— Haer. 3 4. Theod Haer. Fab. l. 1. 〈…〉 Saturninus and Basilides follow next and neither of them were either Bishops or of any other Order in the Church that we can find The next is the Heresie of the Nicolaitans which is generally fathered upon Nicolas the Deacon Irenaeus l. 1. c. 27. seems to he positive in this Nicolaitâ— autem Magistrum quidem habent Nicolaum unum ex septem qui primi ad Diaconium ab Apostolis Ordinati sunt Nicolas one of the seven Deacons was the Master of the Nicolaitans or at leastwise they look'd upon him as their Master Epiph. Haer. 2â— Epiphanius follows Irenans and enlarges the story shewing how he was a good man at first and did contribute much to the futherance of the Gospel but that afterward the Devil enter'd into him Philastr Haer. 5. Bibl. Patr. M. de la Rigne T. 4. p. 10. Philastrius follows the Authority of Epiphanius But for all this I believe Nicolas the Deacon may be acquitted of this imputation for there are Witnesses of very good Antiquity that endeavour to Absolve him 1. Ignatius Interpolated in two several places warning those he writes to Ign. Ep. ad Trall Philadelph Interpol to have a care of the Nicolaitans calls 〈…〉 â—â—â—â—uns and 〈◊〉 i. e. those that falsâ—y call themselves by the name of Nicolas Sycophants and Impostors The old Latin Interpreter explains this farther and adds Non 〈◊〉 talis fuit Apostolorum Minister Nicolaus Clemens of Alexandria is more particular in the Vindication of Nicolas Clem. Alex. l. 2. Strom. c. 3. whose name these Gnosticks abus'd to countenance their lewdness
they were banish'd for quietness and peace sake Of these we have spoken more particularly elsewhere It was not long before this that the Priscillianists sprang up in the West a Sect made up of a mixture of Manichees and Gnosticks It was a lewd infamous Heresie But the Author of it was no Bishop For whether we trace the original of it to Egypt and to that Marcus who first brought it to the West Sever. l. 2. in sin It does not appear that he was so much as a Clergy-man Priscillianus his Scholar who gave name to the Sect was a Lay-man when he was condemn'd in the Council of Saragossa There are two Bishops indeed that are condemn'd by the same Council but such as were drawn in by the fair pretences of Priscillianus and accessories only to his crime but he that gave them the name is call'd by the same Author Princeps Malorum whom after he was condemn'd those of his party to give greater credit to their cause made Bishop of Abila But Mr. B. on this occasion does not find fault with the Bishops as Authors or promoters of this Heresie but for calling the civil Sword to their assistance and procuring great severities to be us'd towards the Authors of it The Pelagian Heresie had no Bishop either for its Author or Promoter Aug. Haer. 88. Pelagius who gave it its name and being was a Monk and Julianus and Coelestius his Disciples were never Bishops or if this Heresie be deriv'd from Ruffinus Jovinian Evagrius Ponticus Hieron in Jerem. l. 4. praef or lastly from Origen as St. Jerome derives its Pedigree It is evident that Bishops had no hand in it none of these being Bishops but most if not all of them Presbyters Nestorius who gave the name to a Heresie was not the first Author of it as I have shew'd before but fell into it by engaging himself in the defence of Anastasius his Presbyter who first preach'd down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but as to Heresie Mr. B. does acquit him Eutyches was a Monk and impos'd upon the Council of Ephesus as we have shew'd before or they conniv'd at his errours and were not willing to examine his doctrine to the bottom for reasons before mention'd This Heresie was preserv'd chiefly among the Eastern Monks who made such fearful disturbances about it after the Council of Chalcedon Petrus Fullo who invaded the Bishoprick of Antioch was indeed a great promoter of Eutychianism and a very wicked troublesome man but the comfort is he was a Heretick long before For being a Priest of the Church of Chalcedon Theod. Lect. Coll. l. 1. he was put out for his crimes or as others say more expresly for Heresie which Liberatus sufficiently discovers Liberat. in Breviar c. 18. when he tells us that this person seiz'd upon the Bishoprick of Antioch per vilissimâ—â—n papulum Haereticum Alex. Ser. de S. Barn His Heresie was the thing that recommended him to the Rabble that made him a Bishop The Eatychians in the East were reviv'd or new modell'd by one Jacobus Zanzalus no Bishop but an obscure mean man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Niceph. l. 18. c. 52. In Haer. 3. Maxim cum Disput Pirrho Theod. An. 633. says Nicephorus upon which account he was call'd Zanzalus that is a pitiful mean fellow Matthew Paris gives a more particular account of him which is lyable to several exceptions which it is not necessary to urge in this place The Heresie of the