Hannibal was Generall for the Carthaginians against the 〈◊〉 because they knew it would be of great concernment that such as were to read the actions of Rome and Carthage should penetrate into both their counâ—els to understand things rightly and to make a far different judgement betwixt the Articles of Leagues and Complaints of Ambassadours and betwixt the justice of the war in generall Taught by these great examples I have thought it worth my pains before I handle the Low-Countrey war of far longer continuance then the war of Carhage accurately to search and distinguish the causes and beginnings Especially because in these affairs so diversly censured in many mens letters and discourses I can promise out of the peculiar helps I have had a more exquisite and certain relation It is not to be doubted but the liberty which people have long enjoyed if it be entrenched upon or invaded will cause insurrections Nor is it unknown that the government of the Low-Countreys came very near the form of free cities by the indulgence of their Princes who had made them by many and liberall Charters though not absolutely free-States yet more then common subjects especially those of Brabant into which Province we know great bellied women came from the neighbour countreys to lie in that their children might enjoy the priviledges of Brabant You would think the husbandman had chosen this for a nursery for his plants and after they were grown up and had sucked their first moisture from that earth then they were removed carrying along with them the endowments of that hospitable soil From hence many writers derive the pedigree of their miseries that the Spanish souldiers contrary to the Kings promise were kept so long in the Low-Countreys that fourteen Bishops added to four which they had antiently the episcopall jurisdiction seemed to be encreased with breach of priviledge to the Provinces that there was an endeavour to bring in new Inquisitions of faith and to impose an universall form of judicature upon the Low-Countreys which how they were the beginning of causes of their rebellion with my best care and judgement I shall now unfold King Philip had used his Spanish souldiers against the French nor did the Low-countreymen complain of it as a grievance But the war being ended when he had sent a great part of his army out of the Low-countreys his Majestie retained yet 3000 over which the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont had the command with shew of honour but indeed to take off the odium of a forreinâ—armie by the popular names of their Generals But it could not take it off For on the one part the Generals themselves appeared to be discontented with the honour such as it was Nay the Prince of Orange prompted the Low-countrey men not to suffer that remainder of the Spaniards On the other part the Spanish souldiers were so imperious and quarrelsome as it often happens especially in the Towns where they are quartered that it did not a little exasperate the minds of the inhabitants so as the Spaniard grew to be hated and the King himself ill spoken of almost through all the Netherlands Which mutuall aversion as I shall never impute it wholly to the Low-countreymen because they saw the promise deferred of calling away the souldiers with whom they had daily quarrels so I shall not easily condemn the Kings delay for continuing them in garrison partly because his sister the Governess advised him to have a care least if he disbanded the Spaniards the bordering cities might be encouraged to spoil and waste the Marches partly because he himself as he was of a jealous nature suspected the Low-countreymen had a plot in pressing him to free them of forrein forces And the more earnestly indeed contumaciously that they reminded him of his promise the more slowly and cautiously the King thought good to proceed But whatsoever cause the King or the Low-countreymen had yet he satisfied them in this particular For a little more then a year after his departure from the Low-countrey the Spaniards were sent for away and all those stirs and popular tumults vanished in a moment So as they that make this the cause of the Belgick troubles have found out a very sleight one The multiplying the number of Bishops was a far stronger motive to rebellion especially for that after the death of Paul the fourth it was thought fit to change the orders he had made concerning the revenues of their Bishopricks and they were to be endowed as it pleased the Popes Nuntio in the Low-countreys and Piâ—s the fourth at Rome and that Bishops should succeed in place of some Abbots when they died and should have the name estates and honours formerly enjoyed by the Abbots so as in the mean time nothing should be remitted from the strict discipline of the Monasteries But whether it was the multiplication of Miters or the endowing of them it is not to be imagined how ill it took in the Low-countreys with all degrees of men The former Bishops as well the Low-countreymen as their Neighbours complained That by setting up new ones those had their Jurisdictions confined to narrow limits these that they were not onely straitened in their limits but likewise in the revenues of their Bishopricks especially since this had been determined at Rome without hearing of the parties therein concerned The Nobility were aggrieved that Bishops should come in place of Abbots because being a degree higher they would be far more potent and therefore it would not onely derogate from the Lords Temporall but also from their liberty Nor should they dare to speak freely in the great Councel of Estates when those men were present whom they knew as bound by oath to the Pope would draw all businesses to Rome Neither was it for the Kings service that they should bear all the sway who were the Bishop of Romes sworn servants But no complaints were bitterer then the Abbots and Monks because none seemed juster That they were deprived contrary to all precedent of the right and power to choose an Abbot out of their own Order that there ought not to be set over Religious men that had a certain Rule and form of life men ignorant of Religious Discipline that indeed the means and authority of Abbots would pass to the Bishops but the care and trouble remain with some of the Monks that truly at present such men were advanced to those Offices as were eminent for piety and learning but hereafter those rich Deodands should be exposed for prey to some of the Princes followers and flatterers Besides these common objections two more were in almost all mens mouths That by the creation of new Bishops the privelledges of Brabant were infringed and by degrees the tyrannie of the Spanish Inquisition would be introduced The latter whereof because it raised particular troubles I shall speak of it
kind of fate upon the place for ever since the year of our Lord 900 it is famous for many sackings burnings and plundrings at the earnest suit of Lambert Count and Abbot of Gemblac made to Alexander Farneze and by him unto Don Iohn was preserved both from the plunder and injurie of the souldier The Garrison being onely disarmed such as were Low-countrey men taking an oath never more to bear Arms against the King of Spain the rest not within a year were all let go save twelve of the principall detained in stead of hostages that were carried to the Castle of Namure with their Generall Goigny Who was before his departure brought to Don Iohn and they say desiring to kisse his victorious hand he gave it him with these words God thus breaks their contumacy that impiously rebell against Religion and their King The successe even of this battell wherein so great an Army was defeated by so few shews how much God Almighty favours his Majesties just cause But he onely answering That he never took up arms against Religion with the other prisoners was removed Then Don Iohn taking notice of his own Souldiers merits graciously calling to him every Commander and the stoutest of the Souldiers with great and glorious words magnificently commended their service Among them all he was not ignorant that Alexander Farneze best deserved yet the more he saw the Army look upon him and extoll his courage the more he thought it concerned his Love and Place to praise not without care and caution the virtue of that man whom he both feared and affected Therefore minding the Prince of his danger at the battell of Lepanto he remembred him of the Office of a Generall and said He was sent thither by the King his Uncle to advance the Warre not with his hand and the danger of a common souldier but with his counsel and conduct Prince Alexander replying that he could think no man fit to command in chief that had not first valiantly performed the duties of a common souldier especially under so great a Generall was received both with the Armies applause and the Generalls embraces But the Prince of Parma wrote Don Iohns praises not beyond their merit much more freely and without any exception to the King For together with the Generalls Letters giving an account of the battell to his Mejestie at Argenton Prince Alexander gratulated the Kings victory won first by Gods assistance and in the next place by the prudence and valour of Don Iohn And that as the enemy in the field found him a most valiant Generall so when they had laid down Arms he shewed himself a mercifull Conquerour by his Majesties example And therefore it was to be hoped that that victory in all mens account the greatest ever gained in the Low-countreys would shortly draw along with it the reducement of many Cities And writing a Complementall relation of the same victory to some Lords of Spain that were his antient friends and acquaintance at large to his Mother more briefly to his Father and his uncle-Cardinall he still inserted the like commendations of Don Iohn nothing at all of himself either out of the greatnesse of his spirit hoping to do yet more glorious things and therefore concealing this as of no moment or else assuring himself others would write to the same persons those very actions much more to his glory But at Bruxels where they yet heard not the mis-fortune of their men they consulted in the Archdukes presence whether Don Iohn should be assailed or exspected in the fields whether they should fight with all their forces or a part when suddenly the sad news ran through the whole city that they had fought unfortunately with Don Iohn and lost a day where the Spaniard had his fill of bloud Which being confirmed by many that at last had got by their fear and flight into the Town It being further said that Gemblac was taken by the enemie who had the Generall of their army prisoner and had put all their Foot to the sword some reporting as fear ever fancies danger near at hand that Don Iohn with his victorious army would presently be at the City-gates Bruxels was so terrified as the next day leaving some kind of Garrison in the Town the Prince of Orange with the Arch-duke carrying along the Courts of Justice and the Senate retired to Antwerp Nor was Don Iohn altogether averse from besieging Bruxels propounding it to his Councel of Warre But being hindered by the thinness of his army which could not be recruited unlesse the King sent money it was thought best before men recovered that fit of terrour to carrie into severall parts the Warre and Victory consisting in expedition rather then to dull the souldiers alacritie with lying before a Town Octavio Gonzaga was therefore commanded with five hundred chosen Horse and some regiments of Foot immediately to assault Lovain and Machlin Cities well affected to Don Iohn AEgidius Barlamont with Charles Mansfeldts French Regiment and four colours of Wallons marcht to Bovines And Lovain not exspecting a summons turning out the Scottish Garrison rendred themselves to Ganzaga of their own accord So did Iudoignia a Town of more account for the healthfulness of air then fruitfulnesse of soil in which respect the ancient Dukes of Brabant used to make it a Nursery for their children the like was done by Tienen and a while after not without force by Areschott To Machlin and Vilvord newly garrison'd by the States Gonzaga came too late But Bovines a Citie accustomed to assaults never attempted by the enemie in vain often slighted but ever by the peoples constancie fortified again received the Lord of Heirge but not before a great part of the walls was battered down upon conditions Don Iohn while things succeed as he could wish resolving to reduce the rest of Brabant ordered Alexander Farneze to attaque Diestem a Town belonging to the Prince of Orange He with part of his forces marching thither left he should leave Sichem on his back a neighbour Town to Diestem and a place at that time not to be neglected both for the Fort which afterwards was ruined with a great part of the Town and for the convenience of the River Demera sends thither with his German Regiment Lancelot Barlamont Count of Megen But they of Sichem confident both in the place which they had prettily well fortified and likewise in their number refusing to treat industriously prepared for their defence When Prince Alexander comming up after he had offer'd his Devotions upon a hill close by the Town where the Blessed Virgin works miracles out of an Oak planted against the old wall of the Suburbs standing in diameter to the Lovain-Port eight demi-Culverins and beginning at day-break to make a Battery no lesse violent then constant holding till noon
attemps as I conceive moved the Governess to consult how the Decrees of the Councell of Trent against Hereticks lately brought into the Low-countreys some of which were not yet clearly expounded might be there observed For the King having many times wrote letters to her wherein he shewed himself displeased with the Hereticks boldnesse and the connivence of the Bishops and having commanded his fathers Edict to be revived which had long lyen dormant the judgement being translated to Ecclesiasticall persons The Governess replyed that although it would be very seasonable in regard that many of the new judges and inquisitours had not been more ambitious of their places then timerous in them yet she said the Edict could not possibly be executed if the Councell of Trent were received by authority whereof the cognizance of these causes was transferred to the Ecclesiasticall Tribunall Besides that when Pope Pius had spent the most part of this year one thousand five hundred sixty four in proposing and bringing in the decrees of the Councel earnestly commending their use and patronage to Christian Princes it pleased the King of Spain to be the first that gave his assent not onely out of his Majesties native piety but likewise because that Councell was called at the request of his father Charles the fifth when he was at Rome and therefore he conceived the maintenance thereof descended upon him by inheritance But whilst his Majestie first took order to establish the Councel in Spain and then wrote to his sister to do the like in the Low-countreys something happened at Rome which it was thought would alienate the Kings mind from the Pope and consequently that no farther regard would be had of the Councel either in Spain or the Low-countreys For there was an accidentall Dispute in the Councel of Trent whether the French or Spanish Embassadour should take place this would not indure the other should precede him nor would he suffer this to his equall The controversie was for that present time composed the Spanish Embassadour being honourably seated apart from all the rest But when the Councel was ended upon the desire of Lodwick Requesenes King Philips Resident at Rome that the precedencie might be determined Pope Pius it being in re odiosa first began to put it off and then advised Requesenes to give over the contest finally he perswaded them severally and in private to referre the cause wholly to the sacred Colledge of Cardinals in the mean time they were to forbear the ceremonie of coming to the Popes Chappell his Holinesse supposing the contrary factions of the Cardinals would be a means to make the suit depend for a long time and free him of the necessitie and so of the envie of giving sentence For as he said very handsomely a Prince should imitate Iupiter who according to the old tradition of the Thuscan Soothsayers hath two kinds of thunder-bolts the prosperous he himself useth to shoot but for the unfortunate he calls a Councel of the Gods Notwithstanding when mens minds are inflamed they are like horses at full speed hard to be stopped and both the Embassadours took it ill that the Pope so delayed them especially Henry Ossellie King Charles his Resident who thought himself by this means in a manner equalized especially fearing least the contention might be ended now as formerly it had been in Ferdinand the Emperours Court where it was resolved the French and Spanish Embassadours should take place of each other by turns which caused the French Embassadour to leave the Emperours Court and this perhaps might be a president for the Court of Rome But the Pope that the ceremonies in his Chappel might not any more be intermitted at last upon the sacred day of Pentecost commanded that next the Imperiall the French Embassadour should take place Whereat Requesenes in a fury after he had in the Popes presence taken publick notice of the injury in his masters name by his Majesties command left Rome This businesse held many in suspence what king Philip would do particularly concerning the Councel of Trent which the Pope was so earnest with him to settle in his Dominions and it exceedingly troubled the Dutchess of Parma because she governed the Low-countreys which among all his Maâ—esties Dominions lay most open to the invasion of Hereticks and therefore the Pope most of all desired that the Councel should be first established there The Governesse therefore doubtfully exspected the Kings pleasure in his next letters and withall was somewhat more slack in punishing Hereticks and some were absolutely of opinion the Councel of Trent should be no more heard of in the Low-countreys This rejoyced the Hereticks who jeered the wisdome of the Pope that found so seasonable a time to provoke the Spaniard by whom if the Councel were refused what Kingdome would obey the Canons made at Trent Though some upon the same premises concluded otherwise and said the Popes justice was not shaken either by hope or fear nor did they doubt of the Kings piety and constancie or that a private offence could move him to put the Councell out of his Protection which if he should do the French would not fail to undertake it if it were but onely because the Spaniard had rejected it And behold Letters came from King Philip which acquainted the Governess that the Dispute was ended but farre otherwise then he conceived the equity of his cause or his observance to the Pope deserved That he had therefore called away his Embassadour from Rome where he might not appear with honour that being the last private businesse he was likely to have with his Holinesse but for the publick or his service and obedience to the Pope and the holy Apostolick See from which he would never depart he had commended those to Cardinall Paceco Patron of the Spanish at Rome with whom she should hereafter transact all businesse appertaining to the designation of Bishops and establishment of Religion for defence whereof as likewise for propounding and imposing the Councel of Trent upon the Low-countreys it was fit her care and endeavours should not be slacked upon any cause whatsoever And indeed the King having thus declared himself she would easily have brought it in if she had not stumbled at the threshold For desiring the advice of those that had the care of souls and of the greatest Casâ—ists in the Universities and likewise putting it to the suffrage of the Senate they voted against the Councel and advised her not to propound the Decrees containing certain heads repugnant to Monarchy and the Priviledges of the Subject unlesse the said heads were excepted And this they urged more freely and peremptorily because they imagined such confidence could not but be acceptable to the King which under the pretence of liberty served the Princes ends and yet excâ—sed the Prince from any fault But the King whom the Governess in every thing
consulted liked it not and therefore made answer It was not his pleasure in propounding the Councel to his Subjects any thing should be excepted lest Rome a Citie apt to prejudicate should from thence have matter of censure and other Christian Princes that looked upon Spain occasion of imitation For that which is said in the Councel touching Sovereignty and Subjection was sufficiently considered when the publishing thereof was disputed in Spain where all those difficulties were discussed And as at that time no exception was taken but the Councel absolutely proposed onely with a little moderation to be used in the practice so it should be in the Law-countreys whither he had sent a copie of the Spanish Proclamation that his Subjects throughout all his Dominions might obey him by one rule The Governess according to his royall Mandate beginning to be active and indeavouring to put an end to what she had in the Netherlands begun how sad a commotion followed in the end of the next year when the people to the ruine of many broke out into Rebellion I shall in its due place commemorate In the mean time the Governess seeing the difficulties of the Exchecquer and Religion to increase and that she could get nothing of his Majestie by Letters resolved to send some great man her Embassadour to the King and looking upon Count Egmont as one that besides the Nobilitie of his birth and his experience in the affairs of the Low-countreys she did believe would have all things granted to his great and acknowledged merit her Excellence designed and in the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred sixty five with the advice of the Senate sent him into Spain And Count Egmont willingly undertook the imployment because as he said to the Governess and she informed the King by the opportunity of this publick Embassage he should dispatch hi own private businesse with his Majestie Having therefore received large instructions with the consent and hopefull exspectation of all many of the Nobilitie for honours sake bringing him on the way he set forward the same day that Francis Hallevine Lord of Zeveghem returned from Germany whither he was sent by the Governess in the name of King Philip to the Emperour Maximilian his Empresse and the Princes of Germany to condole the death of his father that religious Prince the Emperour Ferdinand which the Emperour Mazimilian took extreme kindly and made great promises of service to his uncle At this time the Prince of Orange had by Princesse Anne of Saxony another sonne called by the name of the Prince Electour her father Maurice This is the Prince Maurice whom we must often mention not without the commendations of a valiant and cautelous Generall who being chosen by the States Confederate in the place of his father lately killed after he had for two years commanded the Hollanders as a Prince though by another name which is commonly the end of long Governments dyed of grief conceived at the siege of Breda when he saw it must inevitably be taken The Governess wrote to the King that the child had all the Orthodox rites of Baptisme but that which most troubled her was on his Christening day they delivered him in tutelage to the Prince Electour Augustus Duke of Saxony and Philip Landgrave of Hessen both Lutheran Princes in whose names two Lords infected with the same heresie were his Godfathers For even in this likewise the Prince of Orange who alwayes acted two parts had something Catholick and something Hereticall to please both sides still attending their severall fortunes as a neuter In the letters the Dutchesse informed the King what jealousies and reports were raised by the message which she had communicated to the Senate touching the meeting that was to be upon the borders of Aquitaine between Katharine of Mediâ—es Queen-mother of France governing that nation joyntly with the King and her daughter Isabella Queen of Spain For King Philip by his letters had commanded his sister to assure the Low-countrey Lords that nothing more was intended by that interview then the satisfaction of King Charles and his mother being in their progresse come so near the confines of Spain To the same purpose he either wrote or sent Embassadours to most of the Princes of Europe not so much as any Lord of Italy or Spain or any one Minister of State but was by instructions from King Philip acquainted with the occasion of that conference Yet all this took not away the Low-countreymens fears and jealousies but rather increased them many especially Hereticks being apt to believe that the Queen mother did not this out of love to her daughter but to lay the foundation of some great design against the hereticall factions and the disturbances of both Kingdoms which they suspected the rather because it was rumoured King Philip would be there in person And indeed when Queen Isabella moved him to add to their contentment his presence I find by his letters to the Governess that he was pretty well inclined to the iourney though she diswaded him and said it was below the Majesty of so great a Prince to trust himself to the power of the French at that time when partly the French Kings minority partly the condition of a Quen-regent made the subjects so contumacious towards their Governours Yet his Majesty replyed that if he were sure his presence were necessary for the good of Religion he was resolved for Gods cause to decline no trouble or danger whatsoever Yet consenting to the going of his Queen and commanding Ferdinand Count of Toledo and Duke of Alva to wait upon her and present in his name to the King of France the Order of the Golden-fleece he himself went not either diverted by many cares having then as he wrote to the Governess received intelligence that the Turk besieged Malta or else to give his resolutions with greater authority at a distance which I suppose was the cause why he left it not in his wife's power to determine any thing before she had by her letters advised with him But at this enterview so highly celebrated in the writings of all Scholars even of the Poets themselves when in so great state and glory King Charles and the two Queens met at Baion the French sleighting the Spanish pride with greater pride all that was concluded the more secretly it passed onely in presence of the Duke of Alva with the more confidence do some writers as if they had a blank before them fill up the space with wit and deduce from hence strange secrets of State Omitting such divination out of the letters which I have written in King Philips own hand to his sister about that conference this I know The Queen of Spain for divers weighty reasons no doubt by the command of King Philip had desired her Brother and Mother whom it
the fifth Book The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES The sixt Booke BUT whilst the pen was thus imployed Brederod raised some Forces at Antwerp and upon receipt of these Letters from the Governesse made hast to increase his number of which he carried with him above 1400 to Viana a Towne of his own in Holland fortified to that end a little while before Part of these men marched by land part was transported in seven Shipps followed with a Uessell laden with Armes and Ammunition It was said that William Count Lumè a Marcha Escanbechius Villers and Malberg were to bring thither 1500 horse from the Covenanteers and that Lewis of Nassau was likewise expected there with the German Forces under his Command that having mustered the Army at Viana they might send them into severall parts as occasion should require This rejoyced the Hereticks who now openly bragged that at length their cause was well followed and the Nobility revolting from the King had cut off all hope of pardon That it was not to be doubted but that besides the Counts Hochstrat and Horne Orange himselfe would declare for them nor durst Brederod presume as he had done but that he relyed on higher powers though it was conceived that amidst those troubles he aymed at the Principality of Holland whereunto he pretended a Title and to that private end used the Assistance of the Lords His Ambition was flatterâ—d by the Covenanteers but in the mean time every one had their particular Designe Wherefore a while after most of the principall Cities of the Low-countries Antwerp the Bus Vtrecht and Maestriecht Amsterdam Groeningen Tournay besides Valenciens and others by the increase of their Souldiers seemed to threaten a desertion from the King Anthony Bomberg of Antwerp fell upon the Bus a Towne of Brabant and tooke it by the helpe of the Hereticks that were the stronger party he was lately fled thither out of the storme of the French commotions wherin he served under the Prince of Conde from thence being rebandied to his Country as he was of an Vnquiet restlesse Spirit he bounded againe into the Belgick Tumults and increased the number of the Covenanteers But the Governesse having formerly sent Merodius Lord of Peter Semy and Scheiff Chancellour of Brabant to settle the Motions of that Towne when she heard they Could not do it her Excellence commanded the Count of Megen to draw towards the Town with some Troopes of Horse directing withall Her Letters at the same time both to the Citizens of the Bus and to her agents there Graciously conferring with the Citizens about receiving a Garrison into their City and restoring it to the antient Priviledges and giving Instructions to Her Agents for pressing it to the Magistrats The Letters were intercepted by Bomberg in place whereof he counterfeited two others as written from the Governesse proudly to the Citizens and deceiptfully to her Agents and when he read them to the Magistrate having given out among the people that the towne should have beene betrayed by Merodius and the Chancellour the furious Multitude flocked about their Houses railing vpon them for Traytours and besieged them a day and a night till Bomberg had ripened his Plot. Who taking the incensed Rabble before their fury cooled the rarest time for Mischeif perswaded them that Count Megen was the principall Traytour and that they should therefore come upon him whilst he expected but the word for entering of the Towne They easily believed that Count Megen would attempt it to revenge the private Iniuryes done to his Towne of Megen by those of the Bus which being their neighbours and the stronger had oppressed them Bomberg therefore takes vpon him the Command in cheife and instantly raising 800 men and planting some great Cannon on the walls when the Count march'd up he unexpectedly fired and beat him back with the losse onely of his Plot upon the Towne and an affront received which he deepely resented Count Megen not having then sufficient forces to lay seige to so strong a place marched to Vtrecht for this was in his Orders from the Governesse and the charge was stricter because she feared that Towne by reason of the neighbourhood of Viana which was the general Rendezvous of the Covenanteers And they of Vtrecht because their lands daily sâ—ffered by the incursions of Brederods Souldiers willingly received a Garrison from the Count and by his directions presently built a Fort upon the banke of the River Leck right against Viana Nor was Brederod lesse actiâ—e but in the interim having setled Viana and being called to Amsterdam by the Gheuses he came thither disguised and then in his owne opinion his hope stood faire for the Principality of Holland At the same time Iames Marnixius Lord of Tholouse one of the Covenanteers shipt 600 men at Antwerp in three bottoms and sent them downe the water into Zeland hoping whilst other parts were in combustion unobserved in the Tumult assisted by the Pretour of Middleburgh to possesse himself of Vlushing and the whole Island of Walcheren which is the Head of Zeland But the Governesse was before him for she had made Cattey a faithfull and valiant Gentleman Governour of Vlushing and commanded him to carry some Regiments from the Marches of Flanders and draw them out in order of battaile before Walcheren Therefore when the Tholousians came within sight of the Island they were easily beat back and vainely expecting Brederod who was kept in action by Megen tâ—at appeared with his horse sometimes before Amsterdam sometimes before Viana they fairely passed the River againe into Brabant but at Ostervell a village neare Antwerp they made a halt and ayming at things above their strength pitched their Tents upon the banks of Scheldt and there intrenched and daily increasing with multitudes of Exiles and Outlawes that fled unto them for protection they sent them out in partyes to the adjoyning Townes and Villages where they robbed and fired the Churches returning to the Army loaded with spoyle and frighting or incouraging Antwerp according to the severall factions within the City But the Governesse particularly fearing Antwerp lest Tholouse might bring in his Army and strengthen the Gheuses calling to her Philip Lanoy Lord of Beavor a noble and industrious commander she said I call God to witnesse I am unwilling and with much reluctation forced to a War the Fame of Uictory a glory that hath wrought with many Women and might with me out of the sense of my Fathers invincible and martiall Bloud I never aspired unto in my Province of the Low-countries But since with stubborne-natured and implacable wicked men neither by indulgence nor pardon I have beene able to effect any thing but onely the lessening of my Authority and their feare truly I should not lay to heart either the cause of Religion or of the King and Country if
the remainder of the publique Composition-money Hereticall Temples built in diverse Cityes she commanded to be pulled downe which the people did with so good a will that at Gant which is almost incredible a great Lutheran Synagogue in one houres space was levelled with the Ground You would think these were new Cityes and new People which a few months before having been zealous to the cause and stood Body and Soule in defence of the Hereticall Party were so changed as to offer their service in pulling downe of their Temples as if that could excuse Indeed they destroyed the Monuments and Memoriall of their Fault with such speed especially in the Province of Flanders that the beames of the Churches which they ruined served for Gallowses to hang their late Worke-men and Audience Thus the fire kindled by the peoples discontents blowne to a flame by the Bellowes in the Pulpit fed by the Emulation of the Lords and finally scattered abroad by the faction of the Gheuses devouring and destroying the Lowcountries was so damped and extinguished by the Governesse that Religion and Obedience were every where restored the Hereticks restrained by punishment or forced to fly the Country some few getting their Pardons others forfeiting their Estates and living in Banishment so as the Covenanteers were reduced to poverty and the wallet that is they were made true Gheuses and at last all the Lowcountryes enjoyed their antient Peace and Tranquility One thing amidst so many happinesses did not a little afflict the Governesse who observed that multitudes of Lowcountrymen which could not make their peace frighted with report of the Army comming out of Spaine daily left their Habitations and to the great dammage of the Cities carried away their Merchandise Manufactures and consequently the Gaines into other Nations Wherefore she had often intreated his Majesty that either he would give her Authority to pardon and settle the Provinces or else which she thought would be best to come himselfe among his Subjects now quiet and willing to obey not terrifying them with an army but receiving them to mercy And the Later of these two Courses the King indeed in many of his Letters to the Governesse promised to make use of But how he came to alter this reall or pretended Resolution and in stead of Coming in Person to send Ferdinand Toledo Duke of Alva his Lieutenant thither because it was the great businesse of Spaine and for a whole yeare agitated at the Councell Board I will here with my best industry give you a full view of those Proceedings The Governesse from the very begining desired the Kings Presence and wrote out of her experience of the present Evill and her foresight of a greater yet to come that it was incurable without an Application from his Royall Hand which the Lowcountrymen would take for a Favour lest they should be forced to indure torments inflicted by a Servant Many Spanish Lords of the Councell were of the same Opinion nay Pope Pius the fifth wrote Letters and sent Peter Camaianus Bishop of Asculum to perswade him to passe with an Army into the Lowcountryes where no doubt his presence would compose the Motions of his Subiects and timely prevent the private Designes of some great Persons But if in such a precipitate Mischeife he should either delay his going or act there by any of his Ministers of State he much feared the Lowcountryes might change their Religion and the King lose the Lowcountryes His Majesty upon these and the like Advises from the Netherlands Spaine and Rome resolved to go in person Commanders were listed Shipping provided and his meniall Servants that were to attend him named And lest this warrelike Preparation might be get a Ielousy in the minds of princes his Majesty satisfied them by his Ambassadours of his true Intent in that Expedition against the Lowcountrymen The King of France was desired to giue the Spanish Army Passage through the Provinces of Narbon and Lions To Emanuell Filibert Duke of Savoy upon whom he much relyed the King sent Iohn Acugnia to advise with him what time by what way he he would direct him to bring his Army and which were the most dangerous Places for Ambuscadoes and to intreat him to send his Majesty a Chart exactly describing the Cityes Forts by which every day his Souldiers were to march with the locall intervalls dimensions who therfore desired the whole Country between Savoy Burgundy might be accurately measured and put in Colours to which end Gabriell Cueva Duke of Alburcher Governour of Millaine should send him Captaine Campin an exquisite Enginere with a painter and a Surveyer lest his Majesty might might upon the way encounter any thing new upon which he had not preconsidered But the more earnestly and formally the Particulars were requested the lesse they were intended for Security being only to amuse the world and in all these Punctualityes and curious Accommodations for his March there was nothing of substance all meerly Show and Colour Nor can any man perswade mee that King Philip a subtill and ambitious Prince would at that time leave his chiefe strength when he found some beginnings of the Rebellion of the Moores and was inwardly so much offended with his Son Charles Prince of Spaine For should he take his Son along into the Low-Countries and bring the Lords a Patron for their cause which the Prince was thought privatly to favour or leave him behind and trust him with Spain which it was likely he would involve in Tumults when he was left to himselfe whose fierce nature even his Majesty could hardly moderate in the time of peace But the King concealed these Reasons and with new Preparations fed the Rumour of his Voiage thereby to keepe the Lowcountry-Lords in more obedience and to have the fairer Pretence to put off the Emperour whom the Lords as it was said meant to make Arbiter from interessing himselfe in the businesse of the Lowcountryes and by the fame of an Army to deterre others from fomenting the Faction of the Gheuses The King was hâ—lpen in his dissimulation by a quartan Ague which holding him long was thought to be the Cause of his Delay especially for that he still continued his care and provisions for the Voiage Though some of his nearest Servants knowing all this to be but Pageantry suspected his Ague likewise to be fained But when the King was recovered and that by Letters from the Governesse his Majesty was certified of the Rebellion of some Townes and Danger of all unlesse prevented by his Coming quickned with Griefe and Anger he made all things ready with such formall Hast as not a Servant in his Court no not the Lowcountry-Embassadours the Marquis of Bergen and the Lord Montin thaâ— had often Laughed at the Comedy of the Royall expedition did now doubt the truth of it
