a great part of Spaine Where staying about nine yeares conquering many Townes by force and othâ—rs by composition to haue their liues and goods safe hee dyed a Death worthy of his actions For when he had made Warre against couragious and powerfull people he dyed after hee had exposed himselfe to all dangers with great assurance and the admiration of all the World After this the Carthaginians made Asdrubal kinsman to Amilcar who had commaunded the Triremes Generall of their Army At which time the Romanes passed to Sclauonia and to that part of Europe with an Army They which desire to vnderstand truely our Discourse with the beginning and increase of the Romane power must diligently obserue it This Voyage by Sea was vndertaken for the causes which here follow Agron King of Sclauonia was the Sonne of Plurate This King drew to field more foote and Horse than any that had reigned before him in Sclauonia It is true that he was corrupted with money at the perswasion of Demetrius Father to Philip so as he succour'd the Midioniens whom the Etoliens held besieged You must vnderstand that when the Etoliens saw that they could not draw the Midioniens to liue according to their Lawes they began to make Warre against them laying siege to diuers places and doing what they possibly could to take the Citty And as in the meane time the day of the assembly was come wherein they were to chuse another Captaine of the Army and that the besieged were growne so weake as they seemed to haue no other thoughts but of yeilding he which at that time was Generall came vnto the Etoliens and let them vnderstand that it was reasonable that he who had indured so great paines and exposed himselfe to so many dangers during the Warre should haue the booty and spoile of the enemies if they were vanquished There were many euen of those which had any colour to attaine vnto that charge who discontented with this kind of demaund intreated the multitude not to determine any thing but to leaue the booty to him to whom Fortune should giue it Finally the Etoliens decreed that whosoeuer should winne the Towne he should share a moiety of all the Booty Riches and Armes with him who formerly had beene the Commaunder While matters stood on these termes and that within three dayes after the Assembly was to meete where according to the Custome of the Etoliens the last Commaunder was to be Deposed and a new choses there arriued in the night about a hundred ships neere to Midionia with ten thousand men of Sclauonia Who after they had recouered the Port and the day began to breake they landed in haste and by stealth and then they marched in battell after their manner against the Etoliens Army And although the Etoliens being aduertised of their comming were at the first amazed at this newes and the boldnesse of the Sclauonians Yet hauing great spirits and courage relying also in their Forces they drew out before their Campe the greatest part of their Horse and Armed men and placed vpon some passages which were not farre from the Camp some Horses and such as were lightly Armed The which were charged and broken by the Sclauonians as well by reason of the multitude of their Souldiers as for that the middest of their battell was strongly fortified In regard of the Horse-men they were forced to flye shamefully vnto their Campe From thence thorough the aduantage of the place they marcht speedily against those which kept the Plaine whom they charged and put presently to flight The Midionians sally forth and pursue them so as there was a great slaughter of the Etoliens and many Prisoners with the spoile of all their baggage hauing found no resistance When as the Sclauonians had performed their Kings Commaund and shipt all their baggage and booty they set sayle and retire to their houses The Midionians also being thus preserued contrary to their hope they assembled and held a Councell among themselues as well for other affaires as for the diuision of the booty taken from the Enemy and of their Armes to deuide them in common by an example taken of him who had beene Chiose of the Etoliens and of those which according to the decree of the Etoliens should succeed him as if Fortune had done it willingly to make the world know her force by the misfortune of the others In truth these in a short time made their Enemies to feele the miseries which they themselues expected suddainly The Etoliens after this misery serued for an example to the world not to hold future things as already done nor to put their hope in things which may succeed otherwise And that wee must alwayes reserue some part in things which may happen contrary to our hope as well as in all other actions seeing we are men as in the affaires of Warre When as the victorious ships were arriued King Agron transported with incredible ioy for the exploits of his men hauing vanquished the Etoliens relying much vpon their forces he gaue himselfe so to banqueting in the night and to a foolish delight of drinking and watching as hee fell into a Pleurisie the which grew so violent as hee died within few dayes after After whose death his Wife Teuca reigned gouerning the Realme by the counsell and aduice of her Friends But afterwards shee followed her womanish affections hauing no care but of this prosperity nor any regard to forreigne affaires suffering all those that would goe to Sea to spoile all passengers Shee also raised a great Army at Sea letting the Captaines vnderstand that the Countrey which was right against hers was Enemy vnto her Who at the first assailed the Elienses and Messenâ—ens whom the Sclauonians spoiled often But for that there is a large Sea and that the Townes of those Regions were all vpon the firme Land they could not easily preuent the Sclauonians courses and therefore they did spoile and ruine the Countrey without any obstacle And as at the same time they sayled to Epirus to fetch victuals they came to Phenice where there were about eight hundred Gaules entertained by the Epirotes to guard the Towne Heere they landed and parled with them to deliuer it whereunto they yeelded so as they tooke it and all that was within it by the helpe of the Gaules When the Epirotes had the newes they came presently to succour them with all their people and lodged vpon the banks of a neere Riuer Then they tooke away the planks of the Bridge to be free from the danger of those which kept the Towne In the meane time they were aduertised that Scerdilaide came by Land with fiue thousand men by the Streights of Antigonia Wherefore they deuided their Army in two whereof the one went to guard the passages of Antigonia and the other remained in the Campeidlely and negligently consuming what was in that Countrey without feare and
aâ—d preparatâ—on and to make an Army by Sea Apolophanes of whom wee haue spoken being borne in Seleucia stood vp and ouerthrew all the Opinions which had beene formerly giuen saying that it was a solly to drawe the Warre into base Syrria and to suffer â—â—olomy to hold Sâ—â—encia for that it was the sourse and cause of their Principality That besides the disgrace hee should doe vnto his Reignâ— considering that the force of the Kings of Egypt had alwaies kept it it had moreouer great commodities for the mannaging of the Warre For whilest the Enemies shall hold it it would be very preiudiciall to all his Enterprizes For there must be no lesse care vsed to defend himselfe from this City then to assaile the Enemy And if hee held it he should not onely be able to preserue his owne with safety but also to vndertake some good action both by Sea and Land for the great opportunity of the place The whole Assembly allowed of Apolophâ—â—es aduice and resolued to take the Citty first for then Sâ—lâ—ucia was held by the Kings of Egypt from the time that Ptâ—lomy reigned who was surnamed the Bâ—nefactor Hee conquered it at such time that for the ruine of Beronicâ— and the rage he had concelued in his heâ—â—t hee made a descent into base Syrria with an Army Antiochus after Apolophanes aduice was approued hee commanded Diogone Generall of the Army at Sea to fayle speedily to Seleuciâ— And in the meane time parting from Apamia with his Army he lodgeth within fiue Furlongs of Hippodrome Hee likewise sends away Theâ—â—ore Hermioly with a sufficient Army for Syrria to the end he might gaine the streights and prouide for the affaires of that Prouince This is the scituation of Seleucia and the places about it that as the Citty is seated vpon the Sea-shoare betwixt Cilâ—cia and Phenicia so it hath vnder iâ— a wonderful great Mountaine which they call Coryphes whose side towards the West is washed with the Sea which is betwixt Cipres and Phenâ—â—ia and the other which lookes to the East ioynes to the Regions of the Antiochiens and Seleucenâ—es Seleucia scituated on the South and seperated by a deepe and inaccessible Valley which extends to the Sea being enuironed with great Rockes and Caues And on that side which lookes to the Sea it hath steps and Suburbs inclosed with walls The Citty also is fortified with a good wall and beautified with Temples and faire buildings It hath but one approach towards the sea the which is difficult and made by hand for they must ascend vnto it by Ladders The riuer of Orâ—nte enters into the Sea neere vnto it taking its sourse and beginning at Liban and Antiliban and passeth by Antiochia whereas running continually it carries away by its swift course all the filth of the people Finally it enters into the Sea neere vnto Seleucia Antiochus in the beginning sent to the Gouernours of the Citty offâ—ring them money with great hopes if without fighting they would deliuer it vnto him But when he could not winne them he corrupts some of the inferiour Captaines with whom hauing agreed he puts his men in Battaile as if he meant to assaile the Towne with his Army at Sea and at Land on that side which lookes towards Epirus Diuiding then his Army in three after that hee had inflamed the hearts of the Souldiers promising them great rewards hee appointed Zeuxiâ— with his Company to bee at the Gate which goes to Antiochia and he gaue to Hermogenes the places by which they goe to Dioscoria and giues charge to Ardâ—â— and Diogene to assaile the Suburbs and Arsenall for it had beene so agreed with the Traytors that as soone as the Suburbs were taken they should deliuer him the Citty When as the King had giuen the â—igne for an assault they all did their indeauours But among the rest they which were with Ardâ—â— and Diogene carried themselues valiantly For they could not assault noâ— scale the other places But in regard of the Arsenall and Suburbs they might assault and scale them Wherefore whilest that the Army at Sea fell vpon the Arsenall and Ardis Troupes vpon the Suburbs scaling the Walls and that they of the Towne could not succour them for that they were enuironed on all sides by the Enemy it fell out that the Suburbe was suddainly taken Which done the petty Captaines corrupted by the King ran to Leonce who at that time was Gouernour of the Citty perswading him to send to Antiochus before the City were forced And although that Leonce were ignorant of the Treason he sent presently to Antiochus being troubled with the amazement of his people to yeeld them the Citty vpon condition to haue the liues of all the Inhabitants saued The King accepting the condition promised to saue the liues of all Free-men which were about sixe thousand But when hee was entred he not onely pardoned the Burgesses but also called home the banished men of Seleucia and restored vnto them the gouernment of their publique affaires and all their goods and put a good Garrison into the Hauen and Port. Whilest Antiochus stayed at Seleucia hee receiued Letters from Theodote by the which he solicited him to goe speedily into base Syrria The King was long in suspence what councell he should take and was pensiue and troubled with the course he should take in this action you must vnderstand that Theodote borne in Etolia had done great seruices for the Realme of Ptolomy whereof wee haue formerly made mention and many times put his life in danger At such time as Antiochus made Warre against Molon hee tooke in person disdaining the King and distrusting his Courtiers Ptolemais and Tyrus by Paneteole and suddainly called in Antiochus The King hauing taken Acheus to heart and laying aside all other affaires he returnes with his Army the same way he came When he was come to a place which the Countrey people call Marsia hee camped neere the streights which are about Gerre which is not farre from the Fens lying in the midst of that Countrey There being aduertised that Nicholas Lieutenant Generall to Ptolomy held Ptolomais besieged in the which Theodote was hee left those that were best armed and gaue charge to besiege the Towne of Broches lying vpon the Fenns making haste to goe and raise the Siege Nicholas aduertised by his Spies of the Kings comming retired and sent Lagore of Candy and Dorimene of Etolia to gaine the streights which are neere vnto Beryta Where the King planted his Campe after that he had fought with them and put them to flight And when hee had drawne together the rest of his Army in the same place he makes an Oration to his Souldiers and marcheth away with great courage There Theodote and Paneteole met with him with their Friends to whom he gaue a good and gracious reception and he tooke Tyrus and Ptolemais with all their preparation of Warre There were in these Townes forty
againe Maisters of the Sea with out contradiction seeing the Romans had no more any Fleete at Sea Moreouer they had great confidence in their Army at Land and not without cause For after that the report of the battell giuen in Affricke came to Rome and that they vnderstood that the defeate of their men hapned by the force and fury of the Elephants for that they had broken the Rankes and opened the battalions and that they had made a wonderfull slaughter of them Their feare of the Elephants from that day was so great as for two yeares after they neuer durst charge the Carthaginians although they made many incounters in Affricke and in the Country of Selinuntia nor Campe in the Plaines within fiue or sixe furlongs of them keeping alwayes the Mountaynes and hilly Countries to saue themselues from the Elephants so as they only forced Theruce and Lipara Wherefore the Romanes knowing the feare their Army had resolued againe to put a Fleete to Sea At that time the Romane people being assembled they chose vnto the Consulship Caius Attilius and Lucius Manlius They also made fifty new ships and Rigg'd out the olde the which they furnished with Souldiers proportionably When as Asdruball Generall of the Carthaginians knowing well the feare of the Romans had beene aduertised by the Fugitiues that one of the Consuls was returned vnto Rome with halfe the Army and Cecilius remayned alone at Palermo with the other he parts from Lylibeum when as Haruest approached with his Army to spoile and falls vpon the Territory of Palermo planting his Campe vpon the Mountaines Cecilius hauing newes of their comming and knowing that Asdruball desired nothing but a battell kept his Army within the Towne By this meanes Asdruball growing very confident conceiuing that Cecilius kept himselfe close for feare he causeth his Army to March to Palermo hauing ruined and burnt all the Champion Countries The Consull was alwaies of opinion not to go to field vntill that his enemy was drawne to passe the Riuer which runnes neere vnto the Towne Walls But when he saw that the Campe and the Elephants approached he caused a â—ally to be made by the nimblest and most actiue men of his Army commaunding them to skirmish with the enemy vntill their whole Campes should be forced to come to the combats And afterwards considering that matters had succeeded as he desired he ordaines the lightest and most actiue to plant themselues beyond the Towne ditch giuing them charge to cast Pertuisans Darts and Spits a farre off at the Elephants And if they came running vpon them with fury and violence they should slip into the Ditch and from thence cast their Darts at them He also commaunded the Archers of the Marker place to go out of the Towne and to fight at the foote of the wall In the meane time he issued foorth with all the Eâ—signes by another side of the Towne right against the enemies left Wing and sent many to those which fought with Darts Presently after the skirmish beganne the Maister of the Elephants who with a desire of glory would haue the honour of the Victory incensed them against the enemies not attending Asdrubals pleasure The Romans obseruing the Consuls commaundment turned head presently and when as the Elephants pursued them with fury they slipt into the Ditch the Elephants being vppon the side of it they were suddainly charged with Darts and Pertuisans aswell by the Townesmen which were vpon the Walls as from the Souldiers which lay in the Ditch And when as they could passe no further they turned head being necessarily forced to fall vpon their owne battallions with great slaughter In the meane time Cecilius goes suddainly to field hauing his whole Army entire and in good order by another gate and chargeth his enemies furiously who being already broken by the Elephants and charged againe by the Consuls Troupes were easily defeated A part of them were slaine the rest saued themselues by flight There were ten Elephants taken with their Indian Maisters 〈…〉 after the battell their Gouernours being cast downe This Victory purchased great honour to Cecilius as the Man who by the report of all the whole World had beene the cause that the Romanes after that time resuming courage camped in the Plaines When the Romanes had newes of this Victory it is not credible the ioy which they conceiued not so much for the taking of the Elephants whereby the Carthaginians power was much decreased as for that their men seemed to be grownâ— more hardy in the Warre for that they had conquered them Wherefore they Prepared an Army at Sea as they had formerly resolued and sent the Consuls into Sicily with two hundred Vessells desiring to make an end of that Warre Whither they past hauing made prouision of Victualls and other things necessary This was the foureteeneth yeare since the beginning of the Warre The Consuls being arriued and receiuing the Bands of Souldiers that were there they go and lay siege to Lylibeum hoping after the taking thereof they might easily transport the Warre into Affricke But the Carthaginians mooued with the like considerations resolued by all meanes to keepe it knowing well that after the losse of Lylibeum they had nothing else remaining in Sicily The Romans in truth held in a manner the whole Iland except Trepanum But to the end that what wee speake of Sicily may not seeme obscure to some one by reason of the ignorance of places we will deliuer the Scituation in few words All Sicily hath its Scituation in regard of Italy and the limits thereof like vnto Morea in respect of Greece and its bounds It is true â—here is some difference for that there is a little Sea betwixt this and Italy Whereas Morea is ioyned vnto Greece by a little slip of Land for they may goe on dry foote from Morea vnto Greece and not from Sicily into Italy without shipping Sicily is of a Triangular forme and so many Angles as it hath so many Capes or Promontories there are vpon the Sea shore Among the which that whereon the Sicilian Sea doth beate is called Pachinus and lookes towards the South that which tends towards the North where the Sea doth end and is not aboue a mile and a halfe from Italy is called Pelorus The third which hath his Aspect towards Affricke and towards the Winterly West and which is right against Carthage from the which vnto the Affricke shore there is not aboue one hundred twenty and seuen miles is called Lylibeum diuiding the Sea of Sardinia and Sicily There is a Towne on this Cape which carries the same name the which the Romans besieged at that time The which is strong with Walls and Ditches and moreouer with Marshes and Pooles by the which lyes the passage for ships into the Port but the entry is difficult and not accessible but by expert Marriners The Romans then to besiege it throughly made round about it Trenches
as they which were lightly armed which had beene sent to succour them met with them that fled they were forced to doe the like being amazed with this new accident and partly broken by them that fled So as the defeate was but of fiue hundred whereas the â—light was of aboue two thousand The Etoliens seeing plainely what they had to doe pursued the Acheins with cries and ioy Who thinking to finde their men in Battaile where they had left them retired to Arate And therefore their flight in the beginning was honest and for their safety But when as they saw them dislodge and to come by files and in disorder then some flying here and there sought for their safety others marching directly to their owne men disordred one another without any Enemy Finally they all flie and saue themselues in the neighbour Townâ—s for Orchomenes and Caphies were not farre off otherwise they had beene all taken or slaine that day Thus the Acheins were defeated neere vnto Caphies The Megalopolitains being aduertised that the Etoliens had planted their Campe neere vnto Methydrie they assembled all with one consent and went to Field three dayes after the Battaile to succour the Acheins but they were forced to bury those with whom they did hope to fight against the Enemy And therefore they made a great Ditch wherein they put all the dead Bodies and performed their obsequies after the manner of the Countrey The Etoliens being Victors past through Mroea without feare of danger At what time after they had sought diuers wayes to gaine the Pellenesiens and had ruined the Country of the Sicyoniens in the end they retired by the streight of the Isthmus These were the cause of the warre of the Allies whereof wee haue formerly spoken whereof the beginning was by a Decree which was afterwards made among the Allies and confirmed at Corinthe where they were all assembled for that cause Philip King of Macedon consenting thereunto Some few dayes after the Acheins being assembled they blamed Arate both in publique and priuate as if he had beene the cause of this defeat and losse and the Commons were the more inflamed for that the Enemies league made it to seeme greater First it seemed hee had committed a great fault to haue seazed vpon the Magistracie before his time and to haue made enterprizes doing another mans office wherein hee had many times before beene vnfortunate But it seemed hee had done worse dissoluing the Acheins Army the Etolien Commaunders being still in the midst of Morea Thirdly that being ill accompanied he had giuen Battaile without force considering that hee might easily haue retired to the Neighbour Townes vntill the Acheins had made a new head and then giue Battaile if he had thought it fit Finally that hee had carried himselfe so inconsiderately that in leauing the Plaines where without doubt his Men had beene the stronger he had assailed the Enemie in the Mountaines with Souldiers lightly armed whereby the Etoliens could haue no greater aduantage Yet suddainly when as Arate was returned and 〈◊〉 into the assembly and that he began to deliuer the things which he had formerly done for the publique good and had made knowne the causes of the last Defeat and giuen them to vnderstand that he was not the cause thereof as his Enemies had falsly slaundred him and that finally hee would haue craued pardon letting them know that if hee had commited any fault the Acheins should not consider the euent of things so bitterly nor with such rigour but with fauour and mildnesse the opinion of the Commons was suddainly so changed as where before they seem'd to be wonderfully incensed against Arate they sodainly turned their choller against his ill-willers so as from that time they followed the Councell and opinion of Arate These things happened in the hundred and nine and thirtieth Olympiade and those which follow in the hundred and fortieth It was then resolued by the Acheins to send Embassies to the Epirotes Peociens Phocenses Acarnaniens and to Philip King of Macedon to let them vnderstand that the Etoliens had entred twice into Acheia contrary to the former accords and likewise to demaund succours according to the league and moreouer that the Messeniens might bee receiued and that the chiefe of the Acheins might leauie fiue thousand Foote and fiue hundred Horse and succour the Messeniens if the Etoliens did reassaile them Finally that he might agree with the Lacedemnians and Messeniens touching the number of Foote and Horse which they should keepe ready for the common affaires of the league After these things thus resolued the Achiens stomacking the Defeate whereof we haue spoken did not forget the Messeniens affaires nor their resolution The Embassadours execute their charge diligently The chiefe likewise assemble the youth as it had beene decreed and agree with the Lacedemonians and Messeniens that either of them should furnish two thousand fiue hundred Foote and two hundred and fifty Horse to the end that the whole might amount to ten thousand Foote and a thousand Horse The time being come when as the Etoliens were to hold their Diet they assembled the Commons and consulted how to make a peace with the Lacedemonians and Messeniens and with other people their neighbours being forced partly by pouerty and partly weakned by the Acheins Allies As for the Acheins they resolued to contract with them if they would leaue the Alliance of the Messeniens But if they would hold it still they were of aduice to make Warre against them which was a most idle and sencelesse thing For being allied to the Acheins aud Messeniens they declared Warre against the Acheins if they contracted any Friendship or alliance with the Messeniens and contrariwise a peace was confirmed if they held them for their Enemies And therefore their villany could not take place by reason of the contrariety of their subtill inuention The Epirotes and Philip hauing heard the Embassadours charge receiued the Messeniens into the league and although they disliked the outrages of the Etoliens yet it seemed they made no great accompt of it for that they had done no new action considering they had beene accustomed to such things Wherefore they willingly continued a peace with them Thus sometimes outrages growne old and continued are sooner pardoned then those of new date The Etoliens vsing this course of life in ruining Greece by their incursions and making Warre many times before they declared it did not vouchsafe to answer to the complaints Many times also they made no accompt and mockt at those which demanded satisfaction for those things which they had done or would doe And although that the Lacedemonians had beene lately restored to liberty by Antigonus by meanes of the Acheins hauing promised to Philip and the Macedonians not to attempt any thing against them yet they sent an Embassie secretly to the Etoliens and confirmed friendship and alliance with them When as the