Monothelites though an unavoidable consequence of Entyches his Doctrine yet it is generally father'd upon Cyrus Bishop of Alexandria Sergius of C. P. Cyrius Bishop of Phasis and Theodorus Pharanatarius Baronius lays it mostly upon the first and shews how he came to fall into this mistake he had a charitable design of uniting the Divisions of the Church by devising some project that should comprehend all parties he thought one Will and one Operation would not be so harsh as one Nature which had been for so long time the subject of Contention But with the same success that usually all such designs have when the Rule is changed the Church is immediately all to pieces and those that were united under that Rule divide into parties and factions which will hardly ever unite again Now because in the following ages of the Church the Devil had another game to play and started up but few Heresies until these last ages let us see what sort of men the Authors of them have been The Swenkfeldians Anabaptists Menonists The Family of Love Quakers Ranters and the rest of the Modern Sects did these derive themselves from any Bishops Servetus whom the Ministers of Swisserland prosecuted as far or further than Idacius ever did the Priscillianists was he a Bishop Socinus was he a Prelate or the Racovian Divines were they a Council of Bishops how then comes it to be so great a wonder as our Author professès it to be that a Heresie should be rais'd by one that was No Bishop It is much a greater wonder that any one that makes Conscience of what he says should against all truth of History and against his own knowledge charge the Bishops with all the Heresies in the World that a person that seems to be so sensible of approaching judgement as frequently to put himself in mind of it in his Writings and even force the belief of good charitable men by such professions of Sincerity should yet advance so malicious and so groundless an Accusation There is no dallying with the all-seeing God and if every idle word will be accounted for what plea shall be made for whole books full of Calumny and Detraction What for blasting the memory of so many Holy men for ought he knows that are dead What for aspersing so many faithful Servants of God for ought he knows that are living What for defaming the whole Order from which he receiv'd his Ministry and to which he owes Honour and Subjection as he will surely find in that day when he comes to give account of all the hard things that he has written against it But if you would have the True Causes of Schism Heresie c. You must not look upon this or that Order of Men but go up to the first Original of such things These Mischiefs as all other disturbances of the World proceed from our Lusts which war in our Members and do not flow from any particular Institution or Order but from the General Corruption of Humane Nature by which means all conditions and degrees of men have had the misfortune to have some that have been wicked and infamous The Apostles had a Judas the Bishops a Paulus Samosatenus the Presbyters a Novatus and an Arius the Deacons an Actius and in short there is no Office in the World Sacred or Civil but has been in the possession of infamous persons who have been a reproach and scandal to it Now although the passions of men move
turn charge the Donatists with the very same Arts. For Sumnius Episcopus Tiguallensis idem dixit praesto sum in Dioecesi mea duo sunt Gaianus Privatus Alypius Episcopus Ecclesiae Catholicae dixit animadvertat nobilitas tua etiam in nostrorum Dioecesi eos ordinasse Episcopos Sumnius Bishop of Tigualla said I am here there are two set up against me in my Diocess and names them Alypius Bishop of the Catholick Church said Your Honour may please to observe that they have set up several Bishops in single Dioceses of ours Marcellinus V. C. Tribunus Notarius dixit ibid. Talia ab utrisque partibus constat objecta si haec vultis diligenter inquiri ad hanc causam superflue venisse noscemur Marcellinus Tribune and Notary the moderator of this Conference said It is evident that these things are objected on both sides if this be the business you would examine I am come hither to little purpose for this is not the thing I came about This check had so much effect that we do not find any make this impertinent complaint for a long while together but the opposite Bishops own the knowledg one of another and so the subscriptions are read and passed with little interruption At last Alypius not being able to hold out longer would make his general remark upon a great number of Donatist Bishops Alypius Episcopus Ecclesiae Catholicae dixit Scriptum sit illos omnes in villis vel in fundis esse Episcopos ordinatos non in aliquibus Civitatibus Alypius said Let it be recorded that all these were made Bishops in Villages and Hamlets and not in any Cities Petilianus Ep. dixit Sic tu multos habes per omnes Agros dispersos