therefore it was called agmen quadratum or a square march inasmuch as it kept the same disposition of parts as were observed in quadrata Acie in a square body For that triple forme of imbatteling which the Romans generally observed in their fights having respect to the distances between each battel contained almost an equall dimension of front and file and so it made Aciem quadratam a square body and when it marched Agmen quadratum a square march Polybius expresseth the same in effect as often as the place required circumspection but altereth it somewhat in regard of the carriages for he saith that in time of danger especially where the country was plain and champain and gave space and free scope to clear themselves upon any accident the Romans marched in a triple battel of equall distance one behind another every battell having his severall carriages in front And if they were by chance attacked by an enemy they turned themselves according to the opportunity of the place either to the right of left hand and so placing their carriages on the one side of their Army they stood imbattelled ready to receive the charge The contrary form of marching where the place afforded more security and gave scope to conveniency they named agmen longum a long march or train when almost every maniple or order had their severall carriages attending upon them and strove to keep that way which they found most easy both for themselves and their impediments Which order of march as it was more commodious then the former in regard of particularity so was it unsafe and dangerous where the enemy was expected and therefore Caesar much blamed Sabinus and Cotta for marching when they were deluded by Ambiorix longissimo agmine in a very long train as though they had received their advertisements from a friend and not from an enemy And albeit our modern wars are farre different in quality from them of ancient times yet in this point of discipline they cannot have a more perfect direction then that which the Romans observed as the two poles of their motions Safety and Conveniencie whereof the first dependeth chiefly upon the provident disposition of the leaders and the other will easily follow on as the commodity of every particular shall give occasion Concerning safety in place of danger what better course can be taken then that manner of imbattelling which shall be thought most convenient if an enemy were present to confront them for a well-ordered march must either carry the perfect forme of a battel or contain the distinct principles and elements thereof that with little alteration it may receive that perfection of strength which the fittest disposition can afford it First therefore a prudent and circumspect Leader that desireth to frame a strong and orderly march is diligently to observe the nature and use of each weapon in his Army how they may be placed for greatest use and advantage both in respect of their different and concurring qualities as also in regard of the place wherein they are managed and this knowledge will consequently inferre the best and exactest disposition of imbattelling as the said forces are capable of which if it may be observed in a march is no way to be altered But if this exactnesse of imbattelling will not admit convenient carriage of such necessary adjuncts as pertain to an Army the inconvenience is to be relieved with as little alteration from that rule as in a wary judgement shall be found expedient that albeit the form be somewhat changed yet the principles and ground wherein their strength and safety consisteth may still be retained Neither can any man well descend to more particular precepts in this point he may exemplify the practices of many great and experienced commanders what sort of weapon marched in front and what in the rereward in what part of the Army the Munition marched and where the rest of the carriage was bestowed according as their severall judgements thought most expedient in the particular nature of their occurrences But the issue of all will fall out thus that he that observed this rule before prescribed did seldome miscarry through an unsafe march Let a good Martia list well know their proper use in that diversity of weapons in his Army how they are serviceable or disadvantageous in this or that place against such or such an Enemy and he will speedily order his battel dispose of his march and bestow his carriages as shall best fall out both for his safety and conveniency Caesars custome was to send his Cavalry and light-armed footmen before the body of his Army both to discover and impeach an Enemy for these troups were nimble in motion and fit for such services but if the danger were greater in the rereward then in the front the horsemen marched in the tayl of the Army and gave security where there was most cause of fear But if it happened that they were found unfit to make good the service in that place as oftentimes it fell out and especially in Africa against the Numidians he then removed them as he best found it convenient and brought his legionary souldiers which were the sinews and strength of his forces and marched continually in the bulk of the Army to make good that which his horsemen could not perform And thus he altered the antique prescription and uniformity of custome according as he found himself best able to disadvantage an Enemy or make way to victory Chap. IX The Romans begin to fortify their camp but are interrupted by the Nervii Caesar maketh hast to prepare his forces to battell THe Roman horsemen with the slingers and archers passed over the river and encountred the Cavalry of the Enemy who at first retired back to their companies in the wood and from thence sallied out again upon them but the Romans durst not pursue them further then the plain and open ground In the mean time the six legions that were in front having their work measured out unto them began to fortify their camp But as soon as the Neâ—vii perceived their former carriages to be come in sight which was the time appointed amongst them to give the charge as they stood imbattelled within the thicket so they rushed out with all their forces and assaulted the Roman horsemen which being easily beaten back the Nervii ran down to the river with such an incredible swiftnesse that they seemed at the same instant of time to be in the woods at the river and charging the legions on the other side For with the same violence having passed the river they ran up the hill to the Roman camp where the souldiers were busied in their intrenchment Caesar had all parts to play at one instant the flag to be hung out by which they gave the souldiers warning to take Arms the battel to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet the souldiers to be recalled from their work and such as were gone farre
Stations forasmuch as no place ought to be given to the least casualtie And there he saw how much Fortune was able to do by the sudden coming of the enemy and how much more in that he was put off from the rampier and the gates which he had so nearly taken But of all the rest this seemed the strangest that the Germans coming over the Rhene to depopulate and spoil Ambiorix and his countrey had like to have taken the Roman camp which would have been as acceptable to Ambiorix as any thing that could happen OBSERVATIONS IT is an old saying avouched by Plutarch Fortuna id unum hominibus non aufert quod bene fuerit consultum What a man hath once well advised that and onely that fortune can never despoile him of which Tiberius the Roman Emperour well understood of whom Suetonius reporteth Quod minimum fortunae casibusque permittebat That he trusted very little to fortune or casualties and is the same which Caesar counselleth in this place Ne minimo quidem casui locum relinqui debuisse That no place is to be given to the least casualty It were a hard condition to expose a naked party to the malice of an enemy or to disadvantage him with the loss of his sight An army without a guard at any time is merely naked and more subject to slaughter then those that never took arms and the rather where the watch is wanting for there sudden chances can hardly be prevented and if they happen to avoid any such unexpected casualtie they have greater cause to thank Fortune for her favour then to be angry with her for her malice for prevention at such times is out of the way and they are wholly at her mercy as Caesar hath rightly delivered touching this accident And therefore whether an army march forward or continue in a place sleep or wake play or work go in hazard or rest secure let not so great a body be at any time without a competent strength to answer the spite of such misadventures CHAP. XVIII Caesar returneth to spoil the enemie and punisheth Acco CAesar returning again to trouble and vex the enemy having called a great number of people from the bordering cities he sent them out into all parts All the villages and houses which were any where to be seen were burned to the ground pillage and booty was taken in every place the corn was not onely consumed by so great a multitude of men and cattell but beaten down also by the unseasenableness of the year and continuall rain insomuch that albeit divers did hide themselves for the present yet the army being withdrawn they must necessarily perish through want and scarcity And oftentimes they happened of the place the horsemen being divided into many quarters where they did not onely see Ambiorix but kept him for the most part in sight and in hoping still to take him some that thought to demerit Caesars highest favour took such infinite pains as were almost beyond the power of nature and ever there seemed but a little between them and the thing they most desired But he conveyed himself away through dens and woods and dales and in the night time sought other countreys and quarters with no greater a guard of horse then four to whom only he durst commit the safety of his life The countrey being in this manner harried and depopulated Caesar with the loss of two Cohorts brought back his army to Durocortorum in the State of the men of Rhemes where a Parliament being summoned he determined to call in question the conspiracy of the Senones and Carnutes and especially Acco the principall Authour of that Councell who being condemned was put to death more majorum Some others fearing the like judgement saved themselves by flight these he interdicted fire and water So leaving two legions to winter in the confines of the Treviri and two other amongst the Lingones and the other six at Agendicum in the borders of the Senones having made provision of corn for the Army he went into Italy ad conventus agendos OBSERVATIONS THe conclusion of this Sommers work was shut up with the sack and depopulation of the Eburones as the extremity of hostile fury when the enemy lieth in the fastness of the countrey and refuseth to make open warre That being done Caesar proceeded in a course of civill judgement with such principall offenders as were of the conspiracy and namely with Acco whom he punished in such manner as the old Romans were accustomed to do with such offenders as had forfeited their loyaltie to their countrey a kind of death which Nero knew not although he had been Emperour of Rome thirteen years and put to death many thousand people The party condemned was to have his neck locked in a fork and to be whipped naked to death and he that was put to death after that manner was punished more majorum Such others as feared to undergo the judgement and fled before they came to triall were banished out of the countrey and made uncapable of the benefit of fire and water in that Empire And thus endeth the sixth Commentary The seventh Commentarie of the warres in GALLIA The Argument THis last Commentarie containeth the specialities of the war which Caesar made against all the States of Gallia united into one confederacy for the expelling of the Roman government out of that Continent whom Caesar overthrew in the end Horribili vigilantia prodigiosis operibus by his horrible vigilancy and prodigious actions CHAP. I. The Galles enter into new deliberations of revolt GAllia being in quiet Caesar according to his determination went into Italy to keep Courts and Sessions There he under stood that P. Clodius was slain and of a Decree which the Senate had made touching the assembly of all the youth of Italy and thereupon he purposed to inrole new bands throughout the whole Province These newes were quickly caried over the Alpes into Gallia the Galles themselves added such rumours to it as the matter seemed well to to bear that Caesar was now detained by the troubles at Rome and in such dissensions could not return to his army Being stirred up by this occasion such as before were inwardly grieved that they were subject to the Empire of the people of Rome did now more freely and boldly enter into the consideration of warre The Princes and chiefest men of Gallia having appointed councels and meetings in remote and woody places complained of the death of Acco and shewed it to be a fortune which might concern themselves They pity the common misery of Gallia and do propound all manner of promises and rewards to such as will begin the warre and with the danger of their lives redeem the liberty of their countrey where in they are to be very carefull not to foreslow any time to the end that Caesar may be stopt from coming to his army before their secret conferences be discovered Which might easily
soulders to be sent him with all speed He rated every city what proportion of arms they should have ready and specially he laboured to raise great store of horse To extraordinary diligence he added extraordinary severity compelling such as stood doubtfull by hard and severe punishment for such as had committed a great offence he put to death by fire and torture lesser faults he punished with the losse of their nose or their eies and so sent them home that by their example others might be terrified By these practises and severity having speedily raised a great army he sent Lucterius of Cahors a man of great spirit and boldnesse with part of the forces towards the Rutheni and he himself made towards the Bituriges Upon his coming the Bituriges sent to the Hedui in whose protection they were in require aid against Vercingetorix The Hedui by the advice of the Legates which Caesar had left with the army sent forces of horse and foot to the aid of the Bituriges who coming to the river Loire which divideth the Bituriges from the Hedui after a few dayes stay not daring to passe over the river returned home again bringing word to our Legates that they durst not commit themselves to the Bituriges and so returned For they knew that if they had passed over the river the Bituriges had inciosed them in on the one side and the Arverni on the other But whether they did return upon that occasion or through perfidious treachery it remaineth doubtfull The Bituriges upon their departure did presently joyn themseleves with the Arverni OBSERVATIONS IT is observed by such as are acquainted with matter of Government that there ought to be alwayes a proportion of quality between him that commandeth and them that obey for if a man of Sardanapalus condition should take upon him the charge of Marius army it were like to take no better effect then if Manlius had the leading of lascivious Cinaedes And as we may observe in oeconomicall policy a dissolute master may as soon command hair to grow on the palm of his hand as to make a vertuous servant but the respect of duty between such relatives doth likewise inferre the like respect of quality so in all sorts and conditions of command there must be sympathizing means to unite the diversity of the parts in the happy end of perfect Government In this new Empire which befell Vercingetorix we may observe a double proportion between him and his people The first of strength and ability and the other of quality and resemblance of affection upon the assurance of which proportion he grounded the austerity of his command For it appeareth that his first beginning was by perswasion and intreaty and would indure no direction but that which was guided by a loose and easy reine holding it neither safe nor seemly but rather a strain of extreme madnesse first to punish or threaten and then to want power to make good his judgements but being strengthened by authority from themselves and backed with an army able to controll their disobedience he then added punishment as the ensign of Magistracy and confirmed his power by rigorous commands which is as necessary a demonstration of a well-settled government as any circumstance belonging thereunto Touching the resemblance and proportion of their qualities it is manifestly shewed by the sequele of this history that every man desired to redeem the common liberty of their country in that measure of endeavour as was fitting so great a cause Amongst whom Vercingetorix being their chief Commander summae diligentiae as the story saith added summam severitatem to great diligence great severity as well assured that the greater part would approve his justice and condemn the uncertainty of doubtfull resolutions desiring no further service at their hands then that wherein himself would be the formost In imitation of Valerius Corvinus Factamea non dicta vos milites sequi volo nec disciplinam modo sed exemplum etiam à me petere I would have you O my Souldiers do as I do and not so much mind what I say and to take not your discipline only but your pattern also from me And therefore the party was like to be well upheld forasmuch as both the Prince and the people were so far ingaged in the matter intended as by the resemblance of an earnest desire might answer the measure of due proportion CHAP. IV. Caesar cometh into Gallia and by a device getteth to his army THese things being told Caesar in Italy assoon as he understood that the matters in the city were by the wisdome of Pompey brought into better state he took his journey into Gallia and being come thither he was much troubled how to get to his army For if he should send for the Legions into the Province he understood that they should be certainly fought withall by the way in his absence If he himself should go unto them he doubted how he might safely commit his person to any although they were such as were yet in peace In the mean time Lucterius of Cahors being sent against the Rutheni doth easily unite that State to the Arverni and proceeding further against the Nitiobriges and the Gabali he received hostages of both of them and having raised a great power he laboured to break into the Province and to make towards Narbo Which being known Caesar resolved by all means to put him by that purpose and went himself to Narbo At his coming he incouraged such as stood doubtfull or timorous and placed garrisons amongst the Rutheni the Volsci and about Narbo which were frontier places and near unto the enemy and commanded part of the forces which were in the Province together with those supplies which he had brought out of Italy to go against the Helvii which are adjoyning upon the Arverni Things being thus ordered Lucterius being now suppressed and removed holding it to be dangerous to enter among the garrisons he himself went towards the Helvii And albeit the hill Gebenna which divideth the Arverni from the Helvii by reason of the hard time of winter and the depth of the snow did hinder their passage yet by the industry of the souldier making way through snow of six foot deep they came into the confines of the Arverni who being suddenly and unawares suppressed little mistrusting an invasion over the hill Gebenna which incloseth them in as a wall and at that time of the year doth not afford a path to a single man alone he commanded the horsemen to scatter themselves far and near to make the enemy the more afraid These things being speedily carried to Vercingetorix all the Arverni full of fear and amazement flocked about him beseeching him to have a care of their State and not to suffer themselves to be sacked by the enemy especially now at this time when as all the war was transferred upon them Upon their instant intreaty he removed his camp out of the territories