and certaine Countries nor finally the difference of circumstances For these are things common to all men It is also the meanes to aduertise the Reader of things vnknowne as we haue sayd The scituation of places whereof we speake is this Although that Lacedemon seemes to stand in a plaine yet it hath here and there rough and hilly places Neere vnto which towards the East passeth this Riuer which they call Erota the which for the most part of the yeere is not to be waded thorough by reason of its great depth The Mountaines wherein Menelaie stands are on the other side of the Riuer towards the Citty which looke towards the Winters East the which are tough and difficult and wonderfull high And bend ouer the Plaine which lies betwixt the Riuer and the Citty by the which it takes its course along the foote of the Mountaines The King was of necessity to passe that way hauing the Citty on the left hand and the Lacedemonians ready and in Armes And on the right hand the Riuer and those which were in the Mountaines with Licurgus Matters standing in this estate the Lacedemonians bethought themselues of a stratagem by the which in breaking of a Damme they should drowne all the Plaine betwixt the Citty and the foot of the Mountains so as neither Horse nor Foote should be able to passe By this meanes they saw the King should bee forced to lead his Army by the foote of the Mountaines the which he could not doe without great danger for that he should be forced to extend his Army in length and not vnited and close and to march a slow pace Philip seeing this assembles his Friends and was of opinion that he must first chase away Licurgus from the places which hee held Wherefore he takes in his company the Mercenaries the Targeteers and the Sclauonians and began to march directly towards the Mountaines to passe the Riuer Licurgus vnderstanding of the Kings resolution put his men in Battaile and perswades them to doe their duties in fighting and withall hee makes a signe to them of the Citty as he had promised Which done the Souldiers presently sally forth putting the Horse-men on the right wing When Philip came neere vnto Licurgus he sent the Mercenaries to giue the first charge of whom the Lacedemonians had the better at the first by reason of the aduantage of the place and the manner of their Armes But when as he had sent the Targeteers with the Sclauonians to succour the Mercenaries there was so great an alteration as the Mercenaries seemed to haue the victory in their hands And the Lacedemonians amazed at the fury of them that were well armed fled presently as despairing of their safety There died about a hundred men and some few more taken the rest recouered the Citty Licurgus taking his way by inaccessible woods arriued the night following at the Citty When as Philip had put a sufficient strength of Sclauonians into the Mountaines he returned with them that were lightly armed and the Targeteers to his Army At the same time Arate bringing back the Army from Amycle was not far from the City with whom the King passing the Riuer ioyned and appointed them that were well armed to make head against the Horse-men at the foot of the Mountaine When as the Lacedemonian Horse-men had charged the Macedonians and the targeteers had fought valiantly and withal the King had performed his duty well they were in the end repuls'd shamefully to the gates of the City Afterwards the King past Eurota safely and was forced to settle his Campe in the night at his comming forth of the streights in a place which was very strong by nature Finally the King had an humour to ouer-run the Countrey neere to Lacedemon In the beginning of the said streights vpon the approaches from Teges by the firme Land to Lacedemon there is a place about two Furlongs distant from the Citty vnder the which the Riuer hath its course the which imbraceth the Citty and the side of the Riuer with a steepe and inaccessible Mountaine The foote of this Mountaine is a slimy and watery Plaine as well for the entry as the going forth of an Army so as whosoeuer plants his Campe there in seazing vpon the Hill seemes to campe safely and to be in a sure place in regard of the Towne which is opposite hauing vnder its power the entry and issue of the streights Philip hauing seated his Campe there he causeth the Baggage to march the next day and drawes his Army into the Plaine in view of the Towne Where after he had stayed some time hee wheeles about like a Bowe and takes his way towards Tegea And when hee came into the Countrey where that famous Battaile was fought betwixt Antigonus and Cleomenes he planted his Campe there Three dayes after when the places were well viewed and the Sacrifices performed in two Mountaines whereof the one is called Olympe and the other Eua he went on his way and came to Tegea where he stayed some time to diuide the spoile Then suddainly hee returned to Corinthe with his Army Thither came Embassadours from Rhodes and Chios to the King to mediate a peace betwixt him and the Etoliens To whom the King giuing a gracious reception he told them that he had long and at that present was ready to imbrace a peace if the Etoliens held it fit and that they should goe vnto them and consider of the meanes therof From thence he went to Leche and prepared himselfe to imbarke desiring to decide some pressing affaires at Phocis At the same time Leonce Megalee and Ptolomy thinking yet to terrifie the King and by that meanes to repaire their errours calls the Targeteers and those whom the Macedonians terme the Kings Troupe whom they informe that they are dayly in great danger without any recompence or any share in the spoile according to the ancient custome approued by all men By meanes whereof they perswade these young men to assaile and spoile the Lodgings of the Kings principall Minions and that falling vpon the Kings owne Lodging they should ouerthrow the Gates and couering The which when they had done there grew a great mutiny in the Towne Philip hearing the noise makes haste to returne from the Port And drawing the Macedonians together he pacifieth them partly with words and blaming them for the things which they had done And when as the fury increased and that some were of opinion to chase out of the Towne those that had beene the cause of the mutiny others saying that this fury of the Commons ought to bee pacified without any greater punishment the King dissembled his conceite for the present And being as it were perswaded by them hee returned to the Hauen after hee had giuen them many admonitions knowing well the heads of this villany But hee thought good to deferre it to a more conuenient time Leonce and his Faction despairing for that
vs except the Kings and Nations with whom we are in league Moreouer we will adde or diminish what we shall thinke good of this accord sworne by a common consent During these things Philip taking the Bowels of the Sacrifices the which according to the custome were brought vnto him and bending himselfe a little he presented them to Arate demanding of him what those Sacrifices signified and whether they would abandon that Fort or keepe it still Then Demetrius as the most aged said If thou hast the iudgment of a Soothsayer we wil leaue it suddainly but if the vnderstandiug of a warlike King we will keepe it And not to abandon it thou shalt consider of another necessary occasion For by this meanes in laying hold of the Oxes hornes thou shalt haue it wholy in thy subiection By the hornes he meant Isthomate and the Acrocorinthe and by the Oxe Morea Then Philip returning to Arate art thou of this aduice And when as Arate spake nothing he intreated him to deliuer his opinion who after he had considered thereon answered thou mayst keepe it if thou canst prouide in such sort that the accord with the Atheniens may not be infring'd If in taking it thou puts a Garrison thou shalt loose all the Fort and the Garrison it selfe meaning his fayth which thou hast receiued from Antigonus in giuing the Guards to the Allies Consider whether it be now better that in putting me forth thou loosest this fidelity and that by this meanes thou setlest Garrisons ouer the Messeniens and other Allies But Philip had a great desire to breake the accord the which his following actions made manifest And when hee had a little before beene sharpely reprehended by yong Arate for the defeate of some men and that the elder hauing spoke freely and with authority had intreated him not to giue an easie eare to such speeches as should be vsed vnto him shame restrained him and taking his right hand well sayd he let vs follow the same course In regard of the City of the Sardins there were continually combats and dangerous encounters For the souldiers of eyther side studied day and night to frustrate one anothers pollicies by new inuentions to write all which in particular would be no lesse vnprofitable then tedious And when as the siege had continued full two yeeres Lagoras of Candy a man well experienced in the art of warre hauing considered with himselfe that many times strong Cities fall easily into the Enemies hands by the negligence of the inhabitants who relying vpon their fortifications made as well by nature as art assure themselues and grow idle And knowing likewise how they are accustomed to set guards in strong places which might make heads against the Enemies attemps Seeing likewise according to his conceit the despaire of them all that they should not be able to take the Sardins Fort by this meanes and that want of victuals and munition remained for their last hope to take it The more he considers thereon and studies by what meanes he might finde some occasion to surprize the City And when as afterwards hee found that the courting of the place which they call Serie it is that which ioynes the City with the Fort was without guard it happened that according to his hope and opinion he discouered the negligence of the guard by his presumption This place was very rough and steepe hauing a valley neere vnto it into the which they of the City cast their dead carrion Whither reforted a great number of vulture and other rauening Birds When this man saw that these Birds after they were full gorg'd pearch daily vpon the top of the valley and on the wall he knew thereby that of necessity this courtine was abandoned and for the most part without guard Then approaching wisely in the night hee sought meanes to get vp And when he found that in a certaine place of the valley they might ascend he aduertised the King Who conceiuing a good hope perswaded Lagoras to continue his enterprize promising to doe what possibly hee could Lagoras intreats the King to giue him for companions Theodote the Etolien and Denis Captaine of his guard and that hee would command them to beare him company to lay this Ambush For they seemed to bee able men and sufficient for this enterprize And when the King had satisfyed his demand they agree together and by a common consent make choyse of a night when as part of the morning had no moone-light After which the day before at Sunne-setting they make choyce of fifteene strong and resolute men to mount vp the ladders with them and to gaine the wall who in this hardy enterprize should be their companions Then they chose thirty other to lye a little distant of in Ambush to the end that when they had recouered the wall they should fall vpon the next gate and striue to breake the hinges and ioynts and the others within the barres and lockes They also appoynt two thousand men in the reare of these who entring with them should recouer the place of the Theater The which was made so conueniently as it was opposite to the approaches of those of the Forts and those of the City Moreouer to auoyd the suspition of the truth in regard of the choyse of these men he gaue order that the Etoliens should giue an assault vnto the City by a certaine valley And therefore it was needfull that these should second them according to a signe which should be giuen them When as all things were ready and the Moone growne darke they which were Lagoras taking the ladders approacht closely to the top of the valley and hid themselues vnder the rocke When at the breake of day they had relieued the watch which was on that side and the King had sent as of custome others to second them and had appoynted a good number for a place where they runne their horses no man suspected any thing of the enterprize But when as the two ladders were set vp against the wall where Denis on the one and Lagoras on the other mounted first vnto the top their grew a great noyse and alteration in the Campe. It so fell out that they which mounted the ladders could not be discouered by them of the City nor by the rest which were in the Fort vnder Acheus by reason of the Rocke which aduanced ouer the valley But their courage which ascended the wall and assailed the City was apparant to the Army Wherefore some wondred at there incredible resolution others foreseeing the future and fearing remained partly amazed and partly ioyfull Wherefore the King seeing the alteration in his Campe desiring also to diuert this fancie as well from his owne men as from those of the City he led forth his Army and besieged the two Gates which they call Persides On the other side Acheus seeing the Enemies alteration more then of custome was in great doubt being ignorant of the present cause
of the Sicilians they had all that we haue made mention of They say that when they came first into Sicily they which then held that Region where they now dwell being amazed and receiuing them with feare made an accord with them which was that they should maintaine Friendship and enioy the Countrey in common as long as they should tread vpon the Earth and carry a head vpon their shoulders And when this kinde of Oath was made they say that the Locrines did put earth into their shooes and secretly hid the heads of Garlicke and hauing thus sworne and finally cast the Earth out of their shooes and likewise the heads of Garlicke soone after they chast away the Sicilians out of the Countrey This the Locrines did say As a Rule although it hath lesse length and breadth yet it retaines still the Name if it hath that which is proper to a Rule So they say if it be not straight and hauing the property of a Rule it must rather be called by some other name then a Rule In like manner they hold that if the Commentaries of Historiographers which failing either in Diction or vse or in any other of the parts which are proper vnto them obserue the truth they deserue the name of a History But if that failes they are no more worthy of that name For my part I confesse that such Commentaries are to be held for true and I am of this opinion in euery part of our Worke when I say that euen as when the Bones are separated from a liuing Creature it is made vn-vsefull so is a History For if thou takest away the truth the rest will bee but a vaine Narration We haue sayd that there were two kinds of lies the one through ignorance the other which is deliuered wittingly The pardon is easie for those which through ignorance stray from the truth and they are to be hated deadly which lie willingly As men of iudgment resoluing to reuenge their enemies doe not first obserue what their Neighbour deserues but rather what they must doe the like we must thinke concerning dotracters not caring for that which the Enemies ought to heare but to obserue carefully what it is fit to speake They which measure all things according to their choller and enuy must of necessity faile in all and stray from reason when they speake otherwise then is fitting Wherefore we doe not seeme vniustly to reproue the speeches which Tymeus hath held against Demochares In truth hee neither deserues pardon nor credit with any man for that in wronging him openly hee straies from reason in regard of his naturall bitternesse Neither doe the iniuries against Agathocles please mee although he were the most cruell man liuing I speake of those whereof hee makes mention in the end of his History saying that Agathocles had beene a publique Sodomite in his younger yeares and abandoned to all infamous and vild persons and so to other foule villanies which he addes Moreouer hee sayth that after his death his Wife lamented him in this manner Why haue not I thee nor thou mee In regard of the speeches which he hath held of Demochares some will not onely cry out but wonder with reason at his excessiue Rage That Agathocles had necessarily by Nature a great prerogatiue it is manifest by the Discourse which Tymeus hath held Hee came to Sarragosse flying the Wheele Smoake and Clay being eighteene yeares old And when he was come for this cause sometime after he was Lord of all Sicily Hee also drew the Carthaginians into great extremities and ended his life with the Name of a King after that he had growne old in this gouernment It is not then necessary to say that there had some things happened to Agathocles which were great and excellent and that hee had had great power and great forces to execute all these things And that a Historiographer must not onely deliuer vnto posterity those things which concerne the blame and shew the accusation but also those which touch the praise of the man This is the property of a History But this Childe blinded with his owne rancor in his relation augments through hatred his offences omitting wholy the vertues being ignorant that it is no lesse blame worthy then a lye in those which write the Histories of Actions It happened saith he that as two young men contended for a Seruant that he was somewhat long with a Friend And when as the other two dayes before came out of the Countrey in the absence of the Master the Seruant retired speedily into the house and that afterwards the other knowing he came thither seazing on him brought him into Question saying that the Maister of the house ought to giue Caution For the Law of Zaleucus was that he deserued a suite to whom he had made the retreate And when as the other sayd that according to the same Law he had also made the retreate for that the Body was parted to come vnto the Potentate he saith that the Princes were in doubt vpon this businesse and called Cosmopole referring themselues to him in this cause Who interpreted this Law saying that the retreat hath alwayes beene to him who had the last or for a time possessed the thing debated without contradiction But if any one spoild another by force and had retired it and that subsequently he which first enioyed it termes himselfe the maister this is no true possession And when as the Young man discontented at this sentence sayd that it was not the sense of the Law Cosmopole protested and offerd the Condition if there were any man that would speake any thing touching the sentence or sense of the Law established by Laleuens The which is such that the Captaines Milleniers being there appointed with Halters to hang men they consulted vpon the sense of the Law if any one drew the sentence of the Law to a bad sense hee was strangled in the presence of the Milleniers This Speech being propounded by Cosmopole the Young man answered that the Condition was vniust for that Cosmopole had not aboue two or three yeares to liue for hee was about fourescore and ten yeares old and that he according to reason had the greatest part of his life remaining For which witty and pleasant Speech hee escaped the seuerity of the iudgement and the Princes iudged according to the aduice of Cosmopole Wee will make mention of a certaine expedition of Warre which hath beene very famous and decided in a very short time In the relation whereof Galisthenes hath ert'd in that which doth most import I speake of that which Alexander made into Cilicia against Darius In the which he saith that Alexander had past the streights which they call the Ports of Cilicia and that Darius tooke his way by the Ports which they call Menides and drew with his Army towards Cilicia And when he vnderstood by the Inhabitants that
Philip. Alexander the great Philips wise and â—wâ—reâ— Complaints of diuers people against the Etoliens Warre concluded against the Etoliens The Amphictions Scope chosen Head of the Etoliens Phebidius Enuy the cause of great mischiefe The difference betwixt a priuate and publique iniury The commendation of the Acarnanians Answeres toâ— Embassadours The blame of the Epirotes The Messeniens alwayes friends to the Arcadiâ—ns and Enemies to the Lacedemonians Aristocrates Machate sent Embassadour from the Etoliens to the Lacedemonians Carixeneâ— Timee The murther of the Lacedemonian Gouernours by the young men A league made betweene the Lacedemonians and Etoliens The power of clemoncie in Princes Licurgus chosen King Marchate preuailes in his enterprize Townes taken in Argos by Licurgus Philips Army The scituation of Constantinople The circuit of the Pontique Sea Bosphorus Cimeriques Two causes why the black Sea and the Pontique run continually The Danowe The shelfes in the Sea King Darius The refuge of Europe The Country of the Oxe Chrysopolis The commodities of Constantinople by the Sea of Abydos and Sestes The continuall Warre of the Constantinopolitains with the Thracians Brennus Chiefe of the Gaules The Thracians vanquished by the Gaules An absolute defeate of the â—aules Empire A Tole imposed vpon those that failed into the Blacke Sea by Constantinople Mecatondore Olympiodore Prusias Attalus and Achens The meanes of Acheus raigne Acheus causeth himselfe to be called King Fanum taken by Prusias from the Constantinopolitains An Embassie sent by the Rhodiens to Ptolomy The Death of Thibete Canare King of the Gaules An accord betwixt the Constantinopotitans and the Rhodiens An accord made with Prusias Candy in a manner reduced all vnder the obedience of the Gnosiens and Gortiniens The Lyciens Towne razed and burnt Plator chiefe of the Sclauonians Mithridates The Rhodiens succour the Synopenses The Scituation of Synope Alexander Dorimache Egyrus Oeanthy The scituation of Egire Egire surprized by the Etoâ—â—ens An assault giuen by Dorimache to the Fort of Egire The Etoliens defeated by the Egirates Alexander slaine Dorimache smothered Micchus defeated The Castle of Mure taken by Euripides Athence taken by Licurgus The scituation â—f Ambracia Scope makes an incursion into Macâ—dony Ambracia taken by Philip. The Gulfe of Ambracia Poetia taken by Composition Fifteene hundred Etoliens defeated byâ— Philip. Metropolis taken and burnt An assembly of the â—rolient to keepe the passage of a Riuer Ithoria very strong Peania taken by assault Philip fortifios the Fort of the Eniâ—des The retreate of the Dardâ—â—iant without doing any thing Dorimache chosen Generall of the Etoliens The retreate of Euripides from Sâ—ymphallâ— The Mountaine of Apeâ—ure Thy flight of Euripides A defeate of the Etoliens Arate ioynes with Philip. The scituation of Psophis The Riuer of Erimanthe A sally of the Elienses vpon the Macedonians Psophâ— taken by assault A composition made betweene the Citizens of Psophis and Philip. Philip giues forces to the Acheins Lâ—ssion taken Straton Thalame Thalame yeelds Appelles Tutor to Philip. The malicious policy of Appelles The Nature of Philip. Succours sent to the Elienses by Dorimache The scituation of Triphalia and iâ—â— Townes The scituation of Alphira The Image of Minerua Philip assailes Alphira The Typaneatâ—s yee le vnto Philip. The Phialences yâ—eld to Philip. The 〈◊〉 of the Lâ—preates against the Etoiens 〈◊〉 yeelded to Philip. Townes which yeeld to Philip. Chylon The Lacedemonian Magistratâ— slaine by Câ—ylon The Lacedemonians were vnfortunate after they had left the Lawes of Licurgus Appelles persists in his enterprize Eperate chosen chiefe of the Acheins The Castle of Mur yeilded to Philip. The slander of Appelles The accusation of Appelles against Arate the Acheins The Answere of Arate Taurion dispossest of the gouernment of Morea The conditions of Courtiers Alexandeâ— Chamberlaine to King Antigâ—nus Eperate Chiefe of the Acheins and Dorimachâ— of the Etoliens Mony Corne deliuered to Philip by the Acheins The naâ—ure of the Macedonians The Conspiracy of Appelles and 〈◊〉 The forces which Philip left at Dyme The scituation of Cephalenâ—â—a Leonce Trayâ—our to Philip. Embassadours sent to Philip from the Messeniens and Acarnaniens The Riuer of Acheloe Methape taken by Philip. The order which Philip held to passe the streights of Therme Therme spoyled by the Macedonians The prudence of Antigonus towards the Lacedemonians The â—urtesie of Philip the father of Alexander to the Athenians Alexander the Great The blame of Philip. The Lawes of Warre The practise of a Tyrant The Duty of a King To vanquish an enemy by mildnesse The Etoliens charge Philips Rearward Paphia burriâ— Methape razed by Philip. The Etoliens made a sally out of Strate Megalee and Leonce doe outrage to Arate Megalee and Crinon condemned by the King in 12000. Crownes The condemnation of Magalee and Crinon Licurgus takes the Towne of Elea. Philip comes to Corinthe Menelaie Amycle The great diligence of Philip. The scituation of Amycle The Temple of Apollo The Port of Gythia The Castle of Olympes The Messeniens surprized by Licurgus Philip parts from Elia spoiling all as hee passeth The Riuer of Erota The â—light of the Lacedemonians Embassadours from Rhodes to Chios A mutiny against philip and his men Leonce and his Faction retired to Appelles The misery of Courtiers The flight of Megalee The taking of Leonce Appelles taken Prisoner Megalee kills himselfe The death of Appelles and his Sonne Philip sailes to Corinthe The flight of Licurgus into Etolia The Mountain Panachaique Old Arate made Chiefe of the Acheins The Auâ—houâ—s good intention An order required in all things Ptolomy King of Egypt The enterprize of Cleomenes vpon Ptolomy An Army neere vnto Ephesus Mega Beronice Archidamusâ—layne â—layne by Cleomenes Nicagorus 〈◊〉 seth Cleomenes Cleomenes taken Prisoner and put in Guard The bold enterprize of Cleomenes Ptolomyâ—layne â—layne by Cleomenes TheÌ„odote Antiochus Soâ— to Seleucus The Speech of Hermes against Epigene Antiochus marries Lâ—â—dicea Molâ—n goes to field with an Army The Scituation of Media Liban Antiliâ—ban The Towne of Brâ—chesâ— The Retreate of Molon Xenoete his Army defeated and spoyled A mutiny in Antiochus his Campe. The practise of Molon against â—pigene Antiochus puts his Army in Battaile The order of Molons battaile The death of Molon Molon Crusâ—câ—fled Antiochus goes against Artabazanes Antiochus hath a Soâ—ne Artabazaâ—es makes an accord with Antiochâ—â— Apolâ—phanes aduice to Antiochus Apolophanes aduiâ—â— to â—nâ—iochus Ptolomy the Bâ—nefactor The scituation of Seâ—euciâ— Antiochus corrupts the Captaines of Seleuoia Seleucia assaulted The Towne of Brocâ—es besieged Tyrus and ptâ—lâ—mais taken The policy of Agathocles and Sosibius An Army raised by Ptoâ—omy The distribution of Ptolomes Army to his Captaines An Embassie sent from Antiochus to Ptolomy Reasons of the warre propounded by Antiochus Thâ— answer of Ptolomes Embassadours to Antiochus A leuie of Armies by Antiochus and Ptolomy Embassâ—dours from the Arcadiâ—ns to Antiochus Antiochus his Army diuided into three A Combat at Sea and Land Diuers Townes taken by Antiocâ—us