immo crebros ubi habes sane sme populis habes Petilianus Answered And you have many dispersed in the Country and of those several without any people to govern And now the reader may perceive by wha methods the Dioceses of Africk came to be so numerous Subscribed 266 14 present that did not subscribe absent of the Catholicks 120. Brevic Col. It was not the example of the Bees that made Bishops swarm so much there but an unhappy Schism and the affectation of number to support the credit of it then a necessity that lay on the Catholicks to add number to their weight and to turn the ballance on their side no less in point of reputation than it inclined of it self as to the justice of their cause and yet after all this the Dioceses were not so little as our Parishes Câ—ll Carth. Cog. 1.212.215 for reckoning after the utmost computation there will be a great difference for the number of subscribers on the part of the Catholicks in this Conference was two hundred sixty six vacant Sees sixty four absent two hundred and twenty in all five hundred and fifity Dioceses The Donatists had two hundred seventy nine subscribers said they had more absent than the Catholicks Augustine writes but 120 which probably is the truth Brev. Coll. c. 12. besides vacant Sees but mention no number Augustine shews from the confession of the Donatists that they had not not so great a number absent as the Catholicks because they had confessed that all their Bishops young and old were there excepting only those that were hindred by sickness ibid. and since by this Conference it appears every Diocess had two Bishops at least one with another the Dioceses will not be found to be very small and perhaps if the absents and vacancies of the Catholicks were to be examined they would not all have proved effective or not far to exceed the number of the Dioceses of Africk as they were after reduction by the Emperours edict at the time of Hunnericus his conquest of that Country which I have mentioned before out of the Notitia Africa published by Syrmond And yet in all this division several Bishopricks in Africk had the fortune to remain intire Conc. Carthag 3. c. 39. and so large that they were not inferiour to our Dioceses in England for largeness of Territory For in the whole Province of Tripolis there were but five Dioceses Codex Can. 49. Aâ— 397. Tripolitaâ—a Provincia abortu habet aram Philenorum lineam ab ea ductam ad Lybicas gentes ab occasu Tritonem flavium quâ— dividitur a Bizacend à Septentrione terminatur mari Africo à meridie desertis Libycis Carol. à S. Paul p. 91. at the time of the third Council of Carthage and the Notitia Africae which was taken some years after sets down but one more for which reason the African Councils made several exceptions in their favour as that there should be required the presence but of one Bishop of that Province in any Council and that few Bishops might be allowed to ordain there in consideration of their number Besides there were several large Bishopricks in the other Provinces Codex Can. 56. for we find in the Canons of the African Councils that one Bishop had such extent of Territory as might be divided into several Dioceses and where it is permitted any part of a Diocess as a considerable Town and the Territory belonging to it to chuse a Bishop for themselves with the consent of him part of whose Diocess they were It is added ut â—adem Dioecesis permissa proprium tantum habeat Episcopum caeteras sibi non vindicet Dioeceses quia exempta de fasce multarum sola meruit honorem Episcopatus suscipere It is enough when a Bishop gives way that another Bishop should be set up in part of his Diocess that that part which he grants this to may have their own Bishop but this new Bishop is not to assume any right over the other parts of his Diocess Because his part being taken out of the bundle of several Dioceses i. e. such as would make several like his but belonging all to the same Cathedral was alone designed for this new Bishoprick And to the same effect he calls that ancient intire Diocess out of which another is to be taken Massa Dioecesium an aggregation of Dioceses or as we would now speak of Rural Deanries The same thing is supposed by the Canon that forbids a Bishop to leave his Cathedral and live in any other Church in his Diocess Con. Carth. 5. c. 5. Con. Carth. 4.36 And by another to this effect That the Presbyters who are Rectors of Churches in a diocess ought before Easter to repair to their proper Bishop for Chrism and not to take it of any other who perhaps may be nearer It would be endless to cite all the circumstances that imply the greatness of the African Dioceses even at this time I will select some Dioceses there whose extent is mentioned occasionally but without any remark of their being extraordinary in comparison of others The Diocess of Hippo Diaretorum Codex Caâ— 78. not Regia where St. Augustin was Bishop