Daughter this is the Infanta Katherine married to Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy he consented to her Departure from the Low-countreys professing he allowed of it as his Sister's desire not for the benefit of the Provinces for the governing whereof wisely and undauntedly in times of the greatest difficulty hee gave thanks to her vertue in selected Words promising aboundantly to remunerate the Service Vpon the receipt of this Expresse her Excellence delivering to the Duke of Alva his Commission for the Government of the Low-countreys sent by the same Machiavell out of Spaine and giving notice to the Spanish Embassadours with the Emperour the French King and Queene of England that they might informe those Princes of her going she wrote to the Estates of the Low-countreys that some things which she could heartily have wish'd to have spoke in a publique convention before she departed from the imbraces of her people must be supplied since now she had no further Power from the King to summon them by her Letter wherein setting down briefly but not sparingly nor falsly all she had done in her nine yeares Government and by what meanes the Troubles continuing for two yeares past were before the end of April so composed that she had reduced all the Low-countreys by the Help and Advise of the good Subjects to the King's Obedience She prayed them unanimously to endeavour the preservation of the State in the same condition and to persist in the Religion of their Ancestours and their Allegeance to their Prince from whose merey it was to be hoped that even the Tratours themselves would be gently punished That she had in her Letter to the King delivered her Opinion concerning it and would write againe to the like effect before she departed from them nor would she heareafter faile to use her utmost power with her Brother for the Good and Peace of the Low-countrey-men whom she so intirely loved And accordingly a while after she wrote in this manner to his Majesty Sir The happy Delivery of my Lady the Queene for which good newes I humbly kisse your hand rejoyceth me beyond expression to see the propagation of that great Bloud worthy of immortality But that whilst you give me leave to depart you are pleased to increase your royall Favours by adding that for my Governing these Provinces to your mind you your selfe so much it pleases your Clemency to descend are greatly obliged to me I must confesse nothing could more content me since in all I have done I only proposed to my selfe your Majesties satisfaction that being the Rule to all my actions And if I have my End I must accompt my Labour gloriously bestowed I will not deny but in this almost nine yeares space I have gone through many and grievous Difficulties most of my Counsellours being either at variance among themselves out of their ambitions Emulation or their Fidelities by me suspected at least their Enmity to the Spaniard so that it was inconvenient for me not to heare their Advise and not safe to follow it Yet that amidst all this darkenesse and the subsequent Tempest of Rebellion the Common-wealth was steered and peaceably brought into the Harbour by a woman's hand but by no humane influence it is only which I I must acknowledge and reverence your Piety for whose sake the Divine Goodnesse hath assisted me in governing the Low-countreys for you But now since by Gods grace things are reduced to such a condition that nothing remaines but to punish the Authors of the Troubles I cannot omit to signifie to your Majesty what it is that may chiefly overthrow this present happy State Feare of punishment threatned by such an Army as it hath caused many despairing of Pardon to fly into other Countreys to the great prejudice of this so I doubt it will force the rest whilst their flight is stopped and they as it were besieged in the Low-countreys to breake out into more dangerous Factions and Insurrections Terrour is not the way to beget reverence in the Low-countrey-men They that advise this rigid Course I wish I may be deceived will purchase Spaine more Envy then Authority I am sure it will bring to the Low countreys first eivill Warre then forreiene Forces and finally Desolation Therefore I most humbly beseech your Majesty that in contemplation of God's Mercy and your own you will contract Revenge into a few Examples and rather desire the Repentance then the Punishment of your Subjects So God Almighty long preserve your Majesty and the Queene my Lords the Princes and your little Daughter In the meane time the newes flying about that the Governesse was to goe away there came dayly from all parts of the Lowcountreys men of the best quality in the name of the Provinces professing their own Griefe and the generall Losse and praying earnestly as the manner is for her happy Journey The neighbour Princes by their Letters and Embassadours did the like but they were all exceeded by Elizabeth Queene of England who should hereafter as she writ want the neighbour-hood of so good and deare a Sister perhaps out of love to the Governesse or it may be out of hatred to her Successour the Duke of Alva In February when she was ready to set forth the King having assigned her a Pension of fourteen thousand Duckets and the Duke waiting upon her to the Marches of Brabant the Low-countrey-Lords into Germany she arrived safe in Italy where in a mighty concourse of People her Husband the Duke of Parma in great State received her who left in the Low-countrey-mens hearts a deep Impression of her goodnesse which the following calamities so much augmented as they stuck not in the presence of Alva and Requesenes which Princes Successours seldome heare to make an honourable glorious and almost upbrayding mention of her Actions Nay at Doway when Margarett Dutchesse of Parma out of her love to Learning repaired the Franciscans Colledge and that her Armes as the Custome is were set over the Gates the People never passed by but they bowed and put off their Hats But their Longing then principally shewed it selfe when the Low-country-men writing to the King earnestly desired to have the Dutchesse of Parma for their Governesse againe as there only Stay and help in their Afflictions And soone after the Death of Don Iohn of Austira she with her Son Alexander joyned in Commission returned to governe the Low-countreys The Historie of the LOW-COVENTREY WARRES The seventh Book THUS farre I have writt of the Lowcountreys though not flourishing in Peace yet not imbroyled in continued Warre Howsoever their Troubles were composed at last and their antient Tranquillity restored Now I must open the prospect of a History where you will read the publique Rebellion of the Provinces great armies on both sides greater Hatred many Generalls Souldiers falling in the Quarrell Nor am I ignorant that the Cause of all
State was committed to him alone and he only would be carefull of it In the meane time they ought to obey his just Commands and call to mind that diverse Cities ingaged in the Rebell 's cause might be fined if he so pleased in farre greater Summes then he demanded Now therefore with cheerefull obedience they should redeeme their Delinquencies the rather since he looked not after the money for his owne use or to send it into Spaine to the King but only therewith to defend and secure the Low-countreys against the danger of the times He likewise tooke away the priviledges of diverse malignant Cities charged others with Garisons and struck feare into them all In so much as most of the Provinces consented to the 100. part some commuted and bought out that Tribute with ready money But many taking time to deliberate dispatched Agents into Spainâ— petitioning to be eased of the tenth part but the hundreth part more they were not able they offered to pay Which Affront though Alva deeply stomackt yet fearing the power which his Enemies at Court had with the King he thought it best to dissemble his indignation And to win the Peoples hearts he resolved at that instant to publish what he had long deferred a General pardon for the late Tumults Three yeares before Margaret of Austria had earnestly sollicited the King to grant them This Pardon because she saw that every day many Low-countreymen in feare of punishment either left the Provinces or there conspired with some of their own Faction as if with their Number their Safety would increase because a Multitude is easiest pardoned and where all offend none suffers But the King not sending the Pardon under Seale till two yeares after to the Duke of Alva and he delaying Publication till another yeare both of them lessened the favour by protraction Howsoever Alva omitted nothing that might gloriously set off that benefit to the Lowcountrymen For going to Antwerp he commanded Supplications to be made in the great Church of our Lady he himselfe in a rich habit after Sermon which was preached in Low-Duch by the Bishop of that City being present with all the Lords of the Councell at the Archbishop of Cambray's Masse Towards the end of the Sacrifice the Archbishop read Pius the fifth his Letters wherein he absolved all those that had complied with the Hereticks Vpon which subiect-matter the Bishop of Arras made a Speech in French exhorting the people to give thankes to God for that mercy of the Pope and King and for the indeavours therein used by the Duke of Alva their Governour Whilst he amplified this point he was taken with a suddaine qualme and carried out of the Pulpit diverse persons making a superstitious Construction of the Accident as if he had undertaken a cause that Fortune favoured not In the Evening the Duke attended with a great Traine of Lords and Gentlemen came into the great Market-place filled with an infinite Crowde his Souldiers guarding the Streets and standing mixt among the Townsmen Then his excellence ascending a Theater sate downe in a golden Throne having on his hallowed Sword and hat which I told you were sent him by the Pope pretious both for their Consecration and their Iewelles and commanded the Cryer that stood by him to read the King's Decree wherein his Majesty granted the Low-countreymen an Act of Oblivion and Indemnity The man read it in French and Low-Dutch but with such a hoarse vnaudible Voyce that very few understood him Which was perhaps an Accident perhaps so ordered by the Duke who had rather the Low-countreymen should measure the benefit by the greatnesse of Pompe and the glorious Newes of a Generall pardon then by the Decree it selfe containing so many Exceptions But the just contrary hapned For the people upon sight of so magnificent a preparation promising themselves all they could desire whatsoever fell short of their Expectation they accounted as taken from them Besides the Multitude that looked on and could not get neare the theater not knowing how farre the Pardon extended to particulars were easily deceived by such as watcht there on purpose to extenuate the Kings Favour And many of those that stood neerest by reason of Clauses of Exception not yet thinking themselves sufficiently secured were observed to depart very melancholique and doubtfull and contrary to the Duke of Alva's Expectation no bonefires were made that night to signifie their Joy and thanks In the mean time Princesse Anne daughter to the Experour Maximilian came into the Low-countreys she having beene after the death of Charles Prince of Spaine to whom she was promised espoused to his Father Philip it being fatall to that Prince to have his designed Wâ—ves either taken from him in his life time or after his death enjoyed by his owne Father The Duke of Alva was an earnest Suiter to the King for leave to waite upon the Princesse into Spaine thinking it would be an honour on so good an occasion to quit the Low-countreys which by beating the Enemy he had sufficiently preserved for the present and secured as he thought for the future by the Forts which he had built And though at first the king consented not yet in the end displeased at some thing done by Alva in his Governement and that he had not as he was commanded published his Royall Pardon for those Tumults if Count Mansfeldt long since alienated from Alva wrote truth to the Dutchesse of Parma his Majesty resolved to call him away from the Low-countreys and named his Successour of the Bloud Royall Iuan de la Cerda Duke of Medina Celi Viceroy of Navar who notwithstanding came not till two yeares after and then presently resigning the burthen of the Low-countrey Warre to another he himselfe returned into Spaine At which time it was the common newes that Cardinall Granvell ioyned in commission with Mary Princess of Portugall Wife to Alexander Farneze should succeed in the Governement of the Low-countreys though all their Wishes were fixed upon her mother in Law Margaret of Austria Dutchesse of Parma But the Duke of Alva before the designation of his Successour leaving the businesse of conducting the Queene into Spaine to Maximilian Count of Bolduc Admirall of the Belgick Seas and sending in his owne Place his Sonne Ferdinando de Toledo Caesar Davalo and Mondragonio with his Regiment all of them a while after returning into the Low-countreys but only Caesar Davalo who served Don Iohn of Austria in the battaile of Lepanto and the Warre of Tunis In the meane time the Duke himselfe fell againe upon his demands of the tenth and twentieth part on conditions which he had often altered and the people as often refused with like willfullnesse of both sides The Low-countreymens obstinacy was increased by their intelligence that Alva had but a little time to stay among them which the People wished and
I am told many live with us at Court whose hearts are in Holland with the Prince of Orange whose consent and indeavours to send away the Spaniards the more they appear the more ought such friends to be suspected I am sure the King your brother when he was in the Netherlands promised the Low-countreymen to free them of the Spaniards but observing a generall conspiracie to eject them that very unanimous consent made him pause upon it and deferre his Grant till the Governesse the Dutchesse of Parma wonne him by her intreaties And yet the Low-countreymen were not then minded to rebell Now by the example of the wisest King you see what is the best course for you that have not obliged your self by any promise to this publickly offended and armed Nation I have said thus much taking it for granted that you can at pleasure presently draw our men from their Garrisons and send them out of the Low-countreys What if upon knowledge of your agreement with the Low-countreymen made upon condition of their banishment they should mutiny to which they are too much inclined and refuse to deliver up the Forts and Cities truly then you will lose both the respect of your own souldiers as if you preferred the Low-countreymen before them and yet as if you had but mockt the Low-countreymen aggravate their hatred Lastly I will never perswade you the Brother to my King to receive the Government of the Provinces on poorer terms then his Majesties servants Alva and Requesenes But Escovedo was clear of another opinion And having sounded the Princes inclination began securely in this manner I shall rather be willing to shew your Highness what I conceive then what I dare advise because You are still accustomed to allow the freedom of my counsels as I am to admire the wisdome of your Resolutions And I shall at present the freelier expresse my self in regard it will I presume be thought a greater truth which a Spaniard is forced to speak against his Countrey-men But even our Countrey must give place unto necessity Nor in consultations is Reason at all times permitted to make a free Election but by necessitie we are often circumscribed at which times men that shun a tempest must count any poor Creek a Haven Almost all the Provinces as well the Clergie as the Laitie in the Pacification of Gant have agreed to out the Spaniards and sworn not to admit of any Governour over the Low-countreys till all forrein souldiers be disbanded Wherein their resolutions are so fixed and immoveable that we may despair of winning the Low-countreys by any Avenue but this which according to Gonzaga's opinion we should open with our swords But you Gonzaga speak what becoms an old Commander to promise especially to an invincible Generall Nor do I doubt but if occasion should be you would gallantly perform what you have gloriously advised But I that perhaps more timerously not lesse circumspectly consider our present condition hold it our best to try all wayes before we make use of Violence and Arms. And this you know is the Kings Pleasure and Command For what I pray you have our men all this while effected in the Netherlands The Duke of Alva coming in with the fame of so great forces so many victories feared for the shedding of so much Low-countrey bloud at last losing all the Sea-coast and the strongest Provinces left the Low-countreys which he found entire dismembred And yet in all the time of Alva and his Successour whose fortune was little better most part both of the Netherlands and the Belgick Nobility bore Arms for the King Now you see how the Low-countrey-men have deserted us Of all the Provinces onely two continue loyall the rest if force be offered are now bound by Oath to defend themselves by Arms. Which is the very thing the Prince of Orange wishes This pretension for a warre he cunningly contrives and this alone if he were present at our Consultation he would endeavour to perswade not the dismissing of the Spaniards For your Hignesse may be confident that he therefore perswaded the Low-countreys to this course because he feared nothing more then your Admission inserting that clause in the Pacification of Gant which he hoped you never would allow and so excluded from the Government be presently necessitated to a Warre which that ambitious man might at his pleasure manage But this cunning Artist must be fooled and contrary to his exspectancy by approving the Pacification of Gant your Highnesse will be invested in the Government of the Low-countreys Whereto being once admitted you by your clemency and gentlenesse may bring â—hat about which others never could with their austere and armed mandats Every one knows the Counsel Livia gave to Augustus Cesar that he should imitate Physicians who if their usuall receits fail use to prescribe contraries and by the same Rule when Severity could not do his businesse he should try what might be done by clemency Cesar followed his wifes advice and thenceforth all conspiracies ceasing the Senate and People of Rome were loyall and obedient to him And truly if any man may go this way with hope of happier successe it is your Hignesse onely To passe by your being a German born sonne to a Low-countrey Prince for which they must needs love you more then any of their Spanish Governours The fame of your actions your deportment which how it hath wrought in mens minds you by experience know your Aspect lovely even in your enemies eyes will no doubt gain you the Affection Duty and Obedience of this people The nature of the Low-countreymen is easiest cured with lenitives if violence be offered they will struggle they are to be lead not driven Besides the greatest persons will hasten the tender of their services to you that the former crimes of Rebellion may be imputed not to their contumacy but anothers pride One Act there is that may extinguish all their Love the retaining of forrein souldiers The Low-countreymen have still before their eyes the figure of Antwerp burning the slaughter of the Citizens and rifling of their Goods Their implacable hatred to the Spaniards if you keep them here will likewise reach your self For they that hate your armie cannot love your Person Nor can you be ever safe among those subjects that cannot think themselves secure among your souldiers For securitie is established by a mutuall safeguard And therefore if the Low-countreymen desire the cause of their late Quarrels may be removed out of their sight grant their Request and what they perhaps may force you to by arms make it your favour to them By which favour you will both immortally oblige the Low-countreymen to You and likewise indear your self to the King your Brother weary of the cares and charges of the warre by pacifying the Low-countreys without arms Nor is it greatly to be feared that the Spaniards should refuse to go upon your Command now the King approves the
Belgick Provinces against the Romans l. 7. p. 70. of the Moores against the King of Spain l. 6. p. 22. of the Hugonots against the King of France l. 6. p. 26. by the Prince of Orange in the Low-countries attempted and matured l. 7. p. 70. the Rebel Cities receive from him Governours Lawes and Imposititions l. 7. p. 72. from whence the Low-Countrey men and the Prince of Orange had their occasion of Rebeling l. 2. p. 48. l. 7. p. 70. first from the Cause of Religion l. 5. p. 133 134. l. 6. p. 1. 7. 11. then from Taxes layed upon them l. 7. p. 71 73. afterwards from the Mutinous Spaniards vide Gentlemen Covenanters l. 8. p. 20. Recovery of Cities Revolted from the King l. 7. p. 77. of Mons ibid. its description ibid. of the Province of Limburg l. 10. p. 2. its delineation l. 10. p. 1. Reformed vide Religion Reformed Regiment of Naples l. 6. p. 30. of Sardinia cashiered and punished l. 7. p. 58. a magnanimous one of the Royallists l. 8. p. 11. a Squadron of Walloones l. 9. p 50. vide Army Register of the Empire l. 1. p. 2. Regâ—ard vide Simon Religion holds forth Worship to God and Peace to men l. 2. p. 33. Preserver of peace and tranquility ibid. holds the People in due obedience l. 2. p. 46. the manner of advancing it in the Low-countries l. 1. p. 18. Penal Edicts against irreligion l. 2. p. 49. l. 4. p. 96. the Cognizance of the Cause of Religion to whom it appertains l. 2. p. 33. l. 4. p. 84 85. l. 5. p. 105. against the Violaters thereof what provision was made l. 2. p. 33. 'T is injured by Luther ibid. the League for Religion approved of by the Hereticks l. 5. p. 138. Religion commended by the Emperour to the Estates of the Low-Countries l. 1. p. 4. by the King to the Covernesse and Estates l. 1. p. 27. l. 4. p. 83 90 96. a Conspiracy against l. 5. p. 141. wrong offered to it l. 1. p. 9. l. 5. p. 113 116 121. Scandalous Libels against it l. 4. p. 77. l. 5. p. 112. hatred to it l. 3. p. 56. l. 8. p. 8. the Cause of the Low-countrey War l. 1. p. 3. l. 9. p. 1. 9 30. its Restitution by the Governesse l. 4. p. 83. l. 5. p. 130. l. 6. p. 18 20. by the Duke of Alva l. 7. p. 64. a new oath formed against it l. 5. p. 107. l. 9. p. 39. liberty of Religion sought for in the Low-countries l. 5. p. 99 102 119 129. extorted l. 9. p. 41. Consultations concerning it l 1 p. 18. l. 6. p. 15. Religion Reformed secured in the Low-Countries l. 5. p. 127. Councels held in France and the Low-countries to destroy it l. 2. p. 46. the Prince of Orange makes use thereof to keep Townes against the Spaniards l. 10. p. 5. vide Gheuses the Disturbers of the Catholick Religion l. 5. p. 134. Revolters from it l. 9. p. 37. Men of doubtful Religion l. 3. p. 75. the Religious turned out of the Low-Countrey Cities l. 5. p. 132. l 9 p. 40 41. their Monasteries l. 2. p. 30. plundered l. 3. p. 64. l. 5. p. 122 127 137. Reliques of Saints preserved from fire and ruine l. 10. p. 5. more valued then Jewels l. 4. p. 94. Remedies seasonably applyed l. 8. p. 19. sometimes bettered by Contempt l. 4. p. 79. and rash in precip tated misfortunes l. 10. p. 21. the best when one Man Governes l. 8. 16 17. the Remedy of imminet Mischief l. 5. p. 112 113. Rene daughter to Lewis King of France married to Hercules Duke of Ferrara l. 1. p. 21. her daughter designed for Wife to Alexander Farneze l. 4. p. 91. Renatus son to Henry of Nassau Clande Chalon l. 2. p. 43. Rendition of Low-countrey Cities and Provinces to the Spaniards l. 6. p. 11. l. 9. p. 52. of many places to the Prince of Orange l. 7. p. 73. of Oudenaerd l. 7. p. 75. of Brill l. 7. p. 70 72. of Mons l. 7. p. 73. of Dendermund l. 7. p. 75. of Centron ibid. of many Towns to the Royallists l. 7. p. 77 78 l. 8. p. 8. of Bommen l. 8. p. 13. of Bovines l. 9. p. 53. of Cimace l. 9. p. 57. of the Abbey d' Espine l. 7. p. 74. of Dallhem l. 10. p. 3. of Harlem li7 p. 78. of Limburg l. 10. p. 1. of Nardâ—us l. 7. p. 78. of Sichem l. 9. p. 54. of Maestricht l. 8. p. 21. of Valenciens l. 6. p. 10. of St. Valerey l. 7. p. 46. of Zeriezee l. 8. p. 13. of Zuitbeverland l. 7. p. 78. of â—utphen l. 7. p. 77. of Aloost l. 8. p. 18. Rentey a Castle of Artois l. 8. p. 4. Reputation l. 5. p. 110. Republick of the Hollanders how great and from how small beginning l. 1. p. 1. l. 7. p. 73. Of the Hereticks Instituted by the Covenanters l. 5. p. 138 142. advanced by Piracy l. 7. p. 73. their Fleet most commonly victorious ibid. Requesenes vide Berlingâ—erio Lodovico his son Galceâ—anâ— and Lodovico Commendador of the Knights of St Iago Restorer of lost liberty an attribute given to the General of the Covenanters l. 5. p. 109. Revolt of Cities and Provinces from the Spaniard l. 7. p. 72 73 l. 9. p. 37. Sollicitors of the Low-Countrey mens Revolt l. 7. p 71 73. Reux rendred to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 57. Ryne a River of Holland l. 8. p. 7. Roan taken by the French l. 3. p. 61. Rich mens unhappy fortune l. 8. p. 24. Rimenant a Village l. 10. p 9. the Battle ibid. Risorius Nohoc layes a plot against the Duke of Alva l. 7. p. 46. from Iuliers passes the Moes ibid. Robert Brederod enemy to Cardinal Granvell l. 2. p. 41. stands for the Archbishoprick of Cambray ibid. Robert Melodune Viscount Gant l. 9. p. 5. Robert Stuart Commander of the Scots at the Battle of Rimenant l. 10. p. 10. Roderick Gomez a Silva Prince of Ebolo one of the Lords of the Privy Councel to the King of Spain l. 2. p. 38. of great power with his Majesty l. 3. p. 8. l. 6. p. 22. his Contest with the Duke of Alva at the Councel Table and in Courr Ibid. his opinion touching the Kings Expedition into the Low-Countries l. 6. p. 23. He advertiseth the Governesse of the Marquis of Bergen's death l. 6. p. 27. and that she must bring his Cause to a Tryal ibid. writes to her in the Kings name of the Army that was to march into the Low-countries Ibid. and acquaints her with the Cause of the Duke of Alva's coming l. 6. p. 29. attends the King at the Commitment of Prince Charles l. 7. p. 44. jeeres his Rival the Duke of Alva for erecting to himself a Statue l. 7. p. 65. Roderick de Toledo a Colonel carried out of the field wounded into the Camp l. 7. p. 80. Rodolph the second Emperour by his Embassadour obligeth himself to
Camillo a Monte. Christopher Mondraegonio Sancho Avila Curtio Martinengo Nicholao Basta Francisco Verdugo The Army divided into Tertiaes A new Invention Their March Strict discipline Exemplary Pâ—nishâ—ent The Duke of Alva enters the Low countreys He is saluted from the Governesse To whom he had sent He quarters his men in the Low-countries 22. August His visit to the Governesse in great state and with much Reverence He shewes her part of his instructions Omitting his larger Commission till a fitter time She appeares satisfied But complaines to the King 8. Septemb. Of the Attainâ—dor of Count Egmont Alva uses him to draw in Count Horne He summons the Lords to advise about the publick The rest he surprises by other meanes Especially Casembrot And Strall The Lords advise with the Dukes very unadvisedly Count Egmont arrested and disarmed So is Count Horne The City in a Maze Cardinall Granvells saying The D. of Alva sends his excuse to the Governesse Not satisfactory 20. August 11. Sept. She sues again to bee discharged of the Governement In the interim shee is very active in it By her Edict she stops such as were leaving the Lowcountries She publishes another in favour of the French Embassadour Who likewise moves for forces out of the Netherlands to suppresse the new Troubles of France Occasioned by the Duke of Alva's March Great Mischief done by the Rebells The Governesse doubts whether she may grant the Embassador's Request But the Duke of Alva makes no difficulty of it Who furnishes him with men makes Count Aremberg their Generall And offers himselfe to lead them But the French decline that Offer from a Spaniard Of the Governesse's departure from the Low-countreys October 10. The King gives her leave to go She delivers to Alva his Commission And signifies her departure to the Princes her neighbours Decemb. 7. Writes about it to the Estates And answers the King thus Decemb. 20 Complements sent to the Dutchesse of Parma By the Provinces And neighbour-Princes Especially by the Queene of England Febr. 10. She departs the Netherlands having a Pension assigned her by the King And leaving a great desire of her Returne in the Low-countrey-men's hearts Which they expressed in their discourse 1574. Out of the Letters of Juan Gang. Fransican and others 1568. A proposall of the following 〈◊〉 The couse is â—â—mmoâ—â— heâ—ged upon the Duke of Alva out of 〈◊〉 to him For his words to the Emperour For bringing againe the Spanyerds For conâ—enning and banishing the Lords Out of all which some deduced the Cause of the Warre l. 3. Hist. But improperly A more probable deduction How the Authour meanes to write the Governments of Alva and Requesenes Presages of the future A monster born at Liege A Fire at Mechlin The Fort at Antwerp It 's Figure of five sides The Architect The Site by some disliked Hier. Conestag li. 2. Defended by others Adrian Sropernus contra Conestag But with arguments ill suited The reason why it was built in that place The Councell for examination of the Tumults The Duke of Alva summons the Belgick Lords to answer their Impeachments They protest against his proceeding The Prince of Orange sues for the Patronage of the German Princes Who treate with Alva But in vaine The Duke of Alva gives sentence against the Lords Sends the Prince of Orange's Son into Spaine where Amb. Morales was his Turour a great Philosopher and Divine The Prince of Orange appeares inraged In his Apology 1581. But is not so The Councell of twelve condemnes diverse others Alva razes Culemberg house New terrour from Spaine By reason of Prince Charles his misfortune And the Lord Montiny â— death Of Charles Prince of Spaine His disposition What conjectures were made from it Quint. 5. â—9 I. B. Castanco afterwards Vrban VII Feb. 4. Aloys Cab in Philip the 2. l. 2. 6. and 8. and Adrian l. 19. and 20. Hist. Charles the 5. liked not his Grandchild Aloys Cab. in Philip. the Second 2. l. 6. P. Charles sent To Alcala to study Lyes at the point of Death Recovers miraculously How unlike to his Father Their mutuall aversion out of the Letters of Castan the Popes Nuntio to Car. Alex. 30. Aprill Vpon these two points Out of the same Letters to the same person 4. Feb. His hatred to his Fathers Servants His Patronage of the Low-countreymen More violent then it ought to have been His purpose to go for the Low countreys His Endeavours to hinder the Duke of Alva's Belgick Expedition Out of the said Letters to the same man April 30. He reveales his Designe to Don Iohn Marquesse Pescaria Duke Mid. Riosiou Who first disswades him Afterwards acquaints the King with it The King seeks helpe from God And Counsell from prudent men what to do in the Case of his Son 1456. Paul Aemil. in Gar. 7 and Haraeus in â—hilip the Good Who being to take â—ost by breake of day Was seized at midnight Rui Comez Prince of 〈◊〉 Comez Figueroa Duke of Feria Anthonio de Toledo Priour of Leon and Aloysio Quisciada A guard set upon him in his Lodgings his Infelicity His religious Dâ—ath Out of the Letters of Castan the Popes Numcio to Card. Alex. 27. July Didacus de Chiaves Causes that might sound probable for the imprisonment and death of Prince Charles The Rebellion of the Mooâ—es in Spaine The Belgick Faction countenanced by him Ant. Gabie in 〈…〉 l. 3. c 3 1566. Too much familiarity with the Queen his Step mother A Plot to murther his Father Lib. 1. Metamorâ—h MDLXVIII But all these Causes were uncertaine Or rather false Ianuary 21 What the King wrote concerning his Son's Imprisonment Didaco Cardinall Spinosa Ianuary 24 What he caused to be divulged privately And publiquely The said Nuncio to the said Cardinall Ianuary 27 Charles the fifth Prince Charles The Low-countreys in great feare An Ambuscado layed for the Duke of Alva The Duke of Alva proceeds against the impeached Lords and Gentlemen His friends disswade him First he puts to death 19. Then others Risorius Carloi Dui Villers Yet more John Groneit Spel Prevost de Campagna on Drossart rural Fammianus Strada Many intercede for the Counts Egmont and Horne Mary wife to Count Mansfeldt Sabina ofâ—gmont â—gmont October 1. Her humble Petition to the King The King's Advocate still followes the cause against the Prisoners Charges them both Among diverse other things With these Particulars The summe of their Indictment He concludes this to be matter enough for Sentence of Death to passe upon them C. Egmont's Province Count Horne's Province Some of these Heads the Governesse had objected against them to the King August 20. 1566. The People doe not thinke them guilty but conceive all this to be the malice of C. Egmont's Rivall Alva Whom the Count had foyled The Duke of Alva not so culpable in this as some imagine In Adriaenus Stopeâ—â—s See the yeare 65. Whether Count Egmont bribed by the Rebells connived at them The Duke of Alva pronounces Sentence of
Duke of Alva desirous to attend her Highnesse into Spaine and to leave his Governement of the Low-countryes 51 Septem The King assents And nominates his successour Who was long a comming In the interim Alva returnes to his Demands of the 10 and 20. parts An Inundation in the Low-Countries November 1 Greater then any in mans memory What a destruction is made See Pier. Winsen l. 2. Hist. A rare Accident This calamity drawes off the Duke from inâ—isting upon the Taxes Some perswade him to desist altogether Arhâ—n l. 3. Dipnos Others argue that it was just and Necessary And diverse meerely put a trick upon the Duke of Alva At length He qualifies the Edict and proposeth it the third time April The City of Bruxells refuse it with notorious contumacy Alva provides against them Forces and Halters See further in the Prince of Orange's Apology 1581. But suddaine Newes diverts him So that he is forced to leave the designe of Taxes Which had infinitely prejudiced the Duke and occasioned the Revâ—ls of the Low-countreys farre more then all his cruelty The Hollanders anciently free from Tribute Taciâ—us de Moribus Germanorum Idem l. 4. Annal. The exaction whereof caused their Rebellion against the Romanes 1570. And now for the same reasons the P. of Orange sollicits their Defection Having often tryed other waies to bring them 〈◊〉 As last he compasses his desire The People being imboldned upon the newes of the Duke 's present departure The Duke of Alva's Losse at Sea The Water Gheuses Their Generall His Principall Officers They turne Pirates Are prohibited the Ports of England Vorna They take the Towne of Brill April 1. Destroy all things Sacred Beate the Spanish forces Gulielmus Blosius Treslong A wonderfull change followes Durdrecht or Dort revolts from the Spaniard And Vlushing John Treslong And Enchuysen And almost all Holland And a great part Zeland being now out of feare of the Duke of Alva and jeering him for the losse of Brill The revolted Townes put themselves into the Prince of Orange's power Their new Commonwealth The predatory Fleet very much increased and constantly victorious Bernard Mend. l. 16. Making the Taxes their Pretence Iuly 24. Anno 74. Many other Townes revolt Doesburg Zutphan Harderwick Oldden sal c. Lewis of Nassau takes the City of Mons assisted by the French May 25. With their Kings leave procured by Gaspar Coligny Who with too much confidence trusts himselfe to the King Endeavours to win the Low-Country Lords And makes high offers to Vitelli. The Marquesse Vitelli's noble carriage Of Mons recovered by the Duke of Alva J. B. Adrian l. 18. Thuan. l. 36. Duke Federico attacques the Towne The French bravery The Spaniards pitch their Tents Women-spies Punished Bern. Mend. l. 6. 2. Reg. c. 10. The Abbey D'espine taken by the Besiegers The Armyes sent by Coligny to relieve the Towne Gives battaile to Federico Is defeated Vitelli's bold venture Thuan. l. 54. Iohn Meu l. 7. Ber. Mend. reckons but twenty Prisoners put to death Those that escaped the â—ight knockt in the head by the Boores. The victorious Army full of â—olliâ—y The second expedition of the Prince of Orange from Germany into the Low-countreys to relieve his brother Lewis He takes Ruremond by storme Passeth by Lovaine for a summe of money Mechlin yields He takes other Townes in his March Bruxells holds out Guelm a Mar. Lud. Gulielm Foure Armies of the Enemy at one time harressing the Low countreys Pouring their fury upon things sacred and the Priests Guâ—ieâ—m 〈◊〉 de crudeliâ—â—â—â— In 21. Mart. Gorcom Sur. in com Arnold Havr l. 15. de erect Episc. Johann Meurs in Orang l. 7. and others This makes the Prince of Orange's Army illspoken of He hastens to Mons Admires at Alva's Trenches Tryes to breake through in vaine The Ioy in the Duk 's Campe For the Massacre at Paris Henry IV. Gregory XIII A Thanksgiving day upon the same occasion at Rome Which causeth the Prince of Orange his Despaire And retreate from Mons His Campe assaulted in the night by Spaniards in their 〈◊〉 Their confidence The Prince of Orange's danger Septem 19. Mons yielded to Alva His just commendations for that victory He recovers all the Prince of Orange had taken The sack of Mechlin Peter Trigose The charity of the Antwerp Merchants towards the Plundered Iohn Boter in vita Albani ex Hist. Societ Iesu Ann. 1572. The Souldiers piety Alva strives to cleare himselfe from the Infamy of Sacking Mechlin The Victory won by Duke Federico And Mondragonio Goes Octob. 20. Ann. 72. The destruction of Nardem Which make the Spaniard odious Mich. Isselt in Hist. sui temp Fran. Har. in Annal. Belg. aâ—â— fere omnes Of the Siege of Harlem Federico despaires of taking it His Father chides him The Harlemers provoke the Spaniards with new Scorne The Spaniards jeere to the Towne Their Answer Their mocquery of holy things Not unpunished August 1. They yield to mercy Very many put to death Alva's Son The remarkeable Accidents hapning at this Siege Carrier-Pidgeons A Regiment of Women The wilfulnesse and cruelty of the Harlemers The Siege of Harlem and Sancerre 1573. Compared Thuan Hist. l. 55. How many Royalists were slaine and hurt at the siege of Harlem Roan 1562. How many Covenanters were killed Bern. Mend. Lumè discontented His Commission taken from him by the Prince of Orange He is imprisoned Banished the Low-countries Arnold Havensius l. 1. de nov Episcop An. Carner in Hist. Belg. l. 5 Fran-Harzus in Annal. He dyes D. Federico forced to raise his seige of Alcmar Count Bolduc Admirall of the Spanish Fleete beaten at Sea â—euteâ— apud Haraeum in Anâ—l Gallantly fighting Aldegund the Prince of Orange's intimate friend taken prisoner Novemb. 17 The Duke of Alva resignes the Lowcountries to his successour Requesenes And goes aboard for Spaine The diverse senses touching his departures of the Hereticks The Prince of Orange And of the Catholickes Sextus Aurel. in his â—ife He is gratiously received in Spaine by the King But the Courâ—iers thinke the King dissembles Wherein they were deceived The true cause of Alva's confinement His excellent temper of mind in that calamity How great an honour it was to him in the end He is called from banishment to be Generall against Portugall His words to the Messengers He conquers And dyes The King's expression Didaco Prince of Spaine Anne the Emp. Maximilian's Daughter Alva's Elogy His Father 1510. His Grandfather He himselfe greater then his Progenitors Alva and Annas Momorancy parallel'd The Duke of Alva a good Courtier Much affected by the King But rather inwardly then in shew How much the King relied upon his Faith What soyled his Fame 1574. Requesenes begins his Government of the Low-countreys The hopes conceived of him Mart. Delr l. 1. Belg. Turb He takes away the Duke of Alva's Statue To the great joy of the Low-countreymen The Zelanders besiege Middelburg Requesenes sends a Fleet to relieve
of Burgundy apperteining to the Belgick Princes when his Majestie approved and confirmed the present Governour thereof Claudius Vergius Lord of Champlitt and it was the year following when Claudius died that her Excellence of Parma by her letters to the King obtained Burgundy for the Prince of Orange The Provinces thus disposed for Brabant is never commanded by any but the Prince and his Vicegerent the supream Governour of the Low-Countreys the King began to order the Militia and leaving Spanish Garrisons upon the Borders he thought of disposing the Horse the proper Militia of the Low-countreys They say it is very ancient and was far more numerous Charles the fifth lessened it to three thousand but then he encreased it in the choise of Noble and valiant persons he armed them with half pikes and carabines which so well they handled as the Low-countrey Troops were famous over Europe Philip by his fathers example divinding the Horse into fourteen Troops appointed over them so many Commanders of the greatest of his Lords viz. all the said Governours of Provinces Courir and the Count of East-Frizland excepted Philip Croi Duke of Aresco Maximilian Hennin Count of Bolduke Anthony Ladin Count Hochstrat Iohn Croi Count Reux Henry Brederod Earl of Holland all but the last being Knights of the Golden Fleece These ordinary Troops the King used to draw out of their Quarters according to the emergencies of Warr. And King Philip by experience found these to be his greatest strength and best Bulwark against the valour of the French But the command of the Sea and the Royall Fleet he left still in the hands of the old Admiral Philip Momorancy Count Horn Philip Staveley Lord of Glaion he made Master of the Train of Artillery both highly meriting in Peace and War and therefore at the same time admitted by his Majestie into the order of the Fleece There yet remained a part of the Republick by how much the more noble and sacred by so much the more tenderly to be handled To the seventeen Provinces full of People because foure Bishops they had then no more were not thought enough the King resolved to increase the number I find it was endeavoured by Philip Duke of Burgundy Prince of the Low-Countreys he that instituted the Order of the Golden Fleece and dying bequeathed the establishment thereof to his Son Charles sirnamed the Fighter or Souldier from his continuall being in arms which altogether transported and took up the mind of this warlike Prince Nor had Philip grandchild to Charles the Fighter Son to his onely daughter and Maximilian King of the Romanes more leasure to pursue it by reason of the new troubles of the Kingdoms which he had in right of his wife Ioan daughter and heir to Ferdinand the Catholick King And though Charles the fifth sonne to Philip made it his business and put some threds into the loom yet the great distractions and war of the Empire intervening the work was often at a stand and war upon war rising in Europe and Africa rather deprived him of the means then affection to accomplish it Unless perhaps the Emperour grew slack lest the erection of new Bishopricks should straiten the jurisdiction of his uncle George of Austria Archbishop of Leige Yet among his last commands he particularly left this in charge to his sonne Philip. I my self have read a letter written in King Philips own hand to his sister of Parma wherein he sayes He is induced at that time especially to increase the number of Bishops because the Cities and Towns of the Netherlands daily grew more populous and Heresie from their next Neighbours crowded in and got ground of them and that his Fathers Counsel and Command had made deep impression in his mind who taught him this as the onely way to preserve Religion in the Low-Countreys The King therefore assoon as he was respited by the War sent to Rome Francis Sonnius a Divine of Lovain a great learned man who not long before had disputed at Wormes with Melanchthon Illyricus and others by command from the Emperour Ferdinand giving him in Commission together with Francisco Varga the Kings Ambassadour to acquaint Paul the fourth with his desires After some moneths when the business had been debated by a Court of seven Cardinals it was accordingly granted The Pope inclining of himself to destroy heresie and neglecting no occasion of gratifying King Philip to whom he was lately reconciled So that he appointed fourteen Cities in the Low-Countreys besides the foure former for Bishops-sees whereof three were honoured with the Prerogative of Archbishopricks that is Cambray Utrecht upon the Rhine and Maclin preferred before the others at the Kings request which seated in the heart of Brabant near the Princes Court at Bruxels he had designed for Anthony Perenott Granvell purposely translated from the Church of Arras thither because that mans being near the Court seemed to concern the publick In this manner the Popes Bul was penned and sent by his Nuntio Salvator Bishop of Clusino and Francis Sonnius going for the Low-Countreys who was enjoyned to see the Decree executed but in other things belonging to the revenues and limits of Jurisdiction they were to do what to themselves in their discretions seemed meet King Philip having received authority made an excellent choice of men for the new Myters all famour for the learned books they had written as likewise for their virtues and deportments in the Councel of Trent Such Bishops the Pope joyed to approve of and the people were ashamed not to admit And because the King would no longer defer his voyage into Spain he left the care of limiting and endowing the new Churches to Granvell and Sonnius for the Popes Nuntio was to follow his Majestie Before his departure the King summoned the Estates of the Low-countreys to Gant many were of opinion he would there declare a Governour for the Low-Countreys which he had till then declined though others imputed the cause of that delay to the Kings nature perplexed and doubtfull whom to trust with the Government Which procrastination daily added to the number of Competitours and to the discourses of lookers on Many of which according to their severall dependencies made sure accompt their friends and Patrons should carry it and together with this belief cherished their own hopes Divers that aimed at no private advantage did not so much named a Person as a Governour being ambitious to be Statesmen though it were but in giving imaginary votes as if they should have their part in the Government if they could but think of disposing the Provinces and fill a vancant place by predesigning him that should be chosen But Count Egmont was the man on whom the Low-Countreys fixt their eyes and wishes a Prince conspicuous for his experience in the Warrs and very active either in the field
Low-Countreys The King therefore while he took care that Abbies should not be given in Commendum to Bishops which was the provisâ— of their Charter but annexed to their Bishopricks did not in truth violate their priviledges which he had sworn to maintain But what need more words when the case being put to the University of Lovain and studied by Doctors both of Divinity and of Civill Law it was definitively resolved that annexion of Livings and likewise the institution of new Bishopricks was neither repugnant to the Kings oath nor to the laws Again they ought to consider the difference that was then from other times and manners that while Religion was safe the King altered nothing but when it was endangered there can be no priviledges to tie the hands of Kings from supporting their dominions falling into ruine The number of pastours was the fittest remedy to defend the flock of Christ from wolves breaking in upon them and sure there is none so great an enemy to the King but must acknowledge and believe it Nor could their endowments be proportioned with less inconvenience then they were by prudent men to whom it was referred with the Kings approbation and the Popes command Nor was the Prince which some required bound to do it by the advice of his great Councel for he held himself obliged to it by no law and likewise his reason told him the States in a thing distastfull to many especially such as listened to hereticks their neighbours would easily dissent using the liberty which they took upon them in publick assemblies Whereby he should not onely expose his Prerogative and Majesty to the dispute but even to the contempt of his people and that he should vex their minds so much the more by following his design when they once declared their publick dislike and passed their votes against it But the King might have provided for the new Bishops or it upon a fuller survey he had found all other wayes more difficult yet he himself should have maintained them out of his own and not out of other mens estates without the trouble of his people without any mans prejudice As if it were not just that the Bishops which were to serve the Low-Countreys should be provided for out of the Low-Countreys Nor did the King spare his Exchequer allowing every Bishop yearly one thousand five hundred crowns in pension till sufficient maintenance should be raised elsewhere Albeit the King in giving them the Abbots goods did not directly bestow upon them other mens estates especially since he did it by authority of the Bishop of Rome who is the true Administratour of their goods To conclude this makes it plain that although the King had given perpetuall pensions to the Bishops it would not have satisfied these men that were not so much discontented with the translations or annexions of Church-livings as with the very number of the Bishops which there being no reason to condemn but indeed to welcome as a safe and ready help it plainly appears in case the Brabanters or other Low-Countreymen had took arms upon this ground to which side the beginning of those troubles was to be imputed Neither could this be the cause of rebellion The substituting of Bishops in place of Abbots when they should decease and annexing of their livings to the Bishopricks was but executed in very few Cities because of their continuall petitions which I shall in due place remember presented to the Pope and the King I am sure in Brabant which stood out the stiffest the King at last consenting there was nothing altered Yet I deny not but those agitations of diversly minded men lessened obedience and duty to the Prince which are the pillars of government and foreshewed in case they should be further moved the ruine of the whole For nothing is so pernicious to Monarchy as when the people are taught publickly to contest with their Prince and to dissent from him not onely with impunity but with advantage One thing most of all troubled and exasperated the Low-Countreymen at first a suspicion then an indeavour of setting up an inquisition against heresie to be confirmed by the Edict of the Emperour Charles the fifth Which in regard it is commonly thought to have opened a door of war in the Low-Countreys it will be worth my pains be what it may be to give you account of it Religion as it was ever highly reverenced by all as that which preserves the Worship of God and Concord of Men so the Christian Church hath been alwayes severe against the disturbers thereof This charge was first administred onely by the Bishops to whom it appeâ—tains by Law Afterwards perhaps because that sacred Office is ingaged in many cares or because they are sometimes inforced to be absent from their Diocese or lastly some of them may be negligent in the exercise of their authority and some happely ignorant it seemed the best course to delegate from the Apostolicall See Iudges extraordinary of approved learning and piety which should have commission to hear and determine against hereticks whereupon they were called the Apostolicall Inquisitours This I find begun by Pope Innocent the third who sent against the Albigenses the Founder of the preaching Fryars Saint Dominick that first executed the office of Inquisitour with much applause The custome was afterwards received almost in all that and the next Age in many Christian countreys there being created in every Province Censors of Faith that should legally take notice of the violation of religion Yet in all places were not the same Judicatories Some had temporary Inquisitours sent about heresie newly sprung up and when that was extinguished their commission ended In other parts a Tribunall was erected to which questions of faith were perpetually to be referred In other places the whole form of this judicature being rejected none but Bishops themselves were permitted to inquire of hereticks Nay at Rome the form was varied for sometimes all was done by the ordinary and Civill Magistrates no Inquisitour extraordinary sometimes many but then one or more of the Cardinals were of the Quorum Till Paul the fourth instituted a Colledge of Cardinals by whose suffrages these controversies were to be determined establishing this course for ever after in Rome by a more venerable and sacred Court of Justice And that it might more firmly continue fear the Beadle of the law terrified them from the beginning penalties and fines being imposed upon and exacted of the refractory more easie ones by the Cannon law and heavier by Imperiall Edicts For when the Emperours observed besides the worship of God that it concerns the publick Peace whose Guardian the Prince is that subjects should be limited by Religion and that they saw when Religion was endangered peace could not live upon the foul and rough waves of heresie they decreed that the punishment of traitours should be inflicted upon hereticks as enemies
of Nobility and imployed upon diverse noble Embassages Indeed in the Emperours great resignment of his dominions which was his last act as a Prince when he sent the Crown and Sceptre of the Empire as we have told you to his brother Ferdinand by the Prince of Orange he clearly shewed by that last honour he could do the greatness of the affection which he bare him And though some that suspected his nature from the first often wished the Emperour to look to him and not to be over confident of his disposition which under the pretence of virtue covered fraud and design and that he should take heed how he cockered up that fox in his bosome that one day would devour all his domestick Poultry But the Emperour frowned upon and contemned these aspersions knowing they are ordinarily cast upon such as Princes favour Nay these rather confirmed him in the Emperours good opinion Howsoever by making honourable mention of him and commending the modesty and fidelity of the youth the Emperour seemed to discharge that envy Perhaps he thought the Prince deserved it not perhaps it was the common fault of masters that apprehend themselves to be no less concerned in such invectives then their favourites and servants and without looking into the business make themselves patrons of the men whose cause they think their own Yet in the Prince of Orange at that very time were symptomes of a disease that should have been prevented or at least observed Which symptomes grew more and more apparent after the Emperours departure For though at his leaving the Low-countreys the Emperour commended the Prince of Orange to his sonne Philip and King Philip both of his own accord and for his fathers sake gave him many testimonies of his good liking for he made him one of the Order of the Golden fleece sent him tâ— conclude a peace with Henry the Frensh King and that done deliverec him for hostage And to those large Provinces of the Netherlands which the King trusted to his Government he added Burgundy though farre remote But what could all this work with him that gave out the King was obliged to bestow upon him the absolute Government of all the Low-countreys for his pains and expences to defend the greatness of the house of Austria And in his Apology against King Philip he took upon him the boldness after he had particularized the merits of his Ancestours towards the Emperours Maximilian and Charles to conclude That but for the Counts of Nassau and Princes of Orange the King of Spain could not have loaded the front of his proclamation wherein he proscribed him with the glorious titles of so many Kingdomes and Nations Frustrated therefore of his hopes to govern the Low-countreys and perceiving Granvell to be the great man in the Dutchesses new Court and fearing he should every day be less esteemed by her whom he would have prevented of her Government by professing himself to stand for Christiern Dutchess of Lorrain and endeavouring to bring her in he resolved to maintain his greatness by another way and provoked by new indignities to act what he had long since designed And though I have no certain ground to believe that at the very first he laid his plot to revolt from his allegiance to the King yet I dare boldly affirm he studied at that time some innovation whereby he might weaken the Kings Government overthrow the Spanish power incourage the hereticall party by right or wrong advance his own honour and authority and if fortune made him any other fair offer to lay hold upon it Indeed for altering of a Government I know not if any man ever lived fitter then the Prince of Orange He had a present wit not slow to catch at oportunities but subtill concealing himself not to be sounded even by those that were thought privy to his secrets Then he had a rare way to ingratiate himself with any that but came to speak with him so unaffectedly he conformed to strangers manners and served himself of others ends not that he stooped to the poor forms of complement and common professions of imaginary services wherewith at this day men do honourably mock one another But shewing himself neither sparing nor prodigall of his Courtship he so cunningly contrived his words that you could not but think that he reserved farre more for action Which begat a greater opinion of his discretion and gave more credit to his pretensions Besides though he was of a proud and infinitely ambitious spirit yet he so carried it to the outward shew that he seemed to command himself and not to be sensible of injuries But he was as subiect to fear as free from anger Insomuch as he doubted all things thought every thing unsafe but yet desisted not because on the one part his brain fruitfull in plots if the first took not presently made new supplies on the other part his vast and immoderate ambition strangled all doubts and delayes But in the splendour of his house-keeping and the multitude of his friends and followers he was equall to great Princes No man in all the Low-countreys more hospitable and that gave nobler entertainment to forrein Embassadours then the Prince of Orange which hugely pleased the people that delight to have the wealth and power of their Countrey showed to strangers nor was it distastfull to Princes with whom he redeemed all the opinion of his pride by his humble and familiar invitations of their servants But for his Religion that was very doubtfull or rather none at all When he was with the Emperour and the King he seemed to be Catholick When they left the Low-countreys he returned by little and little to his Fathers heresie which was bred in him of a child yet so as while the Dutchess of Parma continued Governess he rather appeared a Favourer of the hereticall party then an Heretick Lastly after the Dutchess was removed he declared himself for Calvin for from a Lutheran he was now turned to his opinion not onely as a private Sectary but as the great Defender of his Faith Afterwards he writ a Book wherein he testified to all the world That from his childhood he was ever much enclined to the Religion which he calls Reformed the seeds whereof his heart alwayes constantly retained which at length ripened with his years And that all he did at home or in the warrs related to this end To maintain Religion in her first Purity assailed and shot at with so many Laws and Edicts by the Emperour and the King Whether he wrote truth and was indeed a Calvinist in opinion or rather by that means sought to ingratiate himself with the men whose service he had use of some have made a doubt it is most probable his Religion was but pretended which he could put on like a Cloke to serve him for such a time and put it off again when it was
that scorning the Court he looked for greater and quicker fortunes in the Warrs But the mischief daily encreasing seditious Citizens joyned with the Hereticks part necessitated to avoid punishment but the major part invited with hope of liberty That their pretences might shew more honest and promise more safety under some one Generall they looked upon the Prince of Orange whom they knew to be ambitious to command in chief and therefore an enemy to the Spaniards besides that he was seasoned with heresie at least ingaged by affinity with Hereticks whose service he made use of They likewise knew he had many strong towns of his own and that he would be supported by the counsels and wealths of forrein Princes And he himself was partly incouraged by his inclination to the Hereticks to favour which party he was at home perswaded by his wife his brother and his friends abroad by great Persons partly out of hatred first to Granvel afterwards to the Duke of Alva alwayes to the Spaniards especially because despairing of the Kings favour he hardly saw any place left for drawing back his hand when he had cast the Die partly by the opportunity of Command which from all quarters was offered to him Upon these motives he wholly revolted to them for whose defence he had the colour of protecting their Liberties with abundant matter of feeding his own hopes And thus what neither the Prince of Orange nor any Generall whatsoever could have done without a routiny of the People nor a mutiny of the People without a Generall was effected by a conspiracy of both a sudden flame of Rebellion breaking out which afterwards continued a long fire of Warr equally pernicious to the Conquerours and the conquered Wherefore to give you a full View of all at once it is very considerable whether Misfortunes succeed or meet And as by the conjunction of starrs ill winds they say are generated so questionless there is a conjuncture of evils in the destruction of Men and Kingdoms The sudden inundation of Heresie the peoples dislike of the Spanish souldiers the Multiplication of Bishops the Revival of the Emperours Edicts with the punishment of Delinquents the defeated hopes of the Nobility Granvels greatness at Court because they all happened together easily raised those tumults and troubles Nevertheless all were not of one Quality for many of them seemed honester Pretences then the rest but two of them did the business Heresie and Ambition though going under other Names borrowing elsewhere their occasions and beginnings For the Hereticks having made the People theirs pretended the Priviledges of the Low-countreys and lest the Dutchess of Parma their Governess should oppresse them they put themselves under the Protection of the Nobility These gudgeons were greedily swallowed by many some set on by Poverty more by their Repulses and Affronts most by the Power of Granvel Nothing could therefore advantage them but troubles wherein they should receive Pay from the Hereticks and Imployment from the Governess and by that means Granvels Power would decay for want of Action The peoples contumacy thus increasing with their strength they despised Government terrified the Cities with seditious tumults and immediately after in many places violated and robbed the Churches Lastly in some places were discovered evident signes of subjects intending a Revolt which was now set a foot And thus much I have discovered of the Originall of the Low-countrey Tumults which before the departure of the Dutchess of Parma out of the Netherlands being laid and almost extinguished revived again farre more fatally in the Government of the Duke of Alva whilst their Abettor the Prince of Orange took opportunity of the peoples falling into rebellion but not likely to hold out long without a General and upon their open defection from their Prince he long opposed the Spanish forces as their General Wherein how much the Spanish erred in pressing unseasonable remedies or the Low-countrey men in disobeying their Sovereigne I had rather you should gather out of the Narration of things themselves then out of the arguments and partiall disputes of an Historian The End of the second Book The Historie of the LOW-COUNTREY WARRES The third Book THe new Governess took care in the first place to send away the Spanish souldiers For the Provinces complained as I have shewed you that the four moneths were past wherein the King promised to free the Low-countreys of forrein souldiers and yet they were kept in Garrison but the Dutchess of Parma had put it off so long because she most confided in the valour and faith of the old souldiers if any troubles should arise at home by the contagious example of their neighbours that were together by the ears about Religion Which was the cause that when the Low-countreymen denyed their Pay she her self borrowed money to supply them But the Low-countreymens complaints dayly multiplying they alledged to the Governess that the King had obliged himself in honour and her husband Octavio Duke of Parma who never liked the stop of the Spanish army in the Netherlands at his departure into Italy perswading his wife to let them go she writ letters to the King for his assent And upon the receit of money from Spain together with the Kings Commission her Excellence drew out the Garrisons from the border-towns commanding them presently to march to Ulushen and to go abroad with the first fair wind for Spain But while shipping was prepared winter coming on the Governess received an Express from the King enjoyning her not yet to send away the Spanish Garrisons but as in her discretion she thought fit to spinne out time till the King sent his absolute determination And I believe his Majesty alwayes desired their stay in the Low-countreys yet perhaps he was more moved to it by new suspicions collected out of Granvels letters who having an eye upon the actions of the Nobility made an ill construction of their eagernesse to expell the Spaniards and perhaps penetrated further into the Prince of Oranges designes But the Dutchess could not at that time obey the King by reason the hatred and quarrell between the two Nations was then irreconciliable For the Spaniards were inraged because the Low-countreymen were so violent to have them gone And the Low-countreymen vexed with new grievances were the more fierce in urging their departure So as the Zelanders in whose islands the Spaniards had lyen for a wind being now grown desperate resolved to work no more upon the sea banks but though before their eyes the water bore them down in many places yet they said they had rather have their land drowned then plundered So long since the Generall of the Ancibarians vowed to do in the same place against the Romanes Nay they professed openly in the Spaniards hearing The sea should swallow them alive ere they would set foot out of doors to hinder it as long as forrein souldiers tread upon
their ground Yet the Governess to comply with the Kings desires delayed the Spaniards going aboard and debated how she might call them back from Zeland in her Cabinet councell and with some few others of approved faith whom she joyned to them But all things were represented full of marvellous difficulty For they could not be called back before Towns were appointed for them to be quartered in but those could not be appointed without their Governours who would no doubt protest against it Then it was to be considered whether they should be kept in their winter quarters in a body but that would be insufferable to the City that should give them quarter or whether they should be dispersed through the Provinces but then they must be exposed to all injuries and indignities which the people that contemned their small number would be sure to put upon them It was likewise considerable Where the Spaniards should have pay since the Low-countreys had vowed to part with no money neither to them nor their own Countreymen till the Netherlands should be cleared of forrein force Though the Governess knew this to be so yet that she might leave nothing unattempted Or by consulting to gain time she brought the whole business to the Councell table But here the same votes passed And as the number of Counsellours was greater so was their confidence Some affirmed the Cities when they should hear of that delay would publickly claim promise of the King and that the States would take it as an huge affront when they suspected the Kings word had failed them some alleadged the complaints of the Merchants Others the pay which the King owed to the Low-countrey souldiers Lastly that their going aboard could not be deferred was the opinion of the whole Councel Granvell excepted who opposed them all either to please the King or because he thought it would conduce to the good of the Low-countreys or because he was unwilling to be without such a guard in case his Rivals should conspire against him But when he had held out as long as either his authority or elocution could resist at last he yeilded to number and weight of reasons Perhaps he was afraid that any thing should be carried at the Board without Granvels consent Which made him vote with the rest and as he would have it believed willingly The Governess therefore moved with the generall suffrage especially seeing them dayly grow more odious which would make their presence a greater mischeif to the Low-countreys then their absence could be writes to his Majesty the Result of that Councell for Remove of the souldiers slightly and perfunctorily as to the Cause lest she might be thought to fear the Lords of the Councell unto whom she read the letters before the packet was dispatched away But by the same post she wrote to the King in cyphers That she was not able to retain the Spaniards any longer The Provinces being all resolved that so long as they saw themselves awed by the remainder of forrein souldiers they would not give a penny to the Kings Collectours by way of Subsidy That Bankers and Merchants complained that the Cities which had borrowed of them great summes wherewith to pay the Spaniards while they seemed ready to depart when they saw them demurre upon their voiage grew angry and refused to pay interest for the money But as there was a generall joy as soon as they knew the Garrisons were drawn out and shipping ready for them This had quieted the murmurs of the money-Masters and fed the hopes of the Low-countrey souldiers that had fifteen moneths Pay due to them which they were promised by the Cities as soon as ever the Spaniards weighed Anchor But if their voyage should be put off and the Low-countreymen see them return from Zeland she very much feared the souldiers defrauded of their exspectation would keep the high-wayes and live upon pillage Nay that the Cities through which the Spaniards had lately passed not without quarrelling and fighting when they came back would shut their gates and man their works against them As to the jealousie of tumults among the French upon the borders they had not yet troubled the Low-countreys nor was it greatly to be feared that forreiners would invade them in the deep of winter That a more certain mischief impended from the peoples discontents and sedition at home which if it should rise by their neighbours example the Low-countreys could not be secured by three thousand Spaniards Nor was there at present so much money in the Treasury or hope of taking up so much as would raise an hundred men for present service Upon receit of these letters the King gave a more speedy then willing assent to the desires of the Provinces and wrote back to the Governess That she might if she thought good send away the Spanish souldiers which would be a seasonable supply in Africa where so many thousand Christians had been slain in the battel of Gyrba That their officers should be carefull the souldiers landed not in a body sending them severally by companies and troops some to Naples some to Sicily That he himself would look to his ingagements unto the Cities and take order that the money lent by the Merchants should upon bills of exchange be returned them in Spain But the wind lying cross and the winter proving hugely tempestuous the Spanish souldiers were constrained for a time to stay in Zeland and Holland At last the ill weather breaking up about the beginning of the year they weighed Anchors to the great joy of the Low-countreymen And because the King had injoyned the Governess that the Infantry of the Low-countreys should from thenceforth be no more commanded by the Low-countrey Lords under colour of settling the Militia when the Spaniards were departed she revived the custome used in the time that Mary Queen of Hungary governed the Low-countreys but since intermitted That the Commanders should be immediately chosen by her self to make them more obedient to their Governess Nor gave she Commissions to Colonels which used to be the gift of the Nobility but signified her pleasure that all Captains should receive orders from the Governours of towns so long as they quartered within their commands And she doubted not but the Governours would be faithfull because they were placed and displaced by her So for the present cutting off the Colonells places from the Militia she conceived she had likewise cut off the authority of mutinous souldiers and the power of the Nobility Nor had it been a vain conception as some thought if she had withall provided in place of the Spaniards some new regiments out of other Countreys For although to bring forrein forces into the Low-countreys was contrary to the desires of the Estates and the Kings Promise yet the Low-countreymen might have been induced to admit them whilest the sending away of the Spanish
libertie his offices and the Kings favour And the King of Navarre as nearer to the Crown by the prerogative of his bloud was declared Constable of France the Guises on the contrary falling as much from their authority The Hugonots increased in number and licentiousness and were by so much the more audacious by how much they conceived it would be more acceptable to the great Constable of France who by these troubles hoped to recover his wife's portion the Kingdome of Navar. But to case him of that care and the Hugonots of their confidence Advices were privately sent out of the Low-countreys by Cardinall Granvell to his brother Cantonet Prospero de sancta Cruce came Embassadour to France from Pope Pius the fourth and looking into the King of Navarres designs he was of opinion the man was not troubled so much about Religion as about the getting of a Kingdome and therefore might be drawn from favouring the Hugonots if he might have some hope given him of coming to the Kingdome by another means Wherein Sancta Cruz meant to sound the King of Navarre But first he acquainted Thomas Cantonet the Spanish Embassadour and he communicated it to his brother Cardinall Granvell Then Sancta Cruz proposes to the Constable what had formerly been agitated the restitution of Navarre and undertakes if he will but defend the Catholick cause that the Pope shall earnestly solicit King Philip either to resign to him the Kingdome of Navarre or to give him in lieu of it something of equall value and that he doubted not but King Philip whose inclination he had found at his being in Portugall as he came from Spain into France would comply with his Holinesse This often confirmed by Cantonet wonne the King of Navarre who resolved to treat with the Catholick King himself and sent one of his meniall servants Anthony Almeyda a Portugese whom he knew to be gratious with his Countreyman Rui Gomez Prince of Ebora then in greatest favour with the King But Granvell receiving intelligence of these proceedings from his brother Cantonet was very glad for the successe of his design but yet no lesse solicitous as he wrote to the Governess from Machlin what the King would answer to Almeyda because he conceived upon that answer depended the motions of the greatest French affairs He had pre-acquainted Rui Gomez and the Duke of Alva and let them know That it was a nice point and fall of danger in the managery whereof they might trespasse as much by forwardnesse and violence as by security and neglect And therefore he conceived it best to offer the Duke of Bourbon some such thing as if he deserted them might be taken away again After many overtures the Kingdome of Sardinia was proposed to him in King Philips name Whereto was added the Admiralty and a pension to maintain the office Which conditions though some commended as good for both parties because on the one side Sardinia is a greater and richer Kingdome then Navarre and on the other in the midst of King Philips Dominions which at his pleasure might command it Yet some were of another opinion and thought King Philip who was not prodigall of his Kingdomes onely baited him with the hope of Sardinia For to what purpose should the Bourbons be brought into that Island neighbouring upon Sicily and Naples where they might revive their ancient factions in those Kingdomes Neverthelesse the Pope did wisely in moving it whether he hoped to bring it about or understood it to be labour in vain because it would equally conduce to the good of Religion in France whether the King of Navarre was kept from protecting the hereticall party by a true hope or a false And truly by little and little he was so averted from them that he was not altogether so kind as formerly he had been to his wife Ioan Alibret which perhaps made some affirm in writing that the Spanish Embassadour indeavoured it and treated with the King of Navarre to divorce himself from his wife because she was fouly poysoned with heresie and gave him hope of a marriage with Mary Queen of Scots by the help of her Uncles the Guises and that he should have with her the Kingdome of Scotland and likewise all Great Brittain wherein he should be established by the Popes authority and the King of Spains assistance Queen Elisabeth being deposed for heresie But these were either vain rumours or contrived out of envy Nor is there any colour of truth that Granvel or Sancta Cruce could be ignorant that heresie is not a sufficient cause of Divorce or that King Philip would offer the Kingdome of Scotland to one he could not choose but fear because of former enmity in the businesse of the Low-countreys and his power to offend Spain for the future in case he should conquer that whole Island Indeed two years after when there were Treaties between the same Queen of Scots and the Arch-duke Charles sonne to the Emperour Ferdinand and Charles Prince of Spain King Philip writ to Granvel That he was well pleased The Archduke should in that be preferred before his sonne But if the King of France should think of a marriage with her whereof he had some intimation that troubled him not a little then he should willingly consent to a match betwixt his sonne and the Queen Out of which words it may easily be collected What Philips mind was touching the Kingdome of Scotland Nay that the Spanish Embassadour did not so much as pretend the Proposall of that Match to the King of Navarre this assure me because when he communicated all particulars to his brother Granvel as I observe in their letters and often mentioned the business of Sardinia there is not one word of this marriage But be what it may it is certain Alibret incensed against her husband who dayly grew more averse from the Hugonots and wold not hear her when she was a suiter for them in a rage left his Court and withdrew into some Towns of her own The King of Navarre did not so much neglect as his brother the Prince of Conde and the Collignies earnestly imbraced the patronage of the hereticks especially because the Guises were restored to grace and favour at Court. And now such was the face of things not onely at Court And now such was the face of things not onely at Court divided into factions but likewise all the Kingdome over that arms were taken up to maintain the different opinions in Religion and all things seemed to boad a Civill warre To the Prince of Conde and Generall Collignie the hereticks from all parts sent assistance Nor were the Guises and Comestabilis Memorancy lesse ayded by the Catholicks With whom the King of Navarre joyned himself but he was brother to the Prince of Conde the King a child and ignorant of deceit Mean time the Queen mother was
same contention held still in King Philips Belgick Court. But because in Dignity and the favour of his Prince and the Governess Granvell far out-stripped him he that was cast behind had the more envie in regard they had once been equals Regnard therefore finding a way open to mischief Granvell through the hatred born him by the Lords began every where to solicite and dispute the cause of the discontented Nobility and by aggravating the indignation of such as were his own friends plotted in the mean time his private revenge The Governess fearing the sting of this Viper would secretly poyson the State she to avoid shipwrack by a dry tempest perswaded the King to remove him out of the Low-countreys under colour of some advancement but it was deferred till five years after and when the storm was grown too boystrous Regnard was called into Spain almost to no purpose but onely to shew how strong a disease grows by the delay of remedy And although Count Egmont who was not of an ill nature when he had no advisers at the beginning of these troubles carried himself with obedience and fidelity to the Governess yet his private grudge to Cardinal Granvell interposing he inrolled his name among the Conspiratours and sided with the Prince of Orange who being at that time grievously injured by Granvell sought but to match his own indignation with some other alike offended Now the Prince of Orange to ingratiate himself with the Brabanters casting out words of these differences especially of the new Bishops said There was no other help for it but that the Brabanters who have no particular Governour but onely such as commanded the whole Low countreys should petition the Governess to appoint them one of the Lords that should look into their affairs and onely regard their interest And some to please the Prince of Orange moved this at the board But Granvell suspecting what was aimed at bitterly inveighed against that Counsel and at last What man soever said he undertakes their protection ought to consider with himself that he is created Prince of Brabant and divides the Sovereignty of the Low-countreys with the King Not contented thus he moved the Governess a while after when the Magistrates were to be chosen for Antwerp that the Prince of Orange should not be called to Councel lest he should boast himself the Authour of that benefit to the Town which neglect he deeply resented This caused the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont to write their complaints to his Majesty That they were seldome called to Councel and what concerned their particular Governments never communicated to them but all things privatley determined by the advice of one or two and then they were called in merely for a show to consult upon the reliques and refuse of Affairs being there contemned here mocked To say truth it is a great incentive to anger and disâ—â—â—tent and hath raised mighty troubles in many States when a Prince imployes onely one main in divers Offices For though a River swell by the accession of waters yet so long as it keeps it self in the Chanel it is injurious to none but when it flows over the banks into the adjoyning medows and intrencheth upon anothers harvest then it is accused by the just grief and complaints of the Husbandman And indeed Granvell was not limited to any certain employment The Governess both of her own accord and by the Kings command suffering him to do what he pleased The very Expresses that came to her Excellence from Spain or other parts were never brought to the Councel till she had privately either by conference or by letter acquainted Granvell with the contents who weighed every thing with himself and gave his judgement upon the particulars then returned them to the Governess or to Viglius President of the Consult or Cabinet-Councel and he omitting those heads which Granvell had marked with his pen read them to the Lords at the Councel-table and though it was privately carried for Viglius was true to Granvell yet because the Prâ—nce of Orange often received Duplicates of the Dutchese's letters they found some things were concealed from them and therefore suspected all complaining That business was malignantly communicated to them and the Low-countreys and the King defrauded of much good counsel But this moved not the Governess She onely gave the King an account of her proceedings putting him in mind of his letters dated June wherein he enjoyned her That whatsoever concerned England or the Councel of Trent or Religion in generall should be as the Pope had advised privately debated Yet I deny not said the Governess that in other things wherein the Provinces are interessed sometimes the Lords are not admitted to consult As lately in choosing the Magistrate of Antwerp the Prince of Orange was not called which I did on purpose lest he should aim to increase his present authority by that election Notwithstanding I cannot but acquaint your Majestie that it is not for our Honour to communicate all concernments freely to the Councel lest the dangers fears and necessities wherewith I am sometimes pressed be laid naked before their eyes and then if any of them be false they may abuse that knowledge by preventing our designis with contrary counsels and secretly hinder the successe of our affairs Howsoever as well in these as other things all shall be done according to your Majesties letters and commands But the King writing nothing to the contrary the Governess continued her former custome of privacy in her Councels Whereupon a rumour was spread by some of the Conspiratours that there was a necessitie to summon the Estates generall to raise subsidies for his Majestie and to put the Low-countreys into a posture of defence against their neighbours the French that were in arms Some perhaps really intended it but the most onely made use of that publick remedy to alter the present condition of the Court But the Governess who borrowed the ears of many faithfull persons was present at their Councels and conferences almost in their very thoughts and cut off that exspectation publickly professing that the King among his other commands left in charge with her not to call an Assembly of the Estates till he returned This harsh deniall of the Governess was mollified by permitting for this was another of their requests a Convention of the Order of the Golden-fleece But as soon as ever they were met at Bruxels presently it appeared that summons was not endeavoured for the publick but for their private Interests For besides the meeting in presence of the Governess where they consulted about the preservation of the Low-countreys against the French they had private discourse with the Prince of Orange and there it was resolved they would no longer suffer the power of Cardinall Granvel To this ingagement entered into by the great Commanders the Prince of Orange Count Egmont and the
Marquesse of Bergen endeavoured to get hands and severally sounded the Knights of the Order but some refusing to sign an ingagement against the Cardinall it was laid aside Especially because the Governess calling them more frequently to Councell and wearying them with fresh imployments took from them all opportunitie of meeting apart and in good time put an end to their publick consultations The result whereof was that some of the Lords should be sent into Spain by the Governess in her name to inform the King of the necessities of the Low countreys Florence Momorancy the Lord of Montiny was chosen to go with letters delivered him by the Goverâ—â—ss but penned by Granvel He likewise received instructions for his carriage and four thousand crowns to defray the expences of his journey which he began in June But before Momorancy set forth the Governess to make her vigilance appear and to prepare his Majestie sent him by a sure messenger an Expresse in cypher to this effect That she making it her business to look into the secret consultations of the Knights of the Order at last had got all out of Charles Count Barlamont one ever found Loyall that he assured her the indignation of the Nobility sprung chiefly out of these heads That they were perswaded his Majesty confided not in them and therefore the Governess called them not to her Cabinet-Councell for as much as Granvel jealous of his power had wrought the King to that suspicion and had boldly written to him that he should never be absolute Lord of the Netherlands unlesse he cut off six or seven Noblemens heads And that Granvel by his letters had further moved the King to invade the Low-countreys with a formidable Army and being so possessed of them he might then impose upon the Low-countreymen what Laws he pleased by the right of Conquest That the increase of Miters the first whereof Granvel wore tended to no other purpose but to bring the Spanish Inquisition into the Low-countreys To which words of Barlamont she had answered That the Lords were not kept from the knowledged of any secret fit to be communicated to them as Barlamont himself being one of the Councell very well knew Nor was Granvel whose transactions when he was but a young man were approved of by Charles the fifth and King Philip so ignorant a Statesman that now in his old age and experience the King might not imploy him or of so rash a malice that he would offer to perswade his Majesty to take away their lives which he knew were dear unto the King and might be sure she would oppose him in it Nor did that seem lesse improbable and ridiculous which was said of his advising his Majesty for would any man make war upon himself and with vast expence to purchase what already is his own Lastly for the Bishops Granvel indeed sought to bring them in as the King had injoyned him in pursuance of the Popes command not to make way for the Inquisition but to protect Religion in a troublesome time The charge whereof as of all things else which conduced to the maintenance of the Kings prerogative because Granvel fearlessely undertook despising all mens murmurs he was therefore hated ly many as they should ever be that stoutly defend the authority of their Prince With these discoveries the Governess pre-acquainted the King and desired him in a little note by it self that he would use the service of some one of speciall trust in the decyphering of her letter Though Barlamont himself as he was open hearted and thought that in this relation to the Governess he had both served his King and Countrey being asked by the Prince of Orange who took notice of his long stay with the Governess whether he had told her what private conference they had among themselves he ingeniously repeated his whole discourse with the Governess Nor did the Prince of Orange seem to take it amisse I suppose because he saw the grievances of his own framing were proposed in the name of a generality which therefore could not be imputed to him alone but would receive authority from the multitude In the interim the King adviseth the Governess by no meant to suffer private assemblies of the Nobilitie but to find out some expedient that the publick meeting of those men packt together to destroy the quiet of the State might be handsomely dissolved and that keeping Spies upon the Prince of Orange and his Counsells she should still have him at Court and in her eye And to set Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange at variance was not thought very difficult because they had formerly stood at a very great distance before their common hatred to Granvel united them Count Egmont was of a sweet disposition free of speech and confident the Prince of Orange of a sower nature not to be discovered therefore to be avoided In this you could not but commend his cunning but the other better kept his faith The one was an Ajax a better Commander then a Councellour the other an Ulysses that could fight better with his brain then with his sword This had a great forecast and alwayes fixed his mind upon the future so that he was still fit for any emergent occasion That seldome took care but for the present yet upon a sudden misfortune was rather unprepared then unready or unwilling to encounter it You might hope more from the one and fear more from the other You would rather chuse the friendship of Count Egmont and decline the enmity of the Prince of Orange And to demonstrate that there was not the least resemblance between them Egmont had a well-featured face a strong-timbered body a look full of honour the other was a thin-faced tawny-complexioned man and bald Yet they were exceeding popular both but the people loved the one and reverenced the other The Governess who exactly knew them wrote to the King what she thought would the soonest cause a division and pointed out the best means to effect it viz. that the Kings Pay and his Munificence about the sending whereof at that time to the Governours of the Provinces he had before consulted with her should not be distributed to all but come onely to the hands of the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont and the Count should have more then the Prince that the Prince of Orange might suspect him for his Rivall in his Majesties favour and the rest of the Lords because they were passed by somewhat resent it in them both This plot went on and their ill-pieced conspiracie began to crack a sunder the Governess still having her irons in the fire And to this purpose at the generall Dyet or convention of the Estates of Germany summoned by the Emperour Ferdinand at Franckford to create a King of the Romans some of the Low-countrey Lords being to go thither in the name of King
Petition whereto was added the approbation of the Governess either altered in her mind or Counsels and hoping by that sacrifice to the publick odium to gain the affections of many of the Lords This Granvel long since foresaw upon the return of Armenterius presently observed the Courtiers which used to adore him would not take pains to stoop so low and that he had a thinner train and fewer suiters waiting at his gates divers of his friends then forsaking him when they were brought to the test Nor did Granvel upon receit of the Kings letter decline his departure but very cheerfully shewed himself ready to go whithersoever his Majesty would please to send him And before his departure as if he were tired out with tedious cares he was often heard to argue with his friends like a Philosopher Of case and retirement from the hurry of affairs That he had long enough followed others occasions that a man broken with continuall toil could not but wish for rest and that to one besieged with Petitioners liberty was not to be refused especially when he knew that Petitioners and flatterers met like pitcher-carriers at a spring which they drain and trouble That favour at Court hath a better face then inside and that all humane things are found to be farre lesse in the possession then they are fancied in our hopes You would think he discoursed this out of a mind armed against dangers long foreseen and exspected Unless perhaps it was not constancy but discontent putting a face of mirth upon his griefs whereby he might at least defraud his Rivals eyes of that sad object which they looked for Indeed a few moneths before when he saw his Remove inevitable he wrote to his old friend the Duke of Alva that if he must needs leave the Low-countreys he would please to make it his suit to the King to send for him into Spain But the Duke was in great suspence whether he should bring a man to Court that was not unpractised in Court-designes and might happily precede him in the Kings favour for no virtue is lesse raised at Court then that which is most feared or whether by the accession of a friend he might increase his power or at least by using a man hatefull to the Low-countreys as Armenterius wrote to the Governess out of Spain he might revenge himself of his enemies in the Netherlands this later reason carried it with the Duke of Alva his fear was overcome by his fury the stronger motive to prevail with Courtiers whom long prosperity makes not more secure of favour then impatient of affronts But in vain the Duke solicited for Cardinall Granvels coming into Spain For the King had been lately perswaded by Armenterius that it would be greatly to his prejudice to have the Cardinall in his Court who out of his hatred to the Low-countreys would be suspected in all their affairs to corrupt the Kings commands which would be thought to be the Cardinals pleasure His Majesty therefore would rather have him retire into Burgundy and to live not far from the Low-countreys where He hoped in time to settle him again Granvel was the more willing to go thither because he had the fair pretence of doing his duty at Besonçon to his mother now old and diseased in company of his brother Cantonet who having dispatched his French embassage was for the same cause travelling towards Burgundy Therefore not suffering his going away to be named till his brother arrived at Bruxels that it might seem he resolved of himself and with his brothers advice to visit his Countrey and not upon the Kings command to leave the Netherlands on the tenth of March he took his journey into Burgundy giving it out that he would shortly return Likewise about this time the Low-countrey Lords upon letters from the King commanding them to fit again in Councel and more to regard the authority of their Prince then their own hatred to any private man waited again at Court to the joy of all degrees and qualities Save that it took off a little from the generall contentment that it was reported the Cardinall would come back though many thought it an idle rumour invented by the man himself who as they said was proud in misery and would not stoop but even as he fled still threatned But others were not of that opinion especially the Governess that knew with how much difficulty and reluctation the King had called him away By her letters therefore she acquainted his Majesty That Egmont concealing the Authours names had discovered to her a plot against Granvel who if ever he set foot again within the Netherlands was to be murthered the same day The Low-countrey writers out of uncertain reports name one Villet a Countreyman of Granvels that undertook to kill him And the Counts Egmont and Horn were charged as privy to Villets intention at their Triall in the year 1568. Besides in the private intelligence which a Lady of quality from the Borders sent into the Low-countreys I find this design against the Cardinall mentioned unles perhaps all this was feigned to fright the Governess Granvell being gone for Burgundy the Town and the Court seemed quite another thing The people that as a comfort to their low fortunes use to behold with greediness the fall of powerfull men especially of such as are Princes Favourites because they impute to these Privadoes all the severer mandates of the Prince began now to rejoyce as if they were freed of a heavie tax-master In particular the officious Courtiers joyed the Lords for having banished their Corrival and they themselves boasted That now they had sued out the Governesses Livery who had lived long enough under a Guardian That it was sufficient they had for so long time endured the insolence of a new man an upstart that triumphed in his scarlet robes for his Conquest over the Low-countryes From thence forth they were much more observant to the Governess came oftner to the Councel-board bestowed more time upon the Publick The Governess thinking it best to use that opportunity pressed them to many things at once particularly to continue the Subsidie of the new year for three years yet to come which she had often but in vain attempted and most of her Proposals were in a fair Way to be effected when by letter after letter coming from the Cardinall that spake of his return into the Low-countreys and by increase of the faction of the Cardinalists for so they called the Duke of Areschot Count Barlamont and the President Viglius many mens minds were filled with fresh suspicion and much of their new joy and alacrity abated For on the one part diverse of the Lords said They feared unlesse they pretended fear to colour their private meetings that if they should removing all Obstructions dispose things to a good conclusion Granvell upon a sudden
would return and boldly claim a share in the success On the other part the Cardinalists more slowly followed the Kings business either offended at the Governess or to endear the Cardinall by his absence and to make him the more longed for But the Governess persisted in her desires to bar all hope of his return and wrote to his Majesty many letters wherein she did not a little tax the life of Granvell I suppose to shew she had reason for consenting to his remove Which was the cause why an Officer extraordinary was sent into Burgundy in the Kings name to take the accounts of the Exchecquer and so by the by to examine Granvells actions At this Inquisitours return the Governess made it her suit forasmuch as the Lords suspected Granvells stay in Burgundy had too near an influence upon the Low-countreys and that they likewise said Though his person was absent his Counsels and Directions still ordered the affairs of State his ghost as it were haunting the Low-countryes that his Majestie would please to free the Provinces of that kind of fear and send the man to Rome the place he had long since chosen whither afterward Granvell went of his own accord not by the Kings command For in December the year following Pius the fourth deceasing Cardinall Granvel came to Rome to the Conclave it will not do amiss I suppose to let you know the further progress and end this great man where he was re-imployed by King Philip the show not substance of whose favour he had lost in soliciting all businesses at Rome that nearliest concerned his Kingdome with higher expressions then ever of his affection to the Cardinal By which is evident what difference there is between such as get into favour with a Prince by accident such as are advanced by merit for those if they once fal never rise these their absence ingratiates with their Prince and necessitie restores them to their places And it fell out very opportunely for Granvel who being as ambitious of employment as prepared for present business the League betwen the Princes of Christendome so often begun to be treated so often broken off coming now again in agitation received from the King a large Commission that together with Francis Cardinall Paceco and his Majesties Embassadour Iohn Zuniga he should upon what conditions he thought good make a league between Rome Spain and Venice which he clearing the matters of controversie that daily were revived faithfully and actively endeavoured on the Kings behalf After this he was created by King Philip Vice-roy of Naples and delivered from the Pope to Don Iohn of Austria the Standard and commanding Staff that declared him Generall of the Christian Fleet. After the Popes death coming to Rome he so applyed himself that besides his advancing the Spanish party whereof he was chief he was the principall cause that Gregory the thirteenth to the great benefit of Christendome was created Pope And yet he exceedingly displeased that very Bishop at his return to Naples where he carried himself somewhat more harshly towards he Church then could be exspected from a Prelate of his Robe but not otherwise then we see many sacred and mitred persons do that shew themselves more earnest then the Lay-ministers of Princes to advance their politick Dominion Whether it be their care to decline the suspicion of being for the other party or that their knowledge and emulation discovers the abstrusest points that are to be opposed Nor are they lesse violent for being in holy Orders familiarity and injoyment taking off their respect to that of which they are possessed The Vice-roy Granvell had signed a warrant to his Officers to take out of Marius Caraffa the Archbishops prison a notorious offendour whose cause Granvell said belonged to his Jurisdiction For which fact Marius Caraffa excommunicated the Kings Officers whereat Granvell being implacably displeased laid the Archbishops servants by the heels and sequestred the rents and profits of the Archbishoprick the Popes Nuncio Anthonius Saulio in vain labouring against it and threatning the Popes indignation if he persisted Gregory the thirteenth was exceedingly vexed thereat especially because when this was done at Naples the like was attempted in Castile by the President of the Councel Didaco Covarruvia Bishop of Segovia His Holiness therefore commanded Saulio to go to the Cardinal Vice-roy and directly tell him That unless within so many dayes he would revoke and make null all he had done against the Archbishop and his servants he by the authority given him by his Holiness would turn Granvell out of the Colledge of Cardinalls Which message though some fearing the Vice-royes dipleasure perswaded Saulio to put in milder terms boldly delivered according to his instructions so terrified Granvell that he discharged the prisoners and restored the Bishop to his own Nay he gave the Archbishop a prisoner in exchange for the condemned man taken from him that occasioned the dispute and had been forthwith executed Afterwards he submitted to the Canons with much more care and reverence So you see Threats and Menaces proportioned to the greatest spirits will at last humble them Granvell having now four years governed that Kingdome with great Prudence indeed but not so great regard to Chastity as beseemed his age and scarlet being in some measure reconciled to the Pope returned to Rome From whence three years after he was sent for by the King into Spain being then 62 years old and the Italian affairs of State wholly intrusted to his disposall which was distastfull to some of the Grandees whose weaker and lesser iudgements were eclipsed by his old and solid experience and looked on by him with a kind of scorn I find likewise the King himself was offended with him whilest by too passionately extolling the Actions of Charles the fifth and instancing what he had done upon the like occasions he seemed to urge them as presidents for his sons imitation with a freedome odious to Princes which had ruined many of Alexanders greatest Commanders that spake too liberally in his fathers commendations But Granvell knew he had to do with a Prince enamoured of his merits whose favour towards him he had found rather suspended then extinguished whereof he had this further proof that King Philip going to take possession of the Kingdome of Portugall left Granvell to govern Spain and returning out of Portugall when he made his entrance into Madrid waited on by infinite multitudes and received with the acclamations of all sorts of people he rode through the Town with this aged Cardinal onely on his left hand Lastly three years after Granvell returning from the Citie of Auspurge vvhere he had married the Infanta Katharine King Philips daughter to Eâ—â—manuel Duke of Savoy being now seventy years of age departed this life at Madrid the very day 28 years after the death of the
nearly concerned to preserve Religion then greatly indangered in France and they very well affected to the cause had laid their designes the Queen Regent by the by propounded some Marriages wherein she would have ingaged her Daughter but the Queen of Spain and the Duke of Alva returned thereunto no absolute answer reserving the finall determination of all things to King Philip. Lastly upon occasion of an Embassadour sent from Soliman the Turkish Emperour to renew the league between King Charles and him the French spake of renouncing the said League and that their King should joyn with King Philip and the Emperour against the common enemie But this though it was opportune took no effect the Queen of Spain declining all overtures but onely concerning Religion which she at the Duke of Alva's earnest motion again commending to them after they had imbraced and kissed they took their leaves The Hereticks that guessed at their intentions exceedingly fearing lest by the meeting of these Princes as by the conjunction of malevolent Starres was portended some fearfull storm that would fall upon their heads And indeed that great massacre of the Hugonots which seven years after was acted at Paris was they say plotted at this meeting which I will neither denie nor affirm Though I am rather inclined to believe that the mutuall succours which since this time we see have been often sent by the French into the Low-countreys and from thence into France against the Rebells to Religion and their Prince together with the marriage five years after solemnized by King Charles and Elisabeth daughter to the Emperour Maximilian were concluded at this conference For King Philip in the fore-mentioned letter gives an intimation of mutuall assistance to be from thenceforth given to expell heresie out of their Kingdomes and plainly faith the Queen had not directly declared her self against the marriage but left a door open to a new consulation since in regard of their tender years the young Prince and Princesse he being but fifteen and Princesse Elisabeth eleven might very well stay a good while before they married In the beginning of March Count Egmont came to Madrid contrary to the exspectation and command of his Majestie who would have had his journey put off I suppose because the Governess had informed him that the Count was willing to go in hope of his private advantage Yet the King received him very graciously answerable to the quality of so noble a person and so great a Generall famous for many victories and often with good approbation heard him move for relief to the publick necessities of his Countrey Nay when he descended to his particular affairs the King granted his suit almost in every thing Finally his Majestie gave him large instructions in writing for answer to the Governess and that he might resolve upon more certain grounds he advised in that which concerned Religion with Divines which to that purpose waited on him In that Assembly of learned men I have heard one that was present say The pietie of the King was admirable For having summoned the greatest Schoolmen and Casuists and demanding their opinions touching the Libertie of Conscience which some Low-countrey Towns so earnestly petitioned for when many of them considering the present condition of the Low-countreys said That for the avoiding of a greater evil much to be feared in Cities ready to revolt and shake off Obedience to their Prince and to the Orthodox Faith his Majestie might without offending God allow his subjects the free exercise of their Religion He replied That he sent not for them to instruct him whether such a Permission were lawfull but whether it were necessary And when they told him they saw no necessity then the King in their presence kneeling before a Crucifix And I said he pray and beseech thy Divine Majestie thou King of all men O God that thou wilt please to keep me alwayes in this mind that I may never care that the men which deny thee for their Lord may either be or be called my Subjects and then he opened his determination concerning Religion in those Letters which I told you were delivered to Count Egmont But before he had his dispatch the King dealt plainly with him That he was not a little offended at the last conspiracie of the Lords when they gave the Coats and Cognizances wherein they aenigmatically threatned Cardinal Granvel that especially Egmont reputed the Authour of that invention might therein have shewn if not more fidelity at least more discretion But Count Egmont faithfully assured his Majesty that it was mere mirth and childish sport at table to make a jest to laugh at in their cups not to be feared by any man that done he omitted not to accuse the Cardinall as the principall cause thereof because he daily mustered those of his faction against the Nobility and therefore deserved to be requited with the like Assemblies Yet in these meetings and this he often confirmed by oath they did not so much as think of any thing contrary to their sincere Allegiance to his Majesty Nay if he had found any of their party an Enemy to the King he himself would have been first though he were his own brother that should have stabbed him to the heart This Discourse having passed between the King and Count Egmont of all which the King by a private Letter certified the Governess Instructions were given to the Count thus indorsed Instructions of those things which thou Prince of Gavera Count of Egmond our Cousen and Counsellour in affairs of the Empire art commanded in our Name to communicate to Our Sister the Dutchess of Parma The summe of his large Instructions was this At his arrivall in the Low-countreys after he had saluted the Governess from the King and returned her his royall thanks for her good Government of those Provinces and for sending into Spain the fittest man to negotiate for the Low-countreys he was to deliver her this answer from his Maiesty That in the first place he was struck with unutterable grief to hear of the growth of Heresie and that he was firmly resolved and would have the whole world know that he would not suffer it within his Dominions though he were to die for it a thousand times Therefore he desired the Governess to call a Senate extraordinary to which divers Bishops should be summoned particularly Rythovius Bishop of Ipres with the like number of Divines and such Counsellours as stood best affected to Religion and their Countrey The pretended occasion should be to examine the Councel of Trent but the reall meaning to find out an Expedient how the people might be kept in their ancient Religion how their children might be virtuously bred up at School how to proceed in punishing Hereticks by some other course that might take off the odium not that he meant to pardon them for that he neither resolved to
design was commonly reported to intend the establishment of this new Judicature in the Low-countreys Though the Duke as afterward it was evident levied men onely to defend his own towns amidst the tumults then threatning the Low-countreys the King to supply Malta and to oppose the Turk in other places Yet when the Governess went about to perswade the multitude she found it Labour in vain the Hereticks disputing against her and affirming That it was the ordinary trick of State to pretend war for one place and fall upon another So that many men openly professed they would fell their houses and land and seek their Countreys lost Libertie in forrein Nations At publick meetings in the Market place and upon the Exchange divers men were heard boldly to say that against the crueltie of the Kings Edict they onely wanted a Generall which if once they should have they would make the King leave meddling with the Priviledges of the Low-countreys The multitude thus storming the Lords neutrall or wavering and the Hereticks that were in danger of the Edict stirring them up to mutiâ—â—ie the Conspiracie was ripened Nine Lords that were not Officers of State at Breda a Town belonging to the Prince of Orange subscribed and propounded unto the rest a confederation penned by Philip Marnixius Lord of Saint Aldegund long since corrupted and now a corrupting Calvinist In the Preamble they inveighed against the Inquisition which being contrary to all Laws divine and humane farre exceeded the cruelty of all former Tyrants The Lords declared their sense of this indignity the care of Religion appertaining to them as Counsellours born and protested they entered into a league to prevent the wicked practices of such as by these sentences of banishment and death aimed at the fortunes of the greatest persons they had therefore taken an holy oath not to suffer the Inquisition to be imposed upon the Low-countreys and prayed that both God and Men might forsake them if they ever forsook their Covenant or failed to assist their Brethren suffering for the Cause Lastly that they called the Lord to witnesse by this agreement they intended nothing but the Glory of God the Kings honour and their Countreys Peace This is the summe of their League which either for the interchange or multiplicitie of their promises was called the Covenant and was afterwards printed that it might be every where published in divers languages with this Title according to the English copy A transcript of the Covenant signed by the Lords and Gentlemen of the Low-countreys by reason of an attempt to impose upon them the Spanish Inquisition Their Emissaries were forthwith dispatched to the severall Provinces to acquaint them with what was resolved and to court the people which took exceedingly For at their Assemblies many were so violent as when they but heard the Spanish Inquisition named not knowing any more of the matter they set to their names The first that subscribed were Nicholas Haâ—es Herauld to the Knights of the Golden-fleece commonly called Tosond ' or a principall instrument in the Conspiracy Baronius Glibercius Lefdal servant to Count Egmont Iohn Marnixiuâ— Lord of Tholose Ghisell Meinser and Olhain as Anderlech steward to Count Megen wrote to the Governesse The number and quality of the rest cannot easily be described they that took Catalogues of their names varying them as they supposed it would conduce to the augmentation of the fame or extenuation of the fact Indeed Hames bragged to Anderlech whom he indeavoured to bring into the faction that he had a roll of above two thousand noble persons names subscribed But Anderlech abhorring the treason not onely refused to subscribe but thought it the duty of a good Subject to discover their proceedings to the Governesse And though he found her not ignorant of many of their names and curious to know them all yet he opened some things to her wherewith as his familiar friends they had privately acquainted him That among others the Duke of Cleve had signed the Covenant with the Princes of Saxony Count Suartzemberge Gasper Colligny and many others Besides some Abbots of the Low-countreys and certain Lords of the Order of the fleece I cannot tell if this were given out to countenance the faction but I am sure the Rumour of the Duke of Cleve's Revolt soon vanished as that of the Companions of the Order increased and Count Megen that was one of the Colledge told the Governesse that two of his Colleagues whose names he knew not with divers other Noblemen were joyned with the Conspiratours But one of them might be well suspected and the Prince of Orange expressed himself very sensible of mens opinions for he complained in Senate that he was commonly reputed one of the number of the Covenanters the other must be either Count Horn Admirall of Flanders or Anthony Lalin Count Hochstrat as appeared by their conveâ—sation out of which men ordinarily draw conjectures Nor doubt I but many others were reputed Abettors of the faction as besides the above named it was thought Elisabeth Queen of England might be one though upon no other argument but onely their severall interests in the troubles of the Low-countreys For every one will allow of Casâ—ians Maxime That we may justly suspect those for Authours that are advantaged by the design But it were superfluous to inquire after dubious or concealed persons when enow declare themselves no fewer then four hundred of great quality giving in their names whereof almost one hundred were Hereticks as Count Megen informed the Governesse besides Merchants and others of the vulgar sort not to be numbered The chief of the Conspiratours were Henry Count Brederod Lewis of Nassaâ— Brother to the Prince of Orange Florence Pallantius Count of Culemberg a town in Holland he himself being a Burgundian and Willam de Bergen Count of Bergen in Gelderland all of that youth and courage as animated them to high attempts Brederod especially who took place of them all either for his antient Nobility being descended from the old Earls of Holland or for the sharpnesse of his wit which he used with great freedome against such as were in authority and it was therefore applauded by the people and very usefull for the Mutineers But the nobler and baser sort of the Party were not all of the same mind noâ— had the same ends as it is usuall in actions of this nature For some would rest quiet if the Pontifician Inquisitours were outed and the penalties of the Edicts qualified Others had yet a further design for the Liberty of Religion Many cared neither for Religion nor the Edicts but onely desired spoil and pillage Lastly there were some that had yet an higher reach and aimed by these troubles to shake off their old Prince and set up a new Government But all of them pretended and petitioned for the taking away of the Inquisition and
moved for a generall Convention of the Estates as the best expedient for restoring peace to their Countrey Otherwise though against their wills they must be necessitated to have recourse to forrein help These letters being read in Senate after every man had delivered his opinion the Governesse answered Lewis and his companions that were called by jeering people his twelve Apostles that upon the twenty sixth of August the Knighrs of the Golden-fleece were to meet at Bruxels and she would advise with them about it In the interim the Prince of Orange returning to Antwerp when no good could be done there certified the Governesse that the Citizens had been earnest with him to receive the Government of Antwerp and for his securitie to put a Garrison into the Town The Governesse consenting to it he not onely raised men but was so bold as to ask leave to have a Guard about his person which she likewise granted And so to his great contentment he was made Governour meaning shortly to make himself an absolute Prince by the too much indulgence of the Governesse who with these favours endeavoured to ingage the Prince of Orange or at least would have him believed to be of the Kings partie But the despair of succours long looked for out of Spain together with her fear increased her indulgence Now at length upon Montinyes sollicâ—tation the Kings letters came wherein those three particulars the Dutchesse had so often requested of his Majestie were all granted but upon certaâ—n conditions For his Majestie gave way to the remove of the Ecclesiasticall Inquisitours provided the Bishops were first placed in their stead for he was resolved and fixed not to leave Religion naked without a guard of those that should take cognizance of her cause and revenge her injuries It was his pleasure likewise that the Imperiall Edicts should be somewhat moderated by his Councell in the Low-countreys but it must be certified to and approved of by his Councel in Spain before it should be published in the Provinces In the last place his Majestie was contented that 〈◊〉 Covenanters and others should be pardoned but the other two heads were first to be dispatched But these remedies came from Spain too late when the face of things was altered in the Low-countreys When the fury of the Hereticks plundering the Churches and openly defacing all venerable and sacred monuments of Religion was to be incountered in another way And indeed that destruction which I think was one of the greatest that ever happened if we consider the sudden mischief to Religion the rage of the People their small number and mean qualitie from what parts or by whose Counsell it was brought upon the Low-countreys is no more certainly known then the causes and originall of a sudden plague I should think by many letters I have read that in all probability it came thither from the Geneva Calvinists their next French neighbours perhaps by accident perhaps upon design for so Peter Ernest Count Mansfeld informed the Governesse and she the King The very same intelligence she received from Pedro Ceballio an old Spanish Commander who assured her that the Prince of Condegrave and the three brothers of the Colygn the heads of the Hugonots to advance their own partie in France while Heresie reigned in the Low-countreys by their Emissaries dayly solicited the Hereticks in these Provinces to make some attempt wherein they promised sufficiently to furnish them with men and Arms. The like hope they had of the Queen of England This agrees with what was resolved upon at Centron by the confederated Gheuses in which number the Admirall of France and others of that nation being comprehended it was easie for them upon this occasion to trouble the Low-countreys Besides these mysteries of State other things were plain to be discerned For the people partly corrupted with Heresie partly dreading the Inquisition exceedingly favoured the Hereticks that sought to overthrow that judicature The confederated Gheuses willingly took upon them the protection of the Commons because many of the Covenanters were birds of the same feather and all of them ambitious to be Masters and Tribunes of the people The Knights of the Order and the Lords were divided among themselves Those that continued faithfull to their Religion and their Prince were the weaker party the stronger either declared themselves for the Conspiratours or at least were of their chamber-counsell And now the Governesse wrote to the King that she had certain knowledge of the Prince of Orange's design by those tumults to invade the Government of the Low-countreys and share it with his fellow-rebells Therefore upon Assumption-eve they began to rifle the Low-countrey Churches first rising in the lower Flanders which lies between the river Lys and the West Sea In these parts a few of the raskall sort of Hereticks met and joyned themselves with some companies of thieves upon the day appointed for proclaiming warre against heaven lead on by no Commander but Impietie their Arms were staves hatchets hammers and ropes fitter to pull down houses then to fight withall some few of them had swords and muskets Thus accoutered as if they had been furies vomited from Hell they broke into the towns and villages about St. Omer and if they found the doors of Churches or Monasteries shut forced them open frighting away their religious inhabitants and overturning the Altars they defaced the Monuments of Saints and broke to peices their sacred images Whatsoever they saw dedicated to God and to the Blessed they pulled it down and trod it under their feet to dirt whilst their Ringleaders clapt them on the backs and incouraged them with all their force to destroy the Idols The Hereticks glad of this successe to the first that ever they sent out upon a party left the place with speed and with unanimous consent shouted and cryed aloud Let us to IPRES that being a citie much frequented by the Calvinists And they were drawn thither as well out of hope of protection as out of hatred they bare to the Bishop of that City Martin Rithovius an eminently virtuous and learned man and therefore meriting the spleen of Hereticks Whereupon they ran violently thither gathering upon the way such vagabonds and beggars as joyned with them out of hope of plunder And as a snow ball rolling from the top of a hill grows still greater by the accesse of new snow through which it passes and wherein it is involved so these thievish vagabonds multiplying by the way the farther they go the more they rage and the more considerable their thievish strength appears And when they had pillaged a few small villages about Ipres upon the very day of the Assumption of the blessed Virgin the citizens of Ipres opening their gates unto them they entered the town and went directly to the Cathedrall Church where every one fell to work Some
be forced to accept of unjust conditions But whilst Orange and Egmont to whom she would needs bid Farwel disswaded her from the journey the news was all over the Town and some of the Citizens shutting up the Gates others went to the Governess humbly beseeching her that she would not by her flight adde to the impudence of wicked men and make the Kâ—ng condemn that faithfull Citie under the notion of Conspiratours against his Majestie Nor did she alter her resolution for all this though a great man informed her Excellence that the Prince of Orange speaking of her going away to some at Court told them among other discourse That if the Governess would leave the Town and consequently desert the State he himself was resolved his Towns and Fortunes should not become a prey to any That their French neighbours might easily possesse themselves of Flanders and that long since they pretended a title to Artois and Haynolt nor could the rest of the Provinces want new Lords But that which most of all troubled the Governess was a rumour dispersed in Bruxels that she was the onely cause why the Gheuses had not their Petition granted which she might do of her self having received plenipotentiary Authority from the King to signe any conditions for quieting the Low-countrey tumults And that if still she pretended to exspect answer from Spain putting them off with such flammes there were some in readiness that seizing upon her together with Viglius Keeper of the Seal and Egmont himself would extort by force what they could not obtain with modestie Such reports as these though at first the Governess accounted them vain threatnings of the Hereticks which had cunningly named Egmont to make her think the Conspiratours hated him Yet when she saw the same affirmed by many that seemed utterly to despair of any good once more attempting to get out of Town and being staid again Fear overcoming her she at last was induced to grant some of the Covenanters demands Which after other businesse she wrote to his Majestie in these words Now when I come to add what finally I granted to the Covenanters unworthy my Resolution unworthy your Majesties Religion truly the grief of it peirces my very soul and shame comes upon my face in blushes I call God to witnesse who knows the secrets of my heart that often and with my utmost power I resisted them many nights together I have not shut mine eyes being at that very time afflicted with sorrow and a fever At last besides the spoil of Churches which I heard of from other quarters when the storm hung over this Citie and that so many openly rung in mine ears that the destructive spight to holy things would never cease til I should grant two demands made by the Covenanters When my house was besieged my mind languishing and my body sick sending for Orange Egmont and Horn and protesting before them that my consent was extorted thereunto I made a concession of pardon and indemnity to the Covenanters and to the rest I gave libertie to hear their Ministers preach onely in places where they had been accustomed so to do provided they came unarmed and molested not the Catholicks With a speciall clause limiting these two Grants to such time as the King with consent of the Estates of the Low-countreys would be pleased to allow Yet to both these I consented not in your Majesties name but in mine own so as when you please you may avoid them without the least blemish to your Honour which you have not your self ingaged and being ill-ingaged by me you should not and I hope will not make it good Nay I beseech and conjure you Mighty Sir by that which is dearer to you then your life your care to defend the Catholick faith that immediately not exspecting the convenience of the Spring you will please to come in person and revenge the wrongs dâ—ne to afflicted Religion which now sadly and solely addressing her self to your Majestie exspects relief which otherwise she dispairs of from that right hand of yours renowned for faith and power indeed unlesse this one hope remained my life which lingers in a miserable manner would soon part from me though perhaps this hope it self will be hardly able to keep off death Thus her Excellence fainting under the burden of her grief wrote privately to the King but publickly shewed no womanish passion and still intent to affairs of State gave Count Mansfeld Commission to govern Bruxels as her Lieutenant put into the town a new Garrison of horse and foot fortified the Count left nothing undone that either concerned her own or the Cities preservation Indeed having made that agreement with the Covenanters they gave her jealousies a short breathing-space for upon the foresaid terms taking a new oath of obedience to the Governesse they so ordered the matter that upon the day appointed the Gheuses attempted nothing against the Church Nay the Prince of Orange returning to Antwerp hanged three of the sacrilegious villains and banished three more setting open the great Church commanding the Priests to exercise their function and boldly to instruct the people Which had not a little rejoyced the Governesse but that in the same letter which he about it he inclosed two petitions delivered him by the Germans that desired some Church in Antwerp where they might freely exercise the confession of Auspurg This took off much of the Governesses contentment especially because the day after she understood by other letters from the Prince of Orange that he and the Senate of Antwerp had permitted Hereticks to preach in the citie and to use all the other rites of Luther and Calvin assigning them three places for that purpose The reason whereof the Prince of Orange explaining affirmed to the Governesse who very hainously resented it in three letters sent immediately one after another that he was extreamly unwilling to make conditions with the Hereticks but some considerations inforced him First that he might by this means restore the Churches and Churchmen to securitie Then whereas no lesse then twenty thousand men used to go out of Town to sermons he greatly feared lest at their return some pragmaticall knaves gaping after pillage might joyn with them and the multitude prevailing plunder the rich Merchants houses Lastly because the Hereticks already had sermons in Antwerp therefore in pursuance of that agreement he had assigned them places in the citie Notwithstanding the Governesse liked not the proceedings of the Prince of Orange perhaps because she her self was guilty of too much indulgence and likewise in fear to be reproved for anothers fault perhaps because the Prince of Orange had indeed given further allowance to the Hereticks then they could challenge by their articles which licensed their Sermons within the walls but not their Baptisme Marriage or other Hereticall ceremonies But
things for which he had been a long and earnest suiter to the King or at least that he had counterfeited if not Egmonts Letter yet his own Answer to it But many things offer themselves which absolutely clear this doubt as Count Egmonts hand well known to the Governess and her intelligence of the truth of Egmonts actions which may fright the greatest confidence in the world into a blush that shall presume to charge him with such a forgery Add to this the reputation and manners of Count Mansfeld which manners either absolve or condemne every one far from the least imputation of any such deceit and lastly his constant adherence to the Kings cause So as the Governess justly confident in his integrity commended him as much as she could possibly to his Maiesty one thing she seemed to admire that she found in Egmonts Letter the very words she had writ in cypher to the King She therefore complained to the King that secrets were brought out of his Court into the Low-countreys Was any of his Ministers of State so dull-brained or open breasted to suffer these mysterious parts of Government to be scrued out of his mouth or hands or so ill-natured and perfidious as to reveal the Counsells of his Prince to the enemy That she certainly knew many copies of Letters she had sent his Majestie for two yeares now past and divers of the Originalls themselves were come to the hands of the Low-countrey Lords How destructive was this to his affairs how derogatory to the Royall Dignity She therefore beseeched the King that hereafter he would either see her Letters burnt or give them in custody to faithfull Servants that would keep them from the knowledge of such as were otherwise And yet I find after this time the Prince of Orange bragged to Christopher Assonvil that every word the King spake as well private as publick was faithfully conveyed to his ear in the Low-countreys Indeed these discoveries cost much money but money cannot be more fruitfully laid out For it is the Philosophy of Princes to dive into the secrets of men leaving the secrets of Nature to such as have spare time Which being granted what Councel-chamber can be impervious or inaccessible to royal bountie since the Court of so prudent and circumspect a Monarch was bought by private Persons But the Covenanters not content with the ambiguous deliberations of the Lords at Dendermond the leading men and such as could be suddenly got together met at Amsterdam unknown to the Prince of Orange as he wrote to the Governesse yet he was near the town but peradventure he connived It is believed they agreed at this meeting to use their utmost indeavours to keep the King from coming in with an armie and that either by the mediation of the Emperour Maximilian or by a publick Revolt from their obedience to petition with swords in their hands And it fell out very commodiously that the Diet of the Empire was then to be held at Ausburg where they resolved to petition the Emperour in the name of the Low-countreymen but in case he denied their request then to addresse themselves to the Electours who might signifie to the Emperour that unlesse herein he would over-rule the King they the Electours could not be able to give him assistance against the Turk Nor was it handsome whilst the King visited the Low-countreys with an armie that they destitute of men and money should leave themselves exposed to the injuries of bordering forces If this succeeded not they would venture upon any thing make a league with the hereticall Cantons of the Swisse and by their assistance which some say was promised stop King Philips passage into Savoy Nay more to find the King work at home they would send to Sivill three thousand of those Calvinisticall books of which they had long since consulted with some Calvinist-ministers of these twelve were nominated that should disperse those Volumes throughout Spain and turn the Kings mind from going into a forrein Countrey This Expedient was committed to the managerie of a Spanish Merchant lying then in Antwerp a hot-headed fellow and malitious to Catholicks So the Governesse wrote to the King and added that she would lay all the Ports to prevent that plague-sore from sailing into Spain But these deliberations because sudden and full of fear did more terrifie then hurt Yet in that Assembly this was resolved The Gentlemen-Covenanters for men that are in like danger easily associate conspired with the Merchants and the rest of the hereticall people and took the Sacrament on both sides to this purpose That the Covenanters should protect them against all men that sought to restrain the libertie of Conscience and the Merchants ingaged to furnish them with money and their utmost indeavours for the common securitie But lest the Hereticks should be distracted with multiplicitie of Sects Lewis of Nassau wrote to the Antwerpers perswading them for a while till things should be settled to lay aside private opinions in Religion all to give way to the confession of Auspurg for so not onely the Electours who professed that Religion would be their earnest Advocates with the Emperour but likewise the Germane souldiers would be hardly drawn to fight against the Low-countreymen their brethren in Religion and it was done accordingly For though the Calvinists hate the confession of Auspurg yet as Religion among Hereticks is not their own but accidentall and translatitious asking advice as far as Geneva of Theodore Beza and he approving this truce of opinions they subscribed a new form of discipline like that of Auspurg which was to be presented to the Emperour at the next Session together with a Petition wherein they prayed that his Imperiall Majestie would please to patronize and reconcile them to the King Moreover they instituted Consistories which are a kind of Parliament or generall convention in many cities according to the pattern of that now begun at Antwerp creating Magistrates and Senatours by whose advice it being first communicated to the Court of Antwerp to which they gave the preheminence the whole Republick of the Hereticks was to be governed They likewise made a confederation with the Prince Electour Palatine and the rest of the Hereticall Princes of Germanie enemies to the house of Austria and therefore ready to enter into any league whereby they might hope by such troubles as these to dispossesse the King of Spain as the Governesse informed him of the Low-countreys The Governesse was likewise privately informed by the Count of Megen that Vesterholt was raising one thousand two hundred horse in Saxonie for the Prince of Orange At the same time the Hugonots in France set on by Gaspar Coligni consulted about sending aid to the Low-countreymen which was reported to be ten Cornets of horse and thirty foot colours and these levies were to be made in Germanie
I should not at last by making new examples punish their perfidiousnesse imboldened by my too much Lenity and by force of Armes which through your valour I may easily effect endeavour to destroy these Enemies and Rebells sometimes bringing in Heresie to raise Tumults sometimes plotting to take Armes and breaking into open Hostility Courage therefore Beavor for I have chosen thee to revenge this Treason to Majesty Divine and Humane And since it is necessary to be speedily at Ostervell take thy Commission and be gone fight with Tholouse whose tumultuary Forces without opposition plunder the Country terrible only to such as entertaine them Be sure that pitty move thee not to give them quarter upon any termes but those wicked men that have committed unpardonable Villanies do thou without pause or mercy destroy with fire and sword Having thus instructed the Generall her Excellence commanded him to take out of the Garrison of Bruxells 300. Musketteres and joyne to them the Flanders Horse lately called back from Wallacron under the command of Valentine Pardieu Lord of Mott with the Foot companies of the Counts Aremberge and Barlamont Besides she gave him many of her owne Life-Guard and enjoyned him with this Army to march against Tholouse The Prince of Orange that governed Antwerp imagining what the Governesse would doe had tooke order the day before Beavor came to Ostervell that the Bridge between that and Antwerp should be broken lest the Gheuses sallying out of Antwerp should help the Tholousians as he signified to the Governesse by Marius Carduin or more probably lest to succour Beavor the Bridge should give passage to the Catholiques whose cause he could not desert nor would defend Also by his command the next day all the ports of Antwerp were shut the Citizens wondring what should be his reason when on the suddaine hearing the thunder of Cannon hard by the Towne they ran to the wals and saw a Battaile fought at Ostervell They knew the Ensignes of both Armies displayed alongst the River side and almost heard the cryes both of those that charged and fell Nor did all the Towne behold that Martiall Scene with the same wishes but shouted according to their severall inclinations with divers kinds of clamour as if they had been upon a Stage sometimes chearefully incouraging their Partie sometimes doubtfull and crying shame upon them they shooke their hands and moved their bodies as if they themselves were really in the Feild striking or avoyding Blowes Till the routed Tholousians fled For Beavor had been so quick in his march that comming upon them before they could well arme themselves and repaire to their Colours they had scarce time to put their men in Order of Battaile Yet for a while they stood At first their number imboldened them and at last their Houses and Fortifications saved them But those being fired part of them were burnt in their owne dwellings some few slaine in the Field but the most forced to leap in the River and either drowned or as they swam shot in the backs Tholouse himselfe despairing of Releife or Pardon tooke a Barne and was there burnt There fell at this Battaile the first that was fought with the Low-country Rebells 1500. of the Gheuses About 300. were taken prisoners and all put to the Sword by Beavors command because it was conceived the Antwerpers would sally out and assist the Remainder of their conquered Friends And indeed when the Calvinists saw their Brethren routed and put to flight for it troubled not the Lutherans who hate Calvinists farre more then they doe Catholiques presently taking up Armes they marched directly to the Bridge to succour their distressed Party But when they found the Bridge broken downe and saw the Ports shut up they ran through the Streets as if they had been drunke and cryed Arme Arme. And in foure houres space 14000. men were come together having neither any certaine Generall nor resolution whether to make way through the Ports or turne their fury upon those that kept them in They say Tholouse his Wife in Antwerp helped forward this combustion For understanding the Defeate and Danger of her Husband his Death as yet she knew not almost out of her wits she ranne about the Towne howling and crying to the Calvinsts for Assistance or Revenge And now the Prince of Orange with Count Hochstrat meeting these furious Rebells doubted not by the Majesty of his presence and their great opinion of him easily ro quiet this Distemper and began to give them reasons why the Bridge was broke for feare the conquering Army having a Party within the Towne should make themselves Masters of it But the rest of his words were drowned with hideous cryes and Railings They called him Traytour to the Cause and then he found by experience that Majesty without strength is not safe among the incensed multitude Nay one of those Calvinisticall Rogues set a Pistoll to the Prince his brest as if he would give fire upon him so much dares the basest Rascall animated by his contagious Fellowes The Prince of Orange therefore thought it well for the present if he could get off for the number boldnesse of the Calvinists increased And now seizing upon the Merian Bridge and taking the Cannon out of the Magazine they drew them upon their carriages and planted them against the Court resolving to set up a new Magistrate madly and barbarously proclaiming that all the Clergie and Religious should be turned out of the Towne Nor lesse active on the other part was the Prince of Orange who taught by his late danger commanded sixe Companies of the Garrison Souldiers to guard the Piâ—zza and the Mint and drawing after him a huge sort of Lutherans joyned them to the Catholiques whereof no lesse then 8000 had armed themselves The Catholiques and Lutherans formed into a Body with Colours flying marched to the Pallace of Justice and there made a Stand ready to defend it if the Calvinists should attempt any thing and these as if they would fight came on and presenting their Muskets seemed to expect the word When the Prince of Orange attended by all the Senate and a strong Guard of Souldiers came to the Calvinists and with a commanding countenance advised them to lay down Armes if they had any Demands to make they might be more easily obtained without Tumult if they did otherwise he swore he would be a perpetuall Enemy to the name of Calvin Whereat the Calvinists seeming to be dismayed submitted as if it were in Honour to the Prince when indeed they found themselves much too weak for the Catholique and Lutheran Forces to which the Italian and Spanish Merchants flocked in great numbers armed fearing they should finally be plundered by the Calvinists who had either to that end begun the Tumult or at least would so conclude Therefore Hostages being given and received on both sides the Calvinists upon
yet still the King did but act his part was not serious For among other dissuasions from his Voyage Letters came from the Governess giuing him intelligence that the Lords were resolved if the King as they heard would bring an army into the Lowcountryes that they themselves would call in forreigne Assistance and casting off their Allegeance oppose his Entry Which howsoever he dissembled or publiquely seemed to slight questionlesse he that was so jealous of his Crowne and Honour must needs be very sensible how much both would be indangered if by carrying an Army thither he should teach the Lowcountryes how to arme so render himselfe contemptible to his Subiects and to the neighbour Princes that would looke on or perhaps secretly assist the Rebells Therefore in the last Consultation which he held about it at Madrid his Majesty would only have it put to the question Whether he should goe without an Army which some perswaded or take his Forces along which the Popes Nuntio earnestly advised Among his Privy-Councell which then were numerous and great Statesmen because the King greatly relyed vpon their Iudgements there came to the Board Ferdinando Toledo Duke of Alva Roderick Gomez a Silva Prince of Ebora both of them very powerfull with the King but as Favour tooke place of Estimation he was greater in his Majestyes Account this had the greater Honours conferred upon him There was likewise Cardinall Spinosa who from very meane beginnings was advanced to be chiefe Inquisitour and President of the Councell of Castile and had beene of so high Authority in King Philip's Court that he was called the Spanish Monarch There was also Gomez Figueroa Duke of Feria Iohn Manric de Lara and Anthony de Toledo Knight of St Iohns of Hierusalem and Prior of Leon all excelâ—lent and active wits But Feria besides the vast indowments of his mind exceeded them all in handsomnesse and sweetnesse of disposition Manric was conspicuous for Prudence the Prior for Religion Then sate Bernardo Fresneda the Kings confessar a Franciscan Anthonio Perez Privy Seale and diverse others most of them Councellours of approved integrity and such as seriously intended their Prince's Honour which notwithstanding as every one was of a sowre or gentle temper they interpreted according to their owne inclinations Thus it is that all men forme their Opinions and the Vote which nature extorts we thinke is given to the Cause when indeed we give it to our Humour The King himselfe sate in Councell to moderate by his presence the publique and continuall Iarres between the Duke of Alva and the Prince of Ebora contending no lesse for superiority at the Board then for preheminence in Court Or rather his Majesty came in person that if any one which he heard was designed should move for his Son to be Generall he himselfe might breake off the proposall And there was one that perswaded the sending of an Army remembring his Majesty of Tiberius Caesar that left forrein Warres to the Managery of his Sonnes But immediately Prince Roderick who very well understood the King as if he approved that part of the Advise for the King's Security tooke the Speech out of the others Mouth and by degrees brought it to this That he could not but think it unseasonable to exasperate quiet and obedient Subjects with an Army thereby ingaging the Hereticks their Neighbours to assist their Brethren That the Fire of Civill War is carefully to be watched especially in such a place where they are neere that feed the flame and they farre off that must extinguish it though indeed it can never be extinguished without the Conquerours's Losse For in the civill Ruine of Cityes Men and Fortunes the Prince loses whatsoever is taken from the conquered The Offences till that day committed by the Low-country-men were sufficiently punished and subdued by his Majestyes Sister and if any thing were unsubdued it was their minds not their their bodyes but those should be conquered not by Armes but Favours being more agreeable to the King's Clemency and to the nature of the Low-country-men of whom his Father Charles the Fifth was wont to say There is no people under Heaven so they be fatherly used that more abhorre servitude or more patiently indure it Then summing up the expence of an Army the Dangers the Jealousies of Princes he concluded That nothing was so intricate in the Low-countryes or ravelled into such hard knots but might be easily and gently untyed without drawing of a sword to cut it Certainly forrein Troubles might be composed at distance by a Prince without diminution to his Authority reserving his presence for cases of extreame necessity This Counsell of Roderick Gomez was the sense of a man potent at Court whose principall Aime was peace and quiet and his greatest Policy to prevent a Warre where the businesse and consequently the Power should be transferred to others Of the same opinion was Bernardo Fresneda a plaine and sweete-natured man and Anthonio Perez a Creature of Prince Roderick's But the Duke of Alva was for Armes and Revenge as the only cure for Wounds given to Religion and Royall Authority For by other Artifices and facility nothing was effected but the taking away obedience from the King and feare from the Rebells At first the Low-country-men desired only to be freed of the Spanish Garrisons and protested nothing else was wanting to quiet the People But when our Souldiers were disbanded were the people quieted or the rather and with the more confidence did they not demand that Granvell should be removed from the Governesse and the Helme of State which he protected never desisting till with base Libells ridiculous Fooleryes and traiterous combinations at last they extorted their desires But peradventure when one man was cast overboard it laid the wind which raised that popular Tempest No rather as Licentiousnesse more easily increases then begins having now got ground as men imboldened by our Gentlenesse they publish scurrilous Pamphlets against the Multiplication of Bishopricks the Revivall of the Emperours's Edicts the Councell of Trent and the Pontifician Inquisitours they petition but with their swords in their hands they fright the Governesse with Threats and weary the King's patience with obsâ—inate and impudent Messages Whereupon the King out of his clemency considering himselfe as a Father was pleased to moderate some of his Decrees and the Governesse to grant something more then she should have done to such base Petitioners For what wrought her Indulgence but only that when they had obtained their Requests by not obeying they forgot themselves to be subjects unlearned their Principles of Obedience and shaking of Allegeance to their Prince made an Association of the Provinces as if the number of offendors should secure them and undervaluing all things humane and divine in comparison of the Liberty they had once tasted off Indeed his Father Charles the fifth who was not ignorant of the Low-country-men's
England to his Marriage with Queene Mary at his returne he created him Knight of the Golden-Fleece and made him Grandvenâ—ur or Justice in Eyre and Governour of Haynolt In which Province because he seemed not according to his duty seriously to advance the Catholique cause though he himselfe was seriously a Catholique the Governesse was then much displeased with him and a few months after his Decease being for the same attainted of High Treason he was condemned by the Duke of Alva The Governesse receiving the newes of his Death speedily that is within eight dayes written as I said from the Prince of Ebolo immediatly before the Report could be divulged sent Mandevill with a select Company of Fire-locks framing a Letter to the Lady-Marquesse of Bergen That she heard the Hereticks of that Towne offended with the late Edict endeavoured some Innovation therefore she had in haste dispatched Souldiers to guard her and the City to make them the welcomer had chosen out of her Ladiship 's Vncle Beavor's Regiment Captaine Mandevill whom She had commanded to receive Orders from her Ladyship Her Husband 's Death she mentioned not lest it might lessen the Favour and move a suspition of the thing intended But when she sent away the Captaine being a man of approved Fidelity she discovered to him that hee was in the King's name to possesse himselfe of the Towne He should indeed serve the Lady-Marquesse in any thing that might be for her safety but if she refused his Souldiers or commanded them to depart the Towne he must tell her he could not doe it without acquainting the Governesse In the meane while by writting Letters and expecting Answers he should spinne out the time till his Majesty expressed his absolute pleasure For the Prince of Ebolo from the King and afterwards the King himselfe had writ to the Governesse that she was to bring the Marquesse's cause to a Triall and if he were found to have been privy to the Tumults and Rebellion his Estate should be confiscated otherwise it should descend to his Heires The King added in his own Hand That whereas the Marquesse had declared his Sister's Daughter his Heire who was said to have no good Catholique Education the Governesse should find meanes to get her out of her Father's hands and breed her till she were married to that Kinsman unto whom the Marquesse had by his will disposed her The City she forthwith seized but the young Lady her Mother was a great while fearefull to deliver And after the Governesse had been present at the Procession wherein the Body of our Lord and Saviour was carryed through Antwerp then solemnized with more exquisite preparations and Pompe then ever and followed with such multitudes and Reverence that one would thinke they had not so much as conversed with Hereticks her Excellence leaving Count Mansfeldt and 13. Companies in the Town with the rest and a great Traine of Lords returned to Bruxells there to expect the Duke of Alva whose coming every day more afflicted her and many that loved him not aggravated her distaste telling her that by his Pride all which she had with so much paines and wisdome reconciled and composed would be presently put into confusion and he would make Troubles which it might be thought he was come from Spaine to quiet whilst the Honour Settlement only due to the governesse would by his vaine-glory be numbred among his Triumphs The Governesse therefore not only expressed to the King her Resentment in her Letter by Gaspar Robley but likewise writing to the Duke of Alva to congratulate his Arrivall at Millaine she let him understand the State of the Low-countryes and wished him to advise whether it would not be a greater Act of prudence to disband part of his Army then by those unseasonable Forces and Expences to irritate the Low-countryes which were now reduced to Obedience such a Remedy in most mens Iudgements being too strong for the Disease But the Duke of Alva pretended the King's command And the Prince of Ebolo by Robley who was dispatched from Spaine about the end of Iune answered her That the King was carefull of his Sister's Estimation purchased of all the world for governing the Low-countryes with so singular wisdome in so dangerous times taking Cityes subduing Rebels and at length vigorously reducing all the Low-countryes to their Religion and Loyalty Nor was Alva sent to rob her of any part of that glory wholly appropriate to her Highnesse but that by serving her with his endeavours and counsells what was gained might be preserved with lesse troubles to the Governesse and no envy that could reflect upon her for punishing of Delinquents But nothing so much satisfied her as the King's-Letter sent by Lopius Gallus after Robley's departure wherein giving thanks to his Sister for so industrious and wise an Establishment of Peace he said he would shortly better expresse those thankes in person longing exceedingly to be an Eye-witnesse of her vertue And among other commands injoyned her to have in readinesse at least eight Sayle of Ships to meet him whensoever an Expresse came of his weighing Anchors And the Governesse in good earnest provided the Shipps the Senat decreeing that for the King 's happy Voiage publique Prayers should be made which neverthelesse his majesty meaning to stay at home needed not as some said comparing him to Tiberius Caesar who gave out from day to day that he would leaue Rome and suffered the Empire diverse times to make the like supplications for his good Journey and Returne long busying the Roman Provinces with that Expectation But the beliefe of the King's Expedition was to be maintained with such new Scenes or else the Play would have been spoyled Howsoever the Duke of Alva equally distastfull to the Nobility and the People would have been much worse received by the Low-country-men if they had not perswaded themselves by these appearing hopes that the King himselfe would shortly follow And now the Duke of Alva having perfectly recovered his Health when he came to Ast tooke the generall Musters of his Army which being greater in worth then number though feare among the timerous had multiplyed the very number he found to consist of 8700. Foote and but 1200. Horse For the Duke cared not for multitude which commonly is a hindrance to the March but desired to have stout men and valiant hands not many names meaning afterwards to increase them more opportunely in the Low-countreys where without danger he might adde to his old Army as to a body strong in nerves and bone as much young flesh that is untrained Souldiers as he pleased The Foot in a manner all Spanish he distributed into foure Legions in regard they were raised out of foure Provinces commanded by so many Spanish Colonels conspicuous for their abilities in warre Alphonso Vlloa
the Governesses Hand retired to Culemburg-House leaving the Pallace to the Governesse The next day he sent her the Kings Letters and a Copy of his Commission wherein the Command in Chiefe for the Militia of the Lowcountreys was conferred upon him the administration of civill Affayres remaining wholly in the Governesse The same day waited on by a great traine of Horse and his House-hold Servants he went in that state to visit her Excellence the Courtiers that found the Governesse was or would have had her discontented observing how they looked at this first Ceremony Indeed the Governesse that had for some dayes before the grudging of an ague having made an offer of going forward to Receive this stranger pretended her Fitt or else it was thought to come very opportunely to take downe Alva's Pride who in publique omitted no Complement or Veneration due to the Daughter of Charles the fifth and Sister to his King but when they were alone he produced somewhat a larger Commission not only giving him power over the Militia but Authorizing him to fortify what Places he thought fit to displace Magistrates and Governours to examine and punish the causes of the late Tumults And when the Governesse demanded if he had any further Instructions he said yes a few more then could be opened at one meeting but according to future Emergencies they should be imparted to her This Answer seemed not to move her she then commended the Kings designe in case it were so handled that Peace newly restored to the Lowcountries like a tender plant were not spoyled with diging too deep about it She added that she thought it would do well if next day Copyes of the King's Letters should be read in Senate which was done accordingly But writing to the King she complained that the Duke Alva should come with such absolute Authority and so great an Army that being greatly preiudiciall to her Honour this to the newly settled State of the Lowcountreys For already about 100000 men were fled out of the Provinces carrying their money and goods into other Princes Dominions either fearing to be oppressed by Forreiners or dispairing of mercy or thinking to avoid future calamity One thing both comforted her and the people that is the King 's Coming who was so certainly expected by the Lowcountrymen that foure dayes before she had sent into Spaine Wacken Admirall in the place of Count Horne with nine Ships well manned to attend his Majesty but if peradventure he should alter his determination and thinke it better to deferre his voyage till another time she humbly from her soule beseeched him that he would please of his goodnesse to free her that now for nine yeares had governed the Lowcountries from further care and charge of those Provinces But that which made her much more earnest in the same suit was the suddaine Imprisonment of Count Egmont and some others The Duke of Alva resolved to begin his Governement with the Attaindours of some of the Lowcountrey Lords that when the eminent persons were removed the People might have nothing whereon to fix their eyes At first therefore he carried himselfe obligingly to the Lords in particular to Count Egmont by whose example he aymed to bring in Count Horne that stood upon his guard and was desirous to heare of Alva's Beginnings at a distance They say when presaging his owne death he shunned the sight of Alva Count Egmont chid him for his feare and undertooke he should be no worse used then he himselfe The Event shortly verifyed these his ominous words But when Alva saw that Count Horne was wrought upon he sent for Hochstrat and the rest of the Lords to Bruxells to consult about regulating the Common-wealth and he set forth but being newly recouered of a Sicknesse whilst his Coachman went an easy pace as he was Commanded hearing what had hapned hee droue back againe with a powder The rest of the Lords came to Bruxells the ninth of September That very day the Duke appointed two Captaines Andrew Salazar and Iohn Espuc without tumult to arrest Iohn Casembrot Lord of Backersell one of the Covenanteers who could in all probability make the greatest Discoueries as being Secretary to Count Egmont The Colonells Count Alberick Lodronio and Sanchio Londognio received Orders on the same day to bring to Bruxells Anthony Strall Consull of Antwerp one very intimate with the Prince of Orange And lest the City wherein he was one of the most popular and richest men should mutiny and rise in his behalfe Alva desired the Governesse to write to the Magistrate of Antwerp that the Consull was sent for to Bruxells to aduise with the Duke of Alva concerning the State of Antwerp she did so and Lodronius after he had taken the Consull delivered the Letter to the Magistrate who fearing himselfe made them lay him in a Cart couered with many Pieces and packs of Cloth but he was scarce out of the port when Lodronio advertised by a Spye seized on him While these things were acting the Duke at Culemburg House sate in Counsell with the Lords Areschot Egmont Horne Mansfeldt Aremberg Barlamont There was present Ferdinand Son to the Duke of Alva Vitellius Serbellonius and Ibarra Alva purposely spun out time in Consultation expecting newes of the taking of the Consull and Cassembrot and therefore sent for Count Paciotto into the Senate to resolve them about the platforme of the Castle at Antwerp When he knew his Commands were executed he dismissed the Lords As the rest were going out the Duke tooke Count Egmont aside as if he had private businesse with him and many Commanders shewing themselves out of the next Roome Alva said Egmont I arrest thee thou art the King's Prisoner in his name diliver up thy sword The Count struck at the suddaine Arrest and seeing such a Company of armed Men about him yielded his sword saying and yet with this I have often not vnfortunately defended the King's Cause adding noe more words the Captaines had him into a drawing Roome At the same time Count Horne was by the Dukes Son who seemed to waite upon him downe the Stairs commanded to resigne his Sword and yeild himselfe Prisoner to the Duke of Alva by the King's Command immediately the Captaines that stept in disarmed and carried him to the other side of the House In the meane time Sanchio Avila Captaine of the Dukes Lifeguard had drawne up his men to Culemburg-House and secured the Streets the City being amazed not knowing what this Face of Terrour meant But when they understood that Egmont and Horne were imprisoned by the Duke of Alva at first Griefe tooke away the People's Tongues then they found the Duke of Alva's Plot and were angry at Egmonts Credulity Many said that in the Captivity of those Lords the Lowcountreys were inslaved This wrought in them a greater admiration of the cautelous Course
this Mischiefe is vulgarly imputed to the Duke of Alva for before he came Governour to these Provinces his name was hatefull to the Lowcountry-men It is reported when the Emperour Charles the fifth meaning to revenge himselfe upon Gant asked the Duke of Alva what Punishment in his Opinion they deserved He answered that his Majestyes stubborne Country deserved vtter Ruine The Emperour offended at this cruell Answer commanded him to go to the top of a Tower from thence take a View of the whole Towne then he asked him how many Spanish Skinnes would goe to the making of such a Glove for Gant in French is Glove but finding the Emperour by his looke to be displeased Alva durst make no Reply This Passage because interwoven with the Honour of the Prince and City whether true or false was easily believed by the Gantois and from them dispersed with an Odium upon Alva through the rest of the Lowcountreys And by the manner of his Coming he increased the Opinion of his Severity entring the Provinces with an Army as if his designe were to Conquer them bringing Spanish Souldiers againe into the Low-countreys awing the Townes with them and with the Forts he built sentencing Count Egmont a man generally beloved and Count Horne Admirall of the Seas summoning the Prince of Orange with other of the Confederates to answer their Impeachments And it is said he perswaded the King that he should not out of Lenity of which there had beene too much allready pardon any man for the future And indeede if his Majesty had granted the Petition made by the Prince of Orange that his owne and his Friends causes might be heard by the King as Master of the Order of the Fleece not by the Duke of Alva and his Councell many thinke they had hardly at this time begun the Warre But the sentence of the inraged King condemning the Prince of Orange and his confederates of High Treason and confiscating their Estates being pronounced by an odious Minister and so the Odium reflecting upon the Judgement it selfe may seeme to have constrained their taking of Armes upon a just resentment and consequently that the miserable and long Warre ensuing should rather be charged upon the Spaniards then the Low-countrey-men as some say but what are they men of that number which saith Polybius conceive the Causes and Beginnings of a Warre to be the same For my owne part as I will not deny but that Alva's cruell and hatefull Government was the Occasion and Beginning so I assure my selfe it was not the Cause of the Warre For the cause was much deeper grounded Indeed the Prince of Orange's Ambition to command in chiefe exasperated with griefe and Anger heightned by the accesse of Hereticks and opportunity of a Party men of all qualities ingaging this was the Cause which if it had not then and from that Originall taken fire to kindle a Warre in a little more time and from another Place would have found combustible matter Nor can occasion be long wanting to Improbity But the Prince of Orange his Fact was so fortunate as to find Patronage in the Hatred of another For he upon the Sentence pronounced by the Duke of Alva against him his Brother and many great persons tooke up Armes with so much the fairer pretence by how much it seemed not only just but glorious to defend himselfe to recover his owne and to vindicate his Associates his Son and Countrey in their Rights and Liberties In the Relation of which Warre managed by the Duke of Alva and his Successour Ludovico Requesenes I shall contract my selfe especially where I have no more nor no certainer Intelligence then others For which two Reasons I have inlarged my discourse in the Dutchesse or Parma's Government and shall doe in that of Don Iohn of Austria and of Alexander Farneze For I can promise many Animadversions concerning them out of the Monuments of Letters in my hands which are not common Yet in this Summary if there be any thing as I presume there will be diverse which I know and is unknowne to others I shall not faile to give it you at full Some thought the future Calamities were presaged by a Boy borne at Liege with two Heads foure Feet and as many Hands portending as they said the Monster of a Confederation to be made out of the joynt Forces of sundry Nations which soone after came to passe This Terrour was increased in minds already disposed to feare by a Fire immediatly after happening in the City of Machlin For a sparke falling among the Gunpowder at the Mills by accident or perhaps upon designe tooke hold of 60. Barrels with such a horrid thunder and Earthquake that in most of the Cityes of Brabant the men and houses trembed at the dreadfull noyse Though in regard these Powder-Milles used to be distant from Townes there were but few men slaine yet there might have been fewer and would be daily if as we sever seditious persons lest by coming together they set the State in a Combustion so the Elements that make Gunpowder were kept a sunder But Alva more moved with the Losse then with the Prodigy laid the foundation of a Fort at Antwerp modelled by the great Engineere Paciotto approved of by the Judgment of Serbellonio raised by the hands of 2000. Workmen with extraordinary Speed and Successe because he used but one man's contrivance and one man's counsell It was built in the forme of a Pentagon at every one of the sides was a large bulwarke to foure of which the Governour gave his owne name and titles Ferdinando Toledo Duke and Alva the fifth he suffered to be called Paciotto But this Fort though it long continued a patterne to all the new Plat-formes of Europe and that Paciotto got himselfe a great name by it being from thence called the Inventour of the moderne Fortification yet it was not by all men equally esteemed as for other Causes so particularly for the Situation upon that banke of the Scheldt which looketh towards Brabant in so much as when the Enemy from Holland attacques the Towne it cannot beat them off as it would have done had it been placed on the other side the City against the mouth of Scheldt opposite to Holland But 't is excused by some that say when Alva built this Fort he rather considered how he might defend himselfe from the Towne then the Towne from the Enemy And they add that the place was discreetly chosen as opportune for the bringing in contribution from those Provinces subject to the Spaniard which indeed is most considerable in the building of Forts a convenience they had wanted in case it had looked towards Holland Though I suppose Serbellonio had not this in designe For when he raised this Fort Holland was no lesse obedient to the King then Brabant and therefore he would have provided
for contribution from both But I conceive by that Site he intended the Security of the Fort it selfe For when all the Levell between that and Holland lyes so much lower that the River is kept off by huge Piles of wood lest it should overflow the Fields and Villages it had been very inconsiderate to have fortified where the Enemy tearing up the Wood-piles the very water would have besieged the Place and have forced it to yield To which danger it is not subject being seated on the higher ground Though afterwards when the Low-countreys were divided and Holland brought into the power of the Enemy that fell out which was not at first thought of the Advantage of bringing into the Fort Supplyes out of the Provinces in obedience to the King of Spaine At the same time from the councell of Twelve nominated by Alva to determine without Appeale the causes of all Delinquents in the late Tumults by reason of their frequent Sentences of Death called the Councell of Bloud William Nassau Prince of Orange Anthony Lalin Count Hochstrat Florence Pallantius Count Culemburg William Count Bergen Henry Brederod and the other Lords fled out of the Low-countreys were upon Alva's command summoned to heare their Accusations and Impeachments read by the King's Advocate and to cleare themselves of the crimes charged against them But they presently sending a Paper to the Duke of Alva wherein they denyed his Councell to be a lawfull Court of their Companions of the Golden Fleece held it their safest course at a distance to defend their Common cause The Prince of Orange made suite to the Emperour Maximilian and implored his and the German Princes Assistance that by their Authority the Difference wit the Duke of Alva might be composed Unlesse perhaps he did it that under pretence of making his Peace the Spaniard might not looke into his preparations for a Warre Nor did Caesar or the Princes of the Empire deny their Patronage to the Low-country-men But the Duke of Alva answered to the Letters written by Maximilian and to the Duke of Bavaria's Embassadour whom the rest of the German Lords as one respected by the King had chosen to represent their Desires to the Governour that he did not this of himselfe but by command from the King and so hastning their cause to a Hearing yet expecting the number of dayes given for their Appearance when within that time none of them came in the Duke of Alva according to the power deputed to him by the King in that case to heare and determine pronounced the Prince of Orange his Brother Lewis and the rest that were summoned by Edict guilty of High Treason and confiscated their Estates Likewise he put a Spanish Garrison into Breda a Towne of the Prince of Orang'es and taking his Son Philip-William a Child of thirteene yeares old from the Vniversity of Lovaine where he was a Student sent him into Spaine where under the name of Catholique Education the name of Hostage was concealed This the Prince of Orange seemed passionately to resent execrating with continuall and publique Exclamations the cruelty used to a boy of thirteen whom neither his own Innocence nor the priviledges of the Vniversity of Lovaine could protect from Injury Yet many upon very good Grounds conceived his Son's Captivity was pleasing to this subtill Prince measuring all things by his own Advantage For if the King of Spaine prevailed and consequently he himselfe should lose all he had yet his Majesty might be mercifull to the boy bred up a Spaniard but if as he hoped it should otherwise fall out he had a younger Son Maurice Companion in his Father's Fortune and Heire to his Estate By the said Councell of twelve all such were particularly condemned as the Duke of Alva upon Examination by Inquisitours sent through the Provinces found to have violated Churches or holy Pictures or to have assembled at Sermons Consistoryes and turbulent meetings or to have conspired against the King either by wearing Cognizances and owning the names of Gheuses or by taking Armes or lastly by assisting the Rebells with their Endeavours Counsels or Forces Yet the wiser sort thought this to be an unseasonable Course and that rather till the Heads had been cut off the Body should have been gently handled and laid in a sleepe lest if it should be in motion that agility might easily decline the blow made at the head With the like fury the Duke of Alva commanded them to pull down Culemburg-House Where the Gheuses first received their Denomination and upon the place setting a Marble-pillar writ upon the Basis as a monument to posterity in foure Languages these words In this Area stood the House of Florence Pallantius ruined in memory of the execrable Treason hatched therein at sever all times against Religion the Roman Catholique Church their King and Countrey This Spectacle was rendred more horrid by the late newes from Spaine that Prince Charles was imprisoned by the King his Father's command and that Florence Momorancy sent as you have heard into Spaine by the Governesse was by warrant from the King a Prisoner in Segovia It was thought the same objections were against him that were against his Brother Count Horne but the Prince lost himselfe by his Favours to the Low-countrey-men Indeed the Judgement upon Montiny was certainly known he being condemned a yeare after to lose his Head but the cause of Prince Charles his Death which hapned in this yeare the more uncertaine and obscure it was the more litigiously do Writers strive to examine it most men having a naturall Ambition to search into Secrets and passe by things before their eyes Whatsoever I my selfe have by my Industry discovered that concernes Prince Charles I shall impartially unfold not regarding the conceptions of others Charles prince of Spaine was of a furious and violent nature and noted to be so from his Childhood at which time being presented by some Hunters with Levorets he killed them with his owne hands that he might have the pleasure of seeing them gaspe and dye The Venetian Embassadoâ—r tooke notice thereof and from thence made a Iudgment of the Child 's barbarous inclination with as much probability as long agoe the Areopagites censured the Boy that put forth the eyes of Quailes This I have read in the Letters touching the Affayres of Spaine writt by the said Embassadour to the Senate of Venice And the Prince himselfe dayly manifested the truth of these coniectures by his cruell and monstrous disposition not being at many times Master of himselfe as the Archbishop of Rossana the Popes Nuntio affimed writing to Cardinall Alexandrino And the Child grew more headstrong by reason of his Father's absence and the indulgence of Maximilian King of Bohemia who with his Queene Mary Daughter to Charles the fifth governed Spaine for King Philip. This his Granfather Charles the
fifth perceived when after the Resignment of his Kingdomes returning out of the Lowcountryes into Spaine he grieved exceedingly to see the Nature and Education of his Grandchild then but eleuen yeares old But King Philip having tryed many Remedyes at last made experience of the Vniversity of Alcala sending his Son Charles thither accompained with Don Iohn of Austria and Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma in hope that conversing with such a confluence of learned men as his body by the change of ayre so his mind might recover by the change of Company but Prince Charles being removed from his Father not from himselfe the sicknesse of his mind altered not with the Place but somewhat increased by an accident for falling form a high Ladder he pitched upon his Head and hurt his braine so dangerously as the Physicians despairing of his life they were ready to lay him out when the Body of the blessed Didacus being brought into his Chamber as he was a dying King Philip who had come post from Madrid vowed that if the already beatified Didacus recovered the Prince he would be an earnest Suiter to the Pope to give him the title of Saint Whereupon immediately beyond all expectation he was restored to life But this wrought no cure upon the Manners of the phantastique youth altogether differing from his Father Which made King Philip more harsh towards him and the Prince better pleased with any thing then his Fathers Sight This Aversenesse grew as the Prince did and the King dayly more offended and distrustfull of his Son from time to time put off the Match concluded beweene Prince Charles and the emperour Maximilianâ—s Daughter forbidding him to meddle with Affayres of State in that point of time when the Prince thought it but a modest Ambition for a youth of twentie two to expect the Crown From hence sprung his Hatred to his Father's Favourites and Counsellours which he thought were Spyes over him and told all he did to the King advising his Majesty to deferre the Match and to lay Commands upon him not to act in publique businesse for which hee somtimes threatened them with Revenge From hence likewise sprung his Favour and Patronage of such as hee knew had offended his Father and were by him deserted especially the Low-countrymen whose Embassadours the Marquesse of Bergen and the Lord Montiny were very gratious with him and often privately called into his Bedchamber and it is reported he defended their Cause more passionately then became him making them a Promise that he would himselfe goe into the Low-countreys to settle those Provinces And whereas the Governesse formerly complained to the King that many Letters of high concernement written to his Majesty in Spaine were returned into the Low-countreys to their hands against whom they were written I thinke it not improbable that it might proceed from that Familiarity betwene the Prince and the Low-country-Embassadours Sure I am when the Duke of Alva being to goe for the Low-countreys tooke his leaue at Court and came to kisse the Prince's Hand his Highnesse cast a terrible frown upon him and replyed No man should go thither but himselfe And when Alva said that he was sent before by the King to quiet the Tumults raised in the Lowcountreys where it was not safe to venture the Heire apparent to the Crowne The Prince in a rage drew his Dagger saying I will prevent thy Iourney The Duke hardly declined the Blow and when he saw the furious youth strike at him againe grasped him hard betwene his Armes in the posture of a suppliant kneeling and beseeching him not to offer Violence to an old and faithfull Servant but still notwithstanding his youth and fury the Duke held his Hands till the noise of their Strugling brought in the Waiters that were but on the other side the Hangings then the Prince withdrew From this time he resolved whether his Father would or no to passe into the Low-countreys and from thence to Germany to his Mistris acquainting his vncle Don Iohn of Austria and two others with his Resolution earnestly desiring them to go along Don Iohn shewing him how difficult it was and indeed impossible to be effected when he saw his perswasions wrought not and found the Prince obstinately bent upon the voiage imagining the King would know it by some other to whom the rash inconsiderate youth would impart his Counsell he himselfe ingaged the King by the Discovery fearing if he kept it secret he might be held accessary to the Princes Flight The King commending Don Iohn's Fidelity and being informed of his Son's Intention by many others and lastly by Raymont De Tassis his Majesty's Principall Secretary hearing that he had layed Horses at severall Stages for the Speeding of his Iourney remained in a sad suspence yet before he would fix his resolution his Majesty commanded Prayers and Supplcations to be made in all Churches of the Towne and desired the Advise of certaine great learned men well knowne unto him The Opinion of Martin Azpilcueta Doctour of Navâ—rre the famous Casuist for this of all the rest I have only seene was briefely that the King could not without grievous sinne neglect the safety of his Kingdome but it would be neglected if he permitted the Prince to go away who afarre off and therefore more confidently and and publiquely handying against his Father would distract the Kingdome into Factions and Partyes just as it hapned to Charles the seventh of France upon the difference betweene him and his Son Lewis when he fled into Burgundy But the Father was put out of his doubts by his Sons hast who as Raymond brought word had appointed the next day for his Departure Therefore the King would no longer deliberate but taking a long the Prince of Ebora the Duke of Feria and two others about tewlve a clock at night entred his Son's Bedchamber who was fast asleepe and taking away his Sword which he had laid under his Pillow baâ—e him rise immediately and blaming him that having frustrated so many gentle Remedies used by his Father he had forced him to a sharper course but more seasonable for his Son he opened his Cabinets and tooke out his papers discharged his old Servants and gave the Prince in custody to some of his owne chusing And now the unfortunate Prince who but a while since was continually waited on by the Lords and Grandees of Spaine striving to kisse his Hand seeing himselfe guarded by a few men and those Enemies that observed his words his looks and almost dived into his Thoughts after six Months when he found his Father not moved with Embassages in his behalfe from the Princes of Europe and Petitions presented from his own Kingdomes falling into a Sicknesse caused partly by an obstinate Refusall of his Meate partly by his sometimes intemperate eating and drinking Wine too much cooled in Snow
besides the distempers of his mind if he were not poisoned he dyed upon Saint Iames his Eue. Foure dayes before having for a long time equally slighted the cure of Body and Soule God turning his Minde he called for his Ghostly Father and confessing his Sinnes with great compunction sending one to his Father to begge pardon for his Disobedience holding a hallowed Candle in his hand gave up the ghost I know this Relation will not please some that greedily swallow downe the foulest Surmizes without any distinction or respect to Truth or False-hood for whose palates if I were minded to dresse my Discourse I might instance the Rebellion of the Moores at this very time and make Prince Charles their Incourager and say that he sollicited Selimus the Turkish Emperour by Michesius the Jew fled out of Spaine as I have formerly related I might like-wise move a jealousie that the Faction of the Low countrey Covenanters was assisted by Prince Charles and might interpret that to be the reason why they resolved to send into Spaine many thousands of Calvins Catechismes translated into Spanish whereof the Governesse as I told you sent Intelligence to King Philip Pope Pius the fifth wrote to his Majesty that some Chest fulls of them were found at Lyons and Tholouse Nor should I passe over the Death of Queene Isabella Wife to King Philip there being but a few moneths between the Prince his Death and her's as if their too much Familiarity for Isabella should have beene marryed to Prince Charles had been the cause of both their fates Lastly I might tell you how the Prince had a designe upon his Father's life either out of affection to the Crowne or hatred to the King grounding my conjecture upon common fame which spread to farre that to my knowledge this verse of Ovid was used to that purpose in the Low-countreys first applied as they say by Opmerus FILIVs ante DIeM patr Ios InqVIrIt In annos Wherein both the Prince's Fact and the yeare of his Death are expressed in numerall Letters But this kind of learning as darke and intricate I willingly leave to those Writers that by Interpretation of such Oracles are ambitious to be famed for acutenesse of wit and divination they seeming to me besides their uncertainty to have no colour of Truth For not to speake of the Love betwixt the Queene and Prince which if it had been true the King to breake that League would have hastned not put off the Princes Marriage with his Cosen-german if the Prince had plotted any thing against his Father he might every day have executed it by himselfe and with his owne hands as being young and coming resolved against an unprepared old man or if he would have raised Tumults and called in help no doubt but he had needed many hands and consequently when the Prince fell those of his Party I suppose could not have stood yet the Princes Death was the losse of no mans Life Nay the King to lessen the envy both of his Son's Imprisonment and Death knowing himselfe aspersed by diverse persons in particular by Mary the Empresse the Prince's Aunt and desirous to match her Daughter to the Heire of so many Kingdomes would he not have pretended the cause of such Severity to have been his Son 's impious Designes Notwithstanding in his Letter to the Empress he denyed that his Son was found guilty of any â—reasonable Intention but said it was fit he should be imprisoned for his own howsoever for the Kingdome 's Good And a few dayes after his Son's Commitment sending the President of his Councell of Castile to the Archbishop of Rossana the Popes nuncio he assured the Bishop from the King there was no other reason of that Change as the Bishop himselfe wrote to Cardinall Alexandrino in the President 's wrods then his Majesties Resolution to prefer Religion and the Safety of his Subjects before his owne bloud which compelled him in a manner to sacrifice his only Son lest he should have been more than ingratefull for the great benefits God had bestowed upon him Afterwards his Majesty inserted in his Letters to forreine Princes and to his owne Kingdomes that the Rumour spread abroad of a Plot which his Son had upon his life was idle false But this fortune proved peculiar to the two Charles'es the Grand-father Grand-childe that the one's Desire to resigne and the other 's to invest the Soveraignty very much busied the wits of Writers The Low-countrey-Lords and Commons affrighted with the King 's forrein and domesticall Severity every man as his conscience accused him shifted for himselfe few hoped for Pardon many thought of Armes and Revenge In so much as Alva himselfe hardly escaped at the Monastery of Greene-vaile to which he was going in devotion an Ambush being laid in the woods by Ressorius Nohott to surprize him by the way And when he came thither he was in danger to have been murthered in the very Monastery by Charles Ressorius his Brother who had taken the habit of a Monke pretending feare of the Duke Iohn Lignius Count Aremberg Governour of Frisland Generall at the Battaile of Hilligel The death of Count Aremberg incouraged not the mind of the Prince of Orange and the Confederates more then it exasperated the Duke of Alva and hastened his March into Friezland to prevent Lewis of Nassau from joyning forces with the Prince of Orange But the Duke fearing that in his absence some Tumult might be raised in favour of the Lords his Prisoners freed himselfe of that suspicion especially being inraged for the losse of Count Aremberg at the newes brought him that Grave Lewis had hanged many Spaniards in Revenge of his Brother Adolph's Death And though diverse of his Friends did not so well approve his Resolution but indeavoured to perswade him there was no danger of a Tumult in the Low-countryes so long as he had for his Security such Hostages as those Prisoners And that it was no more to be doubted that the Low-countrey-men would out of their affection forceably attempt any thing for the Liberty of the impeached Lords then it was to be hoped that the same affection would disswade them from stirring lest by a popular offence they might wrong those Noble-mens private cause Yet the Duke of Alva despising this Advise as one that long experience had made jealous and of his owne nature was averse to other mens counsells which he looked upon with the aspect of a retrograd Planet especially when they offered themselves on the first of Iune Nineteene noble Covenanters were condemned of High Treason by the Councell of twelve and by the Duke of Alva's Order beheaded in the Sand-market at Bruxells Eight whereof dyed religiously the other Eleven like Hereticks as they were obstinately and therefore the bodyes of those were buryed but the other all but
foure Lords being tyed to Stakes and their Heads set upon Poles were left in the Fields and the same course was afterwards taken with the rest For the next day in the same place foure Gentlemen more suffered the same death in which number was Villers and Dui Commanders lately taken at the Battaile of Iuliers and though both of them dyed equally good Christians yet not with equall sense for Villers publiquely protested that Alva had condemned him to free himselfe of the Obligations Villers had laid upon him but his Judge himselfe should not long be unsentenced Contrarily Dui gave humble thanks to the King and the Duke of Alva for that end and prayed the people to pardon and pray for him Likewise at Vilvord Anthony Stral late Consul of Antwerp Casembrot Secretary to Count Egmont and others imprisoned for the same Fact were in the same manner condemned and beheaded The Provost-Marshall that gave order in the Duke of Alva's name for their Execution was Iohn Spel a great stickler in Causes of Life and Death who a while after being found guilty of many hainous crimes was by the Duke of Alva's command hanged up to the great Joy of the Low-countrey-men But these punishments seemed only to usher in the Death of the two Counts the last Scene of whose sad Tragedy was acted with a great Terrour to the Spectatours and which the Authour wishes had not been with their greater Indignation The Counts Egmont and Horne had now been prisoners for nine months in the Castle of Gant In which time I find all possible meanes used to the Duke of Alva to the King to the Emperour to the Princes Electors and to all the Companions of the Golden-Fleece without whose joynt consents it was pretended none of the Order could be put to death But they that most earnestly sollicited the cause were Mary Momorancy Sister to Count Horne and Sabina Palatina of Baviâ—r Count Egmont's Lady And indeed her Petition sent into Spaine by Octavio Duke of Parma and his Wife Margaret of Austria cannot well be read by any one without commiseration Either where she remembred the King of the Customes observed in the causes of his Companions of the Order quoting the Lawes and instancing Examples or where She puts him in mind of the severall painfull services done by her Husband even before he was 18. yeares of age both for the Emperour Charles and for King Philip himselfe The many undaunted hazards of his Life at Algiers in Gelderland and in his warres with France Lastly she humbly prayed his Majesty to be mercifull and not suffer an unfortunate Mother and eleven innocent Children with so sad a losse and Disgrace to wander through the World a miserable and continued example of humane Calamity Notwithstanding the King's Advocate proceeded to the Examination of witnesses taking foure moneths of the nine to prove the Impeachment and leaving to the Prisoners the other five moneths for their defence The whole processe if I had time to give it you as it lyes by me in a volume I doubt not but I should in this place satisfie many covetous of such novities But I hold it more agreeable to the History's Honour and the Reader 's hast to set down only the heads It was charged against the Counts Egmont and Horne that they had plotted with the Prince of Orange and other Noble-men to dispossesse the King of the Low-countreys and to divide the Provinces among themselves To that end were their indeavours of expelling cardinall Granvell who looked into their Designes Nor would they leave off their Aenigmaticall Cognizances of Hoods and Arrowes the manifest signes of their Conspiracy till they had inforced his Majesty to call the Cardinall out of the Low-countreys That they did not onely know of the Covenant but that Casembrot Egmont's chiefe Secretary who had made his Lord privy to his taking of it was not only not turned away but did his ordinary meniall Service as before And Horne who was obliged as Governour of the place to have assisted the Generall Beavor sent by the Governesse to drive Villers and the rest of the Covenanters out of Tournay had consulted with the Magsitrate about the expelling of Beavor That both of them were professed Patrons to the Covenanters the Consistorians and Merchants promising them to live and dye with them That they treated at Dendermond with the Prince of Orange his Brother Lewis Count Hochstrat and some few consederates to stop the King's passage into the Low-countreys and were often present at such Meetings That they opposed not the Gheuses when they plundred Churches which Picture-scuffle was begun in Flanders Count Egmont's Province And that Count Horne had suffered some of them at Tournay to escape out of prison by name one of the chiefe Incendiaries Ferdinand Martin more then once committed to the Jayle for Sacriledge That they had not been adying to Magistrates of Townes whereof they themselves were Governours requiring their Assistance against those Violaters of holy things That they had explained the Governesse's Commands against Hereticks contrary to the Governesse's mind granted them Churches to preach in and done other things of which many Particulars were instanced contrary to the Duties of such persons as were Governours of Provinces Privy Counsellours Knights of the Golden-Fleece and Subjects to the King of Spaine For all which lawfully charged and proved against Egmont and Horne the Kings Advocate earnestly moved the Court that Sentence might be pronounced against them as Traitours their Estates consiscated and they condemned to lose their heads To this Egmont and Horne as both their causes were of the same nature premised that saving to themselves all advantages in Law which bound them not to render an accompt of their Actions to any but to the King who together with the Companions of the Order was the legall Judge over the Knights of the Golden-Fleece they answered severally but so as to the greatest part of the Charge they pleaded not guilty Many things they interpreted some they confessed but alledged they were done legally That they had consulted about changing of their Prince they absolutely denyed and Horne very much complained as if he were wronged with such an imputation As to that of consulting to barre the Spaniards entrance into the Low-countreys Egmont denyed not but that in the meeting at Dendermond some such thing was spoken by Lewis of Nassau the rest disâ—enting and therefore it was not necessary he should advertise the Governesse of a conference wherein nothing was concluded How they proceeded with the confederate Gentlemen they explained That they made some Concessions to the Covenanters the Picture-breakers and Hereticks but such as they were forced to by necessity and the good of Religion which without doubt had been otherwise subverted in Flanders wherein no lesse then threescore thousand men went armed to Sermons Nor without a Toleration would they ever have
footman strucke off his head Presently after Count Horne with the same constancy was by the same Executioner beheaded both their heads being for two houres set upon two speares for the City to behold Their Bodyes were immediately carryed into the next Churches and the day after together with their Heads sent to the chiefe Cityes of their owne Provinces and there honourably buryed The miserable Death of Count Egmont for he was generally beloued was lamented by the Low-countrymen with greater Spleene then Sorrow Some whereof despising danger dipt their handkerchers in his bloud and kept them either as Monuments of Love or Incitements to Revenge Others kissed his leaden Coffin and without any feare of an Informer publiquely threatened Vengeance Insomuch as diverse Person noting the Low-countrymen's Violent affections to his Memory and their detestation of the very name of Alva said that by Egmonts death the Confederates were first established and foretold that all the Lowcountreys would in a short time contrary to the Duke's Expectation be involued in Tumults This Prediction gave credit to the report that presently after it rained bloud in the Fields about Lovain the Multitude easily believing what their Hatred supposes to be done in Heaven And indeed there are that doubt not but it would have beene more policy in the Duke to have made their Execution private and not presented that distastfull Scene and Pompe of Egmont's Tragedy to the people For they doe ill that make the Favourers and Pittyers of the Cause Spectators of the Punishsment But Alva resolving to make an Example of Terrour which hee then thought necessary slighted Hate or Envy It is reported the French Embassadour who privatly beheld the Execution wrote to King Charles that he had seene in the Market-place at Bruxells his head struck off whose Valour had twice made France tremble intimating the losse of the French Nobility at Saint Quintin and Graueling the first of which Battailes was almost the second altogether purchased by the Courage and conduct of Count Egmont He dyed in the fortie sixth yeare of his age leaving by Sabina of Bavier to whom he was married at Spires in presence of the Emperour Charles the fifth eight Daughters and three Sons the eldest inheriting his Fathers Vertues the second nothing but his Hatred to the Spaniard the third who was faithfull to the King only left Issue to the Family He had a Brother that followed the Emperour Charles into Africa and dyed in Italy a Sister marryed to Count Vadamont Mother to Frances Wife to Henry the third of France The Nobility of his House was antient their Power much greater once when the Dukes of Egmont were Lords of Gelderlandt He tooke his name from Egmond a Towne in the farthest part of Holland neare the westerne Shore of which he still wrote himselfe Count though he was Prince of Gavera a Towne upon the banke of Schelt not farre from Gant Charles the fifth created him knight of the Golden-Fleece King Philip trusted him with the Governement of the most noble Provinces of Flanders and Artois He was a man for the Heroicall Vertues of his mind and body worthy a farre better Fate though the very infelicity of his Death as Compassion looks upon all things through a multiplying Glasse did not a Little increase the opinion of his Vertues Nor was it any disadvantage to his Children restored by King Philip to all their Father 's personall and reall Estate But Philip Count of Horne who was likewise Knight of the Golden-Fleece dyed foure yeares elder then Count Egmont his Brother the Lord Montiny being for the same Cause condemned and beheaded in Spaine whither he was by the Governesse sent Embassadour with the Marquesse of Bergen Nor was Count Horne of a lesse noble family then Count Egmont being descended of the French Momorancyes and had courage equall to his Honour as appeared at the Battaile at Saint Quintin and in the magnificent discharge of two great offices of Admirall and Captaine of the life Guard Hee first tryled a Pike under the Emperour Charles the Fifth to whom he was a Subject for Horne an Imperiall Castle betweene Gelderland and Brabant whence he had his Title of Count though he was possessed of many other Townes and Castles within the Kings Dominions Indeed his death could not have beene moderately lamented but that Egmont had consumed all men's Teares After this the Duke of Alva resolved to move speedily to Friezland sending before with part of his Forces Chiapino Vitelli his Campe-Master-Generall who entring the Groine Valiantly defended that Towne against Lewis of Nassau that sate downe before it Then the Duke in person having payed a Souldiers Duty to Count Aremberg and with the sad Military Ceremonies waited on him to his Grave went about the end of Iune from Bruxells to Antwerp leaving Gabriel Serbellonio there in Garrison with eight Companyes of Germans for defence of the Fort and Towne At the Bus he stayed till Cressonerius came up with seaenteene Field-pieces marching thence in the beginning of Iuly he passed the Mose at Grave from thence he went to Arnhem in Gelderland and so to Daventry in Over-Ysell where he rested a while till his Scouts should bring word if the Bridges wer strong enough to beare the weight of his Cannon they had not rid farre but hearing Drummes beate a pretty way off and presently discovering foure Ensignes they galloped back to the Duke and told him the Enemy was coming hard at hand though he could not well believe it yet because his Scouts of several Nations brought the same Intelligence he forthwith commanded his Colonells and Feild Officers to set his men in Battalia and sent out others to discover the Enemyes nearer Aproaches and their number These were no sooner in the Field but they saw foure gallant Banners displayed and as many Waggons covered with Canvasse and greene Boughes in which a Bride marryed that morning who dreamed not of a warre was riding towards the next Village with a great sort of countrey fellowes leaping and playing about her When this Newes was brought to the Army they made not better Sport at the Folly of the Scouts then they did at the simplicity of the Country people when an Army was so neare them and all that suddaine preparation for a Warre being changed into Mirth they entertained the Bride in her passage with a Volly of Musket-Shot The memory of this Accident is still fresh in the mouthes of the Wallons who ever when they send out their Scouts if they shew any Feare in their Returne aske them in a military Ieere if they have seene the Bride But the Duke of Alva angry at this delay and sharply rebuking them that were the Causes entred the Groin on the fifteenth of Iuly about Noon-day and at that very houre without alighting or changing of his Horse he himselfe attended with a few others rode
to be honest gratis Wherefore the Governour lately advertised by Mondragonio that famine would compell him to deliver up the Town rigged a fleet of sixty sail at Antwerp dispatching them away to the relief of Middelburg And because there were two passages by two arms of the River Schelt he divided the fleet between Avila and Glimè Vice-Admirall in the place of Beavor appointing him Iulian◠Romero for his adjutant Avila was commanded to take the left hand way to Middleburg by the Hondt so they call that division of the River by reason of the barking water and Glimè to steer upon the right hand down the Schelt The Prince of Orange understanding this incountred them in like manner For dividing his fleet with part of the himself lay at Anchor before Middelburg exspecting Avila and sent the rest to the Isle of Thol under the conduct of Lodwick Boisot Governour of the Sea coast of Holland to fight with Romerio and Glimè Boisot for the Prince of Orange and Avila looked on at a great distance meeting the Spaniards at the mouth of Bergen gave them battell which at the first was improsperous and bloudy to him one of his eyes being shot out the Master of his Admirall slain and his stoutest Souldiers wounded But the Zelanders having the advantage in greatnesse and number of ships and skilfulnesse of Pilots at last with multitude oppressed the Royallists Glimè was slain Romerio narrowly escaped in a long boat part of the ships ranne aground and part were fired in the sight of Requesenes that from the Peer of Bergen beheld the event of that unfortunate battell with infinite greif to see his men so lost The enemies conquest was followed with the present surrender of Middleburg almost the onely town that held out in Zeland By which Render Mondragonio gained such honour as we seldome read parallelled For when he had drawn up his conditions so as that if the Zelanders would transport his Souldiers Mariners and Engineers with all their Cannoneers and Artillery and the Religious men and secular Priests with all their sacred furniture both sorts likewise carrying away all their housholdstuff and baggage and land them in the nearest parts of Flanders he would then prevail with Requesenes that Aldegund at that time a Prisoner one the Prince of Orange highly esteemed and three other persons such as Aldegund should name within six moneths should be returned into Zeland but if he could not prevail with the Governour then he before the exspiration of that term would render himself prisoner to the Zelanders They gave so much credit to his Parole as the conditions being accepted though without any hostage given they doubted not but that if the Governour disapproved of this agreement Mondragonio would not fail of his promise to return whose Captivitie they knew would satisfie for many Aldegunds But the Articles were by Requesenes confirmed to the contentment of all parties For immediately Aldegund had his libertie and by his appointment Simons and Pettin two Colonels and Captain Cittadella an Enginier Grandchild to that Francesco Cittadella who commanding the Cittadell of Lucca for the Prince Paulo Guinichi when he lost his Principality restored the Cittadell to the Commonwealth for which Act the people leaving out his Sirname of Iacobio called him Cittadella and inserted into his family the remembrance of his merit from which his posteritie were at once both named and praised But the Citizens of Middelburg as it was in their Articles redeemed the plunder of their town with three hundred thousand Florens paid to the Prince of Orange who notwithstanding is known to have made out of Merchant-strangers goods a million of Florens more But this losse at Sea the Spaniard stronger by land immediately revenged Sancho Avila Governour of the Fort at Antwerp General at the Battaile of Mooch The fruit of so great a day was almost lost by a furious mutiny of the Spaniards A great part of the Army had much Arrears due to them some full three years pay which Sanchio Avila before the battell freely promised but when the business was done put them off not having so much money and being naturally severe For the Souldiers whose animositie was raised both by their Victory and Cause the readier they were before in running the hazzard of a battel the more implacable they were after in demanding of their pay Wherefore they threatning their Commanders joyned in a body and when Avila came and began to rate them they fiercely asked him Where the faith of his promises was where the care of a Generall that not onely not regarded the benefit of his Souldiers but likewise slighted their Requests But Generalls and Colonels never fail to preach military obedience When they command poore souldiers must run upon the mouth of the Canon suffer wounds and death commonly for no other end but to blunt the enemies swords many times if fagots be wanting to fill up ditches they must do it with their bodies Nothing it seems is more inconsiderable then Souldiers lives And is it lawfull for a Generall every houre to require the souldiers lives but not lawfull for them to challenge their livelihood and many moneths Debentures of the Generall is there any kind of workmen that may justlier demand their wages then they that serve not under anothers command with ordinary labour and sweat but with the expence of their blouds and lives They objecting this against their Generall with their swords in their hands Avila not able to withstand the multitude when by no promises he could appease the once deceived Spaniards was inforced to flie Then laying their heads together almost three thousand of the old souldiers after the manner of seditions created them a Generall whom they called the Electo casting their Militia into a new model and dividing the Offices of Warre among themselves in order of battell marched to Antwerp the better sort in vain opposing them Nay they despised the Messengers which upon the news of their mutiny were sent by Requisenes to assure their Arrears one of which Messengers being a Jesuite his name was Pedro Trigosio a very eloquent Spaniard and in great esteem among the souldiers when he had made a very sad and long speech to them they answered him in short First tender the money and then we will hear you preach we have had Words enough we require money And if the Bloud we have spent for the King were in one scale it would easily weigh down our Pay put into the other When the Jesuite would have proceeded they beat up their Drumms and with Colours flying entred Antwerp the souldiers that were in the Fort not sticking to admit them and quartering themselves in the richest Citizens houses they peremptorily threatned Requisenes who upon their requests and menaces had now sent out of the Town the Garrison of Walloons
they call the States till it should be otherwise ordered by the King who for some time doubted whether he should allow that form of Goverment or no. For Gregory the thirteenth who had mutually agreed with King Philip to assist the Queen of Scots then a Prisoner being to nominate a Generall for that expedition for it was undertaken in the Popes not the Kings name lest it might distast the Rivalls of the Spanish Greatnesse his Holinesse made choice of Don Iohn of Austria famous for Sea victories And therefore advised the King by Ormanetti who was trusted in the transaction of that businesse to send his Brother into the Low-countreys wanting at that time a Governour who would be in great esteem with the Low countrey men that honoured the memory of his Father Charles the fifth and might from thence passe with a Fleet into England where he if any man might exspect success He likewise articled with King Philip that the Queen of Scots if it pleased God they freed her from captivity should be married to Don Iohn with the Kingdome of England for her dowry which would be a fair title to the Island for the House of Austria to ground a Warre upon The King disliked it not though he more approved of the Expedition then of the Generall but instantly resolved and promised the Nuncio to send his brother into the Low-countreys But his Majestie thought it not amisse to protract his Brothers going for a while that he might see how the Low-countreymen would govern the Low-countreys moved hereunto by Ioachim Opper a Low-countrey man his Secretary for the Netherlands who delivered his opinion that the Low-countrey Lords would no doubt be infinitely carefull of the Common-wealth and would now themselves apply to the evill that remedie for which they had so often solicited the King Who by confiding in them would for ever oblige the hearts of the Low-countrey men Especially in that his Majestie well knew the Principall Senatours Duke Areschot the Counts Mansfeldt and Barlamont and the President of the Senate himself Viglius Zuichom were men of most undoubted Religion and Loyaltie But to govern by a Committee that I may not accuse the Kings prudence from the event was then unseasonable For in the most troubled State the most present remedy is for one man to rule Truly this indulgence of the Prince did more hurt to the Low-countreys then all his severity as appeared by the immediate ruine of the Provinces For the people freed from a Spanish Governour would not acknowledge a new one in the Senate or rather greatly feared not a power divided and diminished among many And the Lords despised the government of their Peers and easily deluded their discordant Votes and Orders Some enemies to the Spaniard desirous of revenge fomented this difference of the Lords especially the Burgesses for Brabant and Haynolt whom Requesenes had larely called to Bruxells For these as they were chosen under-hand by means of the Prince of Orange in regard of the Authority wherewith those Provinces intrusted them hugely distracted the Senate And though both parties pretended the Kings name and cause yet their Designes and Counsels were so different that some of them were vulgarly called Spaniards others Patriots or Protectours of their Countrey And as the word Countrey infinitely takes the People with a counterfeit and deceiving image of Libertie it was not to be doubted but in case of a Warre the major part of the Low-countrey-men would adhere unto this party Nor was occasion long wanting to mature the mischief For when they had taken Ziriczee after Requesenes his death the Germans and Spaniards clamouring for their pay for that Island had afforded very little money it was resolved on by the Senate for easing the Low-countreys of the burden of forrein Souldiers to pay and cashiere the regiment of Hannibal Count de Altempse because there having lately been a breach between him and the Governour of Antwerp Frederick Perenot Lord of Campin about the Garrison it was feared lest publick mischief might ensue In the mean time the Spaniards that took Ziriczee under Colonell Mondragonio when they saw themselves passed by and the many moneths pay which was promised them issued out to others interpreting not falsely as some said that it was done out of malice to their Nation and they thereby necessitated to an Insurrection First as if he looked not into their business they threatned Mondragonio then hearing of the complaints made in the Senate of Bruxels by Count Altempse who publickly affirmed that he was casheired not for any danger to the Town of Antwerp nor with relation to his fouldiers importunity for pay which he himself a fortnight longer was able to have satisfied but only by the subtilty spleen of the Lord Campin that excluded souldiers faithfull to the King and so weakning the Spanish partie intended to betray the citie to the Prince of Orange Whereupon the Spaniards troubled at the publick danger and the more exasperated by their private injury in regard they demanded but what was due to their extraordinary labours and unprendented courage in wading through the sea seized upon their Captains and chose themselves a Generall in Mondragonio's place Whereto they were animated by the example of the horse and recruited by the accession of Valdez his Regiment They sent letters therefore to the Senate at Bruxels threatningly petitioning for their money Nor did the Senate deny it the major part being Royallists But the Burgesfes of Hoynolt and Brabant long since bought as I said with the Prince of Oranges money interceded in the name of their Provinces pretending publick necessitie And whilst the Senate partly affrighted with their protestations partly intangled in crosse votes deferred their payment the Spaniards thinking their menaces contemned took up their Colours in furie crying Away for Brabant And having left Ziricze guarded with a few Wallons quitting Schelt and Duveland Islands they had conquered with so much glory to their Nation they ran up and down Brabant threatning but not resolved upon any determinate design the Cities generally trembling and in amazement exspecting where that storm would fall But having first rejected the conditions which Count Mansfeldt meeting them near Asc brought from the Senate then sending away Iuliano Romero who for the same cause came from the Spaniards without so much as hearing him speak afterward shaking their swords and presenting their muskets against Francisco Montesdocha they commanded him to come no nearer and lastly on a sudden possessed themselves of Aelst a town in Flanders not farre from Bruxels hanging the King Officer that opposed them before the Gates openly professing they meant to keep Aelst as a pledge till their Arrears were paid When this news came to Bruxels with addition but false that they had plundered the Town and put the People to the sword the minds
to his Highnesse a supply the more wellcome because so seasonable to him then destitute both of Men and Money Nor did the Nuncio fail to visit the Deputies of the Estates and the Senatours but passed from Namure to Bruxels where delivering as she had in Command his Holinesses letters and fatherly exhortations to the resuming of their former Concord and Obedience which letters were received with more magnificence then dutie many of their minds being long since possessed with the spirit of heresie a refractorie and sullen disease that may with lesse difficultie be kept out then shook off In the mean time Don Iohn by letters from the King being injoyned if an accommodation could no way be made strenuously to maintain the Catholick Religion and the Royall Authority with assurance that he should not want an armie had notice that the Prince of Orange was sent for to Bruxels by the Estates and created Protectour of Brabant by the old name of Ruart of the Province an Office very like that of Dictator among the Romans or Manbure among the Leigeois This Officer the Brabanters said they were authorized to elect by the priviledges of the Ioyfull Entry though as farre as I observe in their Annals besides Anthony sonne to Philip Duke of Burgundie when Ioan the widow of Duke Wenceslaus governed Brabant chosen Ruart by the three Estates of that Province and besides Philip Count de Saint Paul whilst Duke Iohn and his wife Iaquenette were at difference whom the Brabanters rebelling against the Duke created Ruart that people never made use of such a Magistrate And because both those Ruarts came at last to the power and authority of Dukes the Prince of Orange might by their example hope that one day the titles of temporary modestie laid aside the House of Nassau might be Dukes of Brabant and he the first For this presumption Don Iohn failed not bitterly and speedily to reprove the Citie and the Estates by his Embassadour Gaspur Schetz Lord of Grobendonch Likewise a while after receiving other Letters post from the King by the hand of Philip Sega sent at that time Nuncio out of the Low-countreys into Spain in the place of Ormanetto wherein the King commanded the Deputies of the Estates to lay down Arms not to admit the Prince of Orange and to obey the perpetuall Edict Don Iohn sending them a copy of the Letter seriously wished them maturely to advise upon it whilst they had time and not to provoke their Prince his just displeasure to the ruine of their Countrey and themselves But when instead of Answer they would return nothing being wholly governed by the Prince of Orange but complaints and threatnings Don Iohn applyed himself to thoughts of violence and Warre as some conceived not unwillingly For having lost all hope of quieting these Provinces by indulgence and liberality an Honour forfeited by the former Governours of the Low-countreys which he laboured to recover when he found that his clemency prevailed not but the Magistrates authority waxed his waned and was rather a kind of entreaty then command his life exposed to the daily injuries and plots of wicked men He not able to suffer their affronts having been accustomed to command great Armies and finding his hands tied both at home and abroad weary of such a life was glad to lay hold of that occasion and rather chose an open Warre then a miserable and unsafe Peace Indeed it was an Argument of a mind highly offended and incensed that a Man of such experience in the Warrs would enter into hostilitie at a time when he was in strength so much inferiour For of all the seventeen Provinces onely two Luxemburg and Namure continued faithfull to him The Nobility Clergie and Magistrates a few excepted were all confederated with the Estates Not that they renounced their Religion or Loyaltie though there was then a world of such Apostates but some to ingratiate themselves with the People greedie of Libertie and still maligning their Governours part bought with promises by the Prince of Orange and being kinsmen to him many thinking Don Iohn quite disarmed and running away followed the partie of the Estates as safer A great sort held their cause to be likewise honester conceiving all Don Iohn of Austra's jealousies and fears to be onely pretences for the justice of a Warre Therefore by Letters to the King they accused him for endeavouring to ingage the Low-countreys upon vain suspicions It seems we must not beleive Treason to be plotted against any Prince that is not slain Nor could he then raise an Army able to contest with theirs For on the one side those few Germans he had retained in the Low-countreys some Companies of Spanish now called out of France where they fought for the Crown and divers Wallons and Burgundians hardly amounting to the number of four thousand When on the other side they had at that present no lesse then fifteen thousand which as it was proposed in their Councel of Warre and to which end they marched from Gemblours if they had presently advanced to Namure no doubt they had beat Don Iohn weaker in Men and Munition out of the Town and Fort. But as in consultation where many heads are laid together whilst they in the field disputed away their time they gave Don Iohn opportunity to strengthen himself with new succours For the Ruart the Prince of Orange after that Dignitie was conferred upon him would do nothing before Brabant was settled that their neighbours might be secure in Holland He therefore instituted at Bruxels and in the Towns adjacent Magistrates according to the Hollanders new model By his advice the Fort at Antwerp was dismantled as to that part which commanded the Town with so great a rejoycing of the People and such a crowd of voluntary Labourers that women of the best quality could not be kept within doors but they would come in the night to see the men at work till for abominable things committed in their drinking and dancing the night-work was prohibited by Edict But their Joy was never at the heighth till they came to the triumphall Brasse-statue of the Duke of Alva laid out of the way in a private corner of the Fort. They tumbled it into the Court hackt it with their swords hewed it asunder with axes and as if they had at every blow drawn bloud and put the brasse to pain pleased themselves with an imaginary Execution Some carried home fragments of the broken Basis and hung them up in their Halls as if they were the enemies spoyls and would signifie to Posteritie a kind of revenge taken upon the Duke The metall as before it was melted out of Cannon into Alva's statue so afterwards the Statue was again cast into Cannon and restored to its own nature Onely one thing displeased many as if Alva being wholly composed
men to defend our Remainder of the Low-countreys against the Conquerour But they will not be so much indangered by the losse of a Battaile For if that Army we march against be routed they can recruit assisted on the one part by Duke Alencon and his French-men on the other by Prince Casimir and the still increasing German Succours But in case which is to be hoped from God's goodnesse and our Souldiers Courage the Catholique Army shall with a better Cause likewise have the better Fortune with how much bloud with what exchange of Gold for Drosse must we buy the victory fighting before their Campe with their fresh and intire Forces But when we have thus weakned our selves by conquering if the French that watch all occasions fall upon us how I feare our Conquest will be followed with a farre greater misfortune we indeed shall have the Honour of the Day but others reape the profit In summe we may be victorious in the Battaile and vanquished in the Warre Wherefore since in this our voluntary expedition we may in reason feare almost the same Disaster whether conquered or conquering my opinion is that we should give off the attempt and at present check this Courage rather great then fruitfull Don Iohn thought this speech of the the Prince of Parma's more true then gallant and therefore besides Gabriel Serbellonio one that Don Iohn used to call Father and to preferre his judgement before the rest none of all the Councell of Warre was of Prince Alexander's mind And the Generall carried it for assaulting of the confederates Campe before they should be reinforced with new supplies Count Mansfeldt the Campe-master held it a point of Honour for the Royall Army to rouse the enemy within covert that trusted more to the place then either to their Armes or Valour The Generall of the Horse Octavio said the Souldiers Alacrity must be used before Delay had dulled it and that they were to follow the happy presage of victory expressed in their unanimous consent to fight and a successe was to be hoped especially at this time by reason of the enemi's Discord For Federick Perenot Lord of Campin by the Prince of Orange's Command was sent Prisoner to Gant and his House at Bruxells plundred because he was reported to be making his Peace with the King by meanes of his Brother Cardinall Granvell and indeed he was discontented that the Prince of Orange slighted him in Comparison of Aldegund The like was by the Prince of Orange attempted upon Hese and Glimè both which they say upon a rumour of the Prince of Oranges Murder Spread by his owne Ministers and Direction very ominously for himselfe only to try the faith of others expressed no dubious signes of Ioy. And therefore in imitation of the Battaile at Gemblac they having now intelligence of like divisions among the Confederates their Arm factious and destitute of these Commanders should be forthwith assaulted and no doubt but the like Successe would follow as Don Iohn concluded The Battaile therefore being now resolved on Mutio Pagano and Amator of Abadien Officers of Horse sent Spyes to discover the Enemyes Campe and to Chuse the ground where they should fight brought back word That the Confederates Army was intrenched not farre from Machlin the Rere guarded by the Village of Rimenant the Flanks with a Wood and a Fen their Front with a Trench and a Line drawne betweene both the Flanks Before that Trench was an open Plaine very commodious for drawing out the Enemy to Battaile but they found no Avenue to the Village but one neare the Wood on the left hand a way that would only hold six or seven men a breast Vpon this Discovery Don Iohn sending back some Companyes to garrison the Frontire-Townes for keeping out the French moved from Tienen and passing over his Army at Areschott-Bridge the second dayes March he came within sight of the Enemy and knowing the Plaine by the Description his Scouts had made he presently imbattailed his Army consisting of 12000 Foote and 5000 Horse Then the Prince of Parma whilst Don Iohn put his men into Battalia was a very earnest Suiter in case they fought that day that he might lead up the Spanish Infantry ordered to begin the Battaile to demonstrate as I conceive that his Courage to advance the Expedition was no lesse active then his Counsell formerly to retard it Don Iohn admiring the Greatnesse of his Spirit and Contempt of Danger at first put him off at length consented because he knew it would be of great Concernement under whose conduct that Battalion should march which must give the Omen to the Victory But till they joyned Battaile he would have Prince Alexander's Company to ride about the Field with him In the interim his Army was drawne out in the entrance of the Plaine and by the ordinary sound of Drums and Trumpets challenged the Enemy to fight Where expecting for three houres and the Enemy not moved with any kinde of Invitation to the Field still keeping within their Trenches Don Iohn called Alphonso Leva that commanded an extraordinary Regiment of Musketters said to him GoAlphonso put thy selfe and thy men into that narrow way betweene the Wood and Trench as if thou hadst a designe to enter the Village in despight of their Army no doubt but they will oppose thee when they come on do thou retire to draw them into the Field Withall he commands the Marquesse a Monte with three Troops of Curassiers and Lanciers to bend that way and be in the Rere of Leva's Foote The Enemyes whole Army under the Arch-duke and the States was commanded by Maximilian Hennin Count of Bolduc an experienced and wary Souldier He intending to frustrate Don Iohn's indeavours either by sitting still or acting with some Stratagem commanded Iohns Norreys an English Colonell who defended that Post to meete the Enemy but so as not to fight at too great a distance from the place The Battaile was therefore begun betwene the Spanish and English very gently at first for neither Leva nor Norreys meant to ingage very farre till to relieve the English because many of them were slaine Count Egmont coming in with his Reserve of Horse A Monte likewise immediately advanced with His. Against Robert Stuart also bringing up with him some Scotch Foote Don Iohn sent Ferdinando de Toledo with the rest of those active Foote under his Command and Camillo a Monte in the Rere of them with two Cornets of Horse he himselfe moving forward in Battalia with the whole Army in hope of a generall Battaile with the now irritated Enemy The Prince of Parma also leaping off his Horse tooke the place which he had so earnestly desired among the Spanish Infantry and appeared in in the head of them with his Pike in his hand And now the Forlornes of both Armyes fell on not like
his Fashion and Example So as the wearing of long haire esteemed so much for many Ages in one man's Imitation was by all left off And also first Don Iohn because the haire on the left side of his temples grew upright used with his hand to put away all the haire from his fore-head and because that baring of the Fore-head looked handsome in him thence came the Fashion of combing and keeping the haire up in somuch as that kind of Foretop is in some places called an Austrian Finally in the last Scene of his life Don Iohn himselfe wished to be like his Father and as He resigning his Kindomes hid himselfe in solitude among the Hieronymites at Saint Iustus so Don Iohn a few months before his death would have done among the Hermits of Mount Serrat in Spaine for ever after to serve God who as he said would and could do more then his Brother Philip. Which Determination whether it was the issue of Piety or of the improsperous Successe of his Affaires I cannot easily distinguish Nor must omit that wherein Don Iohn of Austria farr exceeded his Father Charles the fifth the Purity of Mind which his Governesse the Lady Vlloa had so inamoured him of from his Infancy that all his Life long he persevered in it and could not rest quiet if never so little a Sinne lay upon his Conscience Therefore twice every Month which was his constant course he came to Confession his Soule being a true Prince that could not brooke the basest Servitude Nay he never undertooke any Expedition or fought battaile but first by an exact Confession of his Sinnes he implored God's Mercy Which Care of himselfe in a Prince tempted to greatest license by his age handsomenesse and Place of Generall I suppose will be so much the more esteemed by how much this Piety is rarâ—r amongst Souldiers and by how much a Circumspection of this nature uses not to be alone nor unattended by a traine of many Vertues Moreover if one should adde this to his military Praises and diversity of Warres that before he had beene trained a Souldier he commanded as a Generall and to the Immensenesse of his Courage that he was never daunted by any Enemy either greater in number or reported by Force to be invincible and to his Felicity in all battailes that he came off perpetually a Conquerour at least never conquered truly wee may justly number Don Iohn among the most valiant and fortunate Generalls that ever were The day after his Death the Colonells of severall Nations contended which of them in the funerall Pompe should have precedence as Bearers of the Corps The Spaniards pretended because they were the Kings Countreymen The Germans because Don Iohn was their Countreyman The Low-countreymen disputed the Prerogatiue of the Place But the Prince of Parma instantly decided the Controversy in this manner That his maeniall Servants should carry the Body out of the Court where it should be received by the Colonells of that Nation whose Quarters in the Field used to be next the Generalls they were to deliver it to others and those againe to others that quarter'd farther off In this Order the Horse and Foote marching on either side the Corps in compleat Armour was carryed from the Campe at Buge to Namure with a Crowne upon his Head according to the funerall Ceremonies of the ancient Princes of the House of Burgundy Though others because diverse Irish Lords with the Popes Consent had offered him the Kingdome of Ireland which he would not accept till he knew whether it would be approved of by King Philip imagined out of that respect this Marke of a King was given to his Modesty His bed was stiâ—l supported by Colonells and Captaines of that Nation whose Horse followed the Corps fresh men still easing the wearyed of their burthen till it came to the Magistrate of Namure Foure Mourners attended the body Peter Ernest Count Mansfeldt Campe. Master Octavio Gonzaga Generall of the Horse Pedro de Toledo Marquesse of Villa-Francha and Iohn Croi Count of Reuse this a principall Commander among the Low-countreymen he among the Spaniards each of them holding in their hands a corner of the Herse-Cloth A Regiment of Foote as the custome is went before with their Pikes and Muskets reversed coloâ—rs furled and all the other Complements of Sorrow Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma followed in close Mourning with a heart sadder then his Robes excepting only so farre as the care of the distressed Army delivered to him diverted the current of his Griefe The funerall State ending in the great Church at Namure and Don Iohn's bowells being there buryed Prince Alexander laid his Vncles body in a temporary Tombe expecting what Commands the King would send from Spaine For at his Death Don Iohn desired three things might in his name be moved to his Majesty That he would command his body to be buryed in in the Sepulchre of Charles the fifth That his Mother and brother by her might be received into his Royall Protection And that he would remunerate the Service of his Followes whom he had long sustained with hope with some reall Bounty he himselfe having not had wherewith to pay them He made no Mention at all which is wonderfull of his Daughters For Don Iohn had two Daughters Anne and Ioane this at Naples by Diana Phalanga a Surrentine Lady that at Madrid by Maria Mendona a Maide of an illustrious Family and Beauty Anne was privately bred by Magdalena Vlloa Don Iohn's owne Foster-Mother and went from thence after she was seven years old to a Nunnery of holy Virgins at Madrigall Ioane for allmost as long a time was educated by the Dutchesse of Parma Sister to Don Iohn after whose death she sent her to be bred up in a Monastery of the Order of Saint Clare at Naples But She by Command from the King was translated from Madrigall to Burgo's a House of Benedictin Nunnes whose perpetuall Abbesse she was chosen This after she had lived twentie yeares in the Cloister at Naples was at last married into Sicilie to Prince Butero Both these Ladyes in one yeare in one Month only not upon one day deceased But I believe Don Iohn among those Particulars which at his death he commended to the King said nothing of his Daughters because he thought the King knew not of them for they were so privately and cautiously brought up that Alexander Farneze to whom he imparted all his other Secrets knew not of one of these The other had long since beene discovered to him not by Don Iohn but by his owne Mother Margaret of Austria which was the Cause that when Don Iohn lay upon death-bed Prince Alexander durst not desire him to commend that Daughter to the King lest he might put him to the Blush or seeme willing by such Commendations to free his
Chosen by the Lords without the Kings consent l. 9. p. 3â— confirmed by the Estates l. 9. p. 39. Governour of all the Low-Countries l. 1. p. 16 21 25. l. 6. p. 35 36. l. 7. p. 69 81. l. 8. p. â—7 18 19. and of every particular Province â— 1. p. 16. Low-Countrey Estates vide Estates Lodronius vide Albericke Lodwick Boisote Admiral of Holland loses his Eye in a Sea-fight l. 8. p. 2. Defeats the Enemy ibid. Admiral for the Expedition of Ziriczce where he is drown'd l. 8. p. â—3 Lodwick Blosius Treslong taken prisoner l. 9. p. 35. vâ—de William and Iohn Lodovico Berlinguâ— is son to Requesenes defeats the Turkish Fleet l. 8. p. 15. Recovers the Popes Colours and returns them ibid. Lodovico Requesenes great Commandor of the Knight of St. Jago l. 8. p. 1. Embassadour to the Pope presseth him to determine the Controversie between himself and the French Embassadour l. 4. p. 85. Departs from Rome in great Indignation ibid. Governour of â—â—â—lain l. 7. p. 81. Difference betwixt him and St. Charles Borromeo l. 8. p. 15. Going from Milain he asks forgivenesse of S. Charles ibid. Governour of the Low-countries He receives the Provinces from the Duke of Alva l. 7. p. 81. Enters upon the Government l. 8. p. 1. Takes away the Duke of Alva's statue iâ—st sends a Fleet to relieve Middelburg besieged ibid. Beholds from the shore the losse of his men l. 8. l. 2. Pawnes his furniture to pay the mutinous Spaniaâ—ds l. 8. p. 5. Sends them to the siege of Leyden commanded by Valdez l. 8. p. 6. Proclaimes a general pardon at Bruxells Ibid. Quiets another sedition of the Spaniards by sending of their pay l. 8. p. 8. Leâ—ves Count Altâ—mpse his Forces to secure Brabant l. 8. 29. Undertakes the Zeland Expedition Ibid. Designes the Officers the way and the Souldiers ibid. stands on the shore and views his Souldiers wading over the Sea l. 8. p. 11. A flame seen in the form of a Crown inclining towards him Ibid. Takes Duveland l. 8. p. 13. besieges Ziriczee ibid. Performs Vitellâ—'s Funeral obsequies l. 8. p. 14. His death l. 8. p. 15. Elâ—gy ibid. Ancestors ibid. Fortunate for Victories atâ—â—ea ibid. His errors in Governing the Netherlands l. 8. p. 16. Dying he nominates a Governour and a General ibid. Lombere a City l. 2. p. 3â— Londognia vide Sancho Lopez Figueroa l. 7. p. 55. The piety of his Souldiers ibid. They take the Cannon Ibid. 56. open a way to victory ibid. Lopez Figuâ—â—oa a Spanish Colonel brings the Itâ—â—ian Garrisons into the Low-countries l. 10. p. 6. Lopiu Gallus l. 6. p. 29. Lords of France joyn with the heretical multitude l 3. p. 57. Lords of Spain neglect Charles the fifth l. 1. p. 5. Lords of the Netherlands advanc'â— by the King to the Governments of Provinces l. 1. p. 16. Their Indignation l. 3. p. 69. Accounted Patrons of the â—ugonots l. 3. p. 72. They leave the Court l. 3. p. 76. Their Letters to the King against Granvell l. 3. p. 72 73. The Cognizance of their Combination invented at a Feast l. 4. p. 78. Impatient at the power of strangers l. 4. p. 78 79. In obedience to the King they 〈◊〉 to the Court l. 4. p. 8. Some of them thought to be Covenanters l. 5. p. 101. Their design to change the Government of the Low-countries ibid. 135. l. 7. p. 49 50. Their private meeting at Dendermund l. 5. p. 134. They have Intelligence of the Kings resolutions in Councel l. 5. p. 137. Their cause defended in the Kings Court l. 6. p. 22. l. 7. p. 43. They come to Councel with the Duke of Alva l. 6. p. 33. They are impeacht l. 7. p. 41. They refuse to give their appearance Ibid. They are condemn'd in their absence â—bid They take up arms against the Spaniards l. 8. p. 20 21 23. are offended at the Prince of Orange ' power l. 9. p. 38. Consider of a new Governour of the Low-Countries ibid. Lords Patrons to the Commons vindicators of the Low-Country Priviledges and liberty vide Nobility Covenanters and Knights of the Golden Fleece Lorain the Dukedome l. 1. p. 16. p. 31. Lorain the Duke l. 1. p. 12 19. l. 6. p. 26. Lorain the Cardinal l. 3. p. 56 61 75. l. 7. p. 76. the Captain l. 6. p. 31. vide Charles Christien and Francis Lovein a City l. 5. p. 98. Faithful to the King l. 7. p. 75. taken by the Prince of Orange and fined ibid. Assaulted by Gonzaga l. 9. p. 53. rendered to Don Iohn ibid. The famous University of Lovain l. z. p. 31. Its priviledges l. 7. p. 42. It raines blood near the Town l. 7. p. 53. Lovervall vide Philip. Lucas Gauriem the Mathematician l. 1. p. 13. Lucemburg a Province of the Low-Countries l. 1. p. 16. l. 6. p. 31. l. 9. p. 26. Famous for slaughter l. 1. p. 16. Adheres to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 37. It s Governour l. 1. p. 16. l. 4. p. 96. Lumo a Marcha vide William Lutheran Heresie l. 9. p. 42. upon what occasion it was brought from Germany into France l. 3. p. 55. By whom it was promoted ibid. Almost extinguisht by the King of France ibid. It breaks out in the Low-Countries l. 5. p. 116. The Lutherans enemies to the Calvinists l. 6. p. 4. Joyn with the Catholicks against them ibid. Luther vide Martin Sermons Heresie Lyes how they come to be so artificially compos'd l. 10. p. 4. The Advantage by them ibid. Many times they are sprinkled with soone portion of truth ibid. Made use of like Scaffolds in building lib. 5. p. 113. Sentences in L. LAWES before they passe should be debated after they are pass'd obeyed l. 5. p. 105. A State cannot be more indangered then by altering of their LAWES Ibid. It is more dishonour to a Prince to keep LAWES in force which his Subjects will not obey then to apply them to their natures and so keep his people in obedience l. 5. p. 105. 'T is wisdome to wave those LAWES the Contempt whereof we have not power to punish l. 5. p. 117. They favour LEARNING whose Actions are worthy of a Learned Pen l. 3. p. 55. LICENTIOUSNESSE more easily increaseth then begins l. 6. p. 24. LITTLE things are by their Littlenesse secured l. 8. p. 24. M. MAchiavell's Institution studied by the Prince of Orange l. 2. p. 46. Machiavell Secretary to the Governesse sent into Spain l. 6. p. 34. returns l. 6. p. 35. Maâ—stricht threatens to revolt from the King l. 6. p. 1. sues for pardon to the Governesse l. 6. p. 15. the Embassage in behalf of that Town sent to the Governesse by the Bishop of Lieg ibid. it is rendred to Norcarmius l. 6. p. 16. punished ibid. to whom the City of right belongs l. 6. p. 15. the Spanish Garrison turned out l. 8. p. 21. they recover and plunder the town ibid. Magdalen Vlloa Lady of
his resolution But those Censurers were mistaken The Monastery of S. Justus Sex Aur. Vict. in Caius Czs. The Emperours new habitation Febr. 1557. His family and how accommodated His contempt of the world How be disposed his time His riding to take the air His gardening His making of clocks or watches Jannell Turrianus whose Mathematicall inventions be much delighted in His extraordinary care of his soul. Joseph Seguenza in the History of his Order l. 1. By the Bull of Julius 111. 1554. Marc. 19 He disciplined himself His whip reverenced by his son Aug. 30. 1558. Immediately he falls sick Barthol Miranda Soon after he died Sept. 21. 1558. His funerals ushered with Prodigies in heaven Observed by Ian. Turrionus present at the Emperours death And in earth How long he reigned Diverse reasons commonly given for his resignement The new Kings first care The Duke of Savoy made governour of the Low-countreys The Truce between France and Spain broken Febr. On what occasion Thuan. l. 22. Decemb. The French invade the Low-Countreys Ferdinand of Tolledo Duke of Alva Iune 1557. Aug. 1550. The Spaniard first was conquerour at S. Quintins Presently after the French recovered Caliâ—e Ian. 1558. The Spaniard hath another victorie at Graveling Fortune seconds valour Iuly 1558. The womens crueltie to the French A Treatie of peace between the Kings Concluded by mediation of the Dutchess of Lorain At Cambray the Peace-making city April 1556. To the generall contentment Charles the V. Francis the I. Aug. 1529. Alice the Kings mother and Margaret the Emperours aunt The Peace confirmed by marriage Of the King of Spain to the French Kings daughter The King of France his sister married at the same time to the Duke of Savoy A Tournament at the wedding Where the King is victor Gabriel Count de Mongomary but soon after wounded Dies July 2. 1549. His death foretold Luc. Gaur Thus. l. 22. Lod. Guicciard l. 3. The history of the Netherlands 1559. Anonym in that Hist. Thua l. 3. 22. Vidus Cavocius Francis Vivonus The judgement of prudent men upon the Kings fate A strange conjuncture this year of Princes funerals King of Rome Of Belgium or the Low-countreys It s Name 〈◊〉 Greatness Wealth Guicciardine in his description of the Low-countreys Cities Towns Villages Forts Militia Navigation Trade of clothing Inclination Adv. Jien in his Tract of Holland attributes it to the air they live in The Character of a Low-countrey man Belgium divided into 17 Provinces Which come to one Prince three wayes Philip the Good had them by affinity Meyer l. 17. Charles the Souldier by Purchase and the Sword Pont. Heut l. 1. But he lost some of them Paulus Aemil. l. 10. and Pont. Heut l. 2. Part Maximilian recovered by arms The same Authour in the same book and lib. 5. Part by Treaty Guic. lib. 1. 4. 8. Belcar l. 8. Charles the fifth possessed himself of all together Pont. Heut lib. 11. and 9. The same l. 11. and Meter Guic. lib. 16. and Pont. Heut lib. 11. And though to have made a Kingdom of them Guic. Meyer Why he did not The distribution of the Provinces 1546. 1556. The government whereof King Philip gave to the Lords Lucemburgh to Count Mansfield 1559. Namure to Count Barlamont Lymburgh to the Count of East-Frizeland Haynolt to John Lanoi Lord of Molembase But he shortly after dying it was bestowed on the Marquess of Berghen Flanders and Artois to Count Egmont French-Flanders to John Momorancy Tournay to his Brother Florence Holland and Zeland to the Prince of Orange 1559. Frizeland and Overysell to Count Arembergh Gelderland and Zutfen be as then assigned to no one But afterwards he sent from Spain a Patent to Count Megen to be Governour of both Marc. 25. 1560. And another to the Prince of Orange after the death of Vergius Jan. 16. 1559. to govern Burgundy Brabant reserved for the Supream Governour of the Low-countreys The ordering of the Militia Especially of the Horse Whose troops were famous througout Europe Their Commanders The Admirall Generall of the Ordinance The disposition of Bishopricks whereof there were onely four in all the 17 Provinces Many therefore had wished their number might be encreased Which Charles the fifth went about to do The reason why he desisted His son Philip attempts it Treats about it with the Pope Concludes with him Fourteen Bishopricks were to be added to the four former Whereof three Archbishopricks The men chosen for those Dioceses Of the Governour of the Low-countreys Various conjectures as is usuall with the people who should be the man The major part conceive Count Egmont will be elected a man of much same and merit Many think the Prince of Orange will carry it a man of greater power and wealth Not undeserving But he doubts a repulse Christierna of Lorain is also designed for the place With generall approbation But Margaret of Parma is preferred before them all What hindred Count Egmont What the Prince of Orange What Christiern of Lorain Cic. l. 2. de Oratore Of Margaret of Parma Her Mother Her mothers Parents Education Perfections The Emperour falls in love with her Delivered of Margaret Anno 1522. whom Cesar conceals for her mothers credit and his own But at last it was discovered The Infant is sent to be educated by the Emperours Aunt And afterwards by his sister 1530. Her disposition Her delight in hunting 1496. Cesar promises her in marriage to the Duke of Florence Breaking the match intended with the Prince of Ferrara 1516. 1529. Francisc. Maria Feltrio The Florentines labour to break the match But in vain The Nuptials celebrated at Naples Soon after at Florence With a strange Omen 1536. Her husband slain the same year 1537. His successour sues to Cesar for Margaret But he casts his eye on the house of Farneze And marries his daughter to Octavio Farneze Francisco Maria Feltrio With whom at first she corresponded not 1541. But afterwards He was indeared to her By means of his Absence and Hazzards 1545. Her love to him increased See the ninth Book Not without some instrvening jarres Her masculine spirit And manly exercises She was of a ready wit Wonderfull discreet And religious Especially at the Eucharist Her yearly Charity to the poor Which juncture of excellencies principally moved the King to make her Governess of the Low-countreys A second Cause thereof A third A fourth more secret perhaps more true The King after her instructions gives her a pension And in a Chapter of the Knights of the Golden Fleece 1516. 1433. 1429. He declares her Governess And commands to them Religion and Obedience Hears the Estates Requests And grants them Then his Majestie goes into Spain The Dukâ—â— of Savoy into Italy The Dutchess of Parma to Bruxells The Kings unseasonable departure out of the Low-Countreys before a perfect settlement was made The like inconvenience in Spain when Charles the fifth went from thence to Germany 1520. The Causes why writers differâ—
about the Beginnings of the Low-countrey tumâ—lts Ostentation of wit Faction Ignorance of the difference between Beginnings and Causes Which difference is principally to be observed and explained by an Historian So did the ancient and best writers Fab. Pict in his Annalls Tit. Liv. l. 21. Polyb. l. 3. To follow whose examples it is easie for a man acquainted with Princes secrets The Low-Countreymens Priviledges very great Lud. Guicciardin in Descrip. Belg. From whence this evil had its Originall because the King trencht upon them three wayes The retaining of the Spanish souldiers 〈◊〉 first Cause of their 〈…〉 The Low-Countreymen are aggrieved Instigated by the Prince of Orange And exasperated by the Spaniards the 〈◊〉 Hence grew their 〈…〉 the King 〈◊〉 Cause is 〈…〉 wholly to 〈…〉 to the Low-Countrey-men Not to the King Whether the Belgick tumults are to be derived from this fountain Multiplying the number of Bishops the second cause of Insurrection The complaints made thereupon By the old Bishops The Lords temporall The Abbots And almost all that stood for the Low-countrey priviledges In 2. Addit ad â—aetum introitum Principis Hispaniae Artic. 24. What those priviledges were Artic. â—6 And how violated by increase of Bishops For which many men rail at And threaten the King Artic. 5. Some argued for his Majestie From Precedents in other countreys Which makes against the complaints of the old Bishops Baronius ann 639. 741. Extrav Solvator de Praebend Dignit As likewise against the temporall Lords And against the Abbots Aubertus Miraeus in Notitia Episc. The literal sense of their priviledges Whence some infer that they were not broken June 4. 1561. apud Arnold Havens de novis Episc. l. 2. Jun. 4. 1561. Arnol. Haves de nov Episc. l. 2. and adde the decision of the Lovain Doctors and necessity the greatest of Priviledges And that the King was not obliged to summon the Estates Generall Nor out of his own purse to allow maintenance for the Bishops Especially when he gave them Pensions Whether the beginning of the tumults may be deduced from hence The Inquisition the third cause of Insurrections The first occasion of introducing it into the Government of the Church The different forms thereof Established in Rome Constit. 34. Licet Not without Penalties J Manich and l. Quicunque C. De haereticis C. ut inquisitionis de haereticis in 6. In Spain especially from the year 1383. Martin Luthers Heresie makes it every where strictly observed Emp. Max. 1. Gratian. Theod Arcad. Honor Martian c. Charles the fifth his Edict against Luther and hereticks Leoâ— Seven times the Emperour renued it The Brabanters refuse the Inquisition King Philip confirms his Fathers Edicts Commands the execution thereof to the Governess The Governess to the Magistrates The Magistrates let it cool The Brabanters still refuse The people differ in opinions The common discourse against the Inquisition and the Emperours Edicts In the Lateran Councel under Innocent iii. Tumults caused by fear of the Inquisition and punishment of Delinquents Some men censure the King Others excuse him C. Sane 2. de Off. Potest Jud. lib. 1. §. Quiâ—manda tam. 〈◊〉 de Off. ejus Of the Prince of Orange His Ancestours came out of Germany Into the Low-countreys Ann. 1292. The Prince of Orange in his Apol. 1581. Their power in the Netherlands Anno 1544. The birth of the Prince of Orange Henr. Ranzou in exemplis Astvol Michael Airzinger in Leone Belg. His Nativity calculated His civill And military education Called the ordinary Bands Emmanuel Fishberti Duke of Savoy His favour at Court Some suspect him The Emperour answers all Objections And commends him to the King The King makes great account of him The Causes of his Discontent His Designe His Wit and Manners Which relished not of Courtship or Levity The splendour of his Family His doubtfull Religion He declares himself a Calvinist Apology 1518. His Apology Anno 1518. Whether from his heart or no is uncertain Ann. 1581. He was Hostage for K. Philip to Henry K. of France Ann. 1581. He discovers both the Kings designes against the hereticks And from thence takes his hint for Commotion Ann. 1559. Beginning at the Convention of the Knights of the Golden Fleece out of the same Apology Hoventius Momorancy Lord Montany Anthony Lalin Count Hochstrat Starting matter for sedition out of the Spanish souldiers 1559. In the some Apology Out of the new Bishops In his said Apol and so Granvel writes Ann. 1582. Out of the Inquisition Out of Granvels power Out of the troubles arising in the Duke of Alva's government The mutinous Citizens and the Hereticks desire to have the Prince of Orange for their Generall Anne daughter to Maurice Duke of Saxonie He offers himself To the destruction of the Publick The Causes and Occasions of the Belgickâ—nmults â—nmults summed up 1559. The Spanish souldiers have Orders to depart 4. Octob. Their Departure countermanded by the King Whereat the Low-countreymen rage And grow desperate Tacitus in his Annals l. 13. Called the Consult 1560. The Consulters are of opinion the souldiers should not be stayed 1560. Of the same mind were all the Councell of State 1560. But onely Granvell Who at last consents The Governesses Express to the King Her private letter 12. Decemb. The King assents in these words The Spanish souldiers sail for Spain 1561. A new Modell of the Foot Touching forrein and domestick souldiers 1562. The Marriage between the Prince of Orange and Princesse Anne daughter to the Duke of Saxony Landgrave of Hessen Anno 1550 The Landgraves Plot to break the match Discovered to the Duke of Saxony 1561. The Nuptials with Princesse Anne celebrated Afterwards he sued out a Divorce Anno 1572 At Brill is Holland Granvel made a Cardinall A Cardinalls hat brought to him He delays his acceptance 25. Feb. 12. Iuly 1562. 27. March The Governess likes not his delay He at last owns the scarlet And hat sent him by speciall favour from his Holiness For which he gives the Governess his reasons as she wrote to the King 29. Novem. 1564. 1562. The Crown of France being endangered succours are sent from the Low-countreys Of the French Tumults The Lutheran Religion brought into France Upon what occasion The City of Paris Its Favourers Margaret of Valois sister to K. Francis T is almost extinguished â—y the King Calvinisme succeeds First among the Commons Afterwards among the Lords Out of their â—mulation and envie 1562. To the Guises Duke Francis and his brother the Cardinall Anthony of Bourbon King of Navarre The Prince of Condè brother to the King of Navarre Gaspar Colligny and his brother Andelot All these were infected with Heresie But the greatest Professour of them was Joan Alibret Queen of Navarre Julius II. The Lord joyn with the hereticall rabble 1559. Against whom assistance is requested of the King of Spain And promised Alibret exasperates her husband against the Catholicks Tit. Liv. l. 1. The conspiracy at
and Duke Arâ—â—chot Who perswade â—hem to obeâ—ieâ—ce Proposing conditions but in vains A geneâ—all Assâ—â—lt resolved 〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉 of Valenciens 1567. Norcarmius takes the Sâ—b urbâ— Gaspar 〈◊〉 Lord of Bill 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Thâ—y senâ— Commissâ—ners 〈…〉 of surrender Which are not accepted They yield to mercy Norcarmius entâ—rs the Towne Disarmes the Citisens Punishes them Takes away their priviledges 2. Aprill The Governesse commends the Conquerors to the King How highly Norcarmius was famed for restoring the ciâ—iâ—â— and sacred State of the Towne 15. March The consternation of the Rebels The Oath required of the Lords Why the Governesse imposed it Who tooke it C. Brederod refuses 2. Febr. And his command of horse is taken from him And from Count Hochstrate the Government of Mechlin 6. Ian. 1567. Who dissembles his indignation against the Governesse 12. Ian. But discovers it to Count Manâ—feldt 15. Ian. In these words 20. Ian. 1567. 18. March The Prince of Orange likewise refâ—ses the Oath and of his own accord resignes his Governâ—ments The Governesse senâ—s Bertius to him Whâ— gives him Reasons for taking of the Oath The Prince of Orange heares and answers him with Reasons The first The Second The Third The Fourth The Fifth The Last and indeed the true Reason conâ—â—rned the Duke of Alva Bertius replyes to every Particular Allegation But perswades not Yet brings him to a conference Nothing done The Prince of Orange's farewell admonition to Count Egmont His Letter to the Governesse April 4. He leaves the Low countryes Egmont takes the Oath Ioynes with the King's Party declares himselfe an enemy to the Covenanters Their Friendship with him is broken Whereupon followes a great change Many renounce the Covenant The Conspiraâ—â—uâ—s leave the Low-countryes Especially the Hereticks The Recovery of Maestricht The Bishop of â—iege intercedes for the Towne Heâ—ricus Dionysius Why the Governesse denyes him Maestricht yieldes Norcarmius punishes them Of the Render of Bolduc and Antwerp They of the Bus feare the Governesse's Army And labour to appease her But cannot dâ—e it They yeild to mercy 18. Aprill Antwerpe sues for pardon which they deserve for turning the Hereticks out of Towne It being a very difficult worke The Governesse will not grant their Pardon unlesse they take a Garrison of her men They yeild upon her Excellencies owne termes She sending her Army beforeâ— Enters the Towne Triumphantly Restores things sacred And orders the Civill Government of the City An Embassage sent from the Princes of Germany Which the Governesse would gladly have put off But they are admitted And heard Speaking out of a Booke To whom she returnes this Answer They are dismissed all of them unsatisfied Save the Saxon Embassadour The Covenanteers go downe the wind in Holland Out of which they are beaten by Count Megen Their Plandershippe taken by Count Aremberg's men C. Brederod the remaining Conspiratour at first braves the Governesse At last his heart failes him And he departs the Low-Countryes May 1. And this life Holland submits So doth Zeland The Groine and Frizeland And all the infected places of the Netherlands The Governesse puts Garrisons into all the Townes rendred fines them designes Forts Executes the principall Rebells repaires the CatholicksChurches destroyes the hereticall Temples And this with wonderfull contention and alacrity of the People Lastly she restores the Low-countryes to their former tranquility The Gheuses were made Gheuses indeed Many Families leave the Lowcountries which very much troubled the Governesse For remedy whereof she sollicits for the Kings presence there Touching the Kings expedition for the Netherlands which the Governesse holds necessary Pias the 5 th Perswades the King to goe 1566. And Prophesies K. Philip assents and prepares for the journey Whereof he gives notice to the Princes of Europe particularly To the D. of Savoy whose directions His Majestie desires for the safety of his March 1567. Yet all this was dissembled as Strada conceives For these reasons How the King was advantaged by this dissimulation A part well acted Yet not so well but some saw through it The Governess presses the Kings comming with new Arguments And perswades him Though Strada is of opinion that all was but jugling for these Reasons A Councell about the Kings going The Councellors and their Characters D. Alva Rui. Gomez P. of Ebora Cardinall Spinosa Duke of Feria Manr de Lara Antonio de Toledo Fresneda the Kings Confe or Antonio Perez Why the King was there in person Manric de Lara The Prince of Ebora's opinion Fresneda and Perez vote with the Prince The Duke of Alva's judgement quite contrary Spinosa and many others go along with the Duke The Duke of Feria opposes him The summe of his Speech Prince of Ebolo The King seemes to suspend his sentence till their severall Interests had brought them to be of oâ—e Mind The King resolves to send one before to make way for his owne march Names the Duke of Alva for the imployment Provides him an Army in Italy Writes to the Duke of Savoy to victuall his men To the Switz and the Duke of Loraine to give them passage Lyon Car. ix Geneva terrified with news of the Spanish March Ber. Mendoza l. b. a. They send for assistance from the French Calvinists The Prince of Conde and the Colligni promise them protection Raise men and perswade the French K. to fight the Spaniard The King of France finding the Hugonots designe stirrs not Falls sicke at Millaine The Governess likes not the comming of so great an Army whereupon she writes thus to his Majesty 12. Aprill The King Madrid 21. May. Returnes his reason for sending of an Army Of the Marquesse of Bergens death His unfortunate Embassage His sicknesse His complaint of the King May. 21. His death whether poysoned or no His Title Offices and Imployments His impeachment after his decease found guilty of High Treason Her Excellence in the King's name takes Bergen op Zoom May 30. The businesse is not toucht May 21. May 31. The Kings pleasure touching the Estate and Heyre of the Marquesse of Bergen A solemne Procession at Antwerp The Governesse troubled at the Duke of Alva's coming many aggravating her displeasure She writes to Alva to disband part of his Forces Iune 15. He answers that 't is not in his power Rui Gomez Iune 30. Writes to the Governesse the cause of the Duke's coming Iuly 1. The King promises his personall presence A Fleete made ready to transport his Majesty Publick Prayers for his happy Voyage All to no purpose Suetonius in Tiberio The Duke of Alva musters his Army Asta in Piemont What Horse and Foote Foure Spanish Colonels Alph. Vlloae Sanchio Lodoâ— nius Juliano Romero Gonsalvo Brachamonte Ferdinando bastard-son to the Duke of Alva Chiapinio Vitelli Campe-master Melzius l. 1. c. 7. Francisco Paciotto Engineer Gabriel Serbellio Master of the Ordinance Antonio Olivera Commissary Generall of the Horse who first brought this Office into the Low-countryes Charles Davalo Bernardino Mendoza
Rome in place of the Duke of Urbin deceased and presently after made Duke of Camertio To this end the Emperour Charles the fifth and King Francis had an enterview at Nice endeavoured by Pope Paul who came thither in person hoping by some means or other to compose the difference For as both these Princes studied to make the Pope who being powerfull in long hoorded wealth and wisdome no doubt but his inclining to either side would turn the scales so the Pope vigilant for his own advantage took this opportunity to treat with the Emperour of a marriage for his Nephew especially since the news of Solimans fleet growing dayly more terrible it concerned them both to confirm the Peace made between them and the state of Venice by an intermarriage in their families The Emperour was so willing to comply with the Pope That he not onely preferred his Nephew before the Duke of Florence who then by his Ambassadour renued his former suit and before other Princes which had the like ambition but instantly making up the match between his Daughter and Octavio he put them together though the Bride had little joy of the wedding despising her husbands unripe years Therefore jestingly she called it her Fate to be married but not matched for when she was a Gyrl of twelve she must then have a man of seven and twenty and now she was a woman a Boy of thirteen For some years after this marriage she had an aversion from her husband not so much in contempt of his years as by reason of ill offices done by a Courtier who having been her old servant bare a great sway with her and hating the Farnezes with more then his own spleen sometimes commending her first husband Alexander sometimes aggravating the Popes injuries to her father nourished domestick discord till at length he being removed and Octavio attending the Emperour in his Warres the mind of the Dutchess began to change For when the Emperour was to go for Africa from Lucca whither the Pope came to conferre with his Imperiall Majesty and had brought along Octavio and Margaret though Paul the third utterly disliked the voyage to Argeirs yet he ventured his Nephew Octavio commending him to Cesars fortune and designing in that one act to give Hostage to the Emperour and bring his daughter into a longing for her absent husband And indeed after the misfortune of the Warre wherein the Emperour was rather worsted by the Sea then by the Moors the news of Cesars overthrow was divulged in all places And because no man could tell what was become of him and the Reliques of his scattered fleet it was constantly believed at Rome that the Emperour was cast away some reported they saw the ship wherein Octavio was abroad eaten up by the Sea which was the rather believed because when the Emperours escape was known Octavio was not mentioned This first moved the Dutchess her love growing out of pity as if the youth flying from his wives frowns had run upon his Fate in the prime of his years and fortunes But when the news came that he was living and with his Father in law onely that he lay desperately sick hope and fear joyned to bring her love and pitie to perfection till two years after in all which time he still kept the field and was never out of the Emperours eye at his return to Rome aswell his long stay from her as his long service to her Father speaking in his behalf it is hardly credible with what longing and affection his wife received and honoured him Not long after she having the rare happiness to be brought a bed of two sonnes at a birth by how much it joyed her especially they comming at the same time to the Principality of Parma and Placentia by so much her love to her husband increased Onely as she was violently ambitious to command in chief and therefore hardly brooked a power divided with her husband so when discords sprang between them she would not easily be reconciled The truth is her spirit was not onely great beyond her sex but she went so habited and had such a garb as if she were not a woman with a masculine spirit but a man in womans clothes Her strength was such as she used to hunt the stagg and change horses upon the field which is more then many able bodied men can do Nay upon her chin and upper lip she had a little kind of beard which gave her not more of the resemblance then authority of a man And which seldome happens in her sex and never but to very strong women she was troubled with the Gout She had a present wit and in action could steer to all sides with wonderfull dexterity as having been of a child bred up in the Belgick Court and instructed in her youth by the adverse fortune of the Medices in her riper years accomplished and made absolute by the discipline of Farnezes Palace and the old learning of Pope Paul the third Then for piety she had a great master indeed Ignatius Loyola Founder of the Society of Iesus to whom she confessed her sinnes and that oftner then was the custome of those times By this man she was taught a singular reverence and devotion towards the Eucharist proper to the House of Austria Whereupon one every year in Passion week she washed the feet of twelve poor maids which she commanded should not be washed before she came Then feasting them waited herself at table and sent them away new clothed and full of gold Upon the other more chearfull solemnitie of Corpus Christi day she gave very noble portions to poor Virgins and married them to good Husbands Both these feasts she kept during her life With this breeding and these parts the Dutchess so won upon the King her Brother that he committed the Low-countreys to her knowing her to be a woman of great courage and excellently versed in the art of Government Besides his Fathers commands were yet fresh in his memory who loved her dearly and on his death-bed earnestly recommended her to the King It seems he thought this honour would answer the Fathers wishes and the Daughters merit Withall he hoped the Low-countreymen for the reverence they bare to the name of Charles the fifth would chearfully obey his Daughter born among them and bred up to their fashions and that her Countrey-men would therefore the better digest her Government because subjected people think themselves partly free if governed by a Native Perhaps the King was content in favour of the Low-countreymen to let them be governed by a Woman hoping the Innovations he had designed would please coming from a Lady like an incision that pains the less when made by a soft hand But besides these reasons given out in publick there was other private cause Octavio Farneze Duke of Parma and Piacenza had
long since been in the Low-countreys and there served a Volunteer against the French at his return for Italy he was an earnest suiter to King Philip to whom he delivered his son Alexander that he would please to restore him the Castle of Piacenza kept as yet with a Spanish Garrison The King though he resolved not to grant his suit yet lest the Prince should return discontented whom by long experience he had found faithfull and serviceable to the Crown of Spain in his command against Herecules the French Generall in the War of Italy and the obedience of whose Cisalpine Countreys would greatâ—y advantage Spain conferred the Government of the Low-countreys and Burgundy upon his wife acquainting the Duke with it as if he did it for his sake assuring himself whilest those Provinces which he looked upon with so much love and care were in his absence committed to the Farnezes they would rest well contented with so high an argument of confidence and affection Nor did Octavio sleight the favour nay as it often happens that a present bounty is the step to a future rise he hoped by the tie of this Government every day more to endear his Majestie to his Sister and to the House of the Farnezes The King lessened not that hope which he knew would serve to make the Farnezes intentive to the Government of the Low-countreys for by how much the Governess might advance his interest in the Low-countreys as well because of her Religion as her Prudence so much the gladder he was to have such Pledges from them The King therefore not onely kept his son Alexander to aw the mother but he thought it concerned him to give the father hope of the Castle of Piacenza well knowing some mens natures are more obliged by receiving one then many benefits Margaret Dutchesse of Parma and Piacenza Daughter to Charles the 5th Governesse of the Lowcountreys His Majesty having thus instructed the Governess and assigned her an Annuall persion of thirty six thousand Crowns to encrease the publick joy in the assemblie of the Estates at Gant he created eleven Knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece in their places that were deceased for so many wanted to make up fifty one the number to which Charles the fifth had multiplied the Order whereas Duke Philip the Founder at first onely instituted twenty five and after added six to make up the number one and thirty Lastly the King appointed a time to hear the Petitions of the Deputies to the Estates Where Granvel in the Kings name made a speech to them answered by Borlutius of Gant Speaker for the Estates Granvell gave reasons for the Kings going into Spain Declared Margaret Dutchess of Parma under the Kings Majestie Supreme Governess of the Low-countreys and Burgundy she then sitting by the King Disputed for the Old Religion against Hereticks that corrupted it And in the first place earnestly commended the protection and observance of Religion to the Governess till his Majestie should return to the Low-countreys Borlutius after he had presented the Estates humble thanks and promises of obedience to the King and Governess delivered the Heads of their desires That his Maiestie by the example of his Father the Emperour would please to call out of the Low-countreys all forrein forces and use none but their own Coâ—ntrey Garrisons nor admit of any Alien to sit in the Great Councel The King giving them fair hopes promised to with-draw the forrein souldiers that remained for he had already freed them of the maior part within foure moneths next ensuing So dissolving the Assembly all his business in the Low-countreys being now dispatched From Gant he passed to Zelanâ— and weighing anchors from the port of Ulâ—â—hen in the moneth of August made a happy voyage into Spain The Governess the Dutchess of Parma and the Duke of Savoy having waited on the King aboard the Duke with his Princely Bride tooke leave for Italy Her Excellence retired to Bruxels the ancient seat of the Belgick Princes and in September one thousand five hundred fiftie and nine began her Government over the Low-countreys The End of the first Book The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES The second Book KIng Philips departure from the Low-Countreys fell out very inconvenient for that new condition of affairs For every change in Cities and Kingdomes like young trees when they are transplanted had need of present looking to till we be sure they have taken root Doubtless it had been farre better for the Netherlands if the King so the necessities of Spain would have permitted had stayed there for some time till he had seen at a nearer distance the course and motions of things which he had altered in those parts And not to have taken them upon trust from others uncertain relations For many times the water changes the tast by running long and severall wayes under ground nor can he that drinks it a farre off judge of it so well as he that sits at the spring head and hath it from the fountain Truly the King had with more certainty looked into the designes of men and consequently the misfortune had been less which after he left them involved the Low-Countreys in a difficult and tedious warre And as when his father Charles went into Germany to be crowned Emperour the Spaniards immediately took up arms against his Lieutenants so the Low-Countreymen when K. Philip went for Spain to take possession of his Kingdome after they had kept a foot a civill war between them and their governours at last the confederate Provinces fell off from their obedience to their Prince The causes of which evils I being now to represent I must confess I never read of any tumult or war whose originall was so variously and contradictorily reported by the People and written by Historians I believe that some when they found the reasons that went currant for causes of this war fat too weak for the raising of so great commotions they themselves guessed at others that rather agreed with the writers wit then the truth of history Some again have framed causes according to their factions and religions passing over all those in silence that made against their party Others not so much to cozen the Reader as being cozened themselves with the shew of pretended causes ignorant how much Causes and Beginnings differ have failed to clear the originals of these differences When an Historian is obliged first to inform himself of the beginnings of Peace and War or of Seditions and what their grounds and causes were and in the next place to inform his Readers lest they not understanding the difference of causes and beginnings should judge amiss of actions and events and so History the mistress of wisdome become the handmaid of errour Nor was it an idle dispute among the ancient Historians what was the ground of the warre wherein
8. p. 13. Iohn Pettin l. 8. p. 2. Iohn the 22 Pope l. 2. p. 30. Iohn Regula Confessar to Charles the fifth l. 1. p. 7. Iohn Sellius in the Kings name treats for peace with the Deputies of the Estates l. 10. p. 5. 6. Iohn Sorean General of the Gheuses hath a plot upon Lisle l. 6. p. 6 7. Attempts Lanoi in vain ibid. fights with Norcarmius ibid. is Routed ibid. Iohn Spell Provost Marshal chief actor in the execution of the Lords and Gentlemen l. 7. p. 49. hang'd ibid. Iohn Valhart Commander of horse l. 5. p. 132. Iohn Vangest maternal Grandfather to Margaret of Ausria l. 1. p. 20. Iohn Vargas Mexia the King of Spain's Embassadour l. 10. p. 20 24. Joy for the Peace between the French and Spaniard l. 1. p. 12. For the departure of Cardinal Graâ—vell l. 4. p. 80 81. At Rome for the twins Alexander and Charles Farneze l. 9. p. 42 43. At the marriage of Alexander Farneze and Princesse Mary of Portugall l. 4. p. 94 For the Emperour disclaiming the plunder of Rome l. 1. p. 9. Joyful entry l. 2. p. 30. the Priviledges therein contain'd ibid. l. 9. p. 36. Ipre a town of the lower Flanders l. 5. p. 122. Bishop of Ipre Ibid. l. 7. p. 52. vide Iconomachy Ireland offer'd to Don Iohn l. 10. p. 22. Isabella Briganze wife to Edward Prince of Portugall l. 4. p. 92. Isabella wife to Charles the fifth l. 10. p. 17. Isabella sister to Charles the fifth l. 1. p. 19. Isabella the Catholick Queen l. 4. p. 78. Her armes ibid. Isabella Clara Eugenia daughter to Philip the second is born l. 5. p. 132. baptiz'd by the Popes Nuncio ibid. married to Albert Rodolp the Emperours brother and endow'd with the Low-Countrey ibid. Isabella daughter to Henry the second of France l. 1. p. 12 13. why she was call'd the Princesse of Peace ibid. promised to Charles Prince of Spain ibid. l. 7. p. 68. married to his father Philip the second l. 1. p. 12. is brought into Spain l. 3. p. 57. present at the Conference at Baion l. 4. p. 87. Dies l. 7. p. 45. Isabella of Portugall mother to Philip the second l. 4 p. 92. Isabella of Portugall wife to Philip Duke of Burgundy l. 4. p. 94. Ischius sent by the Senate to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 26 27. refuses the Counsel given him by the way ibid. Incurs the hatred of many for his Commendations of Don Iohn of Austria Ibid. Isell a River l. 8. p. 7. Isidor Pacecho a Spanish Captain at the wading over Sea to Duveland l. 8. p. 10. Dies shot l. 8. p. 12. His courage and last words ibid. He and Caesar's Centurian parallel'd ibid. Italians attribute the victory at Mooch to the Marquesse of Monte l. 8. p. 3. depart the Low-countries l. 9. p. 32. are brought back thither by Alexander Farneze l. 9. p. 41. Their valour at the Battel of Rmenant l. 10. p. 12. who was call'd the Paladin of Italy l. 8. p. 4. Forces rais'd in Italy l. 6. p. 25 30. l. 10. p. 6. Iuan Acugnia sent by the King to Savoy l. 6. p. 21. Iuan Auguisciola a Colonel l. 3. p. 60. Iuan Aranda sounds the Foard in the Zeland Expedition l. 8. p. 9. His relation to Requescenes ibid. He wades the Sea to Duveland l. 8. p. 10. Iuan a Cerâ—a Duke of Medina Coeli made Governour of the Low-countreys l. 7. p. 68. goes into the Netherlands and presently returns for Spain ibid. Iuan Escovedo perswades Don Iohn to dismisse the Spaniards l. 9. p. 28. His speech to the Spaniards l. 9. p. 31. He is sent into Spain l. 9. p. 36. l. 10. p. 20. His death ibid. Iuan Zuniga Father to Requesenes great Commendador of the Knights of St. Iago in Castile l. 8. p. 15. Iuan Zuniga brother to Requesenes the Kings Embassadour at Rome l. 4. p. 81. Iudoignia rendred to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 53. Iuliers the territory l. 7. 46. The Duke l. 9. p. 36. l. 10. p. 4. Iuliano Romero l. 6. p. 30. a Spaniard ibid. Colonel of the Sicilian Regiment ibid. wounded l. 7. p. 80. Joyn'd with Glimè to relieve Middelburg l. 8. p. 2. His life endanger'd in a Tumult at Bruxells l. 8. p. 18. Invades Antwerp l. 8. p. 22. takes Philip Egmont ibid. Departs with the Spaniards from the Low-countreys l. 9. p. 32. Dies of a fall with his horse l. 9. p. 41. Iulio Pavesio the Popes Legate to the Emperour l. 5. p. 114. Iulius the second Pope l. 3. p. 57. l. 8. p. 15. S. Iustâ—us Monastery l. 1. â—6 Iusticium or the Courts of Justice forbidden to sit in a time of publick mourning l. 1. â—9 Iustus Scowemburg sollicited by Brederod l. 6. p. 20. Enters Frisland l. 7. p. 46. represses the seditions of the Germans l. 7. p. 55. At the battel of Geming l. 7. p 56. His Carriages taken ibid. Iustus Villers defends Nivell for the States l. 9. p. 56. Sentences in I. OCcasion cannot be long wanting to IMPROBITIE l. 7. p. 40. INFANTS manners are moulded by the example of their Parents much sooner then by the Stars that raign at their Nativities l. 9. p. 43. It seems to be an argument of JUST anger not to be friends upon the sudden l. 5. p. 1â—4 K. KEunava Colonel of a Regiment of women in the siege of Harlem l. 7. p. 79. admir'd even by the enemy ibid. King of Cyprus l. 5. p. 139. King of the Romans l. 1. p. 5. King of Spain vide Philip. King of France vide Charles Francis Lewis Kingdome resign'd l. 1. p. 3 5. translated l. 1. p. 4. Erected l. 1. p. 15. Knights of the Golden Fleece who and by whom created l. 1. p. 16 44. l. 6. p. 28. l. 7. p. 47 53. l. 9. p. 42. The Order it self when and by whom instituted l. 1. p. 17. l. 4. p. 94. To what number the Knights was encreased l. 1. p. 25. yet farther augmented by Charles the fifth ibid. Under the Patronage of what Saint l. 4. p. 94. The Master of the Knights l. 1. p. 3. l. 5. p. 107. tâ—eir Herauld commonly call'd Tosond'or l. 5. p. 101. In whom the power is to create them l. 2. p. 46 47. Their legal Judge l. 7. p. 50. Their Convention at Gant l. 2. p. 46. Their Assembly l. 1. p. 3 25. Their Convocation l. 3. p. 69. The result thereof ibid. Their Combination against the power of Granvel ibid. some of them numbered among the Covenanters l. 5. p. 101. Their Joy at the marriage of Alexander Farneze and Mary Princesse of Portugal l. 4. p. 94. A Libell published in their name by the Gheuses l. 5. p. 112. Knights of Calatrava l. 7. p. 58. Of St. Iohns of Ierusalem l. 6. p. 23 30. Of St. Jago l. 8. p. 1. Of St. Stephen l. 8. p. 14. Sentences in K. KINGS that have large Dominions never want causes of War nor rewards for Souldiers l. 9.
p. 31. It concerns the Wisdome of a KING to provide that a Crown once moderately refus'd by a subject should never more be in the power of his acceptance l. 1. p. 20. L. LAlin vide Anthony Charles George Philip. Lambert Count and Abbat of Gemblac l. 9. p. 52. Lambert Wirtzemberg l. 7. p. 80. Lamentation at the Obsequies of Charles the fifth Celebrated by himself l. 1. p. 7 8. at the death of Count Egmont l. 7. p. 25. and of Don Iohn l. 10. p. 21. vide Obsequies Lamoral Count Egmont created Knight of the Golden Fleece by Charles the fifth l. 7. p. 53. General of the Low-countrey horse l. 1. p. 11. victorious at St. Quintine and at Graveling ibid. l. 7. p. 53. Governour of Flanders and Artois l. 1. p. 16. l. 7. p. 53. Commander in Chief of the Spanish Forces in the Low-countreys and Designed by the Peoples wishes for Governour of all the Low-countries l. 1. p. 18 19. his Alienation from the King l. 2. p. 38. l. 3. p. 67. his freedome of speech ibid. his Envy and Emulation against Granvell l. 2. p. 41. the Prince of Orange preferred before him by Charles the fifth l. 2. p. 44. he joyns with the Prince of Orange and the rest that dissentâ—rom Granvell l. 3. p. 67. his first Complaint to the King l. 3. p. 68. he combines against Granvell ibid. 72. and exasperates others l. 3. p. 73 74. his Letter to the King against Granvell l. 3. â—p 72 73. his dissimilitude to the Prince of Orange l. 3. p. 70. the King invites him into Spain l. 3. p. 74. he will not go ibid. he differs from Count Aremberg l. 3. p. 73. his Complaints against Granvel l. 3. p. 75. he discovers Granvels danger to the Governesse Ibid. l. 4. p. 80. when others leave the Court he stayes l. 3. p. 75. he is Author of the Liveries and Cognizances worn by the Lords servants l. 4. p. 78. Invents a New Cognizance instead of the Old ibid. the Governesse sends him Ambassadour into Spain l. 4. p. 87. he is very graciously received by the King l. 4. p. 89. he excuseth himself to his Majesty ibid. returnes into the Low-countries with Alexander Farâ—ezè l. 4. p. 90. his Complaints occasioned by the Kings Letters l. 4. p. 96. he writes to the Governesse of Confederation Decreed by the Nobility l. 5. p. 99. his Vote in Senate for the Covenanters l. 5. p. 103. he denyes to fight for the Inquisition or the Emperours Edicts l. 5. p. 106. he meets the Covenanters at their Feast in Culemburg house l. 5. p. 110. he is sent by the Governesse to Centron to disturb the Convention of the Gheuses l. 5. p. 119 120. the Covenanters desire his mediation for them ibid. he disputes with the Governesse touching the plunder of Churches l. 5. p. 123. resists not the Church-robberies of the Gheuses l. 7. p. 50. speaks in Senate against a War l. 5. p. 129. meets the rest of the Lords Conspirators at Dendermund l. 5. p. 136. l. 7. p. 50. his letter to Count Mansfeldt l. 5. p. 136. his Complaints against Count Mansfeldt and the Governesse ibid. he refuseth to enter into the new League l. 5. p. 142. is offended with the Valencenians letter l. 6. p. 6. sent by the Governesse to Valenciens l. 6. p. 9. what his opinion is of the strength of the town ibid. p. 10. he promiseth to take the Oath of Allegiance l. 6. p. 11. and doth it l. 6. p. 14. his Conference with the Prince of Orange at Willebroc ibid. he adheres to the Kings party ibid. opposeth the Covenanters ibid. breaks friendship with them ibid. is call'd to sit in Councel with the Duke of Alva l. 6. p. 32 33. invites Count Horn to come likewise to the Councel-table ibid. is Arrested in the Kings name by the Duke of Alva ibid. imprisoned in the Castle at Gant l. 7. p. 49. Many are Suitors to the King for his life ibid. his Ladies humble Petition ibid. the Crime charged against him by the Kings Advocate ibid. p. 50. his Answer to the Charge ibid. divers of those particulars formerly objected against him by the Governesse l. 7. p. 51. the Peoples affection to him ibid. he is brought from Gant to Bruxels ibid. sentence of Death pronounced against him by the Duke of Alva ibid. 22. his letter to the King ibid. He religiously prepares himself to die ibid. is beheaded ibid. the Extraordinary lamentation at his death with threats and presages confirmed by a strange portent ibid. and 53. the saying of the French Ambassadour touching his execution ibid. his Elogy ibid. many hate and threaten Alva for putting him to Death ibid. Lancelot Barlamont Count Megan l. 9. p. 35. Colonel of the German Regiment l. 10. p. 5. attempts Sichem l. 9. p. 54. the Mutiny of his men l. 9. p. 56. his Death l. 10 p. 5. Lancelot Bastard son to Brederod one of the Water Gheuses l. 7. p. 31. turns Pirat ibid. Dies in the siege of Harlem l. 7. p. 80. Lanciers at the battel of Mooch l. 8. p. 3 4. worst the Raiters ibid. at Gemblac l. 9. p. 50. at Riminant l. 10. p. 10. their Commanders in Chief l. 8. p. 3. Langafco the Mountainous part of Liguria l. 9. p. 32. Lanoy the town assaulted l. 6. p. 7. Lanoy an Heretical Calvinist l. 3. p. 62. Lanoy vide Iohn Philip. Landtgrave of Hessen vide Philip. Laurentio Priulo Duke of Venice l. 1. p. 14. Laurentio Tuccio l. 9. p. 57. l. 10. p. 12. Lazarus Swend l. 2. p. 41. Lec a River in Holland l. 8. p. 9. Lefdal Servant to Count Egmont one of the first Covenanters l. 5. p. 101. troubles Holland l. 6. p. 19. is defeated ibid. Leiden befieg'd by Valdez l. 8. p. 6. reliev'd by a Sea-breach l. 8. p. 8. Levcadia Patronesse of Toledo l. 7. p. 75. Leovare a Town in Frizland l. 7. p. 48. Lepido de Romanis l. 10. p. 12. Lerodam l. 8. p. 9. Letters of Alexander Faâ—neze to Philip the second joying his Majesty for the Victory at Gemblac l. 9. p. 53. to his Father Octavio Duke of Parmâ— l. 10. p. 15. to his Mother Margaret of Austria l. 10. p. 13. to Samaniego how he disswaded Don Iohn from giving battel l. 10. p. 7 8 Of a namelesse person to the Duke of Alva praying him to take off the tenth part l. 7. p. 67. Of Count Egmont to Count Mansseldt l. 5. p. 135. to the King of Spain against Granvel l. 3. p. 72. to his Majesty after Sentence of death l. 7. p. 52. Of the Duke of Alva enraged to the Provinces l. 7. p. 67. of his son D. Federico chiding him l. 7. p. 78. Of the French Embassadour to Charles the ninth touching the Death of Egmont l. 7. p. 53. Of George Fronsberg to Dan Iohn l. 9. p. 48. Of Cardinal Granvel to the Prince of Ebolo and the