the Romans in Italy Asdrubal brother to Hannibal slaine The Celts slaine sleeping The number of the dead An accord betwixt the Romans and the Etoliens Phylopemen makes Warre against Machanides Tyrant of Lacedemon The order of Philopomens Battaile The order of Machanides Army The safety of Monarches Machanides slaine Anaxidamus slaine Tegea taken The exellency of Hannibal Diuers Nations vnder the leading of Hannibal Asdrubal camps neere to Elinge Publius Scipio drawes his Army together Asdrubal chargeth the Romans A suddaine charge of the Romans against the Carthaginians The double policy of Scipio Scipio puts his men in battaile Asdrubal puts his men in Battaile A disorder by the Elephants A defect in the Text. A good Comparison The wisedome of Scipio Publius Scipio assembles his Army Three causes of the peoples mutiny against Princes The inconstancy of the people A punishment of the Mutines Scipio's Speech to his Army Scipio layes a baite for the Enemy The Spaniards put themselues in Battaile The order of Scipio's Battaile A defeate of the Spaniards The manner of the Lybians liuing The Iland of Cyruon not well knowne by Tymeus The manner of breeding Swine in Italy The City of the Locrines The Collony of the Locrines according vnto Aristotle A defect in the Text. Two kinds of vntruth Tymeus reprehensible Agathocles cruell A parcell corrupted Zaleucus the Law-giuer Cosmopole A seuere sentence A witâ—â—nswer of a Young man Of the Voyage of Alexander against Darius Galâ—sthenes The reprehension of Calisthenes An excuse of Alexander vpon Calisthenes The Warre like vnto a Disease The Acheins free from fraud Heraclides malicious The vices of Heraclides The force of truth Nabis Tyrant of the Lacedemonians Apege the Wife of Nabis Vtica besieged by Scipio Pedisca the wife of Syphax The Campe of Asdrubal of 30000. Foote and 3000. Horse The Campe of Syphax of 10000 Horse and 50000. Foote A custome of the Romans during their repast Massanissa Scipio drawes to the Enemies Campe. Lelius assailes Syphax his Campe by fire Scipio sets Asdrubals Campe on fire The flight of Asdrubal The Carthaginian Senate hoâ—â—â—â— Councell Scipio attends the Siege of Bysarthe 4000. Celtiberians come to succour the Carthaginians Scipio drawes towards the Enemy The order of Battaile of the Romans Army The order which Syphax and Asdrubal held The beginning of the Battaile The defeate of the Celtiberians Syphax retires in safety The adulec of the Romans The pursuit of the Romans after Syphax Diuers opinions of the Carthaginians concerning their Warre Tunie taken by Scipio Lucius Ser uinus Lucius Citinus and Lucius Fabius sent Emâ—â—ssadourâ— to Carthage A remonstrance of the Roman Embassadours to the Carthaginians A Conspiracy of the Carthaginians against the Roman Embassadors Hannibal sends to Tycheus Athia Lieutenant at Sea for Scipio The Carthaginian Embassadours stayed by Ethias The Carthaginians preâ—â—e Hannibal The Clemency of Scipio vnto Hannibals spies The comming of Massanissa to Scipio's Camp The enterview of Hannibal and Scipio Hannibals Speech to Scipio Scipio's answer to Hannibal Articles comprehended in the Accords past betwixt Scipio and the Carthaginians The order of Scipio's Battaile Scipio's Speech to his Army The order of Hannibal his Battaile The beginning of the Battaile by the Elephants The strength of the Battaile The great fury of the fight The victory of the Romans against the Carthaginians Hannibal flies to Adrumetum Hannibal vanquished by fortune A defect of the 〈◊〉 Zachantia spoiled by the Carthaginians The Articles of Accord propounded by Scipio to the Carthaginians Hanibal forceth a Citizen A good comparison Embassadours wronged by Philip. The Rhodiens declared Enemies to Philip. Danae a prisoner Moeragena saues himselfe naked Oenanthe sad A mutiny of the people Agâ—thoclea shewes her Papps vnto the Macedonians Phylon slaine Agathocles slaine Nicon and Agathoclea slaine The Egyptians cruell The cruelty of Virgins Agathocles and Denis Sicilians The saying of Scipio Two ends in Histories Attalus chargeth Philips Army at Sea The number of Philips ships and of his Enemies Democrates Captaine Generall to Philip sunkt Erythee a town in Asia The Pollicy of Attalus his Souldiers The losse of ships which Philip made The causes why Philip challenges the Victory to himselfe The death of Theophiliscus Prinasse besieged by Philip. The Gulfe of Neptune The City of Miletum built The Image of Diana Syphax King of the Masaisylins A man may be commended and blamed according to the diuersity of his Actions Of the profit of Abydos and Sestes A comparison of the streight of Abydos with that of Gibeltar The City of the Abydeins The Abydeins besieged by Philâ—p The course which the Abydeins take in despaire The prowesse of the Abydeins Marcus Emilius sâ—nt to Philip. The braue answere of Philip to Marcus Emilius The cruelty of the Abydeins to themselues The forme of Philopomenes Letters to the Cities A sally out of Pelene vpon the Acheins Philips Company The wise answere of Philip. The Articles which Dionisodorus demanded of Philip. Asesymbrotes demands for the Rhodiens The demands of the Acheins and Etoliens Alexander against Philip. Philips answer A strange Custome of the Etoliens Philip lands The Articles agreed on by Philip. Another assembly aâ— Thronye Philips cause sent to Rome Embassadours sent to Rome by Titus the Etolienâ— Acheins and Athenians Philips Embassadors reiected Warre declared against Philip. The Commendation of Titus The Grecians delicate of their Bodies A difference betwixt the Romans Stakes and the Grecians Titus plants his Campeneare to Pherees An encounter of the foretunneâ—s The Romans charged by the Macedonians The Nature of the Etoliens as well on force as Horsebacke Titus puts his Army in Battaile A Battaile betwixt the Romans and Philip of Macedony The signe which the Macedonians giue when they yeild The victory of the Romans Number of the dead on either side The Romans haue bin Vanquished by the pollicy of Hannibal Order of the Romans Armes For what cause the Romans Vanquish Philips retreate into Macedony Antiochus makes an assembly at Lysmachia Antiochus answere to the Romans Scope puâ— to death by poyson Altars set vp by Dicearâ—hus to cruelty and iniquiry
and pleasure by History Wee will therefore make the beginning of this Booke at the first Voyage which the Romans made by Sea which is subsequent to those things which Timerus hath last written which was in the hundred and nine and twentieth Olimpiade We must therefore relate how and what time they ended their Quarrels in Italy and what meanes they had to passe into Sicily For this is the first voyage they euer made out of their Territories whereof wee must set downe the reason simply and without disguising to the end that by the search from one cause to another the beginning and consideration of the whole may not proue doubtfull The beginning also must bee agreeable to the Time and Subiects and that it be knowne to all the which they may consider by themselues yea in seeking out those things which were past long before and in the meane time relate the Actions summarily For it is certaine that the beginning being vnknowne or obscure its continuance cannot perswade nor purchase beleefe But if the Opinion of the beginning be true then all the subsequent Narration doth easily content the Auditors eare Nineteene yeeres after the battell wone vpon the Riuer Aegos and sixteene yeeres before the Warre of Leuctra where the Lacedemonians treated a peace with Anâ—alcides King of Persia when as Denis the old held the Citty of Rhegium in Calabria besieged after that hee had defeated the Grecians inhabiting vpon the limits of Italy neere vnto the Riuer of Elleporis and that the Gaules hauing wholy ruined Rome held it except the Capitall During which time the Romans hauing made an accord with them which they found good and profitable and had recouered their liberty contrary to their hope and expectance and had in a manner taken a beginning of their increase they declared Warre against their Neighbours As soone as the Latins had beene vanquished aswell by their prowesse as by the fortune of the Warre they turned their Armes against the Tuscans then to the Celtes which are in Italy and finally vpon the Samnites which confine the Region of the Latins towards the East and North. Sometime after the Tarrentines seeing the outrage which they had committed against the Romane Embassadours not relying much vpon their owne forces they called in King Pyrrhus the yeere before the Descent of the Gaules into Italy and before the Retreate of those which were defeated in Battell neere vnto Delphos Then the Romans after they had vanquished the Tuscans and Samnites and beaten the Celtes often began to make warre against the rest of Italy not as contending for another mans Lands but as for their owne and formerly â—â—â—onging vnto them being now growne warlike by the Warres which they had had against the Celtes and Samnites The Romans then after that Pyrrhus and his forces had beene chased out of Italy taking this Warre to heart they pursued such as had followed his party Being suddainly become Maisters of all according to their desires and that all Italy was wholy subdued except the Celtes they presently besieged some of theirs which held Regium One and the like fortune befell two Citties scituated vpon the Straight of that Sea that is Messina and Rhegium Some Campanois hauing beene lately in pay with Agathocles in Sicily wondring at the beauty and wealth of Messina they suddainly when they found an opportunity assailed it breaking their Faith they hauing beene receiued into it by Friendship where they expell'd some of the Cittizens and slew others After which wicked act they shared their Wiues and Children among them as their fortunes fell out during the Combate Then they diuided their goods and lands But after this suddaine and easâ—e Conquest of so goodly a Countrey and City they soone found others that did imitate their villanies They of Rhegium amazed with the descent of Pyrrhus at such time as he past into Italy and fearing in like manner the Carthaginians being then Maisters of the Sea they craued a Garrison and men from the Romans Those which they sent vnto them were to the number of 4000. vnder the command of Decius the Campanois they kept the Towne for a time and their faith in like manner with the Cittizens in defending them but in the end moued by the example of the Mamertins who solicited them to coÌ„mit this base act they falsified their faith being aswell incited by the opportunity of the deed as by the wealth of Rhegium and chased away some Cittizens and slew others finally they seased vpon the Citty as the Mamertines had done And although the Romans were discontented at the misfortune of the Rhegins yet they could not relieue them for that they must settle an order for their precedent VVarres But after they had ended them they besieged them of Rhegium and afterward they entred it by force whereas many were slaine who being certaine of the punishments they were to endure defended themselues valiantly to death Aboue three hundred were taken aliue who presently after their comming to Rome the Commanders of the VVarre commanded them to be brought into the Market-place where they were whipt and in the end their heads strooke off after the manner of the Countrey They did vse this punishment to the end that their Faith as much as might be possible might be confirmed towards their confederates Presently after they caused the Towne and Countrey to be deliuered to the Rhegins But whilest that the Mamertins youmust vnderstand that the Campanois caused themselues to be so called after the taking of Messina were relieued by the Romans which held Rhegium by force they not onely enioyed the Countrey and Towne peaceably but they committed great spoiles vpon many other Townes their Neighbours aswell of the Carthaginians as of Saragosse otherwise Siracusa The greatest part of Sicily was tributary vnto them But soone after when they were depriued of those succours and that they which held Rhegium were besieged they were in like manner by them of Saragosse for the causes which follow As a little before the men of warre of Saragosse camping neere vnto Mergane being in dissention with the Goutrnours of the Common-weale they chose for their Captaines Artemtdore and Hieron who afterwards was their King being yet very young But finally so well endowed with all the graâ—es of Nature and Minde as hee wanted no Royall conditions but the Crowne Hauing accepted the Magistracy and made his entry into the Towne very well accompanied by his Friends where hauing vanquished the Burgesses of the contrary faction hee vsed the Victory with so great clemency and modesty as by a common consent of all in generall he was chosen their Commander although they did not allow of the Election made by the Souldiers It is true that Hieron made knowne to men of iudgement and vnderstanding that he had conceiued greater designes in his minde then to be their Leader First knowing well that the Saragossins were mutinous and desirous
of innouation whensoeuer they sent their Souldiers and Commanders out of the Countrey and that Leptine was a man of great reputation and of more credit then any other of the Cittizens and that he was very pleasing vnto the Multitude he held it fit to make an alliance with him to the end he might leaue some report in the Citty for him whensoeuer he should goe to the VVarre and lead an Army out of the Countrey Hauing therefore taken the Daughter of Leptine to VVife knowing well that the old band of forraigne Souldiers were changeable and subiect to mutinies he led his Army of set purpose against the Barbarians who held the Citty of Messina And hauing seated his Campe neere to Centoripe and put his men in battell close vpon the Riuer of Ciamossure he stayed in a place apart all the Horse and Foote of his owne Nation as if he meant to charge the Enemy on the other side suffering the forraigne Souldiers to be defeated by the Barbarians and whilest the others fled he makes his retreate safely with all the Saragossins to the Citty When he had by this pollicy brought his designe vnto an end and had freed his Army of all the Mutines hee makes a great leuy of Souldiers Soone after when as all things were settled in good order Hieron seeing that the Barbarians were growne too audacious and proud of their late Victory he parts from the Citty with an Army of his Countrey souldiers well trained and disciplined and making dilligence he came to Myle where along the Bankes of the Riuer of Longane he fought with them with all his forces Hauing vanquished them and taken their Captaines seeing their pride much abated by this Victory he returnes 〈◊〉 Saragosse with his Army and was by the generall fauour and consent of all the Cittizens saluted King by the Allies The Mamertins as we haue sayd being depriued of the succours of of the Romane Legion and hauing lost so great a Battell their hearts being broken they retire for the most part vnto the Carthaginians and yeeld themselues and their Fort The rest sent vnto the Romans deliuering their Towne vnto them and requiring succours as to those that were of the same Nation The Romans were long in suspence what to doe For they found it strange hauing lately punished their Cittizens so seuerely for violating their faith with the Rhegins to send succours now vnto the Mamertins who were guilty of the like crime They were not ignorant of all these things Yet considering that the Carthaginians had not onely drawne Affricke vnder their obedience by force of Armes but also many places in Spaine and moreouer all the Islands of the Sea of Sardinia and Italy they doubted that their Neighbour-hood would be dangerous if they made themselues Lords of the rest of Sicily They likewise vnderstood that it would be easie to effect if the Mamertins were not relieued And there was no doubt that if Messina had beene deliuered vnto them they would presently haue recouered Saragosse for that they held all the rest of Sicily And as the Romans considered these things they were of opinion that it was necessary not to abandon Messina nor to suffer the Carthaginians to make vnto themselues as it were a Bridge to passe into Italy at their pleasure This was long in debate yet it was not concluded in that assembly for it seemed vnto them as vnreasonable as profitable to relieue the Mamertins But as the Commons much weakned with their former Warâ—es seemed to haue need of rest so the Captaines shewing the great profit that might ensue they resolued to succour the Mamertins This Opinion being confirmed by the Commons presently they appointed Appius Claudius one of the Consuls to passe the Army into Sicily and to relieue the Mamertins who had put out of their Towne aswell by threats as pollicy the Captaine of the Carthaginians which as we haue sayd held the Fort. And they called vnto them Appius Claudius deliuering the Citty into his hands The Carthaginians hung him on a Crosse which had had the Guard supposing that he had yeelded it basely for feare and want of Courage Then suddainly they drew their Sea-army neere vnto Pellore and that at land about the Countrey called Sene holding by this meanes Messina streightly besieged In the meane time Hieron thinking to haue found a good opportunity to chase the Barbarians which held Messina out of Sicily followed the Carthaginians party And going from Saragosse he takes his way to the Towne and layes his Siege on the other side neere vnto Mount Calshidique By this meanes he tooke from the Townesmen all meanes to sally forth on that side But the Consull passing the Sea by night with great danger in the end he arriued at Messina where seeing the Enemy round about it and that this Siege was as dishonourable vnto him as dangerous for that the Enemies were the stronger both by Land and Sea he desired first to try by Embassies sent to both Camps if it might be possible to pacifie things so as the Mamertins might be freed But the Enemies not vouchsafing to heare them he was in the end forced to vndergoe the hazard and resolued first to giue battell to the Saragossins He therefore causeth his Army to march and put it in battell to the which the King likewise came speedily But after that Appius had fought long in the end he preuailed ouer his Enimies pursuing them into their Fort. The Consull after the spoile of the dead retires into the Citty and Hieron being frustrate of all hope recouered Saragosse speedily the Night following The next day Appius Claudius aduertised of the flight of the Saragossins and hauing resumed courage and confidence he had no will to stay but to goe and fight with the Carthaginians Wherefore he commanded his men to be ready and the next day he past early and chargeth his Enimies whereof some were slaine and the rest forced to saue themselues in the neighbour-townes By this meanes the Siege being raiâ—ed he rauaged and spoyled the Countrey to Saragosse and their Allies without danger And after that he had ruined all in the end he besieged Saragosse Behold then for the causes aboue mentioned the first Voyage which the Romane Army made out of Italy And for that we haue held it fit for the entrance of our designe we haue made it our beginning in looking somewhat backe to the times past to the end we may not leaue any occasion of doubt vpon the causes we shall yeeld And in truth I haue held it necessary to declare first at what time and by what meanes the Romans being in extreame danger to lose their Countrey began to grow fortunate And when likewise after they had subdued Italy they began to conquer other Countries to the end that the greatnesse of their Empire which was since may seeme more likely in knowing the beginnings No man must
a feare and amazement as they thought Hannibal would come a Conquerour to Rome Wherefore they leuied a new Army and sent supplies into Sicily and Sardinia fortifying Tarentum and the other Townes in Italy They likewise prepared an Army at Sea of fifty Quinqueremes Finally they were wholly attentiue to Warre At that time Cneus Seruilius and Caius Flamiâ—â—ius were chosen Consuls and a new leuie of men was made and succours required from the Allies One of them led his Troupes to Rimeni and the other into Tuscany They had resolued to lead their Armies into Gaule They had besides sent to Hieron to demaund succours who sent them fiue hundred Candiots and a thousand men which beare Targets Without doubt the Romans at that time drew all the Fâ—rces they could possible against Hannibal for the feare was not onely generall but euery mans in particular During these accidents in Italy Cneus Cornelius Scipio who as we haue formerly said had beene left by his Brother in Gaule with an Army at Sea parting from the mouth of Rhone arriued at Empories And beginning there hee made all the Maritime Countrly vnto Ebro subiect to the Romans renewing the ancient leagues with some and making new with others When hee had pacifiâ—d the Sea-coasts aud had left Garrisons where neede required he led his Army vp into the firme land Hee had now drawne together some Companies of succours from the allied Townes By this meanes he takes some Townes some by Composition others by force The which Hanno perceiuing whom Hannibal had left for the defence of Spaine he resolued to encounter the Enemies and planted himselfe right against them neere vnto a Towne which the people of the Countrey call Cisse Scipio in like manner did not hold it fit to deferre the Battell And therefore after hee had gotten the Victory and taken the Enemies Fort hee recouered great store of Treasure For all they which went to the Warres of Italy vnder Hannibal had left all their wealth with these men lest the Baggage should bee tedious and troublesome vnto them Afterwards Scipio made a league with all the Inhabitants which were within the Riuer of Ebro and made them Allies and Friends There were two Commaunders taken aliue whereof the one was Hanno who had the leading of the Carthaginians and the other Andubal King of a Region which lies in the heart of Spaine who had alwayes held the party of the Carthaginians Asdrubal hearing the newes passeth Ebro marching with his Army against the Romans who vpon the way had newes that the Souldiers and Sea-men wandred the fields vp and downe being confident and carelesse with the ioy of their Victory Wherefore hee marches thither speedily with eight thousand foote and a thousand Horse where killing a great part he forced the rest to recouer their ships yet hee durst not stay long but repast the Riuer of Ebro And when hee had put Garrisons in necessary places hee went to winter at Carthage Cneus Scipio aduertised hereof drawes his men suddainly together and goes vnto his sea-Sea-army punishing such as had beene the cause of the defeate after the manner of the Romans When hee had drawne his Army both by Sea and Land together he went to winter at Taracona where he diuided the spoile so as hee purchased the loue of them all making them more resolute for the future Warre Behold the estate of the affaires of Spaine In the beginning of the Spring Flaminius marching thorough Tuscany came to Aretzo As for Seruilius hee attended after hee had brought his Army to Rimeni when the Enemy would dislodge And whilest that Hannibal spent the Winter in Gaule hee kept the Romans that were Prisoners straightly fetter'd and poorely fed intreating the Allies courteously from the beginning and afterwards causing them to assemble he made many remonstrances vnto them telling them that he was not come to make Warre against them but to fight with the Romans for their liberty and therefore if they were wise they should imbrace the alliance and friendship of the Carthaginians and that he was there to set the people of Italy at liberty and to restore those whom the Romans had outragiously chased from their houses their Townes and Countries When hee had vsed these or the like speeches hee sent them all away without ransome desiring by this meanes to winne the hearts of all the people of Italy and to make them abandon the Romans party and to encourage those whom they had depriued of their Townes and Countrey It is true that whilest hee wintred he was many times in dangers by the Gaules the which he preuented by an Affrican tricke for that the Gaules discouered it as lightly vnto him as they had giuen their consent so as hee caused periwigges of diuers ages to bee made with great art the which he vsed changing his apparrell often so as he was not onely vnknowne to them which had neuer seene him but also to his familiars By this meanes he was in safety they not knowing whom to assault for Hannibal Moreouer when as the Gaules were discontented that their Countrey was made the seate of the Warre making a shew to be desirous to fight to the end it might be transported to some other part Hannibal resolued to goe the sooner to field and to lead his Army to the Warre which he desired The Spring time approached when calling vnto him those which knew the wayes he inquired of the passages which went into the Enemies Country And being aduertised that all the wayes were long and knowne to the enemy they discouered vnto him one that was shorter but troublesome which would leade him through the Marishes of Tuscany whereby he might passe his Army vnknowne vnto the enemy But when the newes came into the Campe of their Voyage by Marishes the apprehension discouraged them fearing the Quagmires and Pooles Yet he tooke this way with his whole Army causing the Spaniards and Affricans to march before with the ablest of his men and their Baggage to the end that if they were forced to plant a Campe they should not want things necessary It is true that before he had not resolued to carry any Baggage for that hee knew well that the Carthaginians should not want any thing if they were vanquished and if they won the Countrey they should not likewise want Next he causeth the Gaules to march and in the Reare the horse-men whereof he gaue the charge to his brother Mago to the end that by their helpe the Gaules by their basenesse should not turne head being discontented with the toile The Spaniards and Affricans marching through the Marishes came vnto the end without any great toile as inured to paines and accustomed to such miseries Contrariwise the Gaules went with great difficulty as men amazed falling into the Quagmires of the Moares and carrying this misery with griefe and discontent like men vnaccustomed to such calamities the Horse-men kept them
preparation for war Wherefore after hee had prepared an Army at Sea of fiue and thirty Vessels he made choise of the ablest men of his whole Army and most actiue to fight at Sea The which being imbarqued he set saile to encounter the enemy and three dayes after hee had sail'd from Tarracona to places neere vnto Ebro hee comes vnto a Hauen ten miles distant from the Enemy From thence hee sends two Vessels of Marceilles being very swift to discouer This was a people which had a great League with the Romans and had held their party during the time of the second Punique Warre But as soone as these Scouts had made Relation that the enemies Army at Sea was in the mouth of the Riuer of Ebro he weighes Anchor and sayles towards them being desirous to surprize them vnprouided Asdrubal had beene aduertised of the comming of the Roman army by a signe which was giuen him from a Beacon or watch-Tower and therefore after he had ordred his Army by Land along the shore and and caused his Rowers to imbarque hee puts all into armes When the Romans not onely approacht but also put their shippes in battaile they gaue warning to fight The Carthaginians assayling them resolutely had for a time some shew of Victory But afterwards Fortune began to turne for they which were vpon the shore gaue not so much courage to their men to fight as hope of safety for those that would flye And therefore the Carthaginians got to Land after that two of their ships had biâ— taken and foure sunke But when as the Romans pursued them with all their forces the Carthaginians fled to shore abandoning their ships and retired to their Army which was there in Battaile Finally hauing followed them with great speede they towed away with Ropes all the Vessels which floated And after they had vanquished their Enemies they parted ioyfully as being masters of the Sea and of the forty shippes they tooke fiue and twenty Being therefore proud of this Victory they were afterwards more carefull of the affaires of Spaine The Carthaginians aduertised of this mis-fortune sent three-score and ten Vessels Rigg'd sooner then they could imagine vnderstanding well of what consequence it was to be masters of the Sea Who sail'd first to Sardinia and afterwards to Pisa in Italy to the end they might ioyne with Hannibal if it were possible But when as the Romans were aduertised of the comming of the Carthaginian Army they so terrified them with sixe score Quinqueremes which they sent as they presently returned to Sardinia and from thence to Carthage Cueâ—s Seruilius Commaunder of the Army at Sea had them long in chase but when as he heard there was no hope to ouer-take them he came vnto Lylibeum with his Fleete From thence soone after he sailes vnto the Iland of Cercinetes where taking siluer of the Inhabitants not to ruine the Country he turnes backe and takes the Iland of Cossyron in passing Where after he had put a Garrison into the Towne he returned to Lylibeum where lodging his Vessels in the Port within few dayes after he went to the Army at Land In the meane time the Senate hauing newes of Cneus Scipio his Victory at Sea in the mouth of Ebrâ— they not only held it fit but also necessary to pursue the War in Spaine and to annoy the Carthaginians with all their power both by Sea and Land And therefore they presently prepared twenty shipps of War and sent them to Publius Scipio in Spaine continuing his authority after his Consulship was ended to the end that being ioyned with his brother Cneus Scipio all the affaires might be mannaged by their common Councell For the thing which the Romans feared most was that the Carthaginians preuailing in Spaine would be masters of the Sea So as afterwards they might Saile into Italy and furnish and supply Hannibal easily with men and Treasure Publius Scipio going into Spaine ioyned with his brother after which the War was gouerned by their common Councell Wherfore presently they past the Riuer of Ebro the which before they neuer durst attempt Then Fortune began to smile on the Romans And after they had made subiect those which dwelt in the passage of Ebro finding no resistance they came to Sagont Where being within fiue miles of Cape Decrux they camped in a place safe from the Enemy and conuenient to draw Victuals from the Sea Soone after that their Army at Sea arriued whereas this accident hapned You must vnderstand that Hannibal at his going into Italy had taken the Children of the noblest Families in Spaine and had left them in guard at Sagont For that the place was strong and they which kept it confident to the Carthaginians There was at time within the Towne a certaine Spaniard whom they called Acedux of a noble house and as honest a man as any other Spaniard and among the rest very loyall to the Carthaginians But at that time after the manner of most of the Barbarians hee changed his faith together with his Fortune This Spaniard seeing the Romans to prosper in Spaine had a desire to deliuer the Hostages hauing a conceite that it would be a great meanes to purchase their fauour When he had well considered of all the meanes to bring his enterprize to an end he goes to Bostar Chiefe of the Carthaginians Asdrubal had sent him into Spaine to keepe the Romans from passing the Riuer The which not daring to attempt he seated his Campe beyond Sagont vpon the Bankes of the Riuer He was a mild man and contrary to the nature of the Affricans not very politicke He drawes him a part as a man which held his faith assured to the Carthaginians and lets him vnderstand the estate of the affaires The Carthaginians sayd he haue held vnder their obedience vnto this day the people of Spaine by cruelty for that the Romans were a far off But now the Enemies Campe hath passed Ebro so as euery man hath thereby occasion of a new enterprize And therefore it is necessary to bind those by benefits and fauours whom they could not retaine by feare Moreouer that the Romans were neere vnto Sagont in Armes and furnished with Armies both by Sea and Land so as the Towne was in danger For this cause he was of opinion that hee should send backe all the Hostages to their Townes The which if hee did hee should first of all frustrate the Romans of their hope for that they did chiefly besiedge Sagont to haue them And that moreouer he should purchase the loue and fauour of the Spaniards to the Carthaginians He likewise thought that it would be for the safety of the Hostages and that if hee would giue him the charge to carry them backe hee would do him no small seruice to winne their loues and that he should not only bind their hearts by the sending backe of the Children vnto their Parents but he should set
to Etolia he tooke this speech of Schiron so to heart as without any other cause he made warre against the Messeniens At that time Ariston was chiefe of the Etoliens who by reason of the weakenesse of his body growne by a long infirmity could not mannage this warre Although hee were allied to Scope and to Dorimache yet he gaue the conduct to Dorimache But he durst not openly incense the Etoliens to make warre against the Messeniens for that hee could noâ— propound for a sufficient cause as growing onely vpon choller for an iniury spoken to him And therefore leauing this aduice hee adresseth himselfe to Scope in priuate perswading him to oppose himselfe against the Messeniens being then assured of the Macedonians by reason of the minority of their King for that Philip had not seauenteene yeares compleate and that moreouer the Lacedemonians held not the party of the Messeniens acquainting him with the Friendship and alliance hee had with the Grecians Wherefore hee found not any man that could hinder his passage to Messena Then hee propounded vnto him with an Etolien perswasion the great profite that would redowne thereby considering that all the Countrey liued in assurance and that they alone had not felt the Cleomenique Warre and that finally the Etoliens would bee well pleased and ready to doe them honour vnto the vtmost of their ability and power As for the Acheins they would giue them occasion of Warre if they sought to hinder their voyage But if they did not budge they would passe easily to Messena and for that the Messeniens had made a promise to the Acheins and Macedonians to enter into their league they gaue sufficient occasion of Warre Hauing vsed a long Speech touching this enterprize hee soone moued Scope and his Friends as without assembling the people or attending the will of the Magistrates or obseruing any order oâ— serâ—uâ—tice they made Warre against the Messeniens the Epirotes Acheins Acarnaniens and Macedonians Wherefore they presently sent forth many Pirates who encountred with the royall ship of Macedony laden and carried it to Etolia where they sold the Pilots and Marriners and in the end the ship Then they ranne along the Empire spoyling all those which they met being assisted by the Cephalonien Vessels to commit their outrages taking Townes by Treason For in Acarnania they tooke Orea and seized vpon a Castle which is in the midst of the Megalopolitains Countrey which they call Claire by men whom they had secretly sent into Morea whereof making vse afterwards for a retreate they committed great spoiles at Sea At that time Timoxenes which was Chiefe of the Acheins tooke the Towne of Taurion by assault the which Antigonus had taken in the time of the Warre of Morea You must vnderstand that King Antigonus held Corinthe with the good liking of the Acheins as we haue shewed heretofore in speaking of the Cleomenique Waâ— But he had not restored Orchomenes vnto them the which hee had taken by force and had made himselfe Lord thereof requesting and desiring as it seemes not onely to haue an entry into Morea but also to keepe the heart thereof by meanes of the Garrison of Orchomenes Dorimache and Scope making great choise of the time when as Timoxenes had not no many dayes to continue and stay in his Magistracy and that Arate who was to succeede him could not execute his office they assembled the Etoliens neere vnto the Mountaine of Rhie and hauing prepared the Cephalonian ships they sayled to Morea and in passing by the Coasts of the Patrenses Pharences and Tritenses they march against the Messeniens It had beene forbidden not to doe any outrage to the Acheins But who can prescribe an order to a multitude who spoile all where they come Comming in the end to Phigalea and making their attempt against the Messeniens without any regard of their ancient Friendship and without any feare of God or Men they ouer-runne and spoile the Countrey putting all to fire and sword In the meane time the Messeniens finding themselues too weake kept themselues close within their Towne The time of election approaching for the Acheins they assembled at Egea whereas holding their Diet when as the Embassadours of Patres on the one side and those of Pharos on the other made their complaints for the outrages done by the Etoliens and that on the other side the Messeniens demanded Succours with great compassion they were induced partly by the wrongs done vnto their Allies and moued partly with pitty which they had of the Messeniens being likewise discontented that the Etoliens had past their Army thorow their Countrey without their priuity they resolued to giue succours to the Messeniens and thereby to accustome the Acheins to Warre and what the assemblies should ordaine should be obserued Timxenes chiefe of the Acheins who was not yet deposed fearing to make any attempt as if there were no other meanes but the multitude for that after the Warre of Cleomenes when as all quarrels were pacified hee knew well that the people of Morea were giuen to pleasure and that making no more accompt of Warre they were growne idle Contrariwise Arate not able to endure the outrage done vnto his Allies and incensed the presumption of the Etoliens remembring in like manner their ancient hatred hee made haste to cause the Acheins to take Armes and to fight with the Etoliens And therefore fiue dayes before hee should enter into the Magistracy hee receiued the Seale from Timoxenes and wrote vnto the Towne willing them to leuie men and to assemble at Megalopolis But before wee proceede I haue thought good to speake something of his nature and disposition Arate was a man perfect in all things for the Gouernment of a City for hee spake well and had a good inuention being also diligent and of execution There was not his equall to endure a Ciuill dissention patiently nor to contract leagues and alliances Finally hee was a wise and discreet man in his Magistracy and charge and to lay Ambushes for his Enemy bringing them vnto a good end by his labour and patience Whereof there are many proofes and testimonies but especially for that he deliuered Sicyon and Mantinea to the Acheins and had taken Pellene from the Etoliens hee likewise conquered the strong Fort of Corinthe which they call Acrocorinthe Yet if hee were to fight he was carelesse to take Councell and faint-hearted in the fight Wherefore he filled Morea with the triumph of the spoiles taken by him so as Nature hath not onely framed a diuersity in mens bodies but also in their soules So as many times the same man doth not carry himselfe onely in diuers things an able man in some and slacke in others But also hee doth many times in one and the same action make shew of extreame heate and sometimes of incredible slacknesse so as sometimes hee seemes a man of great courage and another
men falling vpon him slew him cruelly with Sthenelaus Alcamenes Thyestes Byonides and diuers others As for Polyphonte hee retired with his friends to Philip hauing long before foreseene the future Things passing in this manner the Lacedemonian Gouernours sent an Embassie to the King to lay the wrong vpon them that were slaine and to perswade him to proceede no farther vntill that all the troubles of the Citie were pacified Ciuing him to vnderstand that the Lacedemonians kept their faith and friendship with the Macedonians inuiolable The Ambassadours meeting the King neere vnto the Mountaine of Parthenia deliuered their charge Who being heard Philip aduised them to returne speedily and to aduertise the Gouernours that hee would soone returne with his Army to Tegee and that they should presently send the chiefe of their Citie to Corinthe to conferre of their present affaires By this meanes the Ambassadours being returned and hauing acquainted them with Philips answere the Gouernours sent him tenne of the chiefe of the Citie among the which Omias was the first who comming to Tegee and entring into the Kings priuie Councell they vsed disgracefull speeches of Adionant and his confederates as if he had bin the cause of this Mutinie Finally they omitted nothing which they thought fit to purchase the Kings loue promising to doe any thing whereby it should appeare plainely that they continued constant in the Kings alliance and friendship Hauing deliuered these things the Lacedemonians went out of the Councell The Macedonians were of diuers opinions concerning these affaires for some being aduertised of the Enterprizes which the Spartains made with the Etoliens being also of opinion that Adimant had beene slaine for the loue he bare vnto the Macedonians beganne to counsell the King to make the Lacedemonians an example to others as Alexander had done the Thebains when he came to be King The other Senators said that this kinde of punishment was more rigorous then their deedes deserued and that they should onely let the offenders know their offence and depriue them of the gouernment of the Common-weale and giue it to his friends All which being heard the King deliuered his opinion if it be credible that it was his owne for it is not likely that a young man who had scarce attained the age of seauenteene yeares could giue iudgement in so great affaires But it becomes a Historiographer to attribute the resolution taken in Councell to Princes by whose will all things are gouerned So they which read or heare this History must conceiue that these kinde of sentences proceede from those which are the wisest and neerest vnto Princes as if they should attribute this to Arate who at that time was in great authority with the King Philip therefore said that if the Allies attempted any thing in particular among themselues it did not concerne him but onely to warne them by words or letters But if they offended their Allies openly they must receiue a publique punishment and that the Lacedemonians had not infringed the common alliance in any thing but contrariwise had offred to doe all things for the Macedonians and that moreouer hee must not study to intreate them worse considering that it were against reason to take reuenge on those for a light cause who being Enemies his Father had pardoned The Kings Sentence being confirmed Petreus a Friend to Philip was presently appointed to goe to Lacedemon with the Embassie hauing charge to aduise the Spartans to liue in Friendship and to take an Oath for the preseruation of their Faith and League In the meane time Philip razeth his Campe and returnes to Corinthe leauing a great hope in the Allies of his good disposition hauing vsed the Lacedemonians so graciously And hauing found the Embassadours of the Allies at Corinthe who were assembled there by his command they began to hold a Councell for the common affaires of Greece where as all with one voice had the actions of the Etoliens in execration The Beociens charged them that in the time of peace they had spoyled Minerua's Temple and the Phocenses that hauing planted their Campe neere vnto Ambryse and Daulia they had a resolution to take them The Epiretes shewed that they had put all their Countrey to fire and sword the Acarnanians that they had attempted to take a very rich Towne in the Night by Scaladoe Finally the Acheins propounded that they had taken Caria belonging to Megalopolis That they had ouer-run and spoiled the Bounds of Patras and Phare and put Cynethe to fire and sword and then razed it And moreouer had spoiled Diana's Temple at Luses and besieged the Clitoriâ—ns and that finally they had made Warre at Sea to Pyle and at Land to Megalopolis ioyning with the Sâ—lauonians The Councell of the Allies hearing these things all with one consent concluded to make Warre against the Etoliens It was resolued in Conncell that all they should bee receiued into the league whose Townes of Prouinces had beene taken by the Etoliens after the death of Demetrins who was Father to Philip. And that moreouer they which through the necessity of the time had beene forced to make an alliance with the Etoliens should be restored to their former liberty and it should bee lawfull for them to liue according to the Lawes and customes of their owne Countries Finally they ordained that the Amphictions should bee restored to their Lawes and haue the superintendency of the Temple which at that time the Etoliens held who had made themselues Lords When as these things had beene thus resolued the first yeare of the hundred and fortieth Olympiade suddainly the Warre of the Allies was kindled which tooke its iust beginning from the outrages done by the Etoliens whereof we haue spoken They that were in the assembly sent presently to the Allies to aduertise them that according vnto that which had beene ordayned euery one for his part should make Warre against the Etoliens Moreouer Philip writes vnto the Etoliens that if they would answere any thing to that they were charged they should send vnto him And that they were mad with folly if spoiling and ruining all the World without any open Warre they which were vniustly wronged would not seeke reuenge and that in doing so they would be held to begin the Warre The Etoliens hauing receiued these Letters making no stay for the Kings comming appointed a day to goe to Rhie to meete the King But when as they were aduertised of that which had beene concluded in the assembly they sent a Post vnto the King to let him vnderstand that they could not resolue any thing concerning the affaires of the Common-weale before the Etoliens had called an assembly The Acheins hauing held their Diet at Egia according to their custome they confirmed the resolution and presently signified Warre to the Etoliens In the meane time Philip comming to Egia vsed a gracious and friendly Speech vnto them the Acheins embraced his words with great
decided Machate returnes into Etolia hauing effected nothing of that for which hee came The Heads of this Mutiny whereof wee haue spoken being discontented herewith began to plot a most cruell Enterprize Soone after the Youth were to assemble in Armes to performe a Sacrifice which was done yearely after the manner of the Countrey in Pallas Temple where the Gouernours of the Citty had the authority and continued some dayes in the Temple Wherefore they corrupted some of the Yong men which should be there in Armes with gifts who at a time appointed amongst them seeing the Gouernors busie at the Sacrifices should assaile them suddainly and kill them like Sheepe And although they were in the Temple the which the Lacedemonians honoured as a Sanctuary and where all malefactors although they were condemned to dye were in safety yet the insolence of men was growne to so great a cruelty as they slew all the Magistrates before the Altars and on the Tables of the Goddesse The like they did afterwards to the Senators which had followed the opinion of Herides Finally after they had chased out of their Citie those that were opposite to the Etoliens they created new Magistrates of their owne faction making a league with the Etoliens By this meanes they declared themselues at one instant Enemies to the Acheins and vnthankfull to the Macedonians They had a great hope in the loue of Cleomenes whose comming they expected with great affection Beleeue mee the mildnesse and courtesie of Princes hath so great power as it leaues in the hearts of men not onely by their presence but also by their absence a generall zeale of loue and good will towards them The Lacedemonians hauing the Gouernment of their Common-wealth almost for the space of three yeares after that Cleomenes had beene chased away they neuer thought of chusing a King But when they had newes of his death they had an humour to chuse one whereof the first Authors of this practise were the heads of the sedition who had made the league with the Etoliens Wherefore they elected according to their lawes and customes for one of their Kings one named Agesipoles being yet very young the sonne of Agesipoles who was sonne to Cleombrotus It happened that he raigned at such time as Leonides was deposed from the Magistracie for that hee was the neerest of that race And they gaue him for Tutor Cleomenes the sonne of Cleombrotus and brother to Agesipâ—les And although that Archidamus had two sonnes by the daughter of Hippomedon who was sonne to Eudemides and Hippomedon liuing still who was sonne to Agesilaus and Nephew to Eâ—demides and that there were many others of the same blood yet they made choise for their King making no account of the rest nor of their race of Licurgus who was of another house and had no expectance to raigne In truth it was said that he was of the race of Hercules and created King of Sparta in giuing to euery one of the Magistrates sixe hundred Crownes Thus you see that all wicked things haue alwayes beene set to saile But it was not long but the heads of this crime suffered the punishment of their folly and ouer-weening Machate aduertised of that which had beene done at Lacedemon returnes againe to Sparta and perswades the Kings and Magistrates to make warre against the Acheins saying that by this meanes the ambition of those Lacedemonians which held the contrary party and fled the alliance of the Etoliens might be easily supprest When as the Kings and Magistrates were perswaded by his words he returned into Etolia hauing done what he desired by the folly of the Lacedemonians Afterwards Licurgus leuying mercenary men and assembling the people of the Citie enters into the limits of the Argiues whom he assailes vnprouided expecting no such vsage from the Lacedemonians And suddainly takes Polychne Parsie Leâ—ce Cyphas and some other of their Burroughes putting all the Countrey to fire and sword These things being done the Lacedemonians declared warre against the Acheins And in the meane time Mahbate went to the other neighbour Townes perswading them as he had done the Lacedemonians By this meanes the Etoliens to whom all things succeeded happily vndertooke the warre boldly Contrariwise all things were auerse to the Aecheins For King Philip in whom they chiefely relied did but then leuie men the Epirotes had not yet begun the warre with the Etoliens and the Messeniens liued in peace The Etoliens hauing drawne vnto them the Elienses and Lacedemonians prest the Acheins of all sides It happened that Arate had left the gouernment and his sonne Arate was chosen chiefe of the Acheins and that Scope was Captaine Generall of the Etolien Army but he was not to stay long in it for the Etoliens at that time made their election after the middest of September and the Acheins about the beginning of May. Summer being past when as young Arate had vndertaken the gouernment all the warres in a manner had one beginning For Hanibal prepared at that time for the siege of Sagont The Romans sent Lucius Emilius into Sclauonia against Demetrius of Phare Antiochus began the warre in Syria by the meanes of Ptolomais and Antyrus which were deliuered vnto him in treason by Theodotus and Ptolomy against Antiochus Licurgus to follow Cleomenes besieged Athence a Towne of the Megalopolitains The Acheins leuied both Horse and Foote Philip parted from Macedon with his Army hauing about tenne thousand Leginaries and fiue thousand men arm'd with Targets and about eight hundred Horse This was the preparation for warre at that time The Rhodiens made warre at the same time against the Constantinopolitains for some such causes The Constantinopolitains inhabit a City strong by scituation and wonderfull commodious to finde all things that may giue content vnto man For it is so well seated vpon the Gulfe of Pontus as no Marchant can enter nor goe forth but at the mercy of Constantinople And as the Pontique Sea brings any things necessary for man the Constantinopolitains are the Masters for the Countries there-abouts supplies them with great aboundance of Leather for their common vse and a great multitude of Stags and they send to vs honey for daintinesse wax flesh salted and such like things They draw also from vs other things which abound in our Countries as Oyles and all sorts of Wines Somtimes they furnish Wheat and we doe the like to them These are the things whereof the Grecians make vse or else the vent would bee vnprofitable vnto them whereas the Constantinopolitains should shew themselues malicious in allying themselues to the Gaules or to any other barbarous Neighbours So as the Grecians should be forced to abandon the Pontique Sea for the straightnesse of the places and the multitude of Barbarians Wherefore the Constantinopolitains haue great commodities by reason of their scituation transporting those things whereof they abound and drawing vnto them what they want without
and being discontented at the insolency of the Magistrates in choosing Lycurguâ— he began to plot an enterprize of reuolte Hoping therefore to gaine the loue and fauour of the people if doing like vnto Cleemenes he put them in hope to diuide the Lands againe hee doth his indeauour to bring it to effect And communicating his practice to his Friends he had 200. Confederates of his enterprize But knowing that Lycurgus and the Magistrates which had made him King would make a great opposition he studied first how to preuent it When as by chance all the Magistrates supt together he assailes them by surprize and kills them cruelly Behold how Fortune prepared a punishment worthy the deedes which they had committed Beleeue me there is not any man but will say that they had well deserued to be punished by him and for the cause for which they suffered As soone as Chylon had done this Execution he transports himselfe to Lycurgus house And although he were there yet he could not come at him for hee was preserued by his Houshold Seruants and by his neighbours and retired vnto Pellene by vnknowne wayes Chylon frustrated of so great an opportunity being wonderfully discontented was forced to doe that which necessity required and transporting himselfe to the place he seazed vpon all his enemies and gaue courage to his friends labouring to induce the rest to reuolt But when as he saw no man to like of it and that the Citty was in mutiny against him fearing what might happen steales away from thence and comes into Acheia alone being chased out of his Countrey The Lacedemonians fearing the descent of King Philip retired with whatsoeuer they had in the fields into their Townes and fortified them with men and all sorts of munition razing to the ground Athence of the Megalopolitains For that it seemed a very conuenient place for the enemy It is certaine that whilest the Lacedemonians maintained their good gouernment according to the Lawes of Lycurgus they were growne very great vnto the Warre of Leuctres Since which time they beganne to feele the crosses of Fortune and their gouernment grew worse being full of many discommodities and intestine Seditions with Banishments and ruines vntill the Tyranny of Nabydane whose name they could not endure These are things which haue beene related by many and are well knowne since that Cleomenes ruined the gouernement of the Country whereof wee will speake heereafter when opportunity shall require Philip passing by Megalopolis with his Army drew to Argos by the Country of Tegetane and there past the remainder of the Winter purchasing a wonderfull renowne of all the World aswell for his course of life as for the things which he had done in this Warre beyond the strength of his age Appelles who notwithstanding the Kings Commaundment desisted not from his dessigne laboured by little and little to make the Acheins subiect And when he found that Arate and the rest that were with him were opposite vnto his ends and that the King had them in great Reputation especially olde Arate for that he was in great Authority among the Acheins and Antigonus and was moreouer a good and discreete man he beganne to Traduce him with iniuries Then hee inquires what men there were in Acheia of a contrary saction to Arate and drawes them vnto him To whom hee giues a curteous and gracious reception drawing them by perswasions to his friendship and afterwards recommended them in perticular to the King he gaue him to vnderstand that if hee fauoured the party of 〈◊〉 hee should enioy the Acheiâ—s according to the Contracâ— of the League But if vsing his Councell he receiued the others into friendship hee should dispose of all Morea at his pleasure Moreouer the time of the Election approaching hee had an intent to cause one of the other Faction to be chosen Wherefore hee beganne to solicite the King to be at Egia at the Common Assembly of the Acheiâ—s as if he meant to goe from thence into the Elienses Countrey The King perswaded by his Words came vnto Egia at the prefixed time Where Appelles amazing the aduerse party in the end preuailed with great difficulty By this meanes Eperate was chosen Chiefe of the Acheins and Tymoxenes quite reiected whom Arate had named After these things Philip drawing his Army from Egira and marching by Patres and Dimes hee went to a Castle which the Countrey-men call Mur scituated in the Dimenses Country and lately taken by Euripides as wee haue formerly said As hee hasted with great heated to yeild it to the Dimenses hauing his Army ready in Battaile the Garrison of Elienses was so amazed as they presently yeâ—ded themselues and the Castle the which is not great in Circuit but very strong by Scituation and Walles For it had but two furlongs in Compasse but the VValls had not lesse then seauen Fathomes and a halfe in height Philip deliuering it to the Dimenses presently hee ouer-ranne the Prouince to spoile it After which he put all to fire and Sword and returned to Dime laden with great spoiles Apelles supposed that hee had effected part of his dessigne for that the chiefe had beene chosen according to his desire hee chargeth Arate againe desiring to him into disgrace with the King and raiseth a slander vpon him vpon these causes Amphidamuâ— Chiefe of the Elienses in the Burrough which they call Thalamâ— being taken and sent with the other Prisoners came to Olympia And there hee beganne to seeke by the meanes of some to speake vnto the King To whom when hee was brought hee told him that it was in his power to make the Elienses imbrace his Alliance and Friendship The King perswaded with his Words let him goe without ransome with a Charge to tell the Elienses that if they would entertaine his Alliance hee would deliuer all their Prisoners without ransome and that hee would preserue their Prouince from danger suffering them moreouer to liue in liberty and that hee would giue them no Garrisons nor pretend any Tribute but would suffer them to leuie mercenary men where their Affaires required The Elienses hearing these offers would not accept of them although they were great and profitable Appelles making this the occasion of his slander goes to Philip telling him that Arate and his Confederates kept no true Friendshippe with the Macedonians nor entertained the League sincerely For it was certaine they had beene the cause that the Elienses had not accepted the Conditions of the Alliance which had beene offered them For at that time when as hee sent Amphidamus to Olympia they had vsed speeches secretly vnto him that it was not for the good and benefit of Morea that Philip should be Lord of the Elienses and by this meanes the Elienses disdayning the conditions of Peace obserued their League with the Etoliens and indured the Macedonians Warre This Speech being ended Philip caused Arate with the Acheins to
of Etoliens thinking that he might safely ouer-run Thessaly and by this meanes draw Philip to raise his Siege from Palea But being aduertised of the preparation of Chrysogones and Petrea to come and â—ight with him he durst not enter into the Plaine but alwayes kept the top of the Mountaines with his Army And when he had newes of the comming of the Macedonians into 〈◊〉 â—e lâ—aues Thessaly presently to goe and succour his Countrey where being aduertised of the Kings retreat not knowing what to doe and disappointed in all his enterprizes he remained sad and discontented The King at his departure from Lencade with his Fleete hauing spoiled and wasted the Sea-coasts landed at Corinthe with his Army leauing his ships at Leche Then he sent Letters to all the allied Townes of Morea to aduertise them of the day when they should come in Armes to Tegee Which things being thus ordered without making any long stay at Corinthe he parted with his Army and passing by the Countrey of Argos three dayes after his departure he came to Tegee whereas after he had receiued the Acheins which were there assembled he proceeded in his course passing secretly by the Mountaines he laboured to enter the Countrey of Sparta before the Lacedemonians should be aduertised Where hauing marched foure dayes by the Desarts of the Mountaines he came to those which were right against the City Then leauing Menelaie on the right hand he drew to Amycle The Lacedemonians seeing the Army passe by their Citty they wondred at this strange accident and being terrified with this suddaine feare they knew not what to doe For they were amazed at the valiant exploits which they sayd Philip had lately done at Therme and throughout all Etolia And there was a certaine bruite amongst them that Licâ—rgus was sent to succour the Etoliens As for Philips suddaine descent into the Countrey of Sparta no man had euer thought of it and the rather for that his age seemed worthy of some contempt Wherefore matters succeeding contrary to all hope the world had reason to feare for Philip mannaging the Warre with greater courage and policy then his age did beare he terrified his Enemies And namely as we haue sayd he parted from Etolia and pâ—ssing the Gulfe of Ambracia in one night he came to Leucade where staying two dayes and parting the third earely in the morning he arriued two dayes after at Corinthe hauing spoiled the Sea coasts of Etolia and from thence continuing his course he came within nine dayes to the Mountaines which are right against Sparta neere vnto Menelaie so as they could hardly beleeue it when they saw him The Lacedemonians then terrified with the greatnesse and newnesse of this accident knew not what Counceli to take nor to whom to haue recourse The day following Philip campes neere vnto Amycle It is a place in the Spartains Countrey abounding with all sorts of Trees and wealth twenty Furlongs from Lacedemon Where the Temple of Apollo stands being the most excellent of all the rest of the Prouince as well for Art as wealth being seated in that part of the Towne which locks towards the Sea Three dayes after when he had spoiled the whole Country he went to the Castle of Pyrhus where he stayed two dayes and wasting the whole Countrey he put all to fire and sword and planted his Campe neere vnto Carnia From whence he suddainly marcht to Assina from whence after he had attempted in vaine to take it by affault he raised the Siâ—ge and wasted all the rest of the Countrey marching directly to Tenare From thence â—â—â—ning his way hee drawes to the Lacedemonians Hauen which they call Gythia where there is a safe Port about thirty Furlongs from the Citty The leauing it on the right hand he planted his Campe neere to Elea which is if we consider it well the greatest and best Countrey of the Spartains The which he abandoned to the Souldiers who put it to fire and sword Hee also spoiled the Acriens and Lenques and the whole Countrey of the Boies The Messeniens hauing receiued Letters from Philip were no lesse diligent then the other Allies who leuied men presently within their Townes and sent the most able vnto the King to the number of two thousand Foote and two hundred Horse But the length of the way was the cause they came not to Tegee before the Kings departure And therefore doubting in the beginning what they should doe fearing likewise that it would seeme they had willingly made this delay for the suspition they had of them in the beginning they resolued to enter the Spartains Countrey to the end they might ioyne speedily with the King Being come vnto the Castle of Olympes which is seated neere vnto the Mountaines of the Argiues and Lacedemonians and had set themselues downe foolishly and without consideration for they did not fortifie themselues neither with Ditches nor Pallisadoes neither did they choose a conuenient place But relying on the good-will of the Inhabitants they lodged simply neere vnto the Walls Licurgus aduertised of their comming takes the Mercenaries and part of the Lacedemonians and goes directly to the Enemy Where arâ—iuing at the breake of day he marcheth in Battaile against the Messeniens who perceiuing him abandoned all and fled by heapes into this Castle Licurgus recouered the greatest part of their Horses and Baggage but he tooke not a man he onely slew eight Horse-men The Messeniens after this defeate returned by the Argiues Countrey Lycurgus proud of this good fortune being returned to Sparta vseth all speed to leuie men and to prepare all things necessary for the Warre labouring that Philip might not returne by the Spartains Countrey without a Battaile or danger The King parts with his Army from Elia spoiling all as he passeth and brought all backe on the fourth day to Amycle Licurgus hauing resolued with his Friends and Captaines to giue Battaile to the Macedonians goes out of the Citty and recouers the places about Menelaie with about two thousand Foote commanding them of the Citty to be watchfull and when they should see a signe they should speedily make sallies by diuers places taking their way towards Eurota which is a Riuer neere vnto the Citty These were the actions of Lieurgus and the Lacedemonians at that time But to the end that what wee say may not seeme obscure by the ignorance of places wee must declare the nature and scituation The which we will indeauour to doe throughout our whole worke alwaies ioyning places knowne to the vnknowne For the difference of Countryes doe many times deceiue in Warre as well by Sea as Land Our desire is that all men should know not onely the things but how they were done And therefore the description of places is necessary in all things but especially in Warre neither may we blame the vse of Feâ—s Seas and Ilands for signes and sometimes of Temples Mountaines Townes
in the depth of Winter had retired into Macedony and that Eperate Chiefe of the Acheiâ—s was made a scorne to the Youth of the Towne and to the Mercenaries and was not obeyed nor made any preparation for the defence of the Countrey Pyrrhee whom the Etoliens had sent to the Elienses for their Captaine accompanied with thirteene hundred Etoliens and a thousand Foote as well Souldiers as Burgesses of the Elienses and with two hundred Horse being in all about three thousand men aduertised thereof spoiled not onely the Countries of the Dimenses and Pharenses but also of Patres Finally he pitched his Campe neere vnto the Mountaine Panachaique which lookes towards Patres and wasted all the neighbour Region The Townes thus vexed being no was succour'd they payed the Taxe and charge vnwillingly The Souldiers would not be drawne to succour them for that their pay was delayed By this mutuall trouble the Acheins affaires were in bad case And the Mercenaries retired by little and little the which happened by the negligence of the Commander And when the affaires of Acheia stood in this estate and that the time of the Election was come Eperate left the gouernment and the Acheins in the Spring made choise of old Arate Thus past the Affaires in Europe But seeing that in the distinction of times and the order of actions we haue found a conuenient place for this Subiect let vs passe to the Warres of Asia vnder the same Olympiade Relating first as we haue promised in the beginning of our worke the Warre of Syrria which was betwixt Antiochus and Ptolomy And for that I know well that this Warre was not ended at such time as I left to treate of the Actions of Greece and being resolued to follow this perfection and distribution to the end the Readers may not be deceiued in the true knowledge of euery time I hope to leaue a sufficient instruction for those which desire to know it in setting downe at what time in this present Olympiade and of the deeds of the Grecians the beginning and ending of other actions happened Moreouer wee esteeme nothing better nor more honourable in this Olympiade then not to confound things to the end the discourse of the History may be plaine and easie And that distinguishing matters by order as much as may be possible vntill that comming to other Olympiades wee may yeeld to euery yeere its actions according to order And for that we haue not resolued to write them all nor the actions of all places and that wee haue vndertaken with greater affection to write Histories then our predecessours haue done it is fitting wee should be carefull to expresse them in order and that the generall worke of the History may with its parts be plaine and apparent Wherefore we will now write the Reignes of Antiâ—chus and Ptolomy reducing things from farre and pursuing our discourse from a beginning which may bee notorious and which squares with that which wee haue to say For those ancients which haue sayd that the beginning is a moiety of the whole they haue vndoubtedly taught vs that in all things wee should vse great diligence that the beginnings may be well ordered And although some thinke they haue vsed a high Stile yet in my opinion they doe not seeme to speake with truth Without doubt you may boldly say that the beginning is not onely a moiety of the whole but hath also a regard to the end Tell mee how canst thou make a good beginning if thou hast not first comprehended in thy vnderstanding the end of thy Enterprize And if thou knowest not in what part to what purpose and the cause why thou wilt make it For how can a History haue order if at the beginning or entrance thou doest not deliuer plainely from whence and how or wherefore thou art come vnto the relation which thou doest presently make of actions Wherefore they which will haue things heard and vnderstood fully thinke that the beginnings doe not onely serue for the one halfe but also for the end wherein they imploy themselues with great care and industry the which I will carefully indeauour to doe Although that I am certaine that many of the ancient Historiographers haue bin confident to haue done the like when as they pretended to write all generally and to haue written a longer History then their predecessours of whom I will forbeare to speake much or to name them Among the which I excuse Ephorus the first and onely man which hath attempted to write a generall History But I will vse no longer discourse nor name any of the rest But I will say that some Historiographers of our time comprehending the Warre betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians in three or foure small Pages brag publiquely that they haue written all It is certaine that for as much as there hath beene many and great exploits performed in Spaine Affricke Stoily and Italy and that the Warre of Hâ—nnibal hath beene the greatest and longest except that of Sicily We must also vnderstand that the excellency of this warre hath beene the cause that wee haue all cast our eyes vpon it and the rather for that wee were in doubt of the end This is a Warre which euery man be hee neuer so dull and simple knowes Yet some of those which haue handled the History writing onely superficially the actions of some times yet they imagine they haue comprehended the deeds of the Grecians and Barbarians Whereof the cause is for that it is an easie thing to promise many great things by mouth but it is not easie to bring a great enterprize to an end And therefore this other is common and as a man may say in the hands of all men so as they haue courage But the last is rare and few men attaine vnto it Finally the arrogancy of some which glorifie themselues too much and commend their Writings hath caused mee to make this digression But now I returne vnto my enterprize When Ptolomy surnamed Philopater had seized vpon the Empire of Egypt after the death of his Father and had made away his Brother with his adherents thinking there was no more cause of feare in his Family for the afore said crime and that for strangers Fortune had in good time assured all things considering the death of Antigonus and Seleucus to whose Realmes Antiochus and Philip had succeeded who were scarce eighteene yeeres old he abandoned himselfe to pleasures whose example the whole Countrey followed For this cause his owne people made no esteeme of him And not onely his subiects but also the rest which mannaged the affaires both within and without Egypt The Lords of the lower Syrria and of Cypres haue made Warre against the Kings of Syria as well by Sea as Land They also which hold the chiefe Cities places and Ports which are along the Sea-coasts from Pamphilia vnto Hellespont and the Country of Lysimachia confined with the Principalities of
come vnto their Principallities Wherefore they laboured to encourage their Troupes in reducing to their memory the glory and prowesse of their Ancestors And propounding moreouer a hope of themselues for the future they intreated and solicited the Captaines to fight and to vndergoe the danger resolutely and with courage These were the speeches or such like which they vsed in person or by their Interpreters This done the two Kings marcht one against the other a slow pace Ptolomy was in the left Wing and Antiochus in the right with his royal Battalion Then the Trumpets sounded to Battaile whereof the first Charge was made by the Elephants Few of Ptolomes held good against those of the Enemy whose Souldiers fought valliantly casting of Darts Pertwisans and plummets of lead wounding one another But the Elephants made a stronger Warre beating their Heads furiously together For such is the manner of their fight assailing one another with their teeth and standing firme they repulse one another with great Violence But if they once turne their sides they wound with their Teeth as Buls do with their Hornes But the greatest part of Ptolomes feared the Combate the which doth vsually happen to the Elephants of Lybia For they cannot indure the sent not heare the crye of those of India So as fearing as it seemes their greatnesse and force they flye them as it happened at that time for that flying suddainly they brake the rankes of their owne men and made a great slaughter in Ptolomes great Battallion The which Antiochus perceiuing hee presently chargeth Polycrates Horse-men with the Elephants The Grecians about his great Battallion fell vpon Ptolomes Targetteers Wherefore when the Elephants had broken them his left Wing beganne to turne head When Echecrates Commaunder of the right Wing expecting still the Combate of the sayd Wings saw the Dust rise in the Ayre and that his Elephants durst not charge the Enemies he sends to Phoxide Captaine of the Mercenaries to charge those which he had in Front The which he did likewise marching a slow pace with the Horse-men and the Elephants There the Combate was long and furious yet Echecrates being freed from the danger of the Elephants and making a great slaughter of the Horse-men and withall Phoxide pressing the Arabians and Medes In the end Antiochus his left wing was put to flight By this meanes Antiochus right wing vanquished and the left fled The two great Battalions stood firme and vntoucht being in doubt of the end And when as Ptolomy in the meane time had recouered his great Troupe by his speedy running and was in the middest of them hee amazed his Enemies and gaue great courage vnto his owne Captaines and Souldiers In the meane time King Antiochus being young and of small experience in the Warre seeing himselfe Victorious of the one side thought the like of the rest and pursued the Chase of the Enemy with great eagernesse But when as one of his old Souldiers cald him backe and shewed him the Dust which a great Troupe had raisde in his Fort hee then knew what it meant and turning head he laboured to recouer his Campe. But when hee found that all his Army was in Rout then wanting good Counsell he fled to Raphia immagining that it was not his fault hee had not obtained a glorious and Triumphant Victory and that the basenesse and sloath of his men had beene the cause of his defeate Ptolomy hauing the Victory by the meanes of his chiefe Battalion and hauing lost many of his Horse-men and Souldiers of the right Wing hee returned to his Campe and refresht his Army The next day he caused his men to be sought out among the Dead and buried From thence after they had stript the Enemies that were slaine hee marcht with his Army to Raphia And although that Antiochus gathering together his men that fled had a desire to keepe his Campe and to leaue the Towne yet he was forced to goe to Raphia For that the greatest part of his Souldiers were retired thither The next day earely in the morning he parts with that small Army which he had remaining after so great a defeate and went to Gaza Where planting his Campe he sent men to demaund the dead bodies and to interre them Antiochus lost aboue ten Thousand foote and three hundred Horse There were about foure thousand foote-men taken aliue In regard of the Elephants there were three slaine vpon the fielde and two wounded which dyed afterwards most of the rest were taken This was the ende of that famous battaile where as two powerfull and might Kings fought for the Empire of Syrria neere vnto Raphia When as Antiochus had buried the dead hee returned into his Countrey with his Army As for Ptolomy hee presently recouered Raphia with the other Citties so as the people contended who should preuent his neighbour in yeilding first vnto the King In such euents euery man striues to apply himselfe vnto the time It is true that the people of that Countrey are borne and inclined to imbrace the faâ—â—our of the present time But for asmuch as the people had a special deuotion to the Kings of Alexandria what they then did was held iust and reasonable The people of base Syrria haue alwaies affected this royall House And therefore they honoured Ptolomy with Flowers Sacrifices Altars and such like things When as Antiochus was come to the Citty which is called by his owne name he presently sent his Nephew Antipater with Theodote Hermioly in Embassiâ— to Ptolomy to demaund a peace of him For without doubt hee feared his forces neither did hee much relie vpon his owne souldiers considering the losse which hee had lately made Hee likewise doubted that Acheus might mooue Warre against him considering the opportunity of the time and occasion As for Ptolomy hee thought not of all this But beeing ioyfull of so great a Fortune which hee expected not holding himselfe happy to enioy all Syrria hee refused not the conditions of peace So as being lull'd a sleepe with this base kinde of life which hee had alwaies vsed his heart was much inclined thereunto When the Embassadours presented themselues vnto him he granted them a peace for a yearl after that hee vsed some proud speeches against Antiochus To whom he sent Sosibius with them to confirme the Accord And after hee had stayed about some three moneths in Syrria and Phâ—nicea and had giuen order for the Citties leauing the charge of all those places to Andromachus Aspendius he returned with his sister and Friends to Alexandria On the other side Antiochus after hee had confirmed the Accord with Sosibius and pacified all things to his liking beganne to make preparation for Warre against Acheâ—s according to his first Resolution and determination This was the estate of Asia at that same present At the same time the Rhodiens taking their occasion from an Earthquake which a little before had befalne them in the
and could not vnderstand the practise Yet he sent men to the Gate which succours came somewhat late for that they descended by straights and hollow places Aribaze who was Captaine of the City went simply to the Gates which he had seene Antiochus assaile appoynting some to goe vnto the wall others to make sallies by the Gate to keepe the Enemy from approaching and to fight with them In the meane time Lagoras Theodote and Denis with their troupe hauing recouered the walls came to the Gate vnderneath whereof some maintayned the charge which the Inhabitants gaue them others brake the barres and bolt of the Gates The like did they without which were appoynted to that Quarter When as the gate was opened the other two thousand entred the City and seize vpon the place of the Theater This done all they which had runne to the walls and to the Gate which they call Perside who had beene sent by Aribaze to defend it against the Enemies assault came running thither After which retreate the Gate was opened so as some of the Kings troupe pursuing those which abandoned it entred pell mell When they had taken the Gate by force some entred the City others forced the next Gates They that were of Aribazes band with all the Citizens recouered the Fort by flight after they had made some little resistance After this route Legoras and Thodotes band stood firme in the place of the Theater seruing as a Fort to all the rest Finally the rest of the Army charging of all sides tooke the City By this meanes the City was wholly sackt and ruined some killing those they encountred others setting fire of the houses and some gaping after spoyle for their priuate profit And thus Antiochus vanquished the Sardins A PARCELL OF the Eighth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS concerning the Difference of a Perticular and Generall History NO man can iustly say if they to whom these kindes of Calamities and disasters haue befalne ought to be blamed or censured or helde worthy of pardon and pitty in regard thereof For that it falls and happens to many to whom all things haue beene done conformable and agreeable vnto reason to bee subiect to those which transgresse with great desire the things which are iust and reasonable before men Yet wee may not be silent here being necessary hauing regard to the time and circumstance of accidents to blame some Captaines and to pardon others The which will appeare plainly by this When Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians suspected that Cleomenes aspired to the Crowne he fled from Lacedemon Who soone after being againe perswaded put himselfe into his hands Being therefore by this meanes stript of Crowne and Life hee hath left no excuse to posterity of those things which he hath suffred For what colour is there the cause being still the same and Cleomenes power increasing but he should suffer the things which we haue spoken hauing put himselfe into their hands from whom he formerly had fled giuing order for his safety contrary to all hope Although that Pelopidas of Thebes had beene the cause of King Alexanders iniquity and that hee knew well that all Tyrants are capitall Enemies to those which defend liberty yet he perswaded Epaminundas to be Gouernour not only of the popular Common-weale of the Thebeins but also of the Grecians And as he was an Enemy to Thessaly to the end he might ruine the Monarchy of Alexander yet he presumed to go the second time in Embassie vnto him Wherefore when he fell into the hands of his Enemies hee was the cause of great preiudice to the Thebeins and the ruine of their glory which vntill that time they had preserued for the confidence he had in those whom he should not haue trusted The like hapned to Cheius Chiefe of the Romans during the Warre of Sycily for that he had indiscreetly thrust himselfe into the Enemies power Diuers others haue suffered the like Wherefore they are worthy of blame who without great consideration submit themselues vnto their Enemies and not they who asmuch as in them lies mannaged their Affaires discreetly for in truth no man can gouerne them well relying vpon another If thou dost them by certaine occasions which are conformable to reason thou shalt be blamelesse The most likely causes of this kind are an Oath Children Wife and for the most certaine the fore-passed life And if it happens that vnder colour of these things thou falst into an inconuenience the faulte shall not bee thine in suffering but theirs who commit the wrong Wherefore we must seeke such Arguments and assurances as in regard thereof he in whom you trust may not breake the faith which hee hath giuen But for that there are few such the best will bee to haue a care of those which are conformable to reason so as if wee be decelued therein wee may not loose our excuse with strangers the which hath hapned to many of our Predecessors It is a thing much more manifest in those times whereof wee haue made mention and of a later date in that which hath befaene Acheus who fell into his Enemies hands although hee omitted nothing that might be done for his safety prouiding for all things as much as Humane sense could effect Wherefore the euent hath caused commisseration and pardon in him which hath suffered with strangers and blame and hatred to those which haue done the outrage Moreouer I do not find it strange to my Enterprize and first intention to aduertise the Readers of the greatnesse of these things and of the ambitious desire of the Roman and Carthaginian Common-weales Who will not hold it fit to be considered how the Gouernours of such great Cities not being ignorant of the things which had happened in Italy and Spaine hauing moreouer of either side an equall hope of the future and a present danger of the Warre haue not beene contented with this apparent discommodity but contended for Sardinia and Sycily imbracing the whole not onely in hope but with Expences and Preparations of Warre which will mooue any man to wonder that shall obserue it all in perticular The Romans had two sufficient Armies in Italy with their Consuls for their preseruations And two others in Spaine where Gneius had the leading of that by Land and Publius of the other by Sea These are things which happened to the Carthaginians Moreouer they sent an Army by Sea to crosse the attempts of Philip in Greece In the which Marcus Valerius commaunded first then Publius Sulpicius with whom Appius likewise ioyned with a hundred Quinqueremes Moreouer Marcus Claudius furnished with an Army at Land had assailed Sycily The like Amilcar had done being sent by the Carthaginians By the which things I am confident the which I haue often spoken in the beginning of this Worke to find a certaine assurance by the accidents which consist in this that it is not possible for those which Write perticular Histories to be able
when as all the World slept hee dislodg'd before the time from Larisse with his Army and came too soone into the Meliteens Countrey For this cause as he could not stay fearing to be discouered by the Citizens nor yet steale away he gaue an assault to the City the Inhabitants being yet awake So as it was not in his power to get to the top of the Walles by his Ladders for that they were not of a iust length neither could hee enter by the Gate for that the Confederates which hee had in the City could not succour him being excluded by the time And as hee had incensed the Citizens and made a great losse of his men hee returned with shame and disgrace it being a warning and caueate vnto all others not to put any trust or confidence in him hereafter As likewise Nicias which was Chiefe of the Athenians might haue preserued the Army which hee had neare vnto Saragosse and had taken a fit occasion in the Night to lay an Ambush to the end hee might not bee discouered by the Enemy hee retired into a safe place Afterwards hee remooued not his Campe through superstition for that the Moone was Eclipsed as if shee had fore-told some ensuing danger and misfortune But it happened vnto all as â—ell to the Army as Captaines to fall into the hands of the Saragossins when as the Night following Nicias raised his Campe being discouered by the Enemies Notwithstanding hee might in such affaires haue beene made wise by such as haue had experience that the coÌ„modity of time ought not to be neglected for such things making the ignorance of the Enemy his comfort Ignorance in truth giues a great helpe to men of experience to bring their affaires to a good end Wee must then for the afore-said things haue recourse to Astrology in regard of the measure of ladders the manner is as followeth If any one of the Conspirators haue giuen the height of the Wall they may presently know of what length the ladder shall be As if the Wall bee ten foote high in some places the ladders must be twelue foote long Finally they must giue vnto the ladder good footing according to the proportion of the staues left burthening it too much it breake not easily by reason of the multitude and againe set vp straight it will be very dangerous vnto them If there be no meanes to take the measure nor to approach the Wall let them take the greatnesse of those things which are eleuated on the Plaine by the space of all the height which is a kinde of measure not onely possible but also easie for those which study to learne the Mathematiques Wherefore it is necessary for them that will aime truely in their resolutions of the course of Warre to know the vse of Geometry If not perfectly yet at the least that they haue the knowledge of proportions and consideration of Similitudes It is not onely necessary for this but also for the comprehension of Designes in the scituation of a Campe to the end that when as wee sometimes change its generall disposition we may obserue the same proportion of things which are there comprehended And if sometimes we retaine the same Designes of Camps we may extend the place comprehended by them or straighten it according to the reason of things before decreed or set apart the which we haue declared more exactly in our Commentaries for the ordring of Battailes I doe not beleeue there is any man that will be discontented with our study for that wee charge the profession of Warre with many things commanding those that loue it not to disdaine Astrology nor Geometry For my part I striue especially and with great desire to command things necessary as I doe reproue and blame the excesse of vaine and superfluous things in regard of the subtilties and dreames in euery Science So doe we those which are out of necessary vse It is strange thing that they which practise Dancing or playing of the Flute take the preparatiues which concernes the accords and Musicke And likewise Wrestling for that this kind of Art seemes behoouefull to bring this exercise to an end And yet they which terme themselues Souldiers are discontented if they must allow of any other Studies So as they which practise Mecanique Arts are more carefull and studious then those which challenge an Excellency in things which are of great honour and glory the which no man of Sence will deny But wee haue spoken enough of this Subiect Many coniecture the greatnesse of things by the Circuiâ—e to whom notwithstanding it seemes incredible that although the City of Megalopolis bee contained within the Circuite of fifty Furlongs and that of Lacedemon within forty eight yet it is twice as great as that of Megalopolis And if any one meaning to make this doubt greater sayth it is possible that a City or the Pallisadoe of a Campe hauing the Circuite of forty Furlongs may bee more ample and compleate then that of a hundred this will seeme vnto them a mad and extrauagant speech the cause is for that wee remember not the things which inhumane Disciplines are deliuered vnto vs by Geometry This is the cause why I haue vndertaken this Discourse For that not onely many people but also some of those which gouerne the Common-weale and likewise Commanders and Captaines are amazed and wonder how it can be possible that the City of Lacedemon should be greater then that of Megalopolis seeing the circuite is lesse and that consequently they coniecture the number of men by the circuite of the Campe. There is another such like errour which they commit in the description of Townes For many conceiue that Cities containe more houses which are crooked and hilly then those which are in a flat Countrey But this is not true for that the houses are not of a good building in a declining Streete but in a plaine Countrey for the which it happens that the Hils yeeld the which may appeare by that which is apparent in a Plaine If thou doest consider the houses which are built high and set vpon the declining of a Hill so as they are all of an equall hight it is apparent that their tops being leuell the distance is equall as well of those which are built vnder the Hils as those which are seated on the Plaine neare vnto the foundations of the Wall It sufficeth at this time to haue spoken to those which desiring the preheminence ouer others and to gouerne Common-weales are ignorant of these things being amazed and wonder at this relation The City of Agragas is not onely more excellent among many other Cities but also for the force of its Rampire and for the grace and building It is built eighteene Furlongs from the Sea so as euery man may be partaker of her commodities the Walles are excellently fortified by their scituation and the industry of man The Wall is seated vpon a hard and
his Country in more esteeme and his owne honour then the great command of a royall power Hee gaue leaue to all the Spaniards being set a part to returne into their Country without ransom except three hundred horse whereof hee gaue the choise to Andobale giuing the rest to those which had not any Finally being now seazed on the Carthaginians Campe hee stayed there in regard of the firtility of the Country expecting the Carthaginian Commanders which were remaining hee also sent forces to the topps of the Perenee Mountaines to watch Asdruball and then when the season was come hee retired to Tarracona to winter his Army there Hee returnes to the History of the Grecians AS the Etoliens lifted vp their hornes for the new hope and confidence they had in the Romans and the arriuall of Attalus they amazed all the world making Warre by Land as Attalus and Publius did by Sea for this cause the Acheins intreate Phillip to succour them for in truth they not onely feared the Etoliens but also Machains for that he had seaz'd vpon the Argiue Mountaines with an Army the Beocians fearing the enemies Army at Sea require a commander and succours The Negrepontins demanded instantly some provision against the enemy the like did the Acarnanians there was also an Embassadour from the Epirotes they said likewise that Scerdilaide and Plaurate assembled their Armies and that moreouer the Thracians who confine vpon Macedony would indeauour to assaile it if the King should retire from thence in regard of the Etoliens they had seazed vpon the straights of Thermopiles and fortified them with Ditches Pallisadoes and a great Garrison hoping they should be able to keep in Philip and wholy to stoppe vp the passage in succouring his Allies within Pyles These aduentures seemes worthy of Consideration and not without reason by the Readers in the which is the true Experience and practise of Princes according vnto their Corporall power For as in Hunting Beasts are mooued with their Forces and Power when they are ingaged in an apparent danger so it befals Princes the which they might then discouer in Philip. Hee dismisseth all the Embassadours promising them to doe what possibly hee could His whole inclination was the Warre expecting by what meanes and against whom hee should first beginne But when the forces of Attalus were come against him and had assailed the Iland of Peparethon hee sends men to guard the Citty And dispatcheth Polyphantes with a small Army towards Phocea and Beocia and Menippus to Chalcis and the other Negrepont with a thousand Targetteers and fiue hundred Agrians In regard of himselfe hee went to Scotuse whether he Commanded the Macedonians to repaire When he had newes that Attalus Army had taken the route of Nicea and that the Chiefe of the Etoliens assembled at Heraclea to conferre of the Affaires of the Warre hee parts from Scotuse with his Army and made hast to dissolue their Assembly Hee arriued too late yet hee wasted their Corne and after that hee had spoiled the Inhabitants about the Gulfe of Enee he returned leauing his Army at Scotuse and taking his way to the Demetriade With his ablest men and the royall Wing hee stayed there expecting the comming of the Enemy And to the end nothing should bee vnknowne vnto him hee sends to the Peparethiens and Phociens and likewise to the Negrepontins giuing them charge to make him a signe by fire of all things that should be done vpon the Tisee which is a Mountaine in Thessaly which in regard of the places is very commodiously scituated But as this manner of signe by fire is of great commodity for the Warre and hath formerly not beene vsed I doe not hold it good to passe it but in this passage to make some reasonable mention No man is ignorant that opportunity and occasion are the principall parts in all things But much more in the profession of Warre to bring enterprises to an end But among those things which are vsefull fires are of great efficacy They vse them at this day and are the cause of some opportunities to be able to aduertise him who hath the care of that which is done although it be three or foure dayes distant or more To the end that by the signe of fire they may suddainly giue succours vnto them that demaund it although that in former times they haue held it of small moment for that the most part knew not how to vse it But the vse ought to bee ordered and setled vppon certaine and determinate agreements But whereas things which they will signifie are not resolutely set downe they cannot make vse of these fires as those are whereof wee will speake If the Army at Sea were come to Orea or Peparethon or Chalcis they might signifie it to those with whom this hath beene resolued But if any of the Cittizens will turne their Coates or practise a Treason or Murther within the Citty or any such thing as hath vsually hapned and yet cannot be diuined matters which happen suddainly and vnlookt for haue neede according to the occasion of Counsell and aide yet it may be signified by fire For of those which consideration cannot preuent they cannot make any Conclusion Eneas seeking to correct this kinde of doubt and perplexitie hath in few words made the Commentaries of the institution of the heads And hath abundantly comprehended for the vnderstanding the summe of those things which are required the which may easily be discouered by this speech saying That they which will giue notice by the aduertisement of fire of any of great and pressing businesse must make prouision of pots of earth whose breadth and depth must be equall and they must haue three foote in depth and one and a halfe in breadth Then hee must make slender Corkes in the mouth of it in the middest whereof hee must tie them in equall parts of three fingers distant and in euery part a great Circumference in the which are also painted the most vulgar and generall things which happen in the profession of Warre As by the first that Horse-men are suddainly entred the Countrie In the second that foote-men armed in the third that men lightly armed And consequently in others that foote and Horse-men or an Army at Sea and that there is Corne. You must in this sort paint the things which do vsually happen in Regions according to the prouidence and time of the motions of Warre This being done hee Commaunds to obserue dilligently the pots of the one and the other so as the pipes may bee equall and runne equally And when the pots shal be full of Water they must put in the Corkes with stickes and then let the pipes runne together This hapning it is apparent that all being equall the Corkes of necessity abate as the Water runnes and the stickes hide themselues in the Vessells When these things are equally ordered and they are to vse them then they must transport them to the
take a better aduice hauing seene the euent of this Warre I intreate you and exhort you not to enuy your owne safety and liberty nor that of the rest of Greece And when by his Speech as he conceiued somewhat moued the opinions of many Philips Embassadour entred who leauing the things which might be spoken in particular he sayd that he had two points in charge That if the Etoliens brake the peace he was ready to appeale vnto the Gods and to the Grecian Embassadours there present that they were to be held for the Authors of those things which hereafter should fall vpon Greece and not Philip. Glory saith he doth much amaze the Enemy but a reasonable preparation of Armes is of greater seruice for necessity Then they should doe that which is necessry if they transferre the diligence and care which they haue at this day for their apparrell to the preparation of their Armes obseruing in their apparrell the ancient negligence For by this meanes they may giue order for their priuate course of life and preserue their Common-wealth And therefore saith he it is not needfull that he which giues himselfe to Armes and to the profession of Warre should looke when he puts on his Boots whether they be handsome and if his strops and pantables be braue nor whether his Cloake and Iacket be rich when he must put on a Head-peece Beleeue me the danger is manifest which they must expect which haue an exteriour shew in more recommendation then things necessary Finally it were fit they should consider that this curiosity in habits sauoured of a woman I meane that is not much chast where as the charges in Armes and seuerity restraine a good man desiring to preserue himselfe and his Countrey All the assistants found this Speech so good in wondring at the aduice of this remonstrance that after they were gone out of the Court they pointed at those that were richly clad forcing some to leaue the place and finally they prepared themselues to Armes and to make Warre accordingly Behold how one sole Oration pronounced by a man of esteeme and in season not onely retires men from great vices but also incites them to great Enterprizes But if he which giues good aduice leads a life answerable to his words it is necessary that his councell should purchase credit the which happened in this man He was sober and simple in his apparrell and liuing and in the vsage of his body Finally he was of a pleasing speech without enuy and rancour He studied wonderfully to be found veritable in all his life and therefore when he vsed any ordinary speech the Auditors gaue him great credit And as his life serued for an example in all things so the Auditors had no great neede of any long Discourse Wherefore he hath often in few words by his credit and knowledge in things ouerthrowne the long speeches which seemed to haue beene deliuered sufficiently by the Enemies When the Councell was ended euery man retired to his Countrey And in commending as well the man as his words they had a conceite that they could not doe amisse vnder his gouernment Finally Philopemen went speedily to the Cities to make preparation for the Warre Then he trained vp a multitude assembled and when he had not imployed eight Moneths in the preparation of these forces he leads his Army to Mantinea to fight with the Tyrant for the liberty of all Morea Machanides likewise taking courage and thinking to preuaile ouer the Acheins at his pleasure giues the Lacedemonians to vnderstand the things that were then necessary as soone as hee was aduertised of the assembly of the Tegeans at Mantinia Then suddainly the next day at Sun-rising hee takes his way towards Mantinia marching on the right wing with the Legionaries and placing the Mercenaries on the right and left going a slow pace in the beginning of his voyage He addes moreouer Chariots carrying a great abundance of instruments of Warre and Cros-bowes At the same time Philopomen hauing diuided his Army into three he caused the Sclauonians and Corslets to goe forth by the Gate which tends to the Temple of Neptune and withall the strangers and strong men then by that which lookes to the West the Legionaries and the Horse-men of the City by the next Moreouer he seazed with the best of his aduenturers of a little Hill lying right against the City the which extends vpon the way of strangers and the Temple of Neptune And ioyning the Corslets he lodgeth them on the South ordring the Sclauonians in a place neare vnto them Then casting the Legionaries behind them in a round he lodgeth them in the space neare the Ditch which drawes to Neptunes Temple by the midst of the Mantinians Plaine and ioynes vpon the Mountaines neare vnto Elisfasiens He orders moreouer vpon the right wing the Acheian Horsmen of which Aristonete of Dymce had the leading and vpon the hee had all the Strangers hauing their distinct Ordonance amongst them When the Enemies Army approacht he comes to the Legionaries admonishing them in few words but with the efficacy of the present danger But most part of his words were not heard for the multitude prest the cause so much for the affection they bare him and the impetuosity of the people that the Army as it were moued with a certaine diuine fury perswaded him to worke without feare Finally he endeauoured if time would haue permitted him to declare vnto them diligently how this present danger concerned some in regard of infamy and a base seruitude and others in regard of liberty alwayes memorable and glorious Moreouer Machanides instructs first the Battalion of the Legionaries which they call Orthie that it should fight with the right wing of the Enemies Then he marcheth and after he had gain'd a meane space makes the forme of a Snaile and drawes his Army in length putting his right wing in Front to the left of the Acheins In regard of the Targetteers he placeth them before the whole Army with some space Philopomen seeing his attempt who thought by the Targeteers to giue a Charge to the Legionary Bands which offended the Souldiers and caused a great alarum in the Army so as hee delayed no longer making vse in effect of the Tarrentins at the beginning of the Combate neare to Neptunes Temple vpon the Plaine which was commodious for Horse-men Machanides seeing this is forced to doe the like and to cause the Tarrentins which were with him to march Finally they fought valiantly in the beginning But when those that were lightly armed preuailed something ouer them that were weaker it fell out in a short time that the Combate began of either side betwixt the forreine Souldiers And when as they had ioyned together and had fought long like braue men the danger was equall so as the rest of the Armies expecting the issue of the Battaile could not fight there for that many times both the one and the other
of Bysarthe where they had wintred as well by Sea as Land And when they had all their preparations ready they were not onely destitute of their Campes so inconsiderately deliuered to their Enemies but it seemed they should all perish with their Countrey For this cause they were amazed with great feare and faintnesse of heart And when as the affaires prest them to consider prudently of the future and eminent danger the Senate was full of doubt and of diuers confused thoughts Some sayd they must send to Hannibal and call him out of Italy for that all their hope consisted in that Commander and the Army which hee had Others were of aduice they should send to Scipio to obtaine a truce and to parley of an accord and agreement some would haue them to be of good courage and to leuie an Army and finally to send to Syphax He was fled farre vnto Abbe drawing together those which escaped from the danger which aduice was resolued Wherefore they leuie men and send to Asdrubal to that end and likewise to Syphax intreating him to giue them Succours and to obserue the conuentions according to their first purpose promising him that their Commander should presently ioyne with his Army The Roman Generall followeth the Siege of Bysarthe the which hee did the rather for that hee was aduertised that Syphax continued in his first resolution and that the Carthaginians leuied a new Army For this cause hee raised his Campe and besieged Bysarthe When hee had diuided the spoile hee chased away the Merchants vpon good aduice For the Souldiers carelesse of the present commodity of goods for that the hope of profits which grew by their good fortune was apparent they had intelligence with the Merchants It seemed very fit to the King of Numidia and his Friends at the first sight that they should retire to their houses But when the Celtiberians arriued neare vnto Abbe who being entertained were aboue foure thousand men the Carthaginians grew assured and by little and little recouered their spirits relying vpon these Troupes Moreouer when as Pedisca the Daughter of Asdrubal and Wife to Syphax of whom we haue spoken intreated him with all affection that he would not abandon the Carthaginians for the present The Numidian yeelded to her intreaties The Celtiberians put no small hope into the Carthaginians For although they were but foure thousand yet they sayd they were ten thousand Finally they promised to bee insupportable in the fight as well for their courage as their Armes The Carthaginians growne proud with this common bruite were more confident to recouer their Campes Finally they set vp their Pallisadoe within thirty dayes neare vnto the Plaine called the Great and there they planted their Campe accompanied with the Numidians and Celtiberians being in number thirty thousand men When the newes came vnto the Romans Campe Scipio presently prepared to part And when he had sent to those which held the Siege before Bysarthe and to the others which were at Sea informing them what they were to doe he marched towards the Enemy hauing all his Bands furnished with the most valiant men Being come on the fift Day to this great Plaine and approaching neare the Enemy he camped the first Day vpon a Hill thirty Furlongs distant from them the Day following hee descends into the Plaine sending the Horse-men before within seuen Furlongs and there settles his Campe againe After two Dayes expectance when they had skirmished of either side to come to a Battaile either of them in the end drew to Field and put their men in order Scipio first of all placeth in Front his forlorne hope according to their custome After which he appoints the Principals and in the third place the Triarij in the Reareward As for the Horse-men he orders the Italians on the right hand and Massanissa with the Numidians on the left Syphax and Asdrubal set the Celtiberians in the midst against the Romans Bands the Numidians on the left hand and the Carthaginians on the right Suddainly when the Combat began the Numidians were repuls'd by the Roman Horse-men and the Carthaginians as they had often before losing courage were ouerthrowne by Massanissa's Company Yet the Celtiberians fought valiantly against the Romans for they had no hope of safety remaining for the ignorance of the places neither yet if they were taken considering their vniust Warre For seeing that Scipio during the Warre of Spaine had not offended them it seemed against reason and a disloyalty to giue succours to the Carthaginians But when the Wings began to giue backe they were in a manner all slaine being inclosed by the Principals and the Triarij Thus the Celtiberians perished who were a great helpe to the Carthaginians not onely in the fight but also in the flight for if they had not entertained the Romans and that the Chase had beene suddainly followed few of the Enemies had escaped but as their resistance caused the stay Syphax retired safely with his Horse-men into his Countrey and Asdrubal to Carthage with the rest which escaped When as the Roman Generall had giuen order for the spoiles and Prisoners calling a Counsell he consulted what there was to do Whereupon it was thought fit that Scipio should with part of the Army assaile the Townes and Lelyus with Massinissa accompanied by the Numidians and part of the Roman Army pursues Syphax and not giue him leasure to make any new preparations These things thus resolued they separate themselues and some goe against Syphax with their Souldiers and the Generall against the Cities whereof some yeilded to the Romans for feare and others being forced by siege At that time the whole Region wauered and were ready to reuolt hauing beene cruelly tormented and vexed during the length of the Wars of Spaine In regard of Carthage as formerly there was great inconstancy so now there was greater trouble and combustion for that hauing heard and seene this Wound the second time they grew desperate in themselues It is true that they among the Councellours which seemed to haue greatest Courage commaunded that they should saile against those which laid siege to Bysarthe and to make a triall if they might raise the siege and to fight with the Enemy at Sea as being ill furnished They required also that they should send for Hannibal and relie vpon that hope and that there was reasonable occasions of safety by these two attempts Some said that the time would not allow it and that they must fortifie and furnish the Citie for a siege And that being of one consent the accident would minister occasions Some also aduise to make an Accord and League whereby they should free themselues of the eminent dangers As there were many opinions vppon this businesse they confirme them all together Wherefore this was their Resolution they that were to saile into Italy parting from the Senate should go presently to Sea The Pylots
intreated them againe not to do any thing slowly nor by Discourse And that consenting all with one voice to the Articles of the peace they should Sacrifice vnto the Gods and pray that the people of Rome might confirme them When it seemed that hee had giuen wise aduice and fit for the time it was concluded to accept the Accord prescribed and to passe it with the Romans Wherefore they suddainly sent away the same men in Embassie which had contradicted the Articles A Parcell of the Deedes and Posterity of Ptolomy FInally who will not wonder that Ptolomy had not prouided to giue aide to these men during his life seeing there were some which were ready to succour them But when Death surpriz'd him hee left a young Infant to whom by right of nature he had indeauoured as they say with both hands to preserue him the Crowne Then encouraging one another they make hast to practise a Villany and to murther this Infant and to diuide his principallity among them The which they do not after the manner of Tyrants who pretend some colour for their infamy But carry themselues afterwards so impudently and brutishly as that which they speake of the life of Fishes is due vnto them Of whom they say that although they be of one kind yet the defeate of the smaller feeds and entertaines the life of the greater Wherefore who will not thinke to see a great execration against the Gods and a cruelty towards men and likewise a great auarice of the said Kings seeing this paction and agreement as in a glasse What is hee who for these causes hauing accused Fortune in humane affaires doth not likewise consider that shee hath since made them to suffer worthy punishments and left to posterity a good example for the amendment of their course of liuing as hauing propounded vnto these Kings such an ignominious punishment For when they had transgrest the agreements among themselues and diuided the Infants Principality all things did iustly proue hurtfull and opposite vnto them which they had wickedly resolued against their Kinsfolkes and Neighbours by the bringing in of the Romans for that the one and the other being suddainly vanquished they were not onely forced to abate their couetousnesse of another mans goods but being made subiect to tributes they were constrained to obey the Commandments of the Romans Finally Fortune hath in a short time disposed of the Reigne of Ptolomy making the Potentates of the others and their successours some of them to bee banished and miserable involuing some in a manner in the like Disasters Of Philip of Macedony THe Cianeins fell in these miseries not so much through Fortune and the iniustice of their Neighbours as by their owne rashnesse and the bad gouernment of their Common-weale where most commonly the worst were in esteeme and good men put to death for the spoiles of their Wealth and by this meanes they are in a manner willingly fallen into these misfortunes whereunto all men incline I know not how apparently yet they cannot resolue vpon any aduice nor suddainly distrust which some bruite Beasts doe For if sometimes they enter into Iealousie of Baites and Nets if they haue seene any other perish you shall hardly draw them to doe the like holding the place for suspect with a distrust of all things which haue any resemblance In regard of men when they heare some speake and see others perish in like manner Yet suddainly when any one vsing gracious words hath propounding a mutuall hope of correction they run without any regard into the toiles knowing certainly that neuer any man which had swallowed this kind of baite had escaped such policies being an assured defeate to all men When as Philip had reduced the City vnder his obedience he reioyced as if he had brought some braue and honourable action to an end And when hee had speedily giuen Succours to his Allies and had terrified all those which estranged themselues from him and had claymed abundance of goods and bodies vnder the colour of Iustice hee neuer thought of those things that were contrary although they were manifest giuing at the first Succours to the Allie who had not beene wrong'd and yet had broken the confederations with his Neighbours And as finally he had confirmed the bruite of his cruelty towards his Friends afflicting the Cities of Greece with great miseries he had iustly purchased the generall esteeme of a cruell man withall the Grecians Thirdly he wronged reuiled the Embassadors of the said Cities who were come to free the Cianeins from that eminent danger And being called by him and conferring daily with him they were present at things which he desired not Moreouer he incensed the Rhodiens against him so as they could not endure to heare any mention of him Finally Fortune therein fauours him openly His Embassadour made an Oration vpon the Theater against the Rhodiens commending the magnificence of Philip who when he had by some meanes got possession of the City he had done that grace vnto the people This he did to reprehend the suspicion and detraction of those which resisted him and to manifest his resolution to the City There came also some one from the Port vnto the Magistrate aduertising him of the ruine of the Cianeins and of the cruelty which Philip practised against them So as when the Gouernour entring in the midst of the Embassadours Oration speaking the said things and declared the newes the Rhodiens could not beleeue for the excesse of the fact Philip hauing then preuaricated and dissembled not so much against the Cianeins as against himselfe began to be so transported and to stray from his duty as hee gloried and brag'd in his actions as good for the which hee should haue beene ashamed The Rhodiens from that day held Philip for an enemy and prepared to that end The Etoliens also conceiued a hatred against him for the same fact When as lately being reconciled he had giuen forces to that Nation there being then no cause of hatred nor spleene when as a little before the Etoliens the Lysimacheins Calsidoniens and Cianeins were made Friends hee hath in assailing first the Lysimacheins distracted their City from the Alliance of the Etoliens spoiling those of the Calsidoniens and thirdly the Cianeins whilest that the Chiefe of the Etoliens was resident in their City hauing the superintendency of the publicke affaires Finally Prucias reioyced for that which had hapned beyond his desires But he was discontented that another should reape the reward for the taking of the Citie and that there was fallen vnto him a desolate place naked of buildings so as hee could not effect any thing After he had assembled the greatest men of the Macedonians he came to them with the King and Agathoclia faining in the beginning that hee was not able to speake for teares And when he had wiped them often with his cloake and caused them to cease take saith he carrying an infant
assemble the people and consult in despaire of their necessities First of all they decree to giue liberty to their Slaues to the end they might willingly become Companions in the Combat And consequently drawe all their Wiues into Diana's Temple and the Children with their Nurses into the Schooles and finally their Gold and Siluer into the Market place and the richest apparrell into the Rhodiens Galley and that of the Cyziceneins When they had decreed these things and had with one accord executed the resolution they make another assembly choosing fifty of the most ancient and men of credite being strong and able to execute the decree and make them sweare in the presence of all the Citizens that if they saw the Wall taken by the Enemy they should then kill their Wiues and Children and set fire of the sayd Galleyes casting according to their Oath the Gold and Siluer into the Sea Finally they call their Prelates who coniure them all to vanquish their Enemies or to dye fighting for their Countrey This done after they had sacrificed they force their Prelates and their Wiues to make execrations vpon the Sacrifices of the said things These things thus confirmed they did not countermine aginst the Enemies Mynes resoluing that if the Wall sell they would stand vpon the ruines fighting to the death Wherefore some one may with reason say that the folly of the Phocenses and the ioy of the Acarnanians hath beene vanquished by the courage of the Abydeins The Phocenses seeme to haue decreed the like for their Kinsfolkes although they were not wholly in despaire of the Victory for they were to fight in field with the Thessalians The Acarnanians fore-seeing the attempts of the Etoliens resolued the same in their eminent danger whereof wee haue formerly spoken in particular The Abydeins being shut vp and in a manner desperate of their safety desired rather by a common consent to try this Fortune with their Wiues and Children then liuing to deliuer them into their Enemies hands For which reason wee may blame Fortune for the ruine of the Abydeins Seeing that hauing compassion of the calamities of the former shee hath suddainly relieued them yeelding vnto the desperate hope and safety whereas contrariwise shee hath beene incensed against the Abydeins The men were slaine and the City taken their Children with their Wiues fell into their Enemies hands For after the fall of the Wall planting themselues vpon the ruines according to their Oath they fought with such great courage as when as Philip had sent supplies vnto the Macedonians at the assault vntill Night hee was in the end forced to take breath and to despaire of his attempt The Abydeins did not onely fight with great confidence standing vpon the dead bodies in danger and with resolution with their Swords and Iauelings But hauing no meanes to vse them they cast themselues with fury vpon the Macedonians ouerthrowing some with their armes charging others alwaies with the stockes of their broken Iauelings and repulsing them thrusting directly at their Faces and other naked parts Night being come and the Combat ceasing Glaucides and Theognite assembling some few of the ancient changed for the hope of their priuate safeties that seuere and noble vow of the Citizens in regard of the great number that had beene slaine at the Wall and for that the rest were weakned with toile and wounds Wherefore they resolued to abandon their Wiues and Children to Captiuity and at the breake of day to send their Priests and Wiues with their Diadems and head-bands to Philip to the end that intreating him vpon their knees they might deliuer him the City At the same time King Attalus being aduertised of the Siege of the Abydeins sailes by the Egean Sea to Tenedos In like manner Marcus Emilius the younger a Roman came by Sea to Abydos For when the Romans had beene truely aduertised of the Siege of Abydos and would expostulate with Philip according to their charge and to vnderstand the cause why hee assailed the Kings they sent this Emilius vnto him Who when he had audience of Philip in Abydos he let him vnderstand that the Senate admonished him not to make Warre against any Grecians nor to meddle with the affaires of Ptolomy And whereas hee had done outrage to the Rhodiens and Attalus he should make a promise to giue them satisfaction in doing which hee should remaine in peace but if he would not obey he should prepare to haue Warre with the Romans When as Philip laboured to let him vnderstand that the Rhodiens had beene the first Assailants Marcus interrupting him said What haue the Athenians Cianeins and Abydeins done which of them hath first assailed you The King studying what to answere to these three demands told him that hee pardoned his arrogancy in words for that first he was young and without experience Secondly that he was the best man amongst them as in truth he was The Romans sayd he haue no reason to breake the Accords nor to make Warre against mee but if they did he would defend his owne valiantly and inuocate the Gods for aide This Speech being ended they parted one from the other Philip hauing gotten the City of the Abeydeins he presently tooke all the Goods which had beene carryed away by them When he saw the people and their fury who slew burnt and strangled themselues their Wiues and Children casting them into Wells and hanging them in their houses hee was amazed And being discontented at that which was done he let them know that he gaue them three dayes respite that would hang or kill themselues But the Abydeins preuenting him according to their first resolution could not suffer any one of those to liue which were not yet bound nor tied to this kind of necessity holding themselues in not doing it for Traytors towards those which had fought and were dead for their Countrey All the rest without delay dyed according to their Races Of Philopomene and the deeds of the Acheins ANd when as Philopomene had considered the distances of of all the Cities and that they might come to Tegee by one way hee wrote Letters to all the Cities and sends them to those which were farthest off and diuides them in such sort as euery City had not onely those which were directed vnto it but also those for other Cities lying vpon the same way Hee hath written to the Magistrates in these termes When you shall haue receiued these Letters vse all diligence that such as are able to beare Armes may assemble in the Market place euery man furnished with fiue Dayes victuals and seuenteene Sous and sixeteene Deniers in Money And when they shall be all assembled lead them to the next City where being arriued deliuer the Letters to the Magistrate and performe the contents In the which was contained the charge which had bin giuen to the former only the name was altred but he place was not named whither the Voyage
was intended This course being continued no man knew to what end nor why this preparation was made nor whither they went out of the next City All being vncertaine and receiuing one another they marcht on But for that the Cities which were beyond had not an equall distance from Tegee hee did not send Letters to them all at the same time but particularly according to their order so as vnknowne to the Inhabitants and to those which arriued what should succeed all the Acheins entred in Armes by all the Gates Hee had without doubt resolued these things in his iudgement by a Military stratagem for for the multitude of Scouts and Spies which the Tyrant had The which the Tyrant had The same day that the multitude of the Acheins should assemble hee sent choise men who in the Night should passe the Selasia and at the breake of day runne into the Countrey of Lacedemon But if the Mercenaries by encounter did any way trouble them he giues them charge to recouer Scotite obeying Didascolonde the Candiot in all things For hee had giuen him the charge of all this enterprize These men went resolutely to the place appointed And when as Philopomene had commanded the Acheinsâ—o â—o suppe earely hee goes with his Army out of Tegee and making good vse of the Night in his Voyage hee leads his Army to the place appointed neare vnto Scotite the mid-way betwixt Tegee and Lacedemon The Souldiers of Pelene the day following ran speedily as it is their custome and assailed the Enemy suddainly who were aduertised of their comming by their Scouts And when the Acheins according to the Commandment they had receiued retired they pursued them at their backes confidently and with courage But suddainly they fell into the Ambush where some of them were slaine by the Acheins and others taken A PARCELL OF the Seuenteenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS Where they treate of the Peace betwixt Philip of Macedony and the other Grecians by the meanes of Titus a Roman THe time appointed being come Philip artiues by Sea from the Demetriade to the Gulfe of Meliâ—a accompanied with fiue Foists and one Galley wherein hee sayled He was attended on by Apolodorus and Demosthenes Macedonians his Chancellours There was also Brachylles of â—eocia and Chiliades the Achein a Fugitiue out of Morea for the causes aboue mentioned With the which were also King Saminandre and Dionisodorus sent by Attalus And as for the Cities and people Aristenetes and Xenophon were for the Acheins and Acesymbrotes and Nauarchus were for the Rhodiens and for the Etoliens came Phenee Chiefe of the Army with many other Citizens When they were approacht the Sea neare vnto Nicea Titus the Chiefe of the Romans stayed at the shoare Philip being almost at Land stayed in his Vessell And when as Titus perswaded him to Land he sayd standing vpright in his ship that hee would not Being likewise demanded by Titus what he feared he answered No man but the Gods but there were many there whom hee did not trust namely the Etoliens And when the Roman Commander wondred saying that the perill was equall vnto all and that time common Philip answering sayd that he vnderstood it not so For an inconuenience hapning to Phenee the Etoliens had Commaunders enough for the War But if Philip dyed there was no King of Macedony for the present In the beginning of his Speech he seemed importune to them all But Tytus aduised him to speake of the Affaires for which hee was come Philip answered him that it belonged to him and â—ot vnto himselfe For this cause hee required him to let him know what there was to be done to enioy a Peace The Roman Commaunder told him that hee must vse plaine and open words and aduised him to leaue all Greece restoring the Prisoners and Fugitiues which were in his power To yeild likewise vnto the Romans the places of Sclauonia which he had seazed on after the Accord made in Epirus That he should restore vnto Ptolomy all the Cities which he had taken since the Death of Ptolomeus Philopater When Tytus had spoken this he held his peace But turning to the rest hee willed euery man to deliuer his charge Dionisodorus being sent by Attalus beganne first saying that he should restore the shippes taken by him in the Battaile at Sea neere vnto Chio and likewise the Prisoners and re-edifie the Temple of Venus and the Aâ—senall of the triumphes of Victories which hee had ruined After whom Asesymbrotes Chiefe of the Army at Sea for the Rhodiens required that Philip should leaue Perea which he had taken from them and finally retire the Garrisons which hee had at Iasse in the Vargylies and in the City of the Eromeens And moreouer restore the Perinthiens to the comminalty of the Constantinopolitains and to abandon Sestes Abydos and the Faiers of Asia After the Rhodiens the Acheins demanded Corinth and the City of the Argiues whole and safe After these the Etoliens required first as the Romans had done that hee should abandon all Greece and that afterwards hee should restore the Cities whole and entire which formerly had beene of the same Burgesse with the Etoliens When as Phenee Chiefe of the Etoliens had spoken thus Alexander following after whom they call Isie in shew a man of iudgement to mannage affaires and of great Eloquence said that Philip did not demand a peace roundly nor made Warre valiantly if it were to be done at any time and that in assemblies and treaties hee watcht carefully playing the part of an Enemy and that in the Warre hee carryed himselfe wickedly and not as a good man For when he should affront the Enemy it is manifest that hee flies the list and in the meane time burnes and ruines Cities and being thus vanquished by his will hee corrupts the rewards of the Victors although the ancient Kings of Macedony were neuer of that minde but quite contrary They haue fought often Battailes in the open field and haue seldome ruined any Cities The which is manifest to all the World as well by the Asian Warre of Alexander against Darius as by the difference of the Successors by the which they haue all made Warre against Antigonus for the Empire of Asia And their posterity hath beene of this humour vntill the time of â—yrrhus to fight valiantly with an Enemy in open Battaile Doing all that concerned a mutuall Combate of men furnished with Armes yet pardoning the Citties for that the Victors of them are vanquished and blamed by those which are subdued It is the part of a mad man to ruine that for which the Warre is made and then to leaue it The which he sayd Philip did at that time and that he had ruined more Cities in Thessaly being of the same friendship and League in Warre when as hee parted speedily from the streights of Epirus then euer any of those had done which made Warre against
sends those which were vnder the charge of Archidamus and of the Eupolemus and two Tribunes with fiue hundred Horse and two thousand Foote At whose comming they which in the beginning did but skirmish resuming courage presently put on another kind of Combate The Romans relying vpon their Succours double their forces for the fight And although the Macedonians defended themselues brauely yet they sent vnto the King being prest and annoyed by their Armes and for their refuge recouered the tops of the Mountaines And when as Philip had no hope but that they should be able that day to giue Battaile with all their Forces for the fore-sayd Causes hee had sent many of his men to forrage But when he was aduertised of that which happened by those which hee had sent and that the mist was past hee sent Heraclides the Gyrtonien Chiefe of the Thessalian Horse and Leon Commander of the Macedonian Cauallery Hee likewise sent Athenagórus with all the Mercenaries exept the Thracians Who being come to the Ambush and the Macedonians much re-inforced they made head against the Enemy and repuls'd the Romans from the Hills The Dexterity of the Etolien Horse did much hinder the Enemies from turning head They fought in truth with great courage and confidence The Etoliens in regard of the Foote-men are faint both in their Armes and Ordonance for a Combat in Field But their Horse-men are excellent aboue all the other Grecians in particular and separated Combats Wherefore it happened that for that they had stayed the violence and fury of the Enemy they could not so soone recouer the Plaine but stayed for a time in Battaile But when as Titus saw not onely the most valiant and his Horse-men retire but also his whole Troupes to bee dismayed hee drawes his whole Army to Field and puts them in order vpon the Hills At the same instant they which were in Guard ran hastily one after another to Philip crying out vnto him Sir the Enemies flye lose not this occasion The Barbarians seeke vs not This day is yours imbrace the time and by this meanes they â—nâ—ire and stirre vp Philip to Battaile although the scituation of the place did not content and please him For the sayd Hills which they call Dogs-head are rough difficult of all sides and high Wherefore when as Philip had formerly fore-seene the vnequalnesse of the places hee had not in the beginning made any preparation vnto Battaile But beeing then prouoked by the great confidence of the aduertisements hee drawes his Army with all speede out of the Fort. In regard of Titus hee orders his Troupes and Bands for the Battaile and followes them close which began the Skirmish making remonstrances vnto the Battalions as hee turned His Speech was short plaine and intelligible to the Hearers Propounding then the cause hee sayd vnto his Souldiers Are not these O Companions the same Macedonians who formerly holding in Macedony the top of the Mountaines towards Heordia you haue forced with Sulpicius and chased from thence with the defeate of the greatest part of them Are not these the same Macedonians who being seazed vpon the difficult places of Epirus and leauing no hope of approach you haue chased by your prowesse and forced to flye into Macedony abandoning their Armes What reason is there then that you should feare the same men with whom you are to enter into an equall Combate To what end doe we propound vnto you precedent actions to consider on but that in regard of them you should fight more confidently Wherefore Companions attend the Battaile with resolution giuing courage one to another I hold for certaine that with the good pleasure of the Gods the end of this Battaile will soone bee the conclusion of the precedent When Titus had vsed these Speeches hee commands the right Wing of his Army not to budge setting the Elephants before them And assailes the Enemy with great courage with the left Wing being accompanied by the most valiant They which among the Romans had began the Fight shewing their courage prest the Enemies hauing beene relieued by some Troupes of Foot-men And when as at the same time Philip saw that the greatest part of his Army was in order of Battaile before the Pallisadoe hee marcheth taking the Targetteers and the Battalion of the right Wing and ascends the Hills with speede giuing charge to Nicanor whom hee called Elephant to command the rest of the Army to follow close As soone as the first had recouered the top hee defends the Battalion setting the Targets before and seazed vpon the higher Countrey And when as the Macedonians prest the Romans much vpon the two flankes of the Hills he discouered the tops to bee abandoned As he fortified the right Wing of his Army it happened that the Souldiers were much annoyed by the Enemy For when they they which were best armed were ioyned vnto the most valiant of the Romans and succoured them in this fight they prest the Enemies much and flew many As the King was there in the beginning and saw the Combat of the valiant men not to be farre from the Campe hee reioyced againe when hee saw them decline and to haue neede of Succours hee was forced to send them and at that instant to hazard a Battaile although that many of the Troupes of his Army were yet vpon the way and approached to the Hills And in taking the Souldiers hee rankes them all as well on foote as Horsebacke on the right Wing commanding the beares of Burtheâ—s and the Battalions to double the Front of their Rankes and to stand close vpon the right hand This being done when as the Enemies ioyned with them hee commanded the Battalion that bending downe their Iauelings they should match in order and mingle with the strongest At the same instant when as Titus had retired those which had bagunne the Fight to the spaces which were betwixt the Ensignes he chargeth the Enemy The Combat beginning on eyther side with great fury and clamour all crying together yet those which were without the fight crying vnto the rest the Battaile was made very horrible and cruell and it shewed the force of the Combat Philips right Wing carryed it selfe valiantly in this Battaile charging the Enemy from aboue hauing an aduantage in their order which finally for the present fight was much more commodions in regard of the diuersity and seuerall sorts of Armes In regard of the rest of the Army some were ioyned vnto the Enemy fighting a farre off others shewed themselues vpon the left hand hauing gotten the toppes of the Hils When as Tytus saw and did well perceiue that his men could not indure the force of the Enemies battallion and those of the right wing to be repuls'd and some seaine and others to retire by degrees and that all his hope of safety consisted in the right Wing hee goes speedily vnto them and considers the Enemies order When hee saw some succeed in their places
Macedony beeing accompanied with all those which had escaped from the Battaile Hee presently sent vnto Laressa the second Night after the Battaile one of the Archers of his Guard giuing him charge to teare and burne the Royall Letters doing therein an Act worthy of a King who in his aduerse Fortune had not forgotten that which was to bee done He knew and did well perceiue that if the Romans were once seazed on his Commentaries there might be many occasions offered vnto his Enemies against him and his Friends It may bee it happened and fell out to him as to others who not able to containe their power moderately in prosperous things yet haue borne and suffered many Crosses and Disasters with patience The which happened vnto Philip as wil be apparent by the following Discourse So as ayming at that which was conuenient wee haue plainly shewed and declared his Attempts tending to reason and againe his change to worse and when how and wherefore these things were done hauing plainely set foorth and exprest his Actions Wee must by the same meanes declare his Repentance and dilligence whereby beeing changed thorough his aduerse Fortune hee carried and behaued himselfe at that time like a wise and discreete man Finally Tytus hauing giuen good order after the Battaile for those things which concerned the Prisoners and spoile he went to Larissa A Parcell of an imperfect sence TO define folly we cannot for that they are desirous of the same meanes This kind of remisnesse and dulnesse is often 〈◊〉 in many Neither is it to be wondred at if it hath place among others But among those in whom this Spring of malice is found there is another cause for the which that wise saying of Epicharmes doth not agree Watch and remember that thou must distrust This is the bond of hearts Of a certaine Accord betwixt Antiochus and the Romans AT the same time came from the Vargyles Publius Lentuluâ— with ten Legats and from Thasse Lucius Terentius and Publius Villius When their comming was suddainly declared vnto the King they assembled all within few daies at Lysimachia After whom followed Hegissiâ—nactes and Lisias sent at that time to Titus Finally the conference in priuate betwixt the King and the Romans was gracious and courteous But when the assembly met for affaires they imbraced another disposition Lucius Cornelius required that Antiochus should leaue all the Cities the which being subiect to Ptolomy hee had taken in Asia In regard of those which were subiect to Philip hee contested much to haue him leaue them For it was a mockery that Antiochus comming he should reape the fruites of the Warre which the Romans had made against Philip He likewise aduised him not to meddle with the free Cities He also sayd that it seemed strange that without reason he had past into Europe with an Army as well by Sea as Land That no man could conceiue it to be to any other end then to make Warre against the Romans These things being propounded by the Romans they held their peace The King in answere said that he wondred for what cause they debated with him for the Cities of Asia and that it was more fitting for any other then for the Romans Finally hee intreated them not to vsurpe nor to deale with the affaires of Asia And that for his part hee would not meddle with any thing that was in Italy In regard of Europe he had entred with his Armies to recouer the Cities of Cherronese and Thrace For that the command of all those places belonged to him this gouernment in the beginning being due to Lysimachus But when as Seleucus made Warre against him and had ouerthrowne him in Battaile all the Kingdome of Lysimachus became subiect to Seleucus by force After the time of his predecessors Ptolomy was the first who violently the sayd places vsurped them The like did Philip. And that for his part he recouered them accommodating himselfe to his owne times and not to those of Philip. And as for the Lysimachians ruined without reason by the Thracians he reduced them to himselfe no way wronging the Romans and restored them to their Countrey The which he did to shew this mercy to the affaires of Seleucus and not to make Warre against the Romans In regard of the Cities of Asia they ought not to enioy liberty by the commandment of the Romans but of grace And for that which concerned Ptolomy that with all his heart hee gaue him thankes and that he vnderstood that hee had not onely concluded Friendship with him but made a League When as Lucius was of opinion that the Lampsaceneins and Smyâ—niens should be called and audience giuen them it was done accordingly There Parmenio and â—ythodorus presented themselues for the Lampsaceneins and Cerane for the Smyrnien When as these men debated freely the King being incensed to yeeld an accompt of their debate before the Romans interrupting the Speech of Parmeâ—io cease sayth hee to plead so much I am not well pleased to dispute with my Enemies before the Romans but rather before the Rhodiens and then by this meanes they brake off the Assembly without any mutuall affection Another Parcell MAny men desire actions of courage and prowesse but the experience is rare Scope in truth and Câ—comenes haue had great occasions for Combats and hardy Enterprizes For as Scope was formerly taken hee had resolued in the same hope with his Seruants and Friends but hee could not saue himselfe Finally his iust death hauing led a wretched life hath giuen testimony of his great weaknesse And although that Scope was aided and assisted with great Forces hauing the gouernment of the King in his nonage and was of his Councell yet he was soone ruined For when as Aristomenes knew that hee had assembled his Friends in his house holding a Councell with them he sent vnto him by his Guards to come vnto the assembly But hee was so transported in his iudgement as hee did not that which hee ought to haue done neyther could hee being called be obedient vnto the King which was the greatest folly in the World vntill that Aristomenes knowing his basenesse lodg'd Souldiers and Elephants neare his House and sent Ptolomy the Son of Eumenes with the Young men to bring him with faire words if he would come willingly if not to vse force When as Ptolomy was entred into his house and signifying vnto him that the King demanded Scope he did not at the first obserue his woâ—ds But casting his lookes vpon Ptolomy he was long in that estate as it were threatning him and wondring at his presumption But when as Ptolomy approacht with assurance and layd hold of his Cloake then he required helpe of the Assistants Being in this estate and a great company of the young men comming about him being also aduertised that his house was enuironed with Souldiers hee followed him obeying the times being accompanied by his Friends When as hee was come to the Assembly
good comparison ibid. Antiochus an enemy vnto the Romans 108 Asdrabal son in Law to Hannibal 109 A good consideration and necessary for all Gouernours ibi Army of a hundred thousand men 110 An Embassie from the Romans vnto Hannibal 110 An other accord made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians 118 An other accord ibid. An other accord made with Asdrubal ib. A diuision of Prouinces to the Consul 125 A surprize made by the Bulloâ—ians vpon the Romans 126 A defeate of the Numidians by the Roman Cauallery 129 Army of Hannibal decreased 137 A combate of the horse betwixt Hannibal and Scipio 141 Aâ— Embassie from the Bullonians to Hannibal 142 A plaine is sometimes an occasion of am ambush 144 Ambush layd by Hannibal for the Romans 145 A defeate of the Roman horsemen 146 Army leuied by the Romans both by Sea and Land 147 A defeat of some Romans by Asdrubal 148 Ambush laid by Hannibal 151 A defeate of the Roman horse-men by Maherbal 153 A Dictator created ibid. Asdrubals pâ—rting from Carthage to goe into Spaine 158 Army at Sea prepared suddainely by the Carthaginians 159 Acedux or Abilux ibid. Acedux conspires with the Romans 160 A combate betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians 163 A legion of fiue thousand men and the manner how the Romans raise an army 166 A skirmish betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans 168 A great amazement at Rome 170 Asdrubal 171 Acheus Antiochus 175 Ariston 176 An Embassie sent from Arate to the Etotoliens 180 A Fight betwixt the Acheins and the Etoliens 181 A defeate of the Acheins 181 Arate blamed by the Acheins 182 Aduice of the Acheins touching the warre against the Etoliens 182 Amity amongst the Lacedemonians 187 Ambassadours sent from Lacedemonia to Philip 188 Alexander the Great 188 Amphixions restor'd to their Lawes 189 Answeres to Embassadors 192 Aristocrates 193 A league made betweene the Lacedemonians and Etoliens 195 An absolute Defeate of the Gaules Empire 200 Attalus and Acheins 201 Achate caused himselfe to bee called King ibid. Accord betwixt the Constantinopolitaines and the Rhodiens 203 Accord made with Prusias ibid. Alexander 205 Assault giuen by Dorimache to the Fort of Egire 206 Alexander slaine 207 Athens taken by Lycurgus ibid. Ambrachia taken by Philip. 208 An assembly of the Etoliens to keepe the passage of a Riuer 209 Arate ioynes with Philip. 212 Appelles Tutour to Philip. 216 Appelles persists in his Enterprize 219 Accusation of Appelles against Arate and and the Acheins 221 Answere of Arate ibid. Alexander Chamberlaine to King Antigonus ibid. Alexander the Great 229 Amycle 233 A multitude against Philip and his men 237 Appelles taken Prisoner 239 An Army neare to Ephesus 242 Archidamus slaine by Cleomenes 243 Antrochus Sonne to Seleucus 245 Antiochus marries with Laodicea 246 Antiochus puts his Army in Battaile 252 Antiochus goes against Artabazanes 253 Antiochus hath a Sonne ibid. Artabazanes makes an accord with Antiochus ibid. Apoliphanes aduice to Antiochus 254 Antiochus corrupts the Captaines of Seleucia 256 An Army rassed by Ptolomy 258 Answere of Ptolomies Embassadors to Antiochus 259 Aduice of Armies by Antiochus and Ptolomy 260 Antiochus his army diuided into three 261 Army of Ptoloâ—y 266 Army of Antiochus ibid. Andrew the Kings Phisitian slaine 267 Antiochus send Embassadors vnto Ptolomy 270 Accord made betwixt Ptolomy and Antiochus ibid. Arate prepared for the Warre 272 Again and Cassander taken by Scardilade 273 Athenians abandon Ptolomy 279 Antiochus passeth Mount Tourus ibid. Aduice of Gouernment 282 A true Monarchy 283 A true Aristocracy ibid. A Democracy ibid. A Royalty 284 Aristocratia 286 Authority of the people 289 Athenians 304 All things subiect to corruption 311 Accord made betwixt the Carthaginians Macedonians and Grecians 313 Acheâ—s taken brought to Antiochus 328 Accord made by the youth of Tarentum with the Carthaginians 331 Appius besieged by Hannibal 337 A wâ—se consideration of Hannibal 338 Amazement of the Romans 339 Alexander ruinated Thebes 348 Antipatâ—r ibid. Antigonus 349 Alexander the Epirote 352 Asdrubal abandoned my many Spaniards 375 Aduice of Asdrubal for the War 376 Andobale speakes to Publius Sâ—ipio ibid Attalus against Philip by Sea 379 Aduertisement by fire ibi Aduice of Eâ—eas touching signes by fire 380 An other kind of aduertisement by fire inuented by Cleomenes and Demotrites 381 Asdrubal brother to Hannibal slaine 386 Accord betwixt the Romans and the Etoliens 388 Anaxidâ—mus slaine 393 Asdrubals Campe neere to Elinge 394 Asdrubal chargeth the Romans 395 Asdrubal puts his men in battaile 396 Agathocles cruelty 407 Achiens free from fraud 414 Apege the wife of Nabis 416 Aduice of the Romans 423 Articles comprehended in the accords past betwixt Scipio and Carthaginians 430 Articles of accord propounded by Scipio to the Carthaginians 435 Agathocles shewed her paps to the Macedonians 442 Agathocles slaine 443 Attalus chargeth Philips army at Sea 446 A man may be commended and blamed according to the diuersity of his actions 453 Abideins besieged by Philip. 454 A course which the Abydeins take in despaire 455 Alexander against Philip. 460 Antiochus answer to the Romans 477 B. Beginning of the History 5 Blame of Philin and Fabius Historiogra 9 Battle at Sea betwixt the Carthaginians Romans 16 Battle at Sea betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians 19 Battaile giuen by the Romans to the Carthaginians 24 Battaile won by the Carthaginians 58 Boloniens defeated by the Romans 71 Battaile of the footmen 76 Boloniens Country spoiled Boloniens yeild vnto the Romans 78 Beginning of the League 81 Bostar Chiefe of the Carthaginians 160 Bremius chiefe of the Gaules 200 Blame of Philip 238 Bold enterprize of Cleomenes 244 Bataile betwixt Ptolomy Antiochus 268 Beginning of gouernments 284 Blame of Nomarche and Philomale 351 Beginning of the fight for Carthage 362 Battaile betwixt Asdrubal and the Romans in Italy 385 Battaile by the Elephants 432 Braue answere of Philip to Marcus Emilius 456 C. Carthaginians loose the Battaile 13 Carthaginians army 350. saile 17 Complaint of the Souldiers 45 Courtesie of Romans to the Carthaginis 56 Causes of Alexanders war in Persia. 106 Cause of the first war betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians 108 Countries Conquered by Hannibal 110 Cruelty of Hannibal 153 Carthaginians defeated by the Romans vpon a Hill and then surprized 161 Course which Hannibal tooke in passing the streights kept by the Romans 162 Campe of Asdrubal of 30000. foote and 300. horse 418 Campe of Syphax of 10000. horse and 50000. foot ibid. Carthaginians Senate hold a Counsell 421 Conspiracy of the Carthaginians against the Roman Embassadour 426 Carthaginians presse Hannibal 428 Cruelty of Virgins 443 Causes why Philip challengeth the Victory to himselfe 450 Cruelty of the Abydeins to themselues 456 Courteous and wise answere of Philip. 459 Custome of the Etoliens very strange 461 Commendation of Tytus 465 Defeate of Hieron by Apius Defeate of the Carthaginians by Apius 8 Dissention betwixt Amilcar Hanno 55 Death of Amilcar 59 Death
Sclauonians against the Epirotes A reprehension of the Epirotes Some Gaules banisht theirâ— Countrey for their disloyalty The Illirians are Sclauonians The Romans Embassie to Teuca Queene of Sclauonia A bold answer of an Embassadour Durazo surprized by the Sclaâ—oniâ—â—s Corsue besieged by the Sclauonians A Victory of the Sclauonians against the Acheins Corfu yeelded Corfu yeelded to the Romans Apolonia yeelded to the Romans Parthenia yeelded to the Romans An accord made with Tâ—uca Carthagena built in Spaine by the Carthaginians A treaty made betwixt the Romans and Carthaginianâ— A description of Italy The fertillity of Ital. About three pence A pâ—ice hard to be credited The Turinois and Agoniens The Genouois The Poe. Volane Padoua Bodencus The Venetiens come from Paphlagoniâ— The Gaules manner of liuing Rome taken by the Gaules The Gaults returne against the Romans Pillage made by the Gaules vpon the Romans Diuers victories of the Gäules against the Romans A defeate and ruine of the Senogallois by the Romans The scituation of Senogallia The Bolonians defeated by the Romans A defeat of the Gaules in Delphos King Etas and Gastus slaine The occasion to renew the Warre betwixt the Romans and Gaules The Gaules were seauen moneths within Rome Amazement of the Romans for the descent of the Gaules A descent of the Transalpins into Italy The number of the Gaules Army The diligence of the Romans The preparation which the Romans made for Warre The number of Souldiers which were raised in Italy Tuscany ruined by the Gaules The pollicy of the Gaules A Victory of the Gaules against the Romans The aduice of Aneâ—oeste The retreate of 〈◊〉 Gaules The pursuite of Emilius Caius Attilius The order of the Gaules battell Caius Attilius slaine The battell of the Foot-men The defeate of the forlorne hope of the Gaules The Armes which the Gaules did vse A defeate of the Gaules Army The taking of King Congâ—llitane The death of King Aneroeste The Bolonians Country spoyâ—led The Boloniansâ— yeild to the Romans The Army of the Milannois The vneasinesse of the Gaules Swords A Victory of the Romanes against the Millannois The Gessates dwell on this side the Rhâ—ne Acerras besieged Clâ—stidium besieged A defeate of the Gaules by the Romans Acerras taken by Cornelius The Grecians terrified by the Gaults Asdrubal slaine All Morâ—a reduced into â— league The Name of the Acheiâ—s well entertayned in Morea The Pythà gorians burnt in Italy The Lacedemonians and Thebains Arate A league betwixt the Dymensorins and them of Patra Tisamenes Sygus The alliance of twelue Citties The beginning of the league Iseas King Geryneâ— Arate The Fort of Corinthe taken by Arate Lysidas Aristomacus Xenon Cleomines The enuy of the Etolienâ— against the Acheins Antigonus Tutour to Phiâ—ips Sonne Athenes The Cleomenique Warre A good confideration of Arate The nature of Kings Nicophanes Cercides A good inuention of Arate The fore-sight of Arate Diuers defeatâ— of the Achâ—â—â— Acrocâ—rinthe yeelded to Antigonus Reuolte of Aripote of Argos Argos taken by the Acheins Acrocorinthe taken by Antigonus Tegee yeelded vnto Antigonus Orchomene taken with other Townes Megalopolin razed Thearce The duty of a Historiographer What is required in a Tragedy The reuolte of the Mantiniens The courteous vsage of Arate to the Mantinienâ— The great villany committed by the Mantinienâ— The Mantiniens sold. Aristâ—macus The cruelty of Aristomacus Aristoâ—acus strangled The great 〈…〉 Megalopolitains The third part of the booty is due to the Generall The pillage of Mantinia came to ninescore thousand Crownes An Aâ—â—y leuied by Cleomenes Antigonus blamed The number of Nations which were in Antigonus Army Sellasia Eua. Olympus Euclide Antigonus Campe seated vpon the Bankes of Gorgile The order of Antigonus Battell The courage of Philopomene is the cause of the Victory Philopomene The victory of Antigonus agâ—inst Clâ—omeâ—es Lacedemon taken by Antigonus Sparta or Lacedemon The Victory of Antigonus against the Sclauonians The Death of many great Princesâ— The Countries conquered by the Romanes Hiâ—ron The Warres which Antiâ—chous and Philip made Attalus Mount Taurus Eumenides Ariarate Morea The Conquest of the Romanes in 53. yeares Polybius hath beenâ— preâ—ent at a great part of the things which he hath written Demetrius lost his Râ—â—lme and life by conspiracy Thâ— desire and affection of the Authour vpon the end of his Booke The beginning of a worke and the cause 〈◊〉 The eauses of Alexanders Warre in Persia Agesilaus Phillip The cause of the Etoliens Warre against the Romans A good comparison Fabius The Warre of Hannibal continued 17. yeeres The first cause of the Warre betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians The fore sight of Amilcar Father to Hannibal Sardinia abandoned by the Carthaginians The second Cause The third Cause Antiochu san Enemy to the Romans Hannibal his speech to Antiochus Hanibal swears that when hee came to age he would be an enemy to the Romanes Asdrubal sonne in Law to Hannibal A good consideration and necessary for al Gouernours The causes of the Carthaginians hatred Neuer Commaunder did any thing worthily which was not pleasing to the Souldiers Carteia taken by assault Countries conquered by Hannibal The Toletains The riuer of Tagus Hanibals victory vppon the Barbarians An Army of a hundred thousand men An Embassie from the Romanes to Hannibal Hannibals answer to the Roman Embassadours Demetrius King of Sclauonia The scituation of Sagont The discretion of the head of an interprize Sagont forced by Hannibal Demetrius fortefied Dimale The arriuall of Emilius into Sclauonia The Towne of Sclauonia reduced to the Romane obedience The warlike pollicy or Emilius The victory of the Romans vpon the Sclauonians Demetrius a man of great courage and little iudgement The Towne of Phare razed Roman Embassadours sent to Carthage Hanno's answer to the Romane Embassadours The Temple of Iupiter Capitolinus The Romane tongue changed The first accord betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians I conceiue that this Promontory is that which they call the Promontory of Mercure in Affricke where as now the Citty Clipca stands The Promontory of Beauty The second Accord Other Articles past betwixt the Romanes the Carthaginians The third Accord The manner of Swearing of the Romanes Carthaginians in their treatiâ—s Phisinus a Historiographer Another accord made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians Another accord Another accord made with Asdrubal The causes propounded by the Romans for the Warre The Sagontins Allied a long time with the Romances The opinion of Polybius in the diligence of a History Polybius hath made forty Bookes The Roman Embassadours signifie Warre vnto the Carthaginians The order which Hannibal gaue for the defence of Spaine The equipage of Warre as well for Sea as Laâ—d left in Spaine by Hannibal to Asdrubal his Brother The number of Hannibals Army in a Table of Copper seene by Polybius The Oration which Hannibal made to his Souldiers The number of Horse and Foot which were in Hannibals Army at his parting from Spaine The number of men which Hannibal