abhorred the name of Peace and had not kept the laws either of treaty or truce for they had caused many simple men to be massacred and slain that were deceived by a shew of treaty And therefore it had befallen them as it happeneth for the most part to perverse and arrogant persons to seek and earnestly to desire that which a little before they had foolishly contemned Neither would he take the advantage of this their submission or of any other opportunity of time either to augment his power or to strengthen his party but he onely required that those Armies might be discharged which for many years together had been maintained against him For neither were those six Legions for any other cause sent into Spain nor the seventh inrolled there nor so many and so great Navies prepared nor such experienced and skilfull Commanders selected and appointed for none of these needed to keep Spain in quiet nothing hereof was prepared for the use and behoof of the Province which by reason of their long continuance of peace needed not any such assistance All these things were long ago provided in a readinesse against him New forms of government were made and ordained against him That one and the same man should be resident at the gates of Rome have the whole superintendency and direction of the City business and yet notwithstanding hold two warlike Provinces for so many years together being absent from both of them Against him and for his ruine were changed the ancient Rights and Customs of Magistracy in sending men at the end of their Pretorship or Consulship to the government of Provinces as was alwaies accustomed but in lieu of them were chosen some that were allowed and authorised by a few Against him the prerogative of age did nothing prevail but whosoever they were that in former wars had made good proof of their valour were now called out to command Armies To him onely was denied that which was granted to all other Generalls that when they had happily brought things to an end they might dismisse their Armie and return home with honour or at the least without dishonour All which things he notwithstanding both had and would suffer patiently neither did he now go about to take their Army from them and retain them in pay for himself which he might easily do but that they should not have means to make head against him And therefore as it was said before they should go out of the Provinces and discharge their Army if they did so he would hurt no man But that was the onely and last means of peace OBSERVATIONS THere is not any one vertue that can chalenge a greater measure of honour or hath more prerogative either amongst friends or enemies then fidelity For which cause it is that men are more strict in matters committed to their trust for the behoof of others then they can well be if the same things concerned themselves And yet neverthelesse there is a Quatenus in all endeavours and seemeth to be limited with such apparency as true affection may make of a good meaning and was the ground which Afranius took to move Caesar for a pardon Non esse aut ipsis aut militibus succensendum quod fidem erga Imperatorem Cn. Pompeium conservare voluerint sed satis jam fecisse officio satisque supplicii tulisse c. That he was not to be angry either with him or the souldiery for being faithfull to their Generall Cn. Pompeius but that now they had sufficiently done their duty and as throughly smarted for the same c. which he delivered in a stile suiting his fortune For as Cominaeus hath observed Men in fear give reverent and humble words and the tongue is ever conditioned to be the chiefest witnesse of our fortune On the other side Caesar produced nothing for his part but such wrongs as might seem valuable to make good those courses which he prosecuted As first injuries done by them and that in the highest degree of blame against his souldiers that went but to seek for peace Injuries done by their Generall in such a fashion as spared not to evert the fundamentall rights of the State to bring him to ruine and confusion Whereby he was moved to indeavour that which Nature tieth every man unto Propellere injuriam to repell an injury from himself and having brought it to these termes wherein it now stood he would give assurance to the world by the revenge he there took that he entred into that warre for his only end that he might live in peace and so required no more but that the Army should be dismissed CHAP. XXVIII The execution of the Articles agreed upon THe conditions propounded were most acceptable and pleasing to the souldiers as might appear by them for being in the condition of vanquished persons and thereupon expecting a hard measure of Fortune to be rewarded with liberty and exemption of Arms was more then they could expect insomuch as where there grew a controversy of the time and place of their dismission they all generally standing upon the rampier signified both by their speeches and by their hands that their desire was it might be done instantly for it could not be provided by any assurance that it would continue firm if it were deferred untill another time After some dispute on each side the matter was in the end brought to this issue that such as had houses and possessions in Spain should be discharged presently and the rest at the River Varus It was conditioned that no man should be injuried that no man should be forced against his will to be sworn under Caesar's command Caesar promised to furnish them with Corn untill they came to the river Varus adding withall that what soever any one had lost in the time of the warre which should be found with any of his souldiers should be restored to such as lost it and to his souldiers he paid the value thereof in money If any controversy afterward grew amongst the souldiers of their own accord they brought the matter from time to time before Caesar As when the Souldiers grew almost into a mutiny for want of pay the Commanders affirming the pay-day was not yet come Petreius and Afranius required that Caesar might understand the cause and both parties were contented with his arbitrement A third part of the Army being dismissed in those two dayes he commanded two of his legions to march before their Army and the rest to follow after and continually to incamp themselves not farre from them and appointed Q. Fusius Calenus a Legate to take the charge of that businesse This course being taken they marched out of Spain to the River Varus and there dismissed the rest of their army OBSERVATIONS THe River Varus divideth Gallia Narbonensis from Italy and was thought an indifferent place to discharge the Army whereby there might be an end made of that warre Wherein if any man
few daies labour re-edified and finished whereby there was no place left to practise deceit or to sallie out with advantage neither was there any means left by which they could prevail either by force of Armes to hurt our souldiers or by fire to consume our works and understanding likewise that by the same manner of fortification all that part of the town which had passage and accesse from the firm land might be encompassed with a wall and with towers that their souldiers should not be able to stand upon their works and perceiving withall that our Army had raised a counter-mure against the wall of their town and that weapons might be cast by hand unto them that the use of their Engines wherein they much trusted was by the nearness of space quite taken away and lastly that they were not able to confront our men upon equall terms from their walls and from their turrets they descended to the same Articles of rendry and submission as were formerly agreed upon THE FIRST OBSERVATION HEnce we may observe that a Generall cannot be too secure of an Enemie that stands upon terms to render up a place For the action being but voluntary by constraint if haply the constraining force be removed then that doth cease which is voluntary and so it cometh by consequent to a refusall As appeareth by this passage of the Marseillians who being brought into hard terms as well by their two overthrows at Sea whence they expected no further succour as also by the siege laid so close by land where they were so violently assaulted that their towers of defence made passage for the Romans to enter upon them did neverthelesse upon cessation of those inforcements alter their purpose and entertained new hopes which maketh good that saying Timâ—o Danaos dona ferentes I fear the Greeks even when they bring their gifts THE SECOND OBSERVATION SEcondly we may observe that a will forward to undergo labour doth never stick at any difficulty nor is at all dismaied with the losse of any pains but is rather redoubled in courage and industrie especially being edged on with a desire of revenge Which if Homer may have credit doth alwaies adde a third part to a mans strength as appeared by Diomedes being hurt in the shoulder with one of Pindarus arrows for revenge whereof he exceeded himself in a sesquiterce proportion of valour and slew more Trojans by a third part then otherwise he could Howsoever as there is nothing so hard but is subject to the endeavour of the mind so there is nothing so easie as to disposses our selves of that intent care which is requisite in these imployments For these Romans that through the greatness of their spirits had made such first and second works as the memorie thereof will last with the world were surprised when they lay in the Interim as it were unbent in as great remisness and neglect howsoever drawn unto it by deceit as if they had been able to do no such matter as is here reported And therefore it behoveth a Commander to keep his Armie alwaies seasoned with labour forasmuch as Exercitus labore proficit otio consenescit An army thrives by employment but grows old by idleness CHAP. VII Varro raiseth great troups to maintain Pompey's partie in Spain but to no purpose MArcus Varro in the further Province of Spain having from the beginning understood how things had passed in Italie and distrusting how matters would succeed with Pompey did oftentimes give out very friendly speeches of Casar That Pompey had by way of prevention gained him to his party and honoured him with a Lieutenancie whereby he was obliged in dutie to him howbeit in his particular disposition he stood no less affected to Caesar neither was he ignorant of the duty of a Legat to whose trust and fidelity the government of the Province was left as in deposito upon condition to be rendred up at all times and seasons as he that commanded in chief should require it He likewise knew very well what his own forces were and what was the affection and disposition of all the Countrey towards Câ—sar This was the subject of all his speeches without any shew of inclining either to the one or to the other But afterwards when he heard that Caesar was ingaged at Marscilles that Petreius forces were joined with Afranius Armie that great aides were come unto them that every man was in great hope and expectation of good successe and that all the hither Province had agreed together to undertake Pompey's cause as also what had after happened concerning the want of victualls at Ileâ—da all which things were writ with advantage unto him by Afranius he then upon that alteration changed his mind according to the times and levied souldiers in all parts of the Province and having raised two compleat legions he added unto them some thirty cohorts of the Countrey souldiers to serve for wings to the Army and gathered together great quantity of Corn as well for the supplie of the Marsâ—illians as for the provision of Petreius and Afranius Moreover he commanded them of Gades to build and provide ten Gallies and ordered further that many other should be made at Hispalis He took all the money and the ornaments out of Hercules temple and brought the same into the town of Gades and in lieu thereof sent six Cohorts out of the Province to keep the temple He made Caius Gallonius a Roman Knight and a familiar friend of Domitius and sent by him thither to recover some matter of inheritance Governour of the town All the Armies as well private as publick were brought into Gallonius house He himself made many bitter invectives against Caesar affirming in publick that Caesar had been severall times worsted and that a great number of the souldiers were revolted from him and were come to Afranius which he knew to be true by certain and approved Messengers The Roman Citizens residing in that Province being much perplexed and affrighted thereat were thereupon constrained to promise him 190 thousand Sesterces in ready money for the service of the Common-weale besides twenty thousand weight of silver together with one hundred and twenty thousand bushels of Wheat Upon those Cities and States which favoured Caesar's partie he laid greater impositions for such as had let fallen speeches or declared themselves against the Common-weale he confiscated all their goods and put a Garrison upon them giving judgement himself upon private persons and constraining all the Province to swear allegeance to him and to Pompey And being in the end advertised what had happened in the hither Province he prepared for war with a purpose to dispose thereof in this manner His resolution was to keep two legions with him at Gades with all the shipping and the Corn for knowing that the whole Province did intirely affect Caesar's Cause he thought it best and easiest for him having made good provision
that a Commander must expect to meet with times wherein his men will stand in danger of nothing so much as their own infirmity being troubled rather with strong apprehensions then for any danger of the thing feared CHAP. XII Curio disputeth the matter in a Councell of war FOr which causes a Councell of war being called they began to deliberate what course was to be taken I here were some opinions which thought that it was very expedient to assault and take Varus Camp for that there was nothing more dangerous then idlenesse for the breeding and increase of such imaginations as the souldiers had conceived Others said It were better to try the fortune of a battel and to free themselves by valourous endeavour rather then to be forsaken and abandoned of their own party and left to undergo most grievous and extreme torments There were others which thought it fit to return about the third watch of the night to Cornelius Camp that by interposing some respite of time the souldiers might be better settled and confirmed in their opinions and if any mischance further happened they might by reason of their store of shipping with more ease and safety return back to Sicily Curio misliking both the one and the other said That there wanted as much good resolution in the one opinion as abounded in the other for these entered into a consideration of a dishonourable unbeseeming flight and those were of an opinion to fight in an unequall and disadvantageous place For with what hope saith he can we assault a Camp so fortified both by Nature and Art Or what have we gained if with great losse and damage we shall go away and give it over As though things well and happily atchieved did not get to the Commander great good will from the souldier and things ill carried as much hate Concerning the removing of our Camp what doth it inferre but a shamefull retreat a despair in all men and an alienation of the Army For it is not fit to give occasion to the prudent and well-advised to imagine that they are distrusted nor on the other side to the ill-disposed that they are redoubted or feared and the rather because fear in this kind will give them more liberty to do ill and abate the endeavour of good men in well deserving And if saith he these things are well known unto us already that are spoken of the revolt and alienation of the Army which for mine own part I think either to be altogether false or at least lesse then in opinion they are thought to be is it not better to dissemble and hide them then that they should be strengthened and confirmed by us Ought we not as we do hide the wounds of our bodies to cover the inconveniences of an Army least we should minister hope or courage to the Adversarie But some there are that advise to set forward at midnight to the end as I imagine that such as are desirous to offend may perform it with more scope and licentiousnesse For such disorders are repressed and reformed either with shame or fear to both which the night is an enemy And therefore as I am not of that courage to think without hope or means that the Enemies Camp is to be assaulted so on the other side I am not so fearfull as to be wanting in that which is fitting but am rather of opinion that we try all things before we yield to that and do assure my self that for the most part we are all of one mind concerning this point OBSERVATIONS AS in matter of Geometry Rectum est Index sui obliqui a straight line manifesteth both it self and a crooked line being equall to all the parts of rectitude and unequall to obliquity so is it in reason and discourse For a direct and well-grounded speech carrieth such a native equality with all its parts as it doth not only approve it self to be levelled at that which is most fitting but sheweth also what is indirect and crooked concerning the same matter and is of that consequence in the variety of projects and opinions and so hardly hit upon in the lame discourse of common reason that Plato thought it a piece of divine power to direct a path free from the crookednesse of errour which might lead the straight and ready way to happy ends And the rather forasmuch as in matter of debate there are no words so weighty but do seem balanced with others of equall consideration as here it happened from those that pointing at the cause of this distemperature convicted Idlenesse for the Authour of their variable and unsettled minds and as Xenophon hath observed very hard to be endured in one man much worse in a whole family but no way sufferable in an Army which the Romans called Exercitus ab exercitio from exercise For remedy whereof they propounded labour without hope of gain and such service as could bring forth nothing but losse Others preferring security before all other courses as believing with Livie that Captains should never trust Fortune further then necessity constrained them perswaded a retreat to a place of safety but upon dishonourable tearms Which unevennesse of opinions Curio made straight by an excellent Maxime in this kind thinking it convenient to hold such a course as might neither give honest men cause of distrust nor wicked men to think they were feared For so he should be sure in good tearms of honour neither to discourage the better sort nor give occasion to the ill-affected to do worse And thus winding himself out of the labyrinth of words as knowing that to be true of Annius the Praetor that it more importeth occasions to do then to say being an easy matter to fit words to things unfolded resolved upon he brake up the Councell CHAP. XIII Curio calleth a generall assembly of the souldiers and speaketh unto them concerning their fear and retraction THe Councell being risen he gave order for a Convocation of the Army and there called to remembrance what they had done for Caesar at Confinium how by their favour and furtherance he had gained the greatest part of Italy to be on his side For by you saith he and by your endeavour all the rest of the Municipal towns were drawn to follow Caesar and there fore not without just cause did he at that time repose great assurance in your affections towards him and the adverse party conceived as great indignation spight against you For Pompey was not forced away by any battel but being prejudiced by your act he quitted Italy Caesar hath recommended me whom he held near unto himself together with the Provinces of Sicily and Africk without which he cannot defend the City and Italy to your trust and fidelity There are some which solicite and perswade you to revolt from my command for what can they wish or desire more then to make
first So he asked him What is he that is dead and buried there But straight fetching a great sigh Alas said he perhaps it is Pompey the Great Then he landed a little and was straight taken and slain This was the end of Pompey the Great Not long after Caesar also came into Aegypt that was in great wars where Pompey's head was presented unto him but he turned his head aside and would not see it and abhorred him that brought it as a detestable murtherer Then taking his Ring wherewith he sealed his Letters whereupon was graven a Lyon holding a sword he burst out a weeping Achillas and Photinus he put to death King Ptolemy himself also being overthrown in battell by the River of Nilus vanished away and was never heard of after Theodotus the Rhetorician escaped Caesar's hands and wandered up and down Aegypt in great misery despised of every man Afterwards Marcus Brutus who slew Caesar conquering Asia met with him by chance and putting him to all the torments he could possibly devise at the length slew him The ashes of Pompey's body were afterwards brought unto his wife Cornelia who buried them in a town of hers by the City of Alba. And having in this manner paid the tribute which the law of Nature doth exact the law of the Twelve Tables did free his Sepulchre from any further disturbance Ubi corpus demortui hominis condas sacer esto Let that place be sacred where the body of a dead man is buried Onely this may be added That as Fabius was called Maximus Scipio Magnus and Pompey Magnus which titles they carried as marks of speciall Nobleness to raise them above the common worth of men so their ends made them even with the lowest of the State According to that of Seneca Intervallis distinguimur exitu aquamur Here we are distinguished by distances but death makes us all equall CHAP. XXXVII Prodigious Accidents happening upon the Battell in Pharsalia Caesar cometh into Egypt CAesar coming into Asia found T. Ampius going about to take the money out of the Temple of Diana at Ephesus and for that cause to have called together all the Senatours that were in the Province that he might use them as witnesses in the matter But being interrupted by Caesar's arrivall he fled away So that two severall times the money was saved at Ephesus by Caesar's means It was further found very certain that in the Temple of Minerva at Elis a just calculation of the time being taken the same day that Caesar overthrew Pompey the Image of Victory which stood before Minerva and looked towards her pourtraiture did turn it self towards the Portall and the Temple-gate And the same day likewise there was such a noise of an Army twice heard at Antioch in Syria and such sounding of Trumpets that the City ran in Armes to keep the walls The like happened at Ptolemais And likewise at Pergamus in the remote and hidden places of the Temple which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into which it is not lawfull for any man to enter but the Priests were bells heard to ring Besides at Tralles in the Temple of Victory where they had set up a Statue to Caesar there was shewed a Palm-tree which in those daies was grown from between the joynts of the stones out of the pavement Caesar staying a few daies in Asia hearing that Pompey was seen at Cyprus and conjecturing he went into Aegypt for the amitie and correspondency he had with that Kingdome besides other opportunities of the place he came to Alexandria with two legions one that he commanded to follow him out of Thessaly and another which he had called out of Achaia from Fusius a Legate together with eight hundred horse ten Gallies of Rhodes and a few ships of Asia In these Legions were not above three thousand two hundred men the rest were either wounded in the sights or spent with travell and the length of the journey But Caesar trusting to the fame of his great exploits did not doubt to go with these weak forces thinking every place would entertain him with safety At Alexandria he understood of Pompey's death and as he was going out of the ship he heard a clamour of the souldâ—ers which the King had left to keep the town and saw a concourse of people gathered about him because the bundle of Rods was carried before him all the multitude crying out that the Kings authority was diminished This tumult being appeased there were often uproares and commotions of the people for every day after and many souldiers were slain in divers parts of the City Whereupon Caesar gave order for other Legions to be brought him out of Asia which he raised and inrolled of Pompey's souldiers He himself was staâ—ed by the winds called Etesiae which are against them that sail from Alexandria In the mean time forasmuch as he conceived that if the controversie between the King and his sister did appertain to the people of Rome then consequently to him as Consul and so much the rather it concerned his office for that in his former Consulship there was a league made by the decree of Senate with Ptolemey the Father in regard hereof he signified that his pleasure was that both the king and his sister Cleopatra should dismisse their Armies and rather plead their Cause before him then to decide it by Armes There was at that time one Photinus an Eunuch that had the administration of the kingdome during the minority of the Child He first began to complain among his friends to take it in scorn that the King should be called out to plead his Cause and afterwards having gotten some assistance of the Kings friends he drew the Army secretly from Pelusium to Alexandria and made Achillas formerly mentioned Generall of all the forces inciting him forward as well by his own promises as from the King and instructing him by Letters and Messengers what he would have done Ptolemey the Father by his last Wâ—ll and Testament had left for heirs the eldest of two sons and likewise the eldest of two daughters and for the confirmation thereof had in the same Will charged and required the people of Rome by all the gods by the league he made at Rome to see this accomplished For which purpose he sent a copy of his Will to Rome to be kept in the Treasury which by reason of the publick occasions that admitted no such business for the present were left with Pompey and the Originall signed and sealed up was brought to Alexandria While Caesar was handling these things being very desirous to end these controversies by arbitrement it was told him on a suddain that the Kings Army and all the Cavalry were come to Caesar's forces were not such that he durst trust upon them to hazard battell without the town onely it remained that he kept himself in such places as were most fit and convenient for him within
equall conditions which happened by reason of the narrowness of the passages and a few of each side being slain Caesar took in such places as were most convenient for him fortified them in the night In this quarter of the Town was contained a little part of the Kings house wherein he himself at his first arrivall was appointed to lodge and a Theatre joyned to the house which was in stead of a Castle and had a passage to the Port and to other parts of Road. The daies following he increased these fortifications to the end he might have them as a wall against the enemy and thereby need not fight against his will In the mean time the younger daughter of King Ptolemey hoping to obtain the Crown now in question found means to conveigh herself out of the Kings house to Achillas and both joyntly together undertook the managing of that war But presently there grew a controversy between them who should command in Chief which was the cause of great largess and rewards to the souldiers either of them being at great charges and expences to gain their good wills While the Enemy was busied in these things Photinus the Governour of the young King Superintendent of the kingdome on Caesar's party sent Messengers to Achillas exhorting him not to desist in the business or to be discouraged Upon the discovering and apprehension of which Messengers Caesar caused him to be slain And these were the beginnings of the Alexandrian war OBSERVATIONS PHarus is a little Iland in the Sea over against Alexandria in the midst whereof Ptolemy Philadelph built a tower of an exceeding height all of white Marble It contained many Stages and had in the top many great Lanterns to keep light in the night for a mark to such as were at Sea The Architector ingraved thereupon this inscription Sostrates Gâ—â—idius the son of Dexiphanes to the Gods Conservatours for the safety of Navigatours It was reckoned for one of the seven Wonders of the world The first whereof was the Temple of Diana at Ephesus The second was the Sepulchre which Artemisia Queen of Caria made for her Husband Mausolus whose ashes she drank The third was the Colossus of the Sunne at Rhodes The fourth was the Walls of Babylon The fifth was the Pyramides of Aegypt The sixth was the Image of Jupiter Olympius at Elis which was made by Phidias and contained threescore cubites in height and was all of Ivory and pure Gold And the seventh was this Pharus FINIS A CONTINUATION of the VVARRES in GALLIA Beginning where Caesar left and deducing the History to the time of the CIVILE WARRES Written by A. HIRTIUS PANSA VVith some short Observations thereupon Together with The MANNER of our MODERN TRAINING or TACTICK PRACTISE LONDON Printed by ROGER DANIEL 1655. THE EIGHTH COMMENTARY OF THE VVARRES IN GALLIA Written by AULUS HIRTIUS CHAP. I. The Galles raise new troubles in divers places Caesar scattereth and wasteth the Bituriges and after that the Carnutes AFter that all Gallia was subdued forasmuch as Caesar had rested no part of the former Summer from warre he was desirous to refiesh his Souldiers after so great pains taken the rest of the winter season when news was brought him that many States at the self-same time did lay their heads together again about warre and make conspiracies Whereof there was reported a very likely cause in that it was known to all the Galles that there could not any power so great be assembled into one place as should be able to withstand the Romans neither if many States at once made war in divers places at one instant could the army of the people of Rome have sufficient either of aid or of time or of men of warre to pursue all at once and there ought not any State to refuse the lot of their misfortune if by the respite thereof the rest might set themselves at liberty The which opinion to the intent it should not settle in the minds of the Galles Caesar leaving M. Antonius the Quaestor with charge of his winter garrisons went with a strong company of horsemen the last day of December from Bibracte to his twelfth Legion which he had placed not farre from the borders of the Hedui in the countrey of the Bituriges and taketh thereunto the eleventh Legion which was next unto it Leaving two Cohorts to defend his stuff and carriages he led the rest of his army into the most plentifull fields of the Bituriges the which being a large countrey and full of towns could not be kept in aw with the garrisoning of one Legion amongst them but that they prepared for warre and made conspiracies By the sudden coming of Caesar it came to passe which must needs happen to such as are unprovided and scattered abroad that such as were tilling the ground without fear were surprised in the fields by our horsemen before they could get them into the Towns For at that time the common token of invasion which is wont to be perceived by burning of houses was by Caesar's commandment forborn lest they should either want forrage and corn if they were minded to make any further rode into the countrey or else that their enemies for fear of the fires should convey themselves out of the way After that many thousands of men had been taken the Bituriges being sore afraid such of them as could escape out of the Romans hands at their first coming upon confidence either of the old acquaintance and familiarity that had been privately between them by reason of resorting as guests one to another or of their mutuall agreement and partaking in the same devices fled into the next cities but all was in vain For Caesar by great journeys came so suddenly upon all places that he gave not any city leasure to think of the safeguard of other folks rather then of themselves Through the which speed he both kept his friends faithfull unto him and put the wavering sort in such fear that he compelled them to be glad to receive peace The matter standing in this case when the Bituriges saw that through Caesar's gentlenesse there was yet a way for them to return into his favour again and that the next States had delivered him hostages and were thereupon received to mercy without further punishment they themselves did in like wise Caesar because his men had patiently endured so great travell in the winter dayes through most cumbersome wayes in intolerable cold weather and continued most resolutely in the same to the uttermost promised to give to his souldiers two hundred sesterces apiece and to the Captains 2000 apiece in the name of a prey so sending his Legions again into their wintering places he himself returned to Bibracte the fourtieth day after his setting forth There as he was ministring of Justice the Bituriges sent messengers unto him desiring help against the Carnutes whom they complained to make warre upon them Upon the receit of this news when he had not
Consulship which obtain'd he carried himself in it with that reputation that his Co-Consul Bibulus left all to his managery To maintain the authority he had got he himself took to wife Calpurnia the daughter of Lucius Piso who was to succeed him in the Consulate and bestowes his own Daughter Iulia on Pompey and so taking in Crassus they make a League and being equally ambitious conspire to invade the Common-wealth Caesar chuses for his Province the Galls or France Crassus Asia Pompey Spain whither they went with three puissant Armies as if the world had been to be trichotomiz'd among these three What Caesar did in his Province what Battels he fought what people he subdued what valour policy successe follow'd him every where may be seen in his own Commentaries of that war approv'd by his very enemies as modest and impartiall and attested by Cicero Plutarch Suetonius Appianus Alexandrinus Lucan Paulus Orosius Florus Eutropius too great a testimony against one censorious Asinius Pollio By this war Caesar got the reputation of the greatest Captain that ever was subduing all France from the Pyrenean hills to the Alps and so to the Rhene But to forbear particular instances as that he conquer'd the Suissers and Tigurins who were according to Plutarch 300000. men whereof 19000. were well disciplin'd this is most worth our remark that during these so great warres he omitted not both by intelligence and presents to endear his friends both at Rome and elsewhere doing many things without the Senate's leave upon the score of the League with Pompey and Crassus Nay his courting of all sorts of people both Souldier and Citizen was none of his least master-pieces by which means he had supplanted Pompey in matter of esteem before he perceiv'd it To this purpose hath Pliny observed Lib. 33. cap. 3. that in the time of his Aedility that is to say his Shrievedome he was so prodigall that all the Vtensills and armes that he made use of at publick sports and combats were all of silver which yet afterwards were bestow'd among the people and that he was the first that ever brought forth the beasts in chariots and cages of silver This it was made some suspect him guilty of rapine and that he plunder'd Temples and Cities saepius ob praedam quam ob delictum But this reputation of Caesar begat jealousy in Pompey which the tye of their correspondence being loos'd by the death of Iulia was easily seen to break forth into a flame especially now that Crassus the third man was together with divers stout Roman Legions buried with infamy in Parthia Thus the foundations of Friendship and Alliance in great ones being once taken away the superstructures fall down immediately Nothing could decide the emulation of two so great persons as Pompey and Caesar the one defying superiority the other equality but as great a war It could not but be universall when Senate Armies Kingdomes Cities Allies all were some way or other embarqu'd in the quarrell There was on one side 11. Legions on the other 18. The seat of the warre was Italy France Epirus Thessaly Aegypt Asia and Africk through all which after it had ravag'd 5. yeares the controversy was decided in Spain That Ambition the imperfection onely of the greatest minds might have been the occasion of so inveterate a warre hath been the opinion of divers others who charge not Pompey with so great discoveries of it as Caesar to whom they assign a greater then the Empire as if their mutuall distrust and jealousy of one another should be able to cause so many tragedies through so many Countries Besides Caesar had his Enemies at Rome and among others Cato who threatned to impeach him when he was once out of command What bandying there was against him we find somewhat in the later end of the eighth Commentary to this purpose Lentulus and Marcellus both of Pompey's Faction being Consuls it is mov'd in the Senate that Caesar might be call'd home and another sent to supply his command of the Army then in Gallia since that he having written for the Consulship should according to Law have been personally in Rome Caesar demands to be continued in Commission and Government and that he might demand the Consulship absent This Pompey opposes though he himself as much contrary to Law had had the Consulship and other dignities before he was at full Age. This deny'd Caesar proposes that he would come to Rome as a private man and give over his command so that Pompey quitted his employment in Spain About this the Senate was much divided Cicero proposes a mediation but Pompey's party prevailing it was decreed that Caesar should by a certain time quit his command and should not passe his Army over the River Rubicon which bounded his Province declaring him an enemy to the Roman State in case of refusall C. Curio and M. Antonius the Tribunes of the people out of their affection to Caesar endeavouring to oppose this decree were thrust disgracefully out of the Senate which occasion'd them to repair to Caesar whereby they endear'd the affections of the Souldiery to him the office of the Tribunes being ever held sacred and unviolable Caesar understanding how things stood at Rome marches with 5000. foot and 300. Horse to Ravenna having commanded the Legions to follow Coming to the fatall passage of Rubicon he entered into a deep deliberation considering the importance and miseries that might ensue that passage At last in the midst of his anxiety he was animated to a prosecution of his designes by the apparition of a man of an extraordinary stature and shape sitting near unto his army piping upon a reed The Souldiers went down to the River side to heare him and approach'd so near that he caught one of their trumpets and leaping into the River began with a mighty blast to sound and so went to the bank of the other side This resolves Caesar who cry'd out Let us go whither the Gods and the injurious dealings of our enemies call us With which he set spurs to his horse and past the River the army following Who would be more particularly inform'd may be satisfi'd out of Appianus Alexandrinus Suetonius Plutarch in the lives of Caesar Cato and Cicero St. Augustine l. 3. de c. d. Caesar himself in his Commentaries Florus Livy Paulus Orosius Eutropius Lucan Pliny de viris illustribus Valerius Maximus c. Having pass'd the River and drawn the Army together the Tribunes came to him in those dishonourable garments wherein they had fled from Rome Whereupon he made an excellent oration to the Souldiery opening to them his cause which was answer'd with generall acclamations and promises of duty and obedience to all commands This done he seizes Ariminum and divers other Towns and Castles as he past till he came to Corfinium where Domitius who was to succeed him in his command was garrison'd with 30. Cohorts Caesar's advance and intentions astonished Rome Senate and people nay
in the furthest parts of the nearer Province into the confines of the Vocontii a people of the further Prâ—vince from whence he led them into the territories of the Allobroges and so unto the Sabusians that are the first beyond the Rhone bordering upon the Province By that time the Helvetians had carried their forces through the straights and frontiers of the Sequans into the Dominions of the Heduans and began to forrage and pillage their Country Who finding themselves unable to make resistance sent Messengers to Caesar to require aid shewing their deserts to be such from time to time of the people of Rome that might challenge a greater respect then to have their Country spoiled their children led into captivity their townes assaulted and taken as it were in the sight of the Roman Army At the same instant likewise the Ambarri that had dependency and alliance with the Heduans advised Caesar that their Countrey was utterly wasted and they sâ—arce able to keep the Enemy from entring their townes In like manner also the Allobroges that had farmes and possessions beyond the Rhone fled directly to Caesar complaining that there was nothing left them but the soil of their Country With which advertisements Caesar was so moved that he thought it not convenient to linger further or expect untill the fortunes of their Allies were all wasted and that the Helvetians were come unto the Santonâ—s The river Arar that runneth through the confines of the Heduans and Sequans into the Rhone passeth away with such a stillnesse that by view of the eye it can hardly be discerned which way the water taketh This river did the Helvetians passe over by Flotes and bridges of boats When Caesar was advertised by his Discoverers that three parts of their forces were already past the water and that the fourth was left behind on this side the river about the third watch of the night he went out of the Camp with three legions and surprising that part which was not as yet got over the river slew a great part of them the rest fled into the next woods This part was the Tigurine Canton and the Helvetians being all parted into four divisions this Canton alone in the memory of our fathers slew L. Cassius the Consul and put his Army under the Yoke So whether it were by chaunce or the providence of the Gods that part of the Helvetian State which gave so great a blow to the Roman people was the first that did penance for the same Wherein Caesar took revenge not only of the publick but of his particular losse too forasmuch as the Tigurines had in that battel with Cassius slain L. Piso the Grandfather of L. Piso his father in law THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis defeat being chiefly a service of execution upon such as were taken at a dangerous disadvantage which men call unaware containeth these two advisoes First not to neglect that advantage which Sertorius by the hairs of his horse taile hath proved to be very important that beginning with a part it is a matter of no difficultie to overcome the whole Secondly it may serve for a caveat so to transport an Armie over a water where the enemie is within a reasonable march that no part may be so severed from the bodie of the Armie that advantage may thereby be taken to cut them off altogether and separate them from themselves The safest and most honourable way to transport an Armie over a river is by a bridge placing at each end sufficient troups of horse and foot to defend the Armie from suddain assaults as they passe over the water And thus went Caesar over the Rhene into Germanie two severall times THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the circumstance of time when Caesar went out of his Camp which is noted to be in the third watch we must understand that the Romans divided the whole night into four watches every watch containing three houres and these watches were distinguished by severall notes and sounds of Cornets or Trumpets that by the distinction and diversitie thereof it might easily be known what watch was founded The charge and office of sounding the watches belonged to the chiefest Centurion of a legion whom they called Primipilus or Primus Centurio at whose pavilion the Trumpeters attended to be directed by his houre-glasse The first watch began alwaies at sunne-setting and continued three houres I understand such houres as the night contained being divided into twelve for the Romans divided their night as well as their day into twelve equall spaces which they called houres the second watch continued untill midnight and then the third watch began and contained likewise three houres the fourth was equall to the rest and continued untill sunne-rising So that by this phrase de tertia vigilia we understand that Caesar went out of his Camp in the third watch which was after midnight and so we must conceive of the rest of the watches as often as we shall find them mentioned in historie Chap. V. Caesar passeth over the river Arar his horsemen incounter with the Helvetians and are put to the worse AFter this overthrow he caused a bridge to be made over the river Arar and carried over his Army to pursue the rest of the Helvetian forces The Helvetians much daunted at his suddain coming that had got over the river in one day which they could scarce do in twenty sent Embassadours unto him of whom Divico was chief that commanded the Helvetians in the warre against Cassius who dealt with Caesar to this effect That if the people of Rome would make peace with the Helvetians they would go into any part which Caesar should appoint them but if otherwise he would prosecute warre that he should remember the overthrow which the people of Rome received by their valour and not to attribute it to their own worth that they had surprized at unawares a part of their Army when such as had passed the river could not come to succour them They had learned of their forefathers to contend rather by valour then by craft and devices and therefore let him beware that the place wherein they now were did not get a Name or carie the marke to all future ages of an eminent calamity to the people of Rome and of the utter destruction of his Army To this Caesar answered That he made the lesse doubt of the successe of these businesses in that he well remembred and knew those things which the Helvetian Commissioners had related and was so much the rather grieved thereat because it happened without any cause or desert of the people of Rome who if he were guiltie of any wrong done unto them it were a matter of no difficultie to beware of their practices but therein was his errour that he could think of nothing which he had committed that might cause him to fear neither could he fear without occasion And if he would let passe former insolencies could he forget
those late and fresh injuries for that they had attempted to pass through the Province by force of Armes sacked and pillaged the Heduans Ambaâ—s and Allobrogians that did so insolently vaunt of their victorie admiring that these injuries were suffered so long time to rest unrevenged came all in the end to one passe For the immortall Gods were went sometimes to give happinesse and long impunitie to men that by the greater alteration of things the punishment should be the more grievous for their offences Howbeit if they would give Hostages for the performance of those things which were to be agreed upon and satisfie the Heduans and Allobrogians together with their Allies for the injuries they had done unto them he would be content to make peace with them Divico replied that they were taught by their Ancestours to take Hostages rather then to give them whereof the people of Rome were witnesses and thereupon departed The next day they removed the Camp and the like did Caesar sending all his horse before to the number of four thousand which he had raised in the Province and drawn from the Heduans and their Associates to understand which way the Enemy took who prosecuting the rereward overhotly were forced to undertake the Helvetian Cavalry in a place of disadvantage and thereby lost some few of their Company The enemy made proud with that encounter having with five hundred horse beaten so great a multitude did afterwards make head with more assurance and sometimes stuck not to â—ally out of the Rereward and assault our Partie Caesar kept back his men from fighting and held it enough for the present to keep the Enemy from spoiling and harrying the Country and went on for fifteen daies together in such manner as there were but five or six miles between the first troupes of our Armie and the Rereward of theirs OBSERVATION THis example of the Helvetians may lesson a Commaunder not to wax insolent upon every overthrow which the enemie taketh but duely to weigh the true causes of a victorie gotten or an overthrow taken that apprehending the right current of the action he may neither vaunt of a blind victorie nor be dismaâ—ed at a casuall mishap And herein let a heedfull warinesse so moderate the sequels of victorie in a triumphing spirit that the care and jealousie to keep still that sweet-sounding fame on foot may as farre surpasse the induâ—trie which he first used to obtain it as the continuance of happinesse doth exceed the beginning of good fortunes For such is the nature of our soul that although from her infancie even to the manhood of her age she never found want of that which she lusted after yet when she meeteth with a counterbuffe to check her appetite and restrain her affections from their satisfaction she is as much troubled in that want as if she had never received any contentment at all for our will to everie object which it seeketh after begetteth alwaies a new appetite which is not satisfied with a former quittance but either seeketh present paiment or returneth discontentment unto the mind And as our soul is of an everlasting being and cannot think of an end to her beginning so she seeketh a perpetuall continuance of such things as she lusteth after which he that meaneth to hold Fortune his friend will endeavour to maintain Chap. VI. Caesar sendeth to get the advantage of a hill and so to give the Helvetians battell but is put off by false intelligence The opportunitie being lost he intendeth provision of Corn. IN the mean time Caesar pressed the Heduans from day to day to bring in Corn according to their promise for by reason of the cold temperature of Gallia which lieth to the Northward it happened not only that the Corn was farre from being ripe but also that there was scarce forrage for the horses And the provisions which were brought along the river Arar stood him in small stead at that time forasmuch as the Helvetians had taken their journey clean from the River and he would by no means forsake them The Heduans putting it off from one day to another gave out still it was upon coming But when Caesar found the matter so long delayed and that the day of meting out Corn to the souldiers was at hand calling before him the chiefest Princes of the Heduans of whom he had great numbers in his Camp and amongst them Divitiacus and Liscus who for that time were the soveraign Magistrates which they call Vergobret being yearly created and having power of life and death he did greatly blame them that he was not supplied with Corn from them the Enemy being so near and in so needfull a time that it could neither be bought for money nor had out of the fields especially when for their sake and at their request he had undertook that warre Whereat he was the rather grieved because he found himself forsaken of them At length Liscus moved with Caesars speech discovered which before he had kept secret that there were some of great authority amongst the Commons and could do more being private persons then they could do being Magistrates These by sedicious and bad speeches did defer the people from bringing Corn shewing it better for them sith they could not attain to the Empire of Gallia to undergo the soveraigntie of the Galles then the Romans for they were not to doubt but if the Romans vanquished the Helvetians they would bereave the Heduans of their libertie with the rest of all Gallia By these men are our deliberations and counsels or whatsoever else is done in the Camp made known to the Enemy â—hat they were not able to keep them in obedience That he knew well withall what danger he fell into by acquainting Caesar with these things which was the cause he had kept them from him so long Caesar perceived that Dumnorix Divitiacus brother was shot at by this speech of Liscus but forasmuch as he would not have those things handled in the presence of so many he speedily braâ—e off the Councell retaining Liscus asked privately after those things which he had delivered in the Assembly whereunto he spake more freely and boldly then before And inquiring secretly of others he found it to be true that Dumnorix was of great courage singularly favoured for his liberality of the Common people desirous of novelties and changes and for many years had kept at a low rate the Taxes and Impositions of the Heduans forasmuch as no man durst contradict what he would have done By which courses he had increased his private estate and got great means to be liberall for a great number of horsemen did onely live upon his entertainment and were continually about him being not onely powerfull at home but abroad also amongst divers of the neighbour States and for this cause had married his Mother to a great Rich man and of a Noble house in the Countrey of the Bituriges himself had took a wife of
and twenty thousand With these the Hedui and their Clients had once or oftener fought but the successe sorted to their own calamity and the utter overthrow of their Nobility and Senate with which losses they were so broken and decayed that whereas heretofore as well by their own credit as by the favour of the people of Rome they struck a great stroke throughout all Gallia they were now driven to deliver the chiefest of their State as pledges to the Sequans and to bind themselves by oath never to seek their release or freedome nor to implore the aid of the people of Rome nor to seek means to free themselves from their soveraignty onely himself of all the Heduans could not be brought to take that oath or to give his children as hostages for which cause he fled to Rome and besought help of the Senate being no way obliged to the contrary either by oath or hostages But it so fell out that the victory became more grievous to the Sequans then to the Heduans for that Ariovistus king of the Germans was planted in their territories and being already possest of a third part of their Country which was the best part of all Gallia did now require the Sequans to forgo another third part for that a few months before there were come unto him twenty four thousand Harudes to whom lands and possessions were to be allotted Whereby it would come to passe within a few years that all the Galles would be driven out of their dwellings and all the Germans would come over the Rhene for there was no comparison between Gallia and Germany either in richnesse of soil or fashion of life Concerning Ariovistus after he had once defeated the Galles in a battel near Amagetobrig he carried himself very cruelly and insolently requiring the children of all the Nobility for hostages and shewing strange examples of torture upon them If any thing were done not according to his command or desire he would easily shew himself to be a barbarous fierce and hasty man whose tyranny they could no longer endure and unlesse there were help to be found in Caesar and the people of Rome all the Galles must as the Helvetians did forsake their Country and seek new houses and seats of habitation far remote from the Germans and try their fortunes whatever befell them If these things should haply be discovered to Ariovistus he would doubtlesse take a severe revenge of all the pledges in his custody Caesar might by his own authority or the presence of his Army or by the renown of his late victory or by the countenance of the people of Rome keep the Germans from transporting any more Colonies into Gallia and defend it from the injuries of Ariovistus This speech being delivered by Divitiacus all that were present with much weeping besought Caesar to give them relief Caesar observed that onely the Sequans of all the rest did no such matter or were so affected as the others were but with their heads hanging down looked mournfully upon the ground and wondering at it asked them the cause thereof To which they made no reply but stood silent with the same countenance of sorrow And having oftentimes iterated his demand without gaining any word of answer Divitiacus the Heduan replied that the state of the Sequans was herein more miserable and grievous then the rest that they of all others durst not complain or implore aid although it were in secret as having before their eyes the crueltie of Ariovistus being absent no lesse then if he were present And the rather for that other men had safe means of flying away but the Sequans having received Ariovistus into their Countrey and made him Master of their townes were necessarily to undergo all miseries These things being known Caesar incouraged the Galles with good words and promised them to have a care of that matter as having great hope that by his meanes and power Ariovistus should be forced to offer no further injuries And thereupon dismissed the Councell OBSERVATIONS IN this relation there are divers points worthily recommended to the discretion of such as are willing to be directed by other mens misadventures As first into what extremities ambition doth drive her thirsty favourites by suppressing the better faculties of the soul and setting such unbridled motions on foot as carry men headlong into most desperate attempts For as it had deserved commendation in either faction so to have carried their emulation that by their own means and strength applied to the rule of good government their authority might wholly have swayed the inclination of the weaker states so was it most odious in the Sequani to call in forraign forces to satisfy the appetite of their untempered humour and in the end they were accordingly rewarded Secondly it appeareth how dangerous a thing it is to make a stranger a stickler in a quarrel which civile dissension hath broached when the party that called him in shall not be as able to refuse his assistance upon occasion as he was willing to entertain it for advantage Lastly the often discontents of these States shew the force of a present evil which possesseth so vehemently the powers of the soul that any other calamity either already past or yet to come how great soever seemeth tolerable and easy in regard of that smart which the present grief inflicteth So the Sequani chose rather to captivate their liberty to the Barbarisme of a savage Nation then to indure the Hedui to take the hand of them And again to make themselves vassals to the Romans rather then indure the usurping cruelty of the Germans And finally as the sequele of the history will discover to hazard the losse of life and Country then to suffer the taxes and impositions of the Romans So predominant is the present evil in mens affections and so it prevaileth at the seat of our judgement Chap. XIII The reasons that moved Caesar to undertake this war MAny were the inducements which moved him to take that businesse to heart As first that the Heduans who were oftentimes stiled by the Senate with the title of Brethren Cousins and Allies were in the servitude and thraldome of the Germans and that their hostages were with Ariovistus and the Sequans which in so great a soveraignty of the people of Rome he took to be very dishonourable both to himself and the Commonweal As also for that he saw it very dangerous for the Roman Empire that the Germans should accustome by little and little to stock in such multitudes into Gallia Neither did he think he could moderate or restrain such fierce and barbarous people but that having possessed all the Continent of Gallia they would as the Cimbri and Teutons had done before break out into the Province and so into Italy especially the Sequans being divided from the Province but with the river Rhone These things he thought fit with all speed to prevent and the rather for that Ariovistus was grown
by the authority of his speech to restore reason to her former dignity and by discourse which fear had interrupted in them to put down a usurping passion which had so troubled the government of the soul recalling it to the mean of true resolution which was to moderate audacity with warinesse but not to choak valour with beastly cowardice for these Oratory inducing perswasions were not the least point of their discipline considering how they framed the inward habite of the mind being the fountain and beginning of all motion to give life and force to those actions which the severity of outward discipline commanded For as laws and constitutions of men inforce obedience of the body so reason and perswasions must win the souls consent according to that saying Homines duci volunt non cogi Chap. XVI Caesar his speech to the Army concerning this fear CAesar being informed of these things called a Councell of war admitting all the Centurions of what degrees or orders soever unto the same And being thus assembled he greatly blamed them First that any should be so inquisitive as to imagine to themselves whither upon what service they were carried Concerning Ariovistus he had in the time of Caesars Consulship most earnestly sued for the friendship of the people of Rome and why then should any man misdeem that he should so unadvisedly go back from his duty For his own part he was verily perswaded that if Ariovistus once knew his demands and understood the reasonable offers that he would make him he would not easily reject his friendship or the favour of the people of Rome But if he were so mad as to make war upon them why should they fear him or why should they despair either of their own prowesse or of Caesars diligence For if it came to that point the enemy that they were to encounter had been tried what he could do twice before first in the memory of their fathers when the Cambri and Teutonâ— were vanquished by Marius at what time the Army merited no lesse honour then the Generall and now of late again in Italy at the insurrection of the Bondmen who were not a little furthered through the practice and discipline they had learned of the Romans Whereby it might be discerned how good a thing it is to be constant and resolute insomuch as whom for a time they feared without cause being naked and unarmed the same men afterwards although well armed and Conquerers withall they nobly overcame And to be short these were no other Germans then those whom the Helvetians had vanquished in divers conflicts and not only in their own Country where the Helvetians dwelt themselves but also even at home at their own doors and yet the same Helvetians were not able to make their party good against our Armies If any man were moved at the flight and overthrow of the Galles upon inquiry he should find that being wearied with continuall wars after that Aâ—â—ovistus had for many months together kept himself within his Camp in a boggy and fenny Country and despairing of any occasion of battel he suddenly set upon them as they were dispersed and so overcame them rather by policy then by force Which although it took place against savage and unskilfull people yet was not Ariovistus so simple as to think that he could insnare our Armies with the like subtilties As for those that fained the cause of their fear to be the difficulty of provision of Corn and the dangerousnesse of the way they seemed very arrogant in their conceits in presuming to direct their Generall as if he had not known what pertained to his duty The Sequans and Lingons had undertook that charge besides that Corn was almost ripe every where in the fields and what the wayes were should shortly be seen Whereas it was given out that the souldiers would not obey his Mandates nor advance their Standards he little valued it for he was well assured that if an Army refused to be obedient to their Generall it was either because he was thought to be unfortunate in his enterprises or else for that he was notoriously convicted of Avarice but the whole course of his life should witnesse his innocency and the overthrow of the Helvetians his happinesse And therefore that which he was minded to have put off for a longer time he would now put in execution out of hand for the night following at the fourth watch he would dislodge from thence that without further delay he might understand whether shame and respect of their duty would prevail more with them then fear or cowardise And though he wist that no man else would follow him yet notwithstanding he would go with the tenth legion alone of whom he had no doubt or suspicion and would take them as a guard to his person Caesar had chiefly favoured this legion and put much trust in them for their valour Vpon the making of this speech the minds of all men were wonderfully changed for it bred in every one a great alacrity and desire to fight neither did the tenth legion forget to give him thanks by their Tribunes for the good opinion he had of them assuring him of their readinesse to set forward to the war And then likewise the rest of the legions made means by the Tribunes of the souldiers and Centurions of the first Orders to give Caesar satisfaction protesting they neither doubted nor feared nor gave any censure of the issue of that war but alwayes left it to the wisdome of the Generall Their satisfaction being taken and a view being made of the wayes by Divitiacus whom of all the Galles he best trusted and report being by him made that in fetching a compasse of fifty miles he might carry his Army in open and champain Countries in the fourth watch of the night according to his former saying he set forward THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the speech it self are presented many specialities both concerning their discipline and Military instructions which deserve examination amongst which I note first the extraordinary number admitted to the Councell Omnium ordinum ad id concilium adâ—ibitis Conturionibus whereas there were usually no more admitted to their councell of war but the Legates Questor Tribunes and the Centurions of the first Orders which I understand to be the first Hastate the first Priâ—â—eps and the first Piluâ—â— of every legion And this is manifestly proved out of the fiâ—th Commentary where Cicero was besieged by Ambiorix in which amongst other there were two valiant Centurions Puisio and Varenus between whom there was every year great emulation for place of preferment jam primis ordâ—â—bus 〈…〉 saith Caesar that is they had passed by degrees through the lower orders of the legion and were very near the dignity of the first cohort wherein as in all the rest there were three maniples and in every maniple two orders THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe first motive which he useth to recall
to make it more plain of many examples I will only alledge two the one out of Livie to prove that the Roman horsemen were not comparable for service to footmen the other out of Hirtius to shew the same effect against strangers Numidian horsemen In the Consulships of L. Valerius and Marcus Horatius Valerius having fortunately overthrown the Equi and the Volsci Horatius proceeded with as great courage in the war against the Sabines wherein it happened that in the day of battell the Sabines reserved two thousand of their men to give a fresh assault upon the left Cornet of the Romans as they were in conflict which took such effect that the legionary footmen of that Cornet were forced to retreat Which the Roman horsemen being in number six hundred perceiving and not being able with their horse to make head against the enemy they presently forsook their horses and made hast to make good the place on foot wherein they carried themselves so valiantly that in a moment of time they gave the like advantage to their footmen against the Sabines and then betook themselves again to their horses to pursue the enemy in chase as they fled For the second point the Numidians as Caesar witnesseth were the best horsemen that ever he met with and used the same Art as the Germans did mingling among them light-armed footmen And Ambuscado of these Numidians charging the legions upon a suddain the history saith that primo impetu legionis Equitatus levis armatura hostium nullo negotio loco pulsa dejecta est de colle And as they sometimes retired and sometimes charged upon the rereward of the Army according to the manner of the Numidian fight the history saith Caesariani interim non amplius tres ant quatuor milites veterani si se convertissent pila viribus contortain Numidas infestos conâ—ecissent amplius duorum millium ad unum terga vertebant So that to free himself of this inconvenience he took his horsemen out of the rereward and placed his legions there ita vim hostium per legionarium militem commodius sustinebat And ever as he marched he caused three hundred souldiers of every legion to be free and without burthen that they might be ready upon all occasions Quos in Equitatum Labieâ— immisit Tum Labienus conversis equis signorum conspectu perterritus turpissime contendit fugere multis ejus occisis compluribus vulneratis milites legionarii ad sua se recipiunt signa atque iter inceptum ire coeperunt I alledge the very words of the history to take away all suspicion of falsifying or wresting any thing to an affected opinion If any man will look into the reason of this disparity he shall find it to be chiefly the work of the Roman pile an unresistable weapon and the terrour of horsemen especially when they were cast with the advantage of the place and fell so thick that there was no means to avoid them But to make it plain that any light-armed footmen could better make head against a troup of horse then the Cavalrie of their own partie although they bear but the same weapons let us consider how nimble and ready they were that fought on foot either to take an advantage or to shun and avoid any danger casting their darts with far greater strength and more certainty then the horsemen could do For as the force of all the engines of old time as the Balistae Catapultae and Tolenones proceeded from that stability and resting Centre which nature affordeth as the only strength and life of the engine so what force soever a man maketh must principally proceed from that firmnesse and stay which Nature by the earth or some other unmoveable rest giveth to the body from whence it taketh more or lesse strength according to the violence which it performeth as he that lifteth up a weight from the ground by so much treadeth heavier upon the earth by how much the thing is heavier then his body The footmen therefore having a surer stay to counterpoize their forced motion then the horsemen had cast their darts with greater violence and consequently with more certainty Chap. XVIII Caesar preventeth Ariovistus of his purpose by making two Camps WHen Caesar perceived that Ariovistus meant nothing lesse then to fight but kept himself within his Camp least peradventure he should intercept the Sequans and other of his Associates as they came with convoies of Corn to the Romans beyond that place wherein the Germans aboad about six hundred paces from their Camp he chose a ground meet to incamp in and marching thither in three battells commanded two of them to stand ready in Armes and the third to fortify the Camp Ariovistus sent sixteen thousand foot and all his horse to interrupt the souldiers and hinder the intrenchment Notwithstanding Caesar as he had before determined caused two battells to withstand the enemy and the third to go through with the work which being ended he left there two legions and part of the associate forces and led the other four legions back again into the greater Camp The next day Caesar according to his custome brought his whole power out of both his Camps marching a little from the greater Camp he put his men in array and profered battell to the enemy but perceiving that Ariovistus would not stirre out of his trenches about noon he conveighed his Army into their severall Camps Then at length Ariovistus sent part of his forces to assault the lesser Camp The incounter continued very sharp on both parts untill the evening and at sun-setting after many wounds given and taken Ariovistus conveighed his Army again into their Camp And as Caesar made inquiry of the captives what the reason was that Ariovistus refused battell he found this to be the cause The Germans had a custome that the women should by casting of Lots and Southsaying declare whether it were for their behoof to fight or no and that they found by their Art the Germans could not get the victory if they fought before the new Moon THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe what especiall importance this manner of incamping carried in that absolute discipline which the Romans observed and by which they conquered so many Nations for besides the safety which it afforded their own troups it served for a hold well-fenced and manned or as it were a strong fortified town in any part of the field where they saw advantage and as oft as they thought it expedient either to fortifie themselves or impeach the enemy by cutting off his passages hindering his attempts blocking up his Camp besides many other advantages all averring the saying of Domitius Corbulo dolabra vincendum esse hostem a thing long time neglected but of late happily renewed by the Commanders of such forces as serve the States in the United Provinces of Belgia whom time and practise of the warres hath taught to entertain the use of the spade and
his due and proper composition What then is the cause that the Romans do overcome and that those that do use the phalanx are voyd of the hope of victory Even from hence that the Roman Armies have infinite commodities both of places and of times to fight in But the phalanx hath onely one time one place and one kind whereto it may profitably apply it self so that if it were of necessity that their enemy should encounter them at that instant especially with their whole forces it were questionlesse not only not without danger but in all probability likely that the phalanx should ever carry away the better But if that may be avoyded which is easily done shall not that disposition then be utterly unprofitable and free from all terrour And it is farther evident that the phalanx must necessarily have plain and champain places without any hinderances or impediments as ditches uneven places vallies little hils and rivers for all these may hinder and disjoyn it And it is almost impossible to have a Plain of the capacity of twenty stadia much lesse more where there shall be found none of these impediments But suppose there be found such places as are proper for the phalanx if the Enemy refuse to come unto them and in the mean time spoil and sack the Cities and country round about what commodity or profit shall arise by any Army so ordered for if it remain in such places as hath been before spoken of it can neither relieve their friends nor preserve themselves For the convoies which they expect from their friends are easily cut off by the Enemy whiles they remain in those open places And if it happen at any time that they leave them upon any enterprise they are then exposed to the Enemy But suppose that the Roman Army should find the phalanx in such places yet would it not adventure it self in grosse at one instant but would by little and little retire it self as doth plainly appear by their usuall practice For there must not be a conjectur of these things by my words only but especially by that which they do For they do not so equally frame their battel that they do assault the Enemy altogether making as it werebut one front but part make a stand and part charge the Enemy that if at any time the Phalanx do presse them that come to assault them and be repelled the force of their order is dissolved For whether they pursue those that retire or fly from those that do assault them these do disjoyn themselves from part of their Army by which meanes there is a gap opened to their Enemies standing and attending their opportunity so that now they need not any more to charge them in the front where the force of the phalanx consisteth but to assault where the breach is made both behind and upon the sides But if at any time the Roman Army may keep his due propriety and disposition the phalanx by the disadvantage of the place being not able to do the like doth it not then manifestly demonstrate the difference to be great between the goodnesse of their disposition and the disposition of the phalanx To this may be added the necessities imposed upon an Army which is to march through places of all natures to encamp themselves to possesse places of advantage to besiege and to be besieged and also contrary to expectation sometimes to come in view of the Enemy For all these occasions necessarily accompany an Army and oftentimes are the especiall causes of victory to which the Macedonian phalanx is no way fit or convenient forasmuch as neither in their generall order nor in their particular disposition without a convenient place they are able to effect any thing of moment but the Roman Army is apt for all these purposes For every souldier amongst them being once armed and ready to fight refuseth no place time nor occasion keeping alwayes the same order whether he fight together with the whole body of the Army or particularly by himself man to man And hence it happeneth that as the commodity of their disposition is advantageous so the end doth answer the expectation These things I thought to speak of at large because many of the Graecians are of an opinion that the Macedonians are not to be overcome And again many wondered how the Macedonian phalanx should be put to the worse by the Roman Army considering the nature of their weapons Thus far goeth Polybius in comparing the weapons and embattelling of the Romans with the use of Arms amonst the Macedonians wherein we see the Pike truly and exactly ordered according as the wise Gracians could best proportion it with that form of battel which might give most advantage to the use thereof so that if our squadrons of Pikes jump not with the perfect manner of a phalanx as we see they do not they fall so much short of that strength which the wisdome of the Grecians and the experience of other nations imputed unto it But suppose we could allow it that disposition in the course of our warres which the nature of the weapon doth require yet forasmuch as by the authority of Polybius the said manner of imbattelling is tied to such dangerous circumstances of one time one place and one kind of fight I hold it not so profitable a weapon as the practice of our times doth seem to make it especially in woody countries such as Ireland is where the use is cut off by such inconveniences as are noted to hinder the managing thereof And doubtlesse if our Commanders did but consider of the incongruity of the Pike and Ireland they would not proportion so great a number of them in every company as there is for commonly half the company are Pikes which is as much as to say in the practice of our wars that half the Army hath neither offensive nor defensive weapons but onely against a troup of horse For they seldome or never come to the push of pike with the foot companies where they may charge and offend the enemy and for defence if the enemy think it not safe to buckle with them at hand but maketh more advantage to play upon them afarre off with shot it affordeth small safety to shake a long pike at them and stand fair in the mean time to entertain a volley of shot with the body of their battalion As I make no question but the pike in some services is profitable as behind a rampier or at a breach so I assure my self there are weapons if they were put to triall that would countervail the pike even in those services wherein it is thought most profitable Concerning the Target we see it take the hand in the judgement of Polybius of all other weapons whatsoever as well in regard of the divers and sundry sorts of imbattelling as the quality of the place wheresoever for their use was as effectuall in small bodies and centuries as in grosse troups and great
and all that they had to Caesars mercy desiring one thing of him earnestly which was that if his goodnesse and clemency which they had heard so high praises of had determined to save their lives he would not take away their Arms from them forasmuch as all their neighbours were enemies unto them and envied at their valour neither were they able to defend themselves if they should deliver up their Armour so that they had rather suffer any inconvenience by the people of Rome then to be butcherly murthered by them whom in former time they had held subject to their command To this Caesar answered that he would save the City rather of his own custome then for any desert of theirs so that they yielded before the Ram touched the wall but no condition of remedy should be accepted without present delivery of their Armes for he would do by them as he had done by the Nervii and give commandment to their neighbours that they should offer no wrong to such as had commended their safety to the people of Rome This answer being returned to the City they seemed contented to do whatsoever he commanded them and thereupon casting a great part of their Armour over the wall into the ditch insomuch as they fill'd it almost to the top of the rampier and yet as afterward was known concealing the third part they set open the gates and for that day carried themselves peaceably Towards night Caesar commanded the gates to be shut and the souldiers to be drawn out of the town least in the night the townsmen should be any way injured by them But the Aduatici having consulted together before forasmuch as they believed that upon their submission the Romans would either set no watch at all or at the least keep it very carelesly partly with such Armour as they had retained and partly with targets made of bark or wrought of wicker which upon the suddain they had covered over with Leather about the third watch where the ascent to our fortifications was easiest they issued suddainly out of the town with all their power but signification thereof being presently given by fires as Caesar had commanded the Romans hasted speedily to that place The Enemy fought very desperately as men in the last hope of their welfare incountering the Romans in a place of disadvantage all their hopes now lying upon their valour at length with the slaughter of four thousand the rest were driven back into the town The next day when Caesar came to break open the gates and found no man at defence he sent in the souldiers and sold all the people and spoil of the town the number of persons in the town amounted to fifty three thousand bondslaves THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the surprise attempted by the Belgae upon Bibract I set down the manner which both the Galles and the Romans used in their sudden surprising of a town whereof if they failed the place importing any advantage in the course of war they then prepared for the siege in that manner as Caesar hath described in this place They invironed the town about with a ditch and a rampier and fortified the said rampier with many Castles and Fortresses erected in a convenient distance one from another and so they kept the town from any forreign succour or reliefe and withall secured themselves from sallies or other stratagems which the townsmen might practice against them And this manner of siege was called circumvallatio the particular description whereof I referre unto the history of Alesia where I will handle it according to the particulars there set down by Caesar THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Ram which Caesar here mentioneth was of greatest note amongst all the Roman Engines and held that place which the Canon hath in our wars Vitruvius doth attribute the invention thereof to the Carthaginians who at the taking of Cadiz wanting a fit instrument to raze and overthrow a Castle they took a long beam or timber-tree and bearing it upon their armes and shoulders with the one end thereof they first brake down the uppermost rank of stones and so descending by degrees they overthrew the whole tower The Romans had two sorts of Rams the one was rude and plain the other artificiall and compound the first is that which the Carthaginians used at Cadiz and is pourtrayed in the column of Traâ—an at Rome The compound Ram is thus described by Josephus A Ram saith he is a mighty great beam like unto the mast of a ship and is strengthened at one end with a head of iron fashioned like unto a Ram and thereof it took the name This Ram is hanged by the midst with ropes unto another beam which lieth crosse a couple of pillars and hanging thus equally balanced it is by force of men thrust forwar and recoild backward and so beateth upon the wall with his iron head neither is there any tower so strong or wall so broad that is able to stand before it The length of this Ram was of a large scantling for Plutarch affirmeth that Antony in the Parthian war had a Ram fourescore foot long And Vitruvius saith that the length of a Ram was usually one hundred and six and sometimes one hundred and twenty and this length gave great strength and force to the engine It was managed at one time with a whole Century or order of souldiers and their forces being spent they were seconded with another Century and so the Ram played continually upon the wall without intermission Josephus saith that Titus at the siege of Jerusalem had a ram for every legion It was oftentimes covered with a Vine that the men that managed it might be in more safety It appeareth by this place that if a town had continued out untill the ram had touched the wall they could not presume of any acceptation of rendry forasmuch as by their obstinacy they had brought in perill the lives of their enemies and were subdued by force of Armes which affordeth such mercy as the Victor pleaseth THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe Aduatici as it seemeth were not ignorant of the small security which one State can give unto another that commendeth their safety to be protected by it for as Architas the Pythagorean saith A body a Family and an Army are then well governed when they contain within themselves the causes of their safety so we must not look for any security in a State when their safety dependeth upon a forreign protection For the old saying is that Neque murus neque amicus quisquam teget quem propria arma non texere Neither wals nor friends will save him whom his own weapons do not defend Although in this case the matter was well qualified by the majesty of the Roman Empire and the late victories in the continent of Gallia whereof the Hedui with their associates were very gainful witnesses but amongst kingdomes that are better suted with equality of strength and
otherwise to seek their safety by flight Which tumult and fear was no sooner perceived by the Roman souldiers but calling to mind their perfidious treachery they brake into the Camp and were at first a little resisted In the mean time the women and children for they had brought all they had over the Rhene fled every one away which Caesar perceiving sent his horsemen to pursue them The Germans hearing the clamour and scrâ—echings behind their backs and seeing their friends pursued and slain did cast away their weapons forsake their ensigns and fled out of the Camp and coming to the confluence of the Mase and the Rhene such as had escaped cast themselves into the river where what through fear wearinesse and the force of the water they were all drowned In this conflict the Romans lost not a man The number of the enemy was 430000 with women and children To them whom he had retained in his Camp he gave leave to depart but they fearing the cruelty of the Galles for the mischief they had done them desired that they might continue with the Romans which Caesar agreed unto OBSERVATION THis relation affordeth little matter of war but only a severe revenge of hatefull treachery notwithstanding I will hence take occasion to discover the offices of the Quaestor and the Legates and shew what place they had in the Army And first concerning the Quaestor we are to understand that he was elected by the common voice of the people in the same Court which was called to create the Generall His office was to take charge of the publick treasure whether it came out of their Aâ—rarium for the pay of the Army or otherwise was taken from the enemy Of him the souldiers received their stipend both in corn and money and what other booties were taken from the enemy he either kept them or sold them for the use of the Commonweal The Legates were not chosen by the people but appointed by the Senate as Assistants and Coadjutoâ—s to the Emperour for the publick service and were altogether directed by the Generall in whose absence they had the absolute command and their number was for the most part uncertain but proportioned according to the number of legions in the Army CHAP. VI. Caesar maketh a bridge upon the Rhene and carrieth his Army over into Germany THe German war being thus ended Caesar thought it necessary to transport his Army over the Rhene into the Continent of Germany for many causes whereof this was not the least that seeing the Germans were so easily perswaded to bring their Colonies and their vagrant multitudes into Gallia he thought good to make known unto them that the Roman people could at their pleasure carry their forces over the Rhene into Germany Moreover those troups of horse which were absent at the late overthrow of the Germans being gone as I said before for spoil and provision over the Mosa after they saw their friends overthrown were fled into the confines of the Sicambri and joyned with them To whom when Caesar sent Messengers to demand them to be sent unto him they answered that the Roman Empire was limited by the Rhene and if the Germans were interdicted Gallia why should Caesar challenge any authority in their quarters Lastly the Ubii who amongst all the rest of the Germans had only accepted of Caesars friendship and given pledges of their fidelity had made earnest sute unto him to send them aid against the Suevi or at the least to transport his Army over the Rhene that would serve their turns that would be help and incouragement enough to them for the name and opinion of the Roman Army was so great and of such fame what with Ariovistus overthrow and this last service that it sounded honourable amongst the farthest Nations of Germany so that it was the greatest safety to have them their friends For these reasons Caesar resolved to passe the Rhene but to carry his Army over by boat was neither safe nor for his own honour nor the majesty of the people of Rome And albeit it seemed a matter of great difficulty by reason of the breadth swiftnesse and depth of the river to make a bridge yet he resolved to try what he could do otherwise he determined not to passe over at all And so he built a bridge after this manner At two foot distance he placed two trees of a foot and halfe square sharpened at the lower end and cut answerable to the depth of the river these he let down into the water with engines and drove them in with commanders not perpendicularly after the fashion of a pile but gablewise and bending with the course of the water opposite unto these he placed two other trees joyned together after the same fashion being forty foot distant from the former by the dimension between their lower parts in the bottome of the water and reclining against the course of the river These two pair of couples thus placed he joyned together with a beam of two foot square equall to the distance between the said couples and fastened them at each end on either side of the couples with braces and pins whereby the strength of the work and nature of the frame was such that the greater the violence of the stream was and the faster it fell upon the timber-work the stronger the bridge was united in the couplings and joynts In like manner he proceeded with couples and beams untill the work was brought unto the other side of the river and then he laid straight planks from beam to beam and covered them with hurdles and so he made a floor to the bridge Moreover on the lower side of the bridge he drove down supporters which being fastened to the timber-work did strengthen the bridge against the force of the water and on the upper side of the bridge at a reasonable distance he placed piles to hinder the force of trees or boats or what else the enemy might cast down to trouble the work or hurt the bridge Within ten dayes that the timber began to be cut down and carried the work was ended and the Army transported Caesar leaving a strong garison at either end of the bridge went into the confines of the Sicambri In the mean time Embassadours came to him from many cities desiring peace and the friendship of the Romans whom Caesar answered courteously and required hostages of their fidelity OBSERVATION IT shall not be amisse to enter a little into the consideration of this bridge as well in regard of the ingenious Architecture thereof as also that we may somewhat imitate Caesar whom we may observe to insist with as great plenty of wit and elâ—quence in presenting unto us the subtilty of his invention in such manner of handy-works as upon any other part of his actions as this particular description of the bridge may sufficiently witnesse besides the fortifications at Alesia and the intrenchments in Britany for the safety of his shipping with many
Imperator upon a due and full victory CHAP. XI The Britans make peace with Caesar but break it again upon the losse of the Roman shipping THe Britans being overthrown in this battel assoon as they had recovered their safety by flighâ— they presently dispatched messengers to Caesar to intreat for peace promising hostages and obedience in whatsoever he commanded And with these Ambassadours returned Comius of Arras whom Caesar had sent before into Britany and whom the Britans at his first landing with Caesars mandates had seized upon and thrown into prison but after the battel they released him and becoming now suitours for peace threw all the blame thereof upon the multitude excusing themselves as ignorant of it and so desiring to be pardoned Caesar complained that whereas they sent unto him into Gallia to desire peace notwithstanding at his coming they made war against him without any cause or reason at all but excusing it by their ignorance he commanded hostages to be delivered unto him which they presently performed in part and the rest being to be set further off they promised should likewise be rendered within a short time In the mean while they commanded their people to return to their possessions and their Rulers and Princes came out of all quarters to commend themselves and their States to Caesar The peace being thus concluded four dayes after that Caesar came into Britany the eighteen ships which were appointed for the horsemen put out to sea with a gentle wind and approching so near the coast of Britany that they were within view of the Roman Camp there arose such a sudden tempest that none of them were able to hold their course but some of them returned to the port from whence they came other some were cast upon the lower part of the Island which lieth to the West-ward and there casting anchour took in so much water that they were forced to commit themselves again to the sea and direct their course to the coast of Gallia The same night it happened that the moon being in the full the tides were very high in those seas whereof the Romans being altogether ignorant both the Gallies that transported the army which were drawn up upon the shore were filled with the tide and the ships of burthen that lay at anchour were shaken with the tempest Neither was there any help to be given unto them so that many of them were rent and split in pieces and the rest lost both their anchours cables and other tackling and by that means became altogether unserviceable Where at the whole Army was exceedingly troubled for there was no other shipping to recarry them back again neither had they any necessaries to new furnish the old and every man knew that they must needs winter in Gallia forasmuch as there was no provision of corning those places where they were Which thing being known to the Princes of Britany that were assembled to conferre of such things as Caesar had commanded them to perform when they understood that the Romans wanted both their horsemen shipping and provision of corn and conjecturing of the paucity of their forces by the small circuit of their Camp that which made it of lesse compasse then usual being that Caâ—sar had transported his souldiers without such necessary carriages as they used to take with them they thought it their best course to rebell and to keep the Romans from corn and convoyes of provision and so prolong the matter untill winter came on For they thought that if these were once overthrown and cut off from returning into Gallia never any man would afterward adventure to bring an Army into Britany Therefore they conspired again the second time and conveyed themselves by stealth out of the Camp and got their men privily out of the fields to make head in some convenient place against the Romans THE FIRST OBSERVATION COncerning the ebbing and flowing of the sea and the causes thereof it hath already been handled in the second book to which I will add thus much as may serve to shew how the Romans became so ignorant of the spring-tides which happen in the full and new of the Moon It is observed by experience that the motion of this watery element is altogether directed by the course of the moon wherein she exerciseth her regency according as she findeth the matter qualified for her influence And forasmuch as all mediterranean seas and such gulfs as are inclosed in sinâ—es and bosomes of the earth are both abridged of the liberty of their course and through the smallnesse of their quantity are not so capable of celestiall power as the Ocean it self it consequently followeth that the Tuscan seas wherewith the Romans were chiefly acquainted were not so answerable in effect to the operation of the moon as the main sea whose bounds are ranged in a more spacious circuit and through the plentious abundance of his parts better answereth the vertue of the Moon The Ocean therefore being thus obedient to the course of the celestiall bodies taking her course of slowing from the North falleth with such a current between the Orcades and the main of Norvegia that she filleth our channel between England and France with great swelling tides and maketh her motion more eminent in these quarters then in any other parts of the world And hence it happeneth that our river of Thames lying with her mouth so ready to receive the tide as it cometh and having withall a plain levelled belly and a very small fresh current taketh the tide as far into the land as any other known river of Europe And for this cause the Romans were ignorant of the spring-tides in the full of the moon THE SECOND OBSERVATION SUch as either by their own experience or otherwise by observation of that which history recordeth are acquainted with the government of Commonweals are not ignorant with what difficulty a nation that either hath long lived in liberty or been governed by Commanders of their own chusing is made subject to the yoak of bondage or reduced under the obedience of a stranger For as we are apt by a naturall inclination to civile society so by the same nature we desire a free disposition of our selves and possessions as the chiefest end of the said society and therefore in the government of a subdued State what losse or disadvantage happeneth to the Victour or how indirectly soever it concerneth the bond of their thraldome the captive people behold it as a part of their adversaries overthrow and conceive thereupon such spirits as answer the greatnesse of their hope and sort with the strength of their will which alwayes maketh that seem easy to be effected which it desireth And this was the reason that the Britans altered their resolution of peace upon the losse which the Romans had received in their shipping CHAP. XII Caesar new triâ—ameth his late shaken navy the Britans set upon the Romans as they harvested but were put off by Caesar
which is stirred up by an eagernesse to fight this a Generall should not crush but cherish So that it was not without cause that in old times they had a custome that the whole army should make a noise and raise a generall shout whereby they supposed as the enemies were affrighted so their own men were incouraged Two contrary effects proceeding from a cause which to common sense carrieth no shew of any such efficacy Vox praeterea nihil a bare voice and nothing more as one said of the Nightingale in another sense But such as do seriously look into the reasons thereof shall find the saying true which is ascribed to the elder and wiser Cato Verba plus quam gladium voces quam manum hostes territare in fugam vertere Words will do more then Swords and Voices sooner then Hands may affright the enemy and put him to flight The ear as I have already noted will sooner betray the soul to the distresse of fear then any other of the five senses Which Josephus well understood although peradventure he applyed not so fit a remedy when he commanded his men to stop their ears at the acclamations of the Roman legions lest they might be daunted and amazed thereat The reason may be for that our discourse diligently attending upon a matter of that consequence which calleth the lives of both parties in question and valuing every circumstance at the utmost doth alwayes presuppose a cause answerable to such an effect of joy and assurance For these shouts and acclamations are properly the consequents of joy and are so availeable that they deceive both parties for such as take up the shout by way of anticipation do seem to conclude of that which is yet in question and the enemy thereupon apprehendeth danger when there is none at all whereby it happeneth Hostes terreri suos incitari that the enemies are affrighted and our own men encouraged as Caesar noteth Besides these examples I might alledge the authority of Holy Writ but that it might seem both unsavoury and unseasonable to make a commixture of such diversities I will therefore content my self with a practice of our time at the battel of Newport where after divers retreats and pursuits either side chasing the other as it were by turn and mutuall appointment and as it often falleth out in such confrontments at last commandement was given to the English to make head again and after some pause to charge the enemy with a shout which being accordingly performed a man might have seen the enemy startle before they came to the stroak and being charged home were so routed that they made not head again that day For the prevention of such a disadvantage there can be no better president then that which Plutarch noteth touching the battel between the Romans and the Ambrons a part of that deluge of people which came down into Italy with the Cimbri and Teutones for these Ambrons coming out to give battel to the end they might strike fear into the Romans made an often repetition of their own name with a lowd sounding voice Ambrons Ambrons Ambrons The Italians on the other side that first came down to fight were the Ligurians inhabiting the coast of Genoa who hearing this noise and plainly understanding them made answer with the like cry sounding out their own name Ligurii Ligurii Ligurii Whereupon the Captains of both sides made their souldiers cry out altogether contending for envy one against another who should cry it loudest and so both sides were encouraged and neither of them disadvantaged Clamore utrinque sublato whilst both sides continued the cry THE THIRD OBSERVATION THis Labienus was a great souldier and well acquainted with Caesars manner in leading an army and made many good fights while he continued under his command but after he betook himself to Pompeys part and joyned with a faction against his first master he never atchieved any thing but losse and dishonour Dux fortis in armis Caesareis Labienus erat nunc transfuga vilis Once Labienus was a Captain stout On Caesars side now a base Turn-about And upon that occasion he is often mentioned as a memoriall of his disloyalty to prove that good successe in matter of war doth follow the Generall rather then any inferiour Captain For it is observed of divers whose fortune hath been great under the conduction of some commanders and as unlucky under other leaders like plants or trees that thrive well in some grounds and bear store of fruit but being transplanted do either dye or become barren And doubtlesse there may be observed the like sympathy or contrariety in the particular courses of mans life wherein they are carried upon the stream of their fortunes according to the course of their first imbarking And therefore such as happen in a way that leadeth to successfull ends shall much wrong themselves either to turn back again or to seek by-paths whose ends are both unknown and uncertain and herein the French saying may serve to some purpose Si vous estes bien tenez vous la If you find your self well hold your self there CHAP. VI. Caesar carrieth his army over the Rhene into Germany Caesar being come from the Menapii to the Treviri did resolve to passe the Rhene for two causes the one was for that the Germans had sent succours and supplies to the Treviri the other that Ambiorix might have no reception or entertainment among them Upon this resolution a little above that place where he carried his army over before he commanded a bridge to be made after the known and appointed fashion which by the great industry of the souldiers was ended in a few dayes and leaving a sufficient strength at the bridge least any sudden motion should rise amongst the Treviri he carried over the rest of his forces both horse and foot The Ubii which before time had given hostages and were taken into obedienâ—â— sent Ambassadours unto him to clear themselves from imputation of disloyalty and that the Treviri had received no supplies from their State they pray and desire him to spare them least the generall distast of the Germans should cause him to punish the innocent for the guilty and if he would ask more hostages they would willingly give them Caesar upon examination of the matter found that the supplies were sent by the Suevi and thereupon he accepted the satisfaction of the Ubii and inquired the way and the passages to the Suevi Some few dayes after he understood by the Ubii that the Suevi had brought all their forces to one place and had commanded such nations as were under their dominion that they should send them forces of horse and foot Upon this intelligence he made provision of corn chose a sit place to encamp in He commanded the Ubii to take their cattel and all their other goods from abroad out of the fields into their towns hoping that the barbarous and unskilfull men
perswading the Hedui diligently to make supply of necessary provisions he sent to the Boii to advertise them of his coming to encourage them to continue loyall and nobly to resist the assaults of the enemy and leaving two Legions with the carriages of the whole army at Agendicum he marched towards the Boii The next day coming to a Town of the Senones called Vellaunodunum he determined to take it in to the end he might leave no enemy behind him which might hinder a speedy supply of victuals and in two dayes he inclosed it about with a ditch and a rampier The third day some being sent out touching the giving up of the town he commanded all their arms and their cattell to be brought out and six hundred pledges to be delivered Leaving C. Trebonius a Legate to see it performed he himself made all speed towards Genabum in the territories of the men of Chartres who as soon as they heard of the taking in of Vellaunodunum perswading themselves the matter would not rest so they resolved to put a strong garrison into Genabum Thither came Caesar within two dayes and incamping himself before the Town the evening drawing on he put off the assault unto the next day commanding the souldiers to prepare in a readinesse such things as should be necessary for that service And forasmuch as the town of Genabum had a bridge leading over the river Loire he feared least they of the town would steal away in the night for prevention whereof he commanded two Legions to watch all night in arms The townsmen a little before midnight went out quietly and began to pass over the river Which being discovered by the Scouts Caesar with the Legions which he had ready in armes burnt the gates and entring the Town took it the greatest number of the enemy being taken and a very few escaping by reason of the narrowness of the bridge and the way which shut in the multitude The town being sacked and burned and given for a booty to the souldiers he caried his army over the river Loire into the territories of the Bituriges THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT is a known and an approved saying E malis minimum est eligendum of evils the least is to be chosen but in a presentment of evils to be able to discern the difference and to chuse the least Hic labor hoc opus here 's all the skill and work Vercingetorix besieging Gergovia a stipendary town belonging to the Hedui that of long time had served the Roman Empire at such a time of the year as would not afford provision of victuall for the maintenance of an army but with great difficulty and inconvenience of carriage and convoy Caesar was much perplexed whether he should forbear to succour the town and raise the siege or undergo the hazard of long and tedious convoyes A matter often falling into dispute although it be in other terms whether honesty or honourable respect ought to be preferred before private ease and particular commodity Caesar hath declared himself touching this point preferring the honour of the people of Rome as the majesty of their Empire and the reputation which they desired to hold touching assistance and protection of their friends before any inconvenience which might happen to their army And not without good reasons which may be drawn as well from the worthiness of the cause as from the danger of the effect for duties of vertue and respects of honesty as the noblest parts of the mind do not onely challenge the service of the inferiour faculties of the soul but do also command the body and the casaulties thereof in such sort as is fitting the excellency of their prerogative for otherwise vertue would find but bare attendance and might leave her scepter for want of lawfull authority And therefore Caesar chose rather to adventure the army upon the casualties of hard provision then to blemish the Roman name with the infamy of disloyalty Which was less dangerous also in regard of the effect for where the bond is of value there the forfeiture is great and if that tie had been broken and their opinion deceived touching the expectation of assistance and help all Gallia might have had just cause of revolt and disclaimed the Roman government for non-protection To conclude then let no man deceive himself in the present benefit which private respect may bring upon the refusall of honest regard for the end will be a witness of the errour and prove honesty to be best policie THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT is observed by some writers that Caesar never undertook any action or at the least brought it not to triall but he first assured himself of these four things The first was provision of victuals as the very foundation of warlike expeditions whereof I have already treated in the first Commentary the difficulty whereof made him so doubtfull to undertake the relief of Gergovia And doubtless whosoever goeth about any enterprize of warre without certain means of victuall and provision must either carry an army of Camelions that may live by the aire or intend nothing but to build castles in the aire or otherwise shall be sure to find his enemy either in his bosome or as the Proverb is in Plutarch to leap on his belly with both his feet The second thing was provision of all necessaries which might be of use in that service wherewith he alwayes so abounded that there might rather want occasion to use them then he be wanting to answer occasion And these were the instruments whereby he made such admirable works such bridges such mounts such trenches such huge armadoes as appeareth by the sea-â—ight with the maritime cities of Gallia according to which his former custome forasmuch as the day was far spent before he came to Genabum he commanded such things to be sitted and had in a readiness as might serve for the siege the next day The third thing was an army for the most part of old souldiers whom the Romans called Veteram whereof he was likewise at this time provided for the two legions which were fresh and lately inroled he left at Agendâ—cum with the carriages taking onely the old souldiers for this service as knowing that in pugna usum amplius prodesse quam vires usefulness is more serviceable in warre then numbers The fourth thing was the triall and experience of the enemies forces which the former victories assured him to be inferiour to the Romans it being alwayes a rule in the Roman discipline as I have already noted by light and easie skirmishes to acquaint the souldiers with the manner of the enemies fight Ne eos novum bellum novus hostis terreret least a new kinde of fight or enemy might affright them as Lâ—vy saith CHAP. VI. Caesar taketh in Noviodunum and beateth the enemy coming to rescue the Town VErcingetorix understanding of Caesars coming left the siege and went to meet him Caesar resolved to take
therefore they may well go together to make a triplicity of evils according to the saying Ignis mare populus tria mala Fire the Sea and the rabble multitude are three evils Vercingetorix had both his hands full in this service for his care was no less to keep the Galles from being distasted then to make his party good against Caesar It is disputed touching the government of a multitude whether it be fitter to be severe or obsequious Tacitus saith peremptorily that In multitudine regenda plus poena quam obsequium valet foul means does more then fair to the governing of a multitude But he understandeth such a multitude as are subject to their Commander either by ancient service or the interest of regall authority whereby they are tied to obedience by hereditary duty and cannot refuse that which custome prescribeth For otherwise where the people stand free from such bonds and have submitted themselves to government for some speciall service there clemency or obsequious smoothing prevaileth more then the severity of command according to the saying Homines duci volunt non cogi Men will be led by fair means not compelled Upon a dissension which happened at Rome between the people and the Senate the people were presently sent into the field under the leading of two Senators Quintius and Appius Claudius Appius by reason of his cruelty and severity was not obeyed by his souldiers but forsook his Province and returned non proficient they will do nothing Quintius being curteous and benigne had an obedient army and came home a Conquerour In the like terms did Vercingetorix stand with the Galles who not long before were all of equall authority and for the defence of the common cause had submitted themselves to order and government and therefore he carried himself accordingly but with some cunning too for he made no scruple to abuse the beast and to present them with a lesson of deceit taught to servants and Roman slaves as the confession of legionarie souldiers which is a liberty that hath ever been allowed to such as had the managing of an unruly multitude who have made as much use of the false rein as the bit or the spur or any other help belonging to that art CHAP. XI Caesar continueth the siege at Avaricum and describeth the walls of the towns in Gallia BY the singular valour of our souldiers all the counsels and devices of the Galles were made void and of none effect For they are a Nation of great dexterity apt to imitate and make any thing which they see other men do before them for they turned aside the hooks with ropes and drew them into the town with engines they withdrew the earth from the Mount with Mines with their great skill by reason of their iron mines wherein they are much practised they set up towers upon every part of the wall and covered them with raw hides they sallied out of the town night and day and either set fire to the Mount or assaulted the souldiers as they were at work they did every day make their towers equal to that height of our towers which the daily increase of the Mount had added to their height they hindred the open trenches and kept them from approaching the walls with sharp burned stakes cast into them with hot pitch and with great stones All their walls are almost of this fashion Long strait beams are placed upon the ground with an equall distance of two foot one from another and bound together on the inside of the wall and fastned with great store of earth the distances between the beams are filled and fitted with great stones in the front of the wall These being thus placed and fastned with morter another such a course is laid upon that keeping alwayes the same distance so as one beam be not laid upon another but in the second rank placing them upon the distances filled up with stones and so forward untill the wall be raised to the due height This fashion as it is a work not deformed either in shew or variety observing alternate courses of beams and stones which keep their order by even lines so is it profitable also and very much advantaging the defence of the town for as the stone keeps it from burning so doth the wood from the violence of the ramme forasmuch as the beams are for the most part fourty foot long and can neither be broken nor pull'd out THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Chapter doth in some part express the manner of their siege in ancient time and the means which the defendant had to frustrate the assaults and approaches of the enemy Besides the Ram which the Romans used to shake and overthrow the wall whereof I have already spoken they had commonly great hooks of iron to catch hold of a turret and to pull it over the wall or to pull down the parapet or to disturb any work which was to be made upon the wall These hooks were used by the legionary souldiers being covered with vines in the same manner as they handled the Ram and were averted and put off by the ingenious practises of the Galles with ropes cast and insnared about them and then by force of engines drawn into the town In like manner the open trenches by which the Romans made their approaches to the wall were answered from the town with stakes or piles hardned at the end with fire and then cast into them to hinder such as were at work together with seething pitch and great stones Furthermore as the Romans raised their Mount and brought matter unto it to enlarge it in breadth and height so did the Galles undermine it and drew the earth away or set it on fire to burn it for as I have already noted in the description of a mount it was made as well with wood and timber as with earth and stones They strengthened their walls with turrets and towers and covered them with raw hides to keep them from burning and as the Romans mounted in height with their turrets and engines so the Galles raised their towers answerable unto them that in the defence of the town they might sight with equall advantage And thus they proceeded both in the offensive and defensive part as farre as either valour or wit could improve those means which were then in use in besieging a town THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT was the use of all nations to fortify their strong towns with such walls as might make best defence against the practice of those times wherein they lived touching the taking and besieging of townes So the Galles as it appeareth by Caesar raised their walls of wood and stone laid in mutuall courses one with another that the wood might make void the violence of the Ram and the stone keep it from burning with fire which in those dayes were the means to assault and overthrow a wall In these times the walls of strong and fortified townes are only made
or any other way to which I referre the Reader CHAP. XXII Asranius seeketh to take the Straights between certain Mountains but is prevented by Caesar THe next day following Petreius went out secretly with a few horse to discover the Countrey and for the samepurpose some went likewise out of Caesar's Camp L. Decidius Saxa was sent with a small troup to view the site of the Place And either party returned with the same report that for five miles the way was open and champain and afterwards very rough and mountainous and whosoever first took those straight might easily impeach the enemy from going further The matter was disputed in the Councell of war by Petreius and Afranius the time of their setting forward was debated Most of them thought it fit to take their journey in the night for by that means they might come to those straights before it were perceived Others were of opinion that it was not possible to steal out in the night as appeared by the cry of rising taken up the night before in Caesar's Camp upon their removing and Caesar's horsemen did so range abroad in the night that all places and passages were kept and shut up Neither were they to give occasion of night fights but to avoid the same by all the means they could forasmuch as in civile dissension the ordinary souldier would rather suffer himself to be over mastered by fear then continue firm in the allegiance which he had sworn unto whereas in the day time every man hath shame and dishonour before his eyes together with the presence of the Centurions and Tribunes with which respects a souldier is restrained and kept within the bounds of duty And therefore the attempt was by all means to be undertaken in the day time and although it â—ell out to some losse yet neverthelesse the body of the Armie might pass in safety and possesse that place which they sought for This opinion prevailing in their consultation they determined by break of day the next mornning to set forward Caesar having diligently viewed the Countrey as soon as day began to appear drew all his forces out of his Camp and marched forward in a great circuit keeping no direct way For the waies which led to Iberus and Octogesa were taken up with the Enemies Camp insomuch as they were to passe over great and difficult vallies And in many places broken Rocks and stones did so hinder them that they were necessarily forced to give their weapons from hand to hand the souldiers lifting up one another and so they passed most part of the way Howsoever no man thought much of the labour for that they hoped to give an end to all their travell if they could keep the enemy from passing over the River Iâ—erus and cut off his â—â—â—ualls At the first Afranius souldiers ran joyfully out of their Camp to see the Army casting out words of derision and reproch that for want of victuall they fled and returned to Ilerda for the way they held was quite contrary to that they intended whereby they seemed to go back again and the Commanders themselves did much approve their own counsell that they had kept their troups within the Camp For that which confirmed them in their opinion was that they perceived they were come out without their carriages whereby they hoped necessity would not suffer them to continue long there But when they saw the troups by little and little to wind to the right hand and that they perceived how those that were in front had fallen backward beyond their Camp there was no man so dull but thought it expedient presently to march out and make head against them Whereupon they cried to Arme and all their forces excepting some few cohorts which were left to keep the Camp went out and marched directly towards Iberus The whole business consisted in speed and celeritie which of the two should first take the straights and possesse the hills Caesar's Army was hindered by the difficulty of the way and Afranius partie was retarded by Caesar's Cavalry The matter was come to that upshot that if Afranius party did first get the hills they might haply quâ—â— themselves of danger but the baggage of the whole Army and the cohorts left in the Camp could not be saved for being intercepted and sâ—â—luded by Caesar's Armie there was no means to relieve them It 〈◊〉 that Caesar first attained the place and being come out from among those great Rocks into a plain champain put his Army in order of battell against the enemy Afranius seeing the enemy in front and his rereward hardly charged by Caesar's Caâ—alry got the advantage of a small hill there made his stand and from thence sent four cohorts bearing round bucklers unto a Mountain which in all mens sight was higher then the rest commanding them to run as fast as they could and possesse that hill intending to follow after with all his forces and altering his course to get along the ridges and tops of the Mountains to Octogesa As the cohorts were advanced forward by an oblique circuit Caesar's Cavalry perceiving their intendment set upon them with such violence that they were not able any time to bear their charge but were surrounded by them and all cut in pieces in the fight of both Armies THE FIRST OBSERVATION PEtreius and Afranius in their Councell of war resolved by all means to shun night encounters as a thing full of hazard and uncertainty and apt for looseness and disobedience for the night being neither a discoverer of errours nor yet a distinguisher either of actions or persons but wrapping up both the vertuous and the faultie in her Mantle of obscuritie doth not admit of directions to follow an opportunity or to help a mistaking but rather giving way to impunitie and licentious confusion leaveth no hope of what is wished Whereas the light is a witness of every mans demeanour and hath both honour and rebuke to make dutie respected For which causes Curio as it followeth in the next Commentarie in his harangue before that untimely expedition against king Juba thus rejected their advice that would have had him set forward in the night At etiam ut media nocte proficiscamur addunt quo majorem credo licentiam habeant qui peccare conantur namque hujusmodi res aut pudore aut metu tenentur quibus rebus nox maxim adversaria est Further then this they advise us to set out in the middle of the night that so I think those men who have a mind to do mischief may take the greater liberty for in the day-time they would be restrain'd either through shame or fear to both which the darkness of the night is a great adversary And that the danger may appear as well by effect as by discourse let the Reader take notice of that battell by night between Antonius Primus on the behalf of Vespasian and the Vitellian legions near unto
out to feeding and went on their journey Which Caesar perceiving rose and followed after leaving a few Cohorts to keep the carriages and about the tenth hour commanding the forragers and horsemen to be called back to follow after instantly the Cavalry returned and betook themselves to their accustomed charge The fight was very sharp in the rere insomuch as they were ready to turn their backs Mâ—ny souldiers and some of the Centurions were slain Caesar's troups prâ—ssed hard upon them and threatned the overthrow of their whole Army insomuch as they had neither means to chuse a fit place to incamp in nor to proceed forward in their march Whereby they were necessarily inforced to make a stand and to pâ—â—h their Camp far from any water in an unequall and disadvantageous place But Caesar forbare to meddle with them for the same reasons that have been formerly declared and for that day would not suffer the souldiers to set up their Tents that they might be the readier to follow after at what time soever by night or by day they should offer to break away The Enemy having observed the defect of our Camp imployed all that night in advancing their works and in casting their Camp with an opposite front to our Army The like they did all the next day but so it fell out that by how much their Camp was brought farther on and the fortification grew nearer to finishing by so much farther off they were from water and so remedied one evil with a worse mischief The first night none of them went out of their Camp to fetch water and the next day they led out all their troups together to water but sent no man out to forrage Whereby Caesar finding them oppressed with many inconveniences chose rather to force them to a composition then to fight with them THE OBSERVATION IN this troublesome and confused retreat which these Commanders undertook to regain the advantages that formerly they had quitted at Ilerda we may observe the difficulties attending a weaker party when they would free themselves from the pressures of a strong confronting enemy For the frailty of humane fortune is alwayes so yoaked with incumbrances and hath so many lets from the native weaknesses of its own endeavour that if the opposition of forreign malice shall therewithall unhappily concurre to stop the current of our desires there is little hope of better successe then that which the ordinary condition of extremity doth afford which is to hazard the perill of a wound in seeking to avoid the smart of a rod and to fall into Scylla upon a desire we have to shun Charybdis according as it befell this party Wherein let us farther note the advantage which a Commander hath either to take or leave when he is able to over-master the Enemy in Cavalry for the horsemen serving an Army Royall by making discoveries by forraging by giving rescue upon a suddain by doing execution and retarding an Enemy in his march if over-awed by the Cavalry of the Enemy they cannot perform these services as is requisite the contrary party is the stronger by so many advantages CHAP. XXVI Caesar goeth about to inclose the Enemy and he to hinder Caesar HOwbeit Caesar laboured to inclose them about with a ditch and a rampier to the end he might with better ease hinder their suddain sallies and eruptions to which he thought the Enemy would necessarily betake themselves The Enemy being streightened for want of forrage and to the end also they might be the readier to escape away caused all their horses of carriage to be killed and in these works and consultations were two dayes spent The third day a great part of Caesar's works being already perfected the enemy to hinder the businesse intended concerning the fortifications about two of the clock in the afternoon made the Alarmes brought out the legions and imbattelled themselves under their Camp Caesar calleth back the legions from their work and commanding all his horse to troup together putteth his Army in battell For having made such a shew of unwillingnesse to buckle with the enemy against the will of the souldier and opinion of all men he found himself subject thereupon to much inconvenience howbeit he was resolved for the reasons already specified not to strike a battel and the rather at this time for that the space between his Camp and the enemies was so little that if he had put them to flight it could not have much availed him for the gaining of a perfect and absolute victory For their Camps were not above two thousand foot asunder whereof the Armies took up two parts and the third was left for incursion and assault So that if he had given battel in that nearnesse of the Camp they would have found a speedy retreat upon their overthrow For which cause he resolved to stand upon his defence and not to give the onset and charge them first Afranius had put his Army in a double battel the first consisting of five legions and the Auxiliary cohorts which usually served in the wings were now placed for succours and made the second battel Casar's Army was ordered in a triple battel the first was of four cohorts a piece of the five legions the second of three and the third again of three of each legion following in order The Archers and Slingers were in the midst and the Cavalry on the sides Being thus both imbattelled they seemed to obtain their severall ends Caesar not to fight unlesse he were forced to it and the Enemy to hinder Caesar's fortification But the matter being drawn out in length they stood imbattelled untill sun-seting and then returned both into their Camps THE FIRST OBSERVATION COntra opinionem enim militum famamque omnium videri praelio diffugisse magnum detrimentum afferebat Having made a shew of unwillingnesse to buckle with the enemy against the will of the souldier and the opinion of all men he found himself subject to much inconvenience saith the history Whence we may observe two points First that a Commander in striking a field must partly be directed by his Army for he may neither fight against the liking of the souldier nor withhold them from fighting when they are willing to embrace it if other circumstances do indifferently concurre therewithall For when men are commanded to do what they would do the matter is throughly undertaken and the issue is commonly answerable to the readinesse of their desires but being restrained in their affections and put besides their aptnesse of their voluntary disposition there groweth such a contrariety between the Generalls order and the souldiers oâ—edience as will hardly sympathize to beget good fortune And if a Leader of that same and opinion and so well known to his Army as Caesar was grew into distaste with his souldiers upon so good causes which he had to shun a battel what hazard that Commander runneth into who seldome or never
of shipping and Corn to keep the Iland THE FIRST OBSERVATION OBserve first how dangerous it is for such as stand neutrall between two parties bearing no affection but to their own ends to declare themselves upon such apparences as commonly happen in the flux and reflux of a war for if their judgement fail as Varro's did they are then forced to redeem their errour with more offices of partiality then can afterwards be excused and so run into a further degree ofenmitie then the party for whom they suffer And certainly whether it be that neutrality refuseth to take part with the right which in matter of controversie must needs stand on one side or whether it favoureth of an ill nature to shew no sympathising affections with such as otherwise have correspondence with them or for what other cause I know not but sure it is that Neutrals attending nothing but their own advantage are of no better esteem then the bird whereof Leo Africus writeth which when the King of Birds demanded tribute would alwaies rank himself amongst the Fish and when the King of Fishes required his service would alwaies be with the Birds or then the Weather-cock whereof there is no other use then indicare regnantem to shew what wind rules THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Iland of Gades was known to the Romans by the name of Tartesson Hic Gades urbs est dicta Tartessus prius Here Gades stands of old Tartessus call'd The Town of Gades was indowed as Dion witnesseth by Julius Caesar with the liberties and priviledges of Rome To which effect Plinie writeth Oppidum habet Civium Romanorum quod appellatur Augusta urbs Julia Gaditana This Iland hath a town of Roman Citizens which is called Augusta Julia Gaditana It was a town of great fame as appeareth by that of Juba king of Mauritania who made ambitious sute to have the title of Duumviri or Two-men of the town as Festus noteth in his Description of the Sea-coast At vis in illis tanta vel tantum decus Aetate prisca sub fide rerum fuit Rex ut superbus omniumque praepotens Quos gens habebat forte tum Maurusia Octaviano principi acceptissimus Et literarum semper in studio Iuba Interfluoque separatus aequore Illustriorem semet urbis istius Duumviratu crederet Such was their power such their grace Of old while faith was yet in place King Iuba the most powerfull Prince The Moors had either then or since In favour with Octavian And every way a learned man Divided from this place by Sâ—n Thought it would greater glory be To be Duum-vir of the town In this Iland stood Hercules Temple to which as well Romans as other noble Adventurers of all Nations made often repair to perform their vowes upon atchievements of deeds of Armes which solemnitie was not omitted by Hannibal before his expedition into Italie Amongst other Altars in this Temple there was one dedicated to Penurie and Art signifying that Art driveth away Penurie as Hercules put to flight and subdued Monsters Those of Asia and the Mediterrane parts took this Iland to be the furthest end of navigation for the Atlantick sea admitted no further passage for want of a load-stone to direct them in that vastness And therefore Pindarus saith that it is not lawfull for wise men nor fools to know what is beyond the streight of Gibraltar the way in the Ocean being a thousand leagues abroad In this town of Gades was born L. Cornelius Balbus who at his death gave a legacy to the Roman people twenty five pence per Pole together with Junius Brutus Columella that writ so excellently De re Rustica Et mea quam generat Tartessi littore Gades And which my Gades yields on Tartesse shoar It is now called Cales and was sacked by our English An. 1596. Hispalis surnamed Romulensis from the Roman Colony that was planted there is seated upon the River Baetis in a very pleasant and fertile Countrey and especially for oiles The town is now the Staple for the West Indies and a very Nursery of Merchants Arias Montanus that great Theologian was born in this City THE THIRD OBSERVATION COncerning these hundred and ninety thousand Sesterces the learned cannot satisfie themselves with any congruent interpretation thereof For if we take them in the Neuter for seven pound ten shillings apiece it amounteth to 1492000 pound which is thought too much if in the Masculine it will rise not to above 1400 pound which is deemed too little And therefore the Criticks do mend the place and read H-S centies nonagies a hundred times ninety H-S which bringeth out 142500 pound and is thought agreeable to the meaning of the Authour CHAP. VIII The Province and the legions revolt from Varro Caesar settleth Spain and returneth to Marseilles ALbeit Caesar was called back into Italy for many great and important causes yet he was resolved to leave no spark or appearance of warre remaining behind him in Spain for that he knew Pompey's deserts to be such as had gained him many followers and dependants in the hither Province And therefore having sent two legions into the further Spain under the conduct of Q. Cassius Tribune of the people he himself made forward by great journeys with six hundred horse sending an Edict before him to summon the Magistrates and chief men of the Cities and Towns to appear before him by a day at Corduba Upon publication of which Edict there was no City in all that Province that sent not some of their Senate by the day appointed to Corduba neither was there any Roman Citizen of note that presented not himself there at that time The Princes and States being assembled of their own accord they shut the gates against Varro set watch and ward upon the walls and in the towers and retained with them two cohorts called by the name of Colonicae which came thither by chance for the safe keeping of the town At the self-same time the Inhabitants of Carmona which is the strongest town of all the Province cast out the three cohorts that were by Varro put into their Cittadell and shut them out of their town Whereby Varro was the rather moved to make haste to Gades with his legions lest he should be hindered and cut off either in the way or in his passage over from the Continent such and so favourable was the generall affection of the whole Province towards Caesar And being somewhat advanced on his journey he received Letters from Gades That as soon as it was known there of the Edict which Caesar had published the chiefest of the Gaditans agreed with the Tribunes of the souldiers which were in Garrison to expell Gallonius out of the town and to keep the City and the Iland for Caesar Which being resolved upon they sent him word to leave the town of his own accord while he might do it without danger and if he refused they would then take such
himself withall as unwilling to see the morrow after such a losse for Vitae est avidus quisquis non vult mundo secum pereunte mori He loves life indeed that is not willing to dy when the world falls CHAP. XI Curio marcheth to Vtica His Cavalry put to flight great troups coming from king Juba His Army strangely possessed with an idle fear THe next day he brought his Army to Utica and incamped himself near unto the town But before the fortification of his Camp was finished the horsemen that stood Centinell gave notice of great forces of horse and foot coming towards Utica from king Juba and at the same time a great dust was seen rise in the aire and presently the first troups began to come in sight Curio astonished at the novelty of the thing sent his horse before to sustain the first shock and to stay them he himself calling the legions with all speed from their work imbattelled his Army The Cavalry encountering with the Enemy before the legions could be well unfolded and put in order did put to flight all the Kings forces that came marching without fear or order and slew a great number of the foot troups but the horse making hast got almost all safe into the town by the way of the sea-shore The next night after two Centurions of the Nation of the Marsi fled from Curio with twenty two of their souldiers to Actius Varus These Centurions whether it were to please Varus or otherwise speaking as they thought for what men wish they easily believe and what they think they hope others do think the same did confidently affirm that the minds of the whole Army were altogether alienated from Curio and that it was very expedient that the Armies should come in sight and find means to speak together Varus being perswaded to that opinion the next day early in the morning drew his legions out of the Camp the like did Curio either of them putting their forces in order upon a small Valley which lay between both their Armies There was in Varus Army one Sex Quintilius Varus who as it is formerly declared was at Corfinium and being let go by Caesar went into Africk It fortuned that Curio had carried over those legions which Caesar had formerly taken at Corfinium so that a few Centurions being slain the Companies and Maniples remained the same This occasion being so fitly offered Quintilius going about Curio his Army began to beseech the souldiers that they would not forget the first oath they had taken to Domitius and to him their Treasurer nor bear Arms against them that had run the same fortune and endured the same siege nor fight for those who by way of reproach had called them fugitives To these he added some promises to put them in hope of a good recompence out of his own liberality if they would follow him and Actius Having delivered this unto them Curio his Army stood mute and declared not themselves by any sign either one way or other and so either side drew back to their Camp Notwithstanding Curio his Camp was afterwards possessed with a great fear and suspicion which was quickly augmented by divers reports raised upon the same For every man forged opinions and conceits and out of his own fear added something to that which he had heard of another Which when it was spread from one authour to many and one had received it from another it seemed there were many authours of the same thing For Civile war is alwaies compounded of such men as hold it lawfull to do and follow what and whom they please Those legions which a little before were in the service of the Enemy did willingly embrace what was offered them for old acquaintance had made them forget what benefits Caesar had lately bestowed on them being also of divers Countries and Nations and not all of the Marsi or Peligni as those the night before which were their Cabin-mates and fellow-souldiers whereupon they took occasion to publish abroad in worse tearms that which others had vainly given out and some things were coined by those that would seem most diligent in doing their duty THE FIRST OBSERVATION OBserve first from the revolt of these Centurions that a fellow or two of rank and fashion falling from a Party do gain easy credit to their advertisements by averring any thing which the Enemy desireth Whence it is that forasmuch as fugitives can little otherwise avail one man being but as no man they seek favour and reputation with the party they â—ly unto by their advise and discovery and consequently the remuneration of espiall which according to the president made by Fabius to the Spies of Clusine is worth a mans labour And herein Revolters specially those of judgement are very dangerous instruments not only in weakening or making frustrate such designs as may be contrived against an Adversary but also in discovering the secrets of their own Party and disclosing of that which is absolute and well untill it be made known For there is no subsisting thing so perfect but hath alwaies some part or other open to give an easy passage to destruction according to that of the Poet Omnia sunt hominum tenui pendentia filo All humane things hang by a slender thread And therefore it is no small means of preserving each thing in being to make shew of strength and conceal weaknesses as the registers of assured ruine For which cause it is that fidelity is commended as the foundation of humane society and perfidious treachery divulging the secret imperfections thereof is the plague and bane of the same THE SECOND OBSERVATION AS there is nothing more dangerous in an Army then fear so there is nothing sooner bred to disturb a multitude then this passion which metamorphoseth a troup of men into a heard of Deer For hence it appeareth that one Thersites is able to leaven a whole Army and an idle conceit bred in the weak thoughts of some Tresantas begetteth oftentimes a main cause of distrust throughout all the Party which as it spreadeth abroad is so delivered from one to another as the Reporter not believing what he telleth addeth alwaies somewhat to make the hearer believe what he could not himself And so weak minds do multiply the vain apprehension of idle humours in such a fashion as there is more hurt in fearing then in the thing which is feared Epaminodas was more fortunate then all others in this kind for while he led the Thebans as their Commander they were never taken with any sudden affrightment nor possest with any Panick terrour to bereave them of their senses or falsify the truth of their understanding being all as it seemed of the same mind with the Generall who accounted no death so honourable as that which came by war Howbeit such is the frailty of humane nature and so strange are the convulsions of the mind
their treaty Whereupon he sent P. Vatinius a Legate to the River bank to utter such things as did chiefly concern a Peace and to ask oftentimes with a loud voice whether it were not lawfull for Citizens to send to Citizens touching a treaty of peace being a thing permitted to the Thieves of the Pyreneian Mountains or at least to move that Citizens should not in Arms contend with Citizens And having spoken much very respectfully as well concerning his own wellfare as the safety of all the rest he was heard with silence by the Souldiers on both sides At length it was answered from the other Party that A. Varro did offer himself for a conference the next day so that the Commissioners on both sides might come and go in safety and deliver freely their opinions for which a certain time was then appointed The next day great multitudes of either side presented themselves at the place assigned and great was the expectation thereof every man seeming to incline to peace Out of which troup stept forth T. Labienus and spake softly touching the peace and at last entered into altercation with Vatinius In the middle of their speech were weapons suddainly cast from all parts which he avoided being covered and defended with weapons Notwithstanding many were wounded and amongst others Cornelius Balbus M. Plotius L. Tiburtius Centurions besides many other souldiers Then said Labienus Leave off therefore to speak of any composition for unlesse Caesar's head be brought there can be no peace OBSERVATIONS THis small piece of the Story containeth divers notable passages of extremity in the carriage of Pompey and others of his Party As first to take them as they lie that of wilfulnesse in Bibulus whom neither sicknesse nor despair of help could move to intermit the task he had undertaken but chose rather to suffer unto death in approving his zeal to the Cause then to give himself a breathing time for the saving of his life and may serve to admonish any other Bibulus to value his life above that which a stiffe and wilfull opinion may lead him unto beyond the measure of honourable endeavour or what else may any way be justly expected least in striving to do much he happen to do nothing For that cannot be understood to be well done in another mans behalf that is not well done in his own The second is Pompey's resolution being so extreme as no composition or other thing whatsoever could give him satisfaction but only a victorious end of that warre Our proverb saith Better a lean agreement then a fat remedy And the casualties of warre may move an experienced Commander to imbrace a safe and quiet peace as knowing that he that goeth about to vex another shall have his turn of suffering the like miseases and as war beginneth when one party listeth so it endeth when the other side pleaseth facilis descensus Averni Sed revocare gradum superasque evadere ad auras Hoc opus hic labor est The way to hell is easy But to come back and to recover life This is a task indeed And therefore let no Commander how great soever refuse all peace but that which is bought by extremity of war least the event whereof there can be no assurance fall out as it happened to Pompey but rather with the use let him learn the end of Arms which is to make straight that which is crooked and out of discord and dissension to draw means of a happy peace To which may be added that other of Labienus as far in extremity as either of the former whom nothing would satisfie but Caesar's head It cannot be denied but that he strook at the root for his head was the head of that war But to say it rather then to do it was no argument of Labienus worthinesse For as Polybius noteth It is common to most men to magnify themselves with words full of wind yea and more then that to follow their designes with impetuous violence but to direct their undertakings to a successfull issue and to remove by industry or providence such hinderances as happen to traverse their hopes is granted but to a few and now denied to Labienus notwithstanding this Bravado And therefore let such Commanders as are in good opinion and esteem with their Generall be well wary of imbarking their party in any cause farther then may beseem the wisdome and experience of judicious Leaders as believing in that of Metellus to king Bocchus Omne bellum sumi facile caeterum acerrime desinere non in ejusdem potestate initium ejus finem esse incipere cuivis etiam ignavo licere deponi cum victores velint Every warre is easily begun but hardly so soon ended the beginning and the end of it are not in the same man's power any poor-spirited fellow may begin a warre but it shall end when the Conquerour pleaseth and not before CHAP. VII Coelius Rufus moveth sedition in Italy and it slain AT the same time M. Coelius Rufus the Praetor at Rome undertaking the businesse of debts in the beginning of his Magistracy placed his seat by the chair of C. Trebonius Praetor of the town promising to be assisting to any man that would appeal unto him concerning valuation and paiment to be performed by Arbitratours according as Caesar had ordained But it came to passe as well through the equity and indifferency of the Decree as through the lenity of Trebonius who was of opinion that those times required an easy and mild execution of justice that none were found from whom the beginning of the Appeal might grow for to pretend poverty or to complain of particular misfortune and of the calamity of those times or otherwise to propound the difficulties of selling their goods by an outrope was every mans practise but for any man to acknowledge himself to be in debt and yet to keep his possessions whole and untouched was held to be a very strange impudency so that there was no man found that would require it Moreover Coelius carried a very hard hand to such as should have received benefit thereby And having made this entrance to the end he might not seem to have undertook a shamefull or dishonest cause he published a law That there should be no Interest paid for any Monies let out upon consideration for thirty six dayes of the time agreed on But when he perceived that Servilius the Consul and the rest of the Magistrates did oppose themselves against him therein and finding it not to sort with his expectation to the end he might incite and stirre up the humours and spirits of men he abrogated that law and instead thereof made two others The one which cut off the yearly rents that Tenants were accustomed to pay their Land-lords for the houses they dwelt in and the other touching new assurances and the abolishing of old debts Whereupon the multitude ran violently upon C. Trebonius and having hurt divers
often intended not to deceive the opinion which other men had of their prowesse and valour Labienus seconding this speech as contemning Caesar's forces extolled Pompey's resolution to the skies Do not think Pompey saith he that this is the Army wherewith he conquered Gallia or Germania I was present my self at all those battells and do not speak rashly what I am â—gnorant of There is a very small piece of that Army remaining a great part of them are dead as it cannot otherwise be in so many battells The Pâ—stilence the last Autumn in Italy consumed many of them many are gone home and many are left in the Continent Have ye not heard that the Cohorts which are now at Brundusium are made and raised of such as remained behind there to recover their healths These forces that ye see were the last year gathered of the Musters made in the hither Gallia and most of them of the Colonies beyond the Po and yet all the flower and strength of them was taken away in the last two overthrows at Dyrrachium When he had spoken these things he took a solemn oath not to return into the Camp but with victory exhorting the rest to do the like Pompey commending him took the same oath neither was there any man that refused it These things being thus carried in the councell they rose up and departed with great hope and joy of all men as having already conceived victory in their minds and the rather because they thought that nothing could be spoken vainly by so skilfull a Commander in so weighty and important a Cause OBSERVATIONS COncerning the fashion of the Cavalry in which either Party reposed so much confidence we are to note that the Romans had two sorts of horsemen the one compleatly armed according to their manner and incorporated in the body of their Legions whose entertainment was thrice as much as the footmen Aeque impotens postulatum fuit saith Livie ut de stipendio equitum merebant autem triplex ea tempestate aera demerentur It seemed as unreasonable a motion that the horsemens pay which at that time was triple should be lessened And the other were as light-horsemen which they called Alarii The first sort were thus armed as Josephus witnesseth They wore a sword on their right side somewhat longer then that of the footmen and carried a long staffe or spear in their hand a Target at their horse side and three or more Darts in a quiver with broad heads and not much less then their staves having such head pieces and corselets as the foot-men had The light-armed men had either light Darts or Bow and Arrows And doubtlesse their chiefest service was with their casting weapons And accordingly Tully putteth his son in mind of the praise he had got in Pompey's Army where he commanded a wing of horse Equitando jaculando omni militari labore tolerando in riding casting darts and undergoing all military duty And as their service consisted in breaking their Staves upon an Enemy and in casting their Darts so we exercise the practice of the former in our triumphs at Tilt and the Spaniards the later in their Iocuo di cane The Pistolier that will do somewhat to purpose doth come up close to the other discharge his Pistoll in his enemies neck or under the corselet about the flank or seat of a man and commonly misseth not I have seen a device to use a Musket on horse-back which if it prove as serviceable as is by some conceived will be of great advantage CHAP. XXXI The manner of imbattelling their Armies AS Caesar approached near unto Pompey's Camp he observed his Army to be imbattelled in this manner There were in the left Cornet two legions which in the beginning of these broils were by order and decree of Senate taken from Caesar whereof one was called the first and the other the third and with them stood Pompey Scipio had the middle squadron with the legions he brought out of Syria The Legion of Cilicia joyned with the Spanish Cohorts which Afranius brought with him made the right Cornet These Pompey held to be very strong The rest of the troups were interlaced between the middle Squadron and the Cornets All made one hundred and ten Cohorts which amounted to fifty five thousand men besides two thousand old souldiers and men of note whom he had called out to that war and dispersed them over all the Army The rest of the Cohorts which were seven he had left in the Camp or disposed about the forts near adjoyning The right Cornâ—t was flanked with a River that had high and cumbersome banks and thereupon he put all his Cavalry together with the Archers Slingers in the left Cornet Caesar observing his former custome placed the tenth legion in the right Cornet and the ninth in the left albeit they were very much weakened in the fights at Dyrrachium but to this he so joyned the eighth that he seemed almost to make one of two and commanded them to succour each other He had in all about eighty cohorts which made twenty two thousand men two cohorts he left to keep the Camp He gave the left Cornet to Antonius the right to Pub. Sylla and the middle Squadron to Cn. Domitius and put him self opposite to Pompey And withall having well observed these things according as I have formerly declared fearing least the right Cornet should be inclosed about with the multitude of the Cavalry he speedily drew six cohorts out of the third battell and of them he made a fourth to incounter the horsemen and shewed them what he would have done admonishing withall that the victory of that day consisted in the valour of those cohorts commanding the third battell and likewise the whole Army not to joyn battell without order from him which when he thought fit he would give them notice of by an Ensigne And going about to incourage them to fight according to the use of war he put them in mind of his favours and his carriage towards them from time to time and specially that they themselves were witnesses with what labour and means he had sought for peace as well by treaty with Vatinius as also by employing A. Clodius to Scipio and likewise how he had endeavoured at Oricum with Libo that Embassadours might be sent to treat of these things Neither was he willing at any time to misspend the souldiers blood or to deprive the Common-wealth of either of those Armies This speech being delivered the souldiers both requiring and longing with an ardent desire to fight he commanded the signe of battell to be given by a Trumpet OBSERVATIONS COncerning the order used in disposing these Armies for the triall of this Cause it appeareth by the storie that Pompey set two Legions in his left Cornet which are here named the first and the third Howbeit Lucan saith that those Legions were the first and the fourth Cornus